THE HISTORY OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG, KING OF ALBANY.  
Containing his famous acts, his noble deeds of Arms, and memorable victories against the Turks, for the Faith of Christ.  
Comprised in twelve Books: By JAQVES DE LAVARDIN, Lord of PLESSIS BOURROT, a Nobleman of France.  
Newly translated out of French into English by Z. I. Gentleman.  
ANCHORA SPEI.   printer's or publisher's device 
LONDON, Imprinted for William Ponsonby.  
1596.   

TO THE HONOURABLE, SIR GEORGE CAREY, KNIGHT MARSHAL OF HER majesties HOUSE, GOVERNOR OF THE ISLE OF WIGHT, and son and heir apparent to the Lord of Hunsdon▪ Lord Chamberlain, etc.  
GEORGE CASTRIOT the Prince of EPIRE having long sojourned amongst the French, is now come as a traveler to see the entertainment of the English: his desire is, to be made known unto some honourable parsonage, under whose favour and protection he may pass freely amongst the English without being wronged or injured in his travel: but to whom should he have recourse? or to whom can he be better recommended then to yourself? whose respective regard of strangers, and Honourable hospitality continued without match or compare: and whose Noble descent united in consanguinity to the thrice honoured house of the most renowned Empress of our English nation, promiseth acceptance of his devoted affection and Honourable patronage, against all such dangers as commonly accompany travelers in foreign countries. He hath heard in places far distant from this Isle, aswell of your successful employments in embassage for Prince & country (as best can witness the French and Scottish nations) as of your grounded experience in military profession, wherein you have been trained from your younger years: and being himself a soldier, hath therefore resolved to press into your presence, and in your love of Martialists, entirely to commend himself to the assurance of your protection. If his attire wherein he is clad, be plain and simple, and nothing sumptuous: if his habit do seem either too base for the state and presence of the Court, or too contemptible for the nice curiosity of the city, or too stolen for the variable fashions of the country: yet for that under the meanness of his attire are hidden most rich treasures of incomparable knowledge, and rare experience: I doubt not but you will grace the desert of his virtues without respecting his outward show and appearance: to the intent that so admirable an example of all military perfections, and the singular precepts which may be derived out of this history of his life and actions, may have that due applause and commendation of the world, which the greatness of his exploits, and the worthiness of the work do justly deserve in the eye & judgement of the wise. Whatsoever defects do appear about him: you may impute them to the ignorance and oversight of his guide, who knew not better how to direct him: and whose willingness was greater to cause this stranger to see England, than his skill and ability to give him the rights that belonged unto him. Notwithstanding, if it may please you in regard of the honourable bounty shining in your noble mind, and for Scanderbag his own sake to give him a gracious welcome: I make no doubt, but others likewise, either all, or the most, or the best will be glad to entertain him: by means whereof myself also who have conducted him to your presence, shall both hold me highly favoured, and I shall ever live in the continual contemplation of your honourable virtues as a vowed Orator for the greatness of your fortunes, under the favour whereof, I desire most humbly to be reputed.  
Yours most devote Z. I.   

TO THE READER.  
GEntle Reader, I have here presented you with an History out of French into English, containing the life and glorious acts of Scanderbag King of Epire, a Prince no less admired in his life, then memorable after his death. I need not commend unto you, either the excellency of the History, or the worthiness of the party: for that both the one and the other are sufficient to commend themselves, and the shadow of my praises will but eclipse the brightness of their deserts. Notwithstanding because it may be expected that I should say somewhat, give me leave to speak what I think, though I cannot think what I ought to speak. First therefore touching Scanderbag, so exquisite was his skill and experience in the art and science military, so excellent and heroical was his carriage and government amongst his soldiers, amongst his subjects, and towards his very enemies: so amiable and lovely were his virtues▪ so unspeakable and unmatchable were many of his qualities, so honourable and glorious were all his actions, and so extraordinary was his fortune in the multitude and rareness of his victories, that it may be a question whether was greater his virtue or his fortune. The one was rare, the other admirable, and both together have exempted him from comparison: in so much, that if Hannibal the Carthaginian the scourge of Rome, and Scipio the Roman the plague of Carthage, were now living, to revive their old disputation, who should be reputed the best Captain: I doubt not but each of them would give Scanderbag the garland, at leastwise they would acknowledge him (if not superior to all) yet inferior to none, and equal to the worthiest. If we compare his small means with his mighty exploits, you will say they were wonderful, if you consider his policies and fine stratagems, you will say they were singular: if you respect his corporal gifts and ornaments, nature herself will say she was prodigal in gracing him, having made him as comely as Edgar Atheling, who was called England's darling, and as unpenetrable as Achilles, whom no weapon could fasten on. If you regard his fortune, fortune herself will tell you, that she was fond over him. For in him only she showed a change of her nature, which being usually changeable and inconstant to all men mortal, yet to him continued constant and unchangeable. As for his virtues, Oh how they shine most glorious as the sun beams, dazzling the eyes of the beholders with the excellency of their object. Look into his life, and let this History be the glass to show you his perfections, you shall find, that for wariness and prudence, he was comparable to Fabius Maximus, who by temporising repaired the estate of Rome almost ruinated: for love to his native country, he was another Camillus, who being exiled by his ingrate citizens, yet rescued them from the Gauls. For discipline he was equal to Manlius, whose severity to his own son hath made him ever famous. Courageous as Hector that never turned back to his enemies, bountiful and courteous as Caesar, who by giving, forgiving, and relieving, made himself way to the Roman Empire: merciful as trajan, who never signed Bill for the execution of malefactors but he bedewed it with his tears: dear to his subjects and soldiers as Tytus, who was termed the delight and the jewel of the world. Alexander the glory of Macedon, got the name of Great amongst the Greeks', because he overcame the Orient like a tempest: Pompey the joy of the Roman Nobility, had the name of Great given him by the Romans', because he purged the seas infested with Pirates, and because he stood for the common liberty: Charlemagne the honour of the French was entitled Great because he broke the force and power of the Sarracens. Gonsaluo the pride of the Spaniards and Italians was called the great Captain, because he extorted the kingdom of Naples from the Frenchmen. As justly may the Epyrots vaunt of their Scanderbag to be the glory, the honour, the pride, and the joy of Albany, seeing the Turks themselves his sworn and mortal enemies have given and attributed the name of Great unto him, and seeing the greatness of his exploits do testify that the name and title of Great is no greater than his deserts. Nay all Europe may worthily acknowledge him to be as great as the greatest: seeing his conquest in Asia and Europe under Amurath, the strange recovery of his kingdom, and of the liberty of his country, which he purged from the Infidels: his often and wonderful victories atcheeved against infinite and huge armies, and the continual course of his life, and of all his actions do show apparently, that he was the glory and only stay of his own country, the sole protector of the common liberty, a bulwark to Christendom, a champion for the religion, the paragon of that age, and the wonder of posterity: a terror to his enemies whilst he lived, and adored by them after his death. Pardon me (my masters) if I be somewhat immoderate or superstitious in admiring his excellency, for what almost can there be in any man, that was not abundantly in our Scanderbag? so many were his perfections, and so few his imperfections, as it may justly be imagined, that God created him as a mirror for the world rather to wonder at, than any way possibly to be matched, and yet most worthy of all men to be imitated.  
Now by the excellency of the person here represented, the worthiness of this history may easily be imagined, for where the subject is so rare and notable, the estimat of the history must needs be made correspondent and agreeable. I will not compare it with the best that have been written, but this I dare aver, that therein is little or nothing wanting which in a history is thought needful. The ornaments of an history are, elegancy of the style, truth of the reports, variety of the discourse, and the profitableness of the matter. For the style, howsoever this history may seem defective, it is not much material: for though it want the grace of elegant and fine phrases to make it pleasant to curious ears and to dainty appetites: yet for all other the accomplements of a good and perfect history I think it may go beyond the most: if it compare not with the best: touching the truth thereof, diverse circumstances and arguments do prove it to be without controlment, The age and time wherein it was first written: the consent of succeeding times which have received it without reproof, and the testimonies of sundry authors who have recorded the most notable and strangest accidents contained in this history. For the variety thereof to procure delight, I appeal to your own judgements when you have read it. And I doubt not but you will confess: that you have found few histories or none, more copious, more delectable and more delightful. For profit likewise: in many points it will show itself to be excellent, and you can turn to no part through, but you shall find matter of benefit. Hence may the sage Philosopher and prudent Poletist derive all or the most precepts of the Art and science military. Herein may both the expert Martialist and the simple soldier see the excellency and perfection of his calling and profession: the benefit of good order and martial discpline: and out of the Idea of Scanderbag his actions, may they behold (as it were) the anatomy and shape unto themselves, the image both of an expert General and an absolute soldier. Here may Princes and great persons behold the bright shining lustre of many royal and heroical virtues, making their names glorious in the eye of the world, their power fearful and terrible to their enemies, and their persons dear and gracious to their subjects: here may they take a view of those pernicious vices & enormities of those rash & inconsiderate assertions which make them odious to God, hateful to men, discontented in their estates, and most wretched and miserable even in the greatness of their fortunes. In some, such is the variety, the verity, the profit and the excellency of this discourse: that there is no estate, degree or calling, but may find therein somewhat to admire at, much to delight in, and most things to imitat and to put in practice and execution.  
It resteth now (my masters) that you make that estimate and account of it, which both the excellency of Scanderbag his virtues, and the worthiness of the history do require and merit: and that you measure the good will and painful labours both of the authors, and of the translator by their dispositions affecting your good and benefit, and not by any sinister singularity of your misdeeming conceit. For if you be not too ingrate and injurious to the memory of a Prince so well deserving, if you show not yourselves more then barbarous in contemning a monument of so great reckoning: or if you be not too austere and rigorous in your censures: you cannot but graciously accept the acquaintance of this history: you will friendly welcome the rare example of Scanderbag his peerless virtues and his surpassing fortune: and last of all, you will cover the imperfection of this work (if you find any) with the vail of your selfe-gracing courtesy.   

THE PREFACE OF THE FRENCH AUTHOR TO THE NOBILITY OF FRANCE.  
MY Masters: If we will exactly weigh and consider the imbecility of our nativity: we shall find (according to the observation of Pliny:) that nature was very sparie and niggardly in our creation: because that man (who was borne to have the Signiory and Lordship over all other creatures) cometh into the world very naked, frail and poor, in comparison of them. She hath bestowed upon all beasts even in their original and first beginning strength, wherewith to help them, vestures wherewith to cover them, weapon's to defend them, pasture to nourish and feed them. But how hath she dealt with man? he cometh naked out of his mother's womb, weak and feeble, and not able to sustain and help himself: man alone of all other creatures is borne without knowledge and hath nothing but what is taught him: he is fit for nothing, he is not able so much as to go or to speak, and when he hath continued a long time learning and getting of experience, and when he is come (as the Philosopher saith) to his own natural: he apply himself to nothing but to vice and sensuality: and he remaineth still (notwithstanding all his pains and traveles) inferior to the brute beasts: who on the contrary even by the instinct of nature do give themselves to follow that which appertaineth to their function, and which is proper and peculiar unto them.  
This conceit of the comparison of the impuissance and infirmity of mankind, putteth me in mind of an old Italian proverb, which is: That it had been expedient and needful for men either to be borne sage and wise, or to be borne twice. For if we were borne wise, we should eschew and avoid the inconveniences of this life, against the which by ignorance we do daily and hourly stumble: or at leastwise in the course of our second life, we should put that in practise which we had learned in our first life: and we should not walk blindfolded in the darkness of error as we now do, coming into this world deprived and destitute of the light of wisdom which Solomon demanded of God before all earthly things whatsoever.  
Notwithstanding on the contrary, if we do mark and consider the excellency of man: we shall see that in stead of these goodly corporal faculties wherein other creatures are his superiors, God hath graciously endowed him with a singular pre-eminence of that part of his nature which is intellectual and capable of doctrine, and that is our spirit, which of itself is divine and celestial: and whereas by means of her prison and earthly tabernacle, it is made rude, savage, and out of taste: yet being tempered, reform, and fashioned by the favour and civility of good arts and sciences: it estrangeth us as far from the nature of creatures unreasonable: as it maketh us to approach and draw nigh to the resemblance of the divine Image.  
Seeing therefore all men are by nature both capable of knowledge, and have a necessity imposed upon them to seek after learning; the gentle man of all others hath most reason to apply his mind thereunto: for that he exceeding all other persons in dignity of blood, and in the gifts, graces, and qualities of nature, and being in regard thereof the sooner called to degrees of honour, and to the managing of great matters, he ought also to beautify and ennoble his mind and understanding, and to make it more & more glorious by the knowledge of good letters, especially of good and worthy histories: for in truth there is nothing so lovely, beautiful or amiable, but the study of histories will plentifully supply any man with the knowledge thereof, that shall delight to be conversant, and to exercise himself in them. This bringeth her followers to be privy counsellors to kings and princes: this preferreth them to the administration of kingdoms and common weals: to the most honourable estates & offices of the wars, and to the governments of provinces: this teacheth us to be wise, at the cost of others. To be brief (as Cicero well calleth them) Histories are the testimony of times, the light of truth, the life of memory, the Lady and mistreste of life, and the messenger of antiquity, of the which who so is ignorant, may justly be accounted as a stranger in his own country. But I will not proceed any farther in her praises: only I will encourage you to be familiar with her: for I see (God be thanked for it) that she hath good entertainment generally, and is well received & cherished amongst you: that you are content to bestow a good part of your honest leisure in her company. Yet thus much let me tell you by the way, & upon occasion of this discourse: that forasmuch as the principal and most ordinary profession of Frenchmen is to follow arms, and yet they take little or no care or pains at all to study & know the laws and rights depending upon the profession of arms: I desire therefore, that the study and reading of histories (which representeth unto us manifold examples of so many mighty armies well governed, and of so many Captains and soldiers which have been most curious and precise observers of the statutes and ordinances of the Art military) may provoke and allure you also to follow more religiously & carefully this ancient discipline, and that you would conform yourselves to the practice thereof: whereby those famous and worthy personages have purchased to themselves endless & eternal honour, to their Chieftains and leaders innumerable triumphs and victories, and to their country mighty Empires, and Monarchies of infinite greatness. What was it that reserved and freed the name and memory of the Assyrians, of the Greeks', & of the Romans, from the ungrateful silence and the injurious oblivion of devouring time? What hath made their glory and renown to be so famous even till this day? What was it that spread abroad the glorious and immortal name of the Gauls, even to the utmost bounds and limits of this earthly frame? What made them so fearful and terrible even to the proud and invincible Romans: that upon every rumour made to the Senate that the Gauls were on foot, they speedily had recourse to the Dictatorship, as unto a sacred anchor in the most tempestuous storms and perils of their estate? Assuredly it was not the supernatural force of their bodies: it was not the infinite number of their squadrons, but the only exact, strict, and rigorous observation of the laws and discipline of war.  
Thus did that famous Conqueror Godfrey Duke of Bovillon: thus did our generous and Christian Argonauts, and infinite others in times past make themselves way unto the heavens, & purchased immortal fame upon the earth. What hath made the Saracins & the Turks to grow to that reputation and honour by arms? What hath made them inheritors almost of all the Empire of the Greeks & Romans, but this only, that they did first imitate and succeed them in their good orders and discipline? whereof they only of all others at this day are the sole observers, and they alone may justly vaunt, that they have the true discipline in price & regard: they (I say) only may arroga● this unto themselves: for I know not any one nation besides them, who make any account of the same. There is no care had now a days amongst soldiers and men at arms, of any rules, precepts or policy of wars: we love rather to learn the duties of the field by experience, and by the event & hazard of our own proper peril, then by reason and discipline: and therein do we fulfil the old proverb; In loss is learning. But (in my opinion) this is but a bad maxim: for the course of our life is brief & short, and use and experience without reading requireth too long a time to furnish us with all those things which are necessary for the perfection of our experience. But study & reading of histories being joined to experience, is sufficient in a small time to advance, to quicken, to refine, & to perfect our judgement. For (as Philip of Comines hath 
Saying of Philip of Comines.  said very wisely) A man may know more touching the practice of deeds of arms by 3 months reading in one good book, than 20 men shallbe able to know by the eye & experience, if they live in several ages successively one after another. I return therefore to my matter: and I say, that this science and practice being most needful and necessary for our nation (whose profession is to follow the wars▪) the speediest and shortest course, and the best way and means to attain to the true and perfect skill of arms, is to consort and to marry themselves to the study and reading of histories.  
The consideration hereof hath moved me to communicate unto you a history, out of the which (I hope) you shall gather no less fruit and profit, than pleasure and recreation. Howbeit I know there are few or no good Historiographers ancient or modern, domestical or strangers, but they are published in our language by the virtuous labours of many learned & rare spirits amongst the French: nevertheless, in this our history here imparted unto you, first of all in reading the haughty adventures and valiant exploits of an age so nearly conjoined to this of ours, falling in a manner within the time and knowledge even of our grandfathers: we have good cause to rejoice & to glory in the same, no less than the world hath ever accustomed to make a benefit, and to attribute unto themselves the honour of great triumphs, and the glory of their own age and times. Besides, here shallbe represented unto you, not the detestable and bloody effects of our own miseries, troubles, and seditions: nor the hateful conspiracies of subjects against their Prince and country: nor the horrible massacres of friends and fellow citizens: of children against their parents, of brothers fleshed against their natural brethren: nor of husbands against their wives: you shall not hear in this discourse the piteous cries and lamentations of wives and maidens violated: you shall not see here the excess of sacrileges, of burnings, nor the rapine and spoil of the goods of friends and allies: but you shall read of a most holy, a just, and an honourable war: of arms lawfully undertaken, for the defence both of the Christian, and of the civil liberty, against the Turks and circumcised miscreants, the sworn enemies of jesus Christ: you shall see their towns maintained and defended, their country preserved and protected by the arms of their proper peoples and natural inhabitants: here shall you behold the image of a Prince most religious, of a warrior most magnanimous, armed with faith and zeal incredible: his soldiers faithful, loving and obedient: here shall you trace out so perfect an observation of military discipline, that their notable victories and exploits will appear unto you worthy of wonder and admiration. All this shall you see in this history, of the life of George Castriot, surnamed by the Turks, Scanderbag, which is, Alexander the Lord, or the Great, King of Albany: whose immortal name is worthy without all contradiction, to be consecrated to the temple of Memory, far above all other Knights, and champions of the Levant, whose honourable acts have made them to be recommended for the defence of the faith of Christ against the detestable and cursed sect of Mahomet. For it seemeth that God had a special will and purpose to mark him with all laudable qualities and prerogatives: as faith, religion, strength of body, comeliness of person, dexterity of spirit, the practice and skill of arms: all which were accompanied with so wonderful and unspeakable good fortune, that it may be justly averred, that his deeds did surmount his destinies. The description whereof I have according to the truth and sincerity of an history, drawn and derived out of the writings of those that have entreated of them: and specially out of the Latin history of Marin Barletus Priest, borne in scutary or Scodra, a City in Epire, whom we have chosen and followed as a principal example and pattern, and as an Author who hath been reputed most diligent and sincere, and most grave and sententious. In regard whereof he hath purchased to himself a place amongst the most notable and famous historiographers of the Latins, that have lived in these latter ages.  
This History do I now impart unto you (my Masters) humbly entreating you, that if over much temerity have caused me to forget myself in taking upon me a task which surpasseth and exceedeth the feebleness of my spirit, you would impute the blame thereof to the readiness of my good will and affection, which I have to do you service: and that you would please to receive this my travel as graciously as I have made offer thereof unto your courtesies with my best devotion and ability.   

AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER.  
WHereas many of our Latin writers of great authority, have written many and diverse things of the famous deeds of Scanderbag, and of the greatness of his exploits: for that their honourable testimonies may in some sort argue and confirm the truth of this history: and because it were too great an injury to defraud this Greek Prince and stranger, of his true and deserved praises: I have therefore thought it good here to make mention of their names, and to cite the places where they have written of him: to the intent the Reader may at his good pleasure and best leisure peruse them: The authors are these:  

1. Volaterrane, in the 8. book of his Geography, in the description of Macedon.  
2. Aeneas silvius, in the description of Europe. Cap. 15.  
3. Andrew Thevet, in his cosmography. 1. Tom. 11. book. Chap. 3.  
4. Paulus iovius Bishop of Nucera, in his Commentary of the affairs of Turkey, dedicated to the Emperor Charles the fifth.   
The cause why I have not set down the very text and testimonies themselves, as they are in the preface of the French copy, is, because in many points they have varied and erred in the report of Scanderbag his actions, and are much mistaken in the truth of the history. Howbeit I do impute their error unto this, that they being strangers to the Estate and affairs of Epire, and having intelligence of the deeds of Scanderbag only by hear say and by report, they could not so truly and exactly set down the truth of matters as they are here delivered in this History by the Latin Author: who being native of the same country with Scanderbag, and living in the same age and time that he did, is to be reputed the best witness and most perfect reporter of his deeds.   

A catalogue OF THE authors FROM whence this History hath been drawn.  

Marin Barletius, Priest of scutary in Epire: from whom the most part of this History is drawn word for word.  
The life of Scanderbag, of an uncertain Author.  
Volaterrane.  
Aeneas silvius, aliâs Pope Piùs the second.  
P. Callimachus, experient of the battle of Varna.  
Paulus iovius.  
Andrew Thevet, in his cosmography.  
Peter Perondin.  
Bartholomew Facius.  
Theodore Spandugin, a Gentleman of Constantinople▪  
Andrew Cambin.  
Leonardus Chiensis, Archbishop of Mitilene, of the siege and sack of Constantinople: at which he was present, and taken prisoner.  
Isidore Ruthenian Cardinal.  
Christopher Richier.  
Wolfangus Chronicle.  
Frances Sansovin.  
Melancthon his Chronicle.  
Pandolph Callenucius of Pesaro in his Neapolitan histories.  
Bonfinius in the History of Hungary.    

UPON THE HISTORY OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, ALIAS SCANDERBAG KING OF THE EPIROTS, translated into English.  

WHerefore doth vain antiquity so vaunt,  
Her ancient monuments of mighty peers,  
And old Heroes, which their world did daunt  
With their great deeds, and filled their children's ears?   

Who rapt with wonder of their famous praise,  
Admire their statues, their Colossoes great,  
Their rich triumphal Arcks which they did raise,  
Their huge Pyramids, which do heaven threat.   

Lo one, whom later age hath brought to light,  
Matchable to the greatest of those great:  
Great both by name, and great in power and might,  
And meriting a mere triumphant seat.   

The scourge of Turks, and plague of infidels,  
Thy acts, o Scanderbag, this volume tells.   
Ed. Spenser.   

R. C. GENT. IN COMMENDATION OF THIS BOOK.  

prows the hand, and policy the head,  
By which great kingdoms are both had and held,  
Are well observed, but are better read,  
By them, in whom it is great States to wield.   

For what is all that any one observes,  
In that short time, while he hath judgements eyes?  
Or who is he, that in the state he serves,  
Of every action sees the counsels wise?   

Now if great men, great actions long to see,  
Who may with Scanderbag the Great compare?  
If in the like they will advised be,  
Here both his doings and his counsels are.   

And with one labour, noble minds may read,  
prows for hand, and policy for head.    

C. C. GENT. IN COMMENDATION OF THIS WORK.  

When Alexander came before the grave  
Of Peleus' son, he cried, O happy knight,  
Whose fortune was, so brave a trump to have,  
To blazon forth the glory of thy might.   

So might this Alexander cry aright,  
Had he an equal trumpet to his name,  
Both th'one and th'other soon outmatch he might,  
And all that went afore excel in fame.   

But cease o Scanderbag, with further blame  
To blot thy fortune failing, of thy worth:  
Lo here a trump that doth thy acts proclaim,  
And all thy prows worthily set forth.   

And ye that hear th'achievements of his days,  
Admire his value, and his glory praise.    

Faults escaped in the printing.  
IN the Epistle to the reader For overcame, read overran. For assertions read affectious. For conquest read conquests. for through read thereof for some read sum.  
In the preface of the Author, for of the comparison read, and the compassion.  
In the History, pagi. 1. for Morwa read Morava. pag. 31. sor. Tholoys read Thopyes. pag. 5. for Darnisse read Daruisses. pag. 6. for Sanziack read Saniack. pag. 13. for, is his cour, read in his court. pag. 16. & 65. for capitol, read capital. pag. 17 for Moravia, read Morava. pag. 19 & 42. for Tribullians, read Triballians. pag. 23. for Monea read Mocrea. pag. 25. for, I have in you, read I saw in you. pag. 30. for Armathia read Emathia. pag. 31. for Turks, read Turk. pag. 40. for exhort, read extort. pag. 57 for, at the rising of the moon, read before the sun rising. pa. 62. for Treigno, read Turkey. ibid. for of neither read neither of. ibid. for Alcaran, read Alcoran. ib. for Ruscia, read Rascia. pa. 71. for enlargument, read enlargement. ibid. for Veruia, read Servia. pa. 74. for yet would, read yet could. ibid. for left their king, read lost their king. pag. 93. for Bola, read Bosa. pag. 133. for moorish, read waterish. 421. for his Prince, read this Prince. 471. for Valour & Valour's, read Valmes. pag. 133. for Chronichea, read Oron ichea.   

THE PRINTER TO THE READER.  
If there be any other faults, as I hope there are not many, I do entreat the gentle reader to amend them with his pen, and in courtesy to hear with the Printer, considering that there was never book printed though but of ten sheets of paper in bigness without some faults.   

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE LIFE AND FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG, KING OF THE EPIROTS NOW NAMED ALBANOIS.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
AMurath the second of that name, King of the Turks, restoreth the glory and estate of the Turkish Empire, being greatly decayed by the overthrow and captivity of his Grandfather Bajazeth by the arms of Tamburlaine. john Castriot reigneth in Epire: His lineage, virtues, and goodly issue: The birth of George his youngest son, and the strange signs prognosticating his future glory and greatness. Amurath warreth upon john Castriot: who being weary of the wars sueth for peace, and delivereth his sons in hostage. Amurath causeth them to be circumcised, changeth their names, and George is named Scanderbag. The manner of the Turkish circumcision, and their orders of priesthood. The education, virtues, and preferment of Scanderbag under Amurath: His notable services and good fortune in the wars: He fighteth two combats in the Turkish Court. john Castriot the father of Scanderbag dieth. Amurath usurpeth his estate, and poisoneth all his sons except Scanderbag, whose excellent virtues and the envy of the Courtiers causeth Amurath to have him in jealousy and suspicion, and to practise by sundry plots his death and destruction. Amurath warreth upon the Despot of Misia, and expelleth him his Estate: who is aided by Vladislaus king of Hungary. Scanderbag and Carambey are sent with an army against the Hungarians: Scanderbag revolteth, Carambey and the Turks are overthrown by the Hungarians in the battle of Morwa. Scanderbag by a policy seizeth upon Croy: and recovereth it and the rest of his father's estate. The Princes, Nobles, and Commons of Epire join with Scanderbag, and by their aid diverse of the chiefest and strongest holds of Epire are regained from the Turks. Sfetygrade is besieged by Scanderbag, who maketh a road into Macedon, and spoileth the Turkish territories.  
THAT the Empires and Estates of this world are disposed and ordered immediately by the supreme power of the Almighty, & that they are in the hands of the most Sovereign and divine Majestic: next to the holy Scriptures (which do give us evident assurance of it) there can be none more apparent and lively marks thereof, than their marvelous establishment and their miraculous preservation. For notwithstanding that the greatest and mightiest Monarchies in the earth, have had their original from most vile, base, and obscure beginnings: yet hath the divine Providence upheld them in so strange a manner, and hath made them to prosper with so long continuance: that neither the sundry assaults and traverses of unconstant Fortune, nor the attempts of any humane forces, have had the power to abridge any one day of their date and term limited and prefixed by the divine ordinance. Of this we have a sufficient, though a lamentable testimony, by that insolent Empire of the Turkish Monarchy, (if we may so name that immoderate puissance of those persons) who by a just and divine judgement, and for the manifestation of our ingratitude and security, hath obtained at this day the absolute dominion and command of Asia, Africa, and a good part of Europe: converting that Empire, which erst was held holy, sacred, and religious, into a fortress of open blasphemies, and into a filthy stall of profane Miscreants, the professed enemies of the son of God.  
This people being grown famous by the conquest of Syria and the lesser Asia, and having extended their bounds on this side the sea of Hellespont, and having planted their Empire, and set it on foot within Europe, and all Greece being subdued under their obeisance: made the Misians, Bulgarians, and Albanians, the Null, the Hungarians and slavonians to quake and tremble under their victorious arms. Besides, having laid siege, and pressed very hard upon the Imperial city of Constantinople, and finally having triumphed of the Emperor, and of the Christian forces in the East: yet afterwards in that famous journey and battle of Nicopolis in Romania in the year 1396. their glory was in a manner extinguished, and the name of the Ottomans was well-near brought to nothing. And in the year next following, the mighty 
1397.  king of the Tartarians the great Tamburlaine (termed the wrath of the heavens and the scourge of that corrupt age:) and Bajazeth the first than Emperor of the Turks, encountering each other in the confines of Armenia at the foot of the mountain of the star; (where sometimes Pompey obtained a famous victory against Mithridates) eventhere did the Turks sustain so wonderful and grievous an overthrow, by the great slaughter and discomfiture of their forces, and the perpetual imprisonment of their Emperor: that the glory of their Empire was for a long time discontinued, and there remained not almost any tract or show of their former pride and pomp, or of their puissance or majesty. After Bajazeth succeeded Amurath Nephew unto him by one of his sons, who in that time of their father's calamity, being but infants, were then preserved alive, partly by the oversight of the Greeks', and partly by the divisions and dissensions of the Latins, or (it may be) by the permission of the destinies: which reserved them for the future plague & miseries of Christendom. This Amurath in process of time, not without many seditions of his own subjects, & by great bloodshed by civil wars (for he slew his own Uncle Mustapha in battle) by good hap obtained the Empire, & restored their Turkish Monarchy: and was the first amongst his ancestors that re-established their good fortune. And the puissance thereof being by him augmented, he rendered the name of the Turks far more fearful and redoubted, than it had been at any time before passed.  
The Turkish affairs thus standing, though Amurath were always occupied, sometimes in Asia about the assuring and settling of his own estate, & sometimes in Greece: 
The country which the Castriots commanded, lying between the cities of Durace and Ap●llonse, the common sort termed Ariha.  afflicting and vexing the inhabitants of that country, and labouring to deprive them of all Dominion and Empire: yet was he constrained for certain years to keep a loof & to abstain from the country of Macedony, & from the neighbour nations & regions thereunto adjoining. In those days (for to ascend beyong those times to the first beginning of strange Empires, or to mount higher in recounting foreign affairs is a matter needless and superfluous) in that age I say, amongst many other Princes, which then commanded in Epire, now named Albany, john Castriot, a man of no mean fame and memory, had the signiory of many cities, towns, and villages, but principally of the strong city of Croie. But for so much as I hold it inconvenient, that the family and original of Scanderbag should be altogether unknown: (and yet my intent is not to lay down the whole pedigree and the continual descent of his ancestors;) it shall suffice, that I do but (as it were in passing by) give you notice of this: that the authors and founders of the lineage of the Castriots had their source and first offspring from Emathia, and (as some add) out of Wumestia, which is a part of Macedon. And their family had erst reigned in Epire with happy success and prosperity, and with no less fame and glory.  
This john (of whom we are now in discourse) far surmounted all his predecessors 
john Castriot the father of Scanderbag.  in prudence, gravity, and magnanimity, and being of an hardy and invincible courage, he did excel in all other virtuous qualities: and especially (if that may import any excellency) the corporal beauty, and the comeliness of his person was very rare and singular. His wife also named 
* Voisava the mother of Scanderbag. Alias.  Voisava (a woman worthy of such a husband) was much renowned both in that she was the daughter of the noble king of the 
* Lord of Pologne which is a part of Macedon and Bulgarie.  Tribullians: as also for her beauty & wisdom, and for the excellency of her spirit, far surpassing that of other women. And it may be, that she merited no less commendation by reason of that goodly issue and posterity which descended from her: a thing which hath made many women glorious, and maketh them worthy of special praise and commendation. For some do hold that she was the mother of nine children, five of them daughters; to wit, Mara, jella, Angellina, Vlaica and Mamisa: and the other male children: namely, Reposius, Stanisius, Constantine and George. The youngest of 
George Castriot surnamed Scanderbag.  them all was George: to whom afterwards (as shallbe elsewhere delivered) the barbarous Turks gave the name of Scanderbag.  
But ere we proceed further, I hold it not amiss to set down that which (as I have read) was both by prodigious signs and wonders foreshowed, and by many persons proguosticated touching the future glory and renown of this famous Epyrot: albeit 
Scanderbag his future glory and renown prognosticated by diverse prodigious signs and tokens.  I doubt not, but there be many who will make a jest and mockery thereof as of an old wives tale, and a matter merely fabulous. Some say that his mother upon his conception did dream, that she had brought forth so great and huge a Serpent, that the same having well-near covered the whole Empire, did stretch out her head over the bounds of Turkey, and did devour and swallow them up with her bloody throat: dipping her tail in the sea towards the coasts of the Christians: and especially towards the confines of the Venetians. This dream being recounted unto her husband, he considering the quality of the case, held it a vain and frivolous thing to seek out the meaning and secret thereof, either by the superstitious view of the entrails of beasts, or by seeking to the Oracle of Apollo for the interpretation thereof: but he comforted his wife with an incomparable kind of joy, giving her to understand by an evident conjecture: That of her should be borne a parsonage of that excellency, that should make himself renowned by arms and warlike exploits: who should be a grievous and heavy enemy to the Turks: a happy Captain and fortunate leader to the Christians: a true defender of the faith of Christ: and over and above, one that should during his whole life, bear great honour and reverence to the state of Venice. The hope and expectation of the careful father, and of others was in nothing frustrate. For the infant being come into the world, did exceed far and beyond all comparison that which was presaged of him. For on his right arm appeared the form of a sword so naturally imprinted, as if it had been engraven by the hands of some cunning and artificial workman. A notable and evident sign of the reputation which he should purchase by arms. O the notable bounty of nature which even in our nativity doth give us advertisements and in our bodies doth imprint the ensigns and tokens of that which is to ensue & happen unto us. This infant being grown to a lad of some years (assoon as his age would permit him) began to exercise his bow and other weapons, giving such proof of his forwardness in the first rudiments and apprenticeship (as it were) of his tender years, that the signs of his future virtue and valour did easily discover themselves in the eye of each man sufficiently: and in his youthful race also there did from thenceforth appear in him more and more, such an ardent desire to frame his life in goodness and virtue; and so comely and elegant a carriage in his behaviour, with a certain show of religion, even then promising a reverence and regard unto the faith of Christ; that all men had their eyes and their regard fixed upon him. He only was the man whom both father and mother, whom his brethren, and the residue of the inhabitants of that country did with a secret kind of astonishment even admire and wonder at. Of him were all their discourses: of him did the people murmur in all places as of the most rare and excellent paragon of that age. Over and above these presages of his fortune, he had even by nature a certain goodly and stately feature of body, which did (as it were) season and grace all his actions. But of a graff so likely and toward (if it be lawful so to term him) the destinies did not permit the doubtful parents to gather any fruit answerable to their desires. For after that Amurath had ranged Greece under the yoke of his obeisance, and had turned his Ensigns against Macedon, having afflicted it with a long and tedious war, and reduced it to the point of extreme misery: john Castriot being wearied with the travel of continual wars, and weakened by the ceaseless discommodities of those troubles: was in the end constrained to entreat and sue for peace: the which he obtained upon condition, that he should deliver all his sons to the Turk in hostage. A more grievous and intolerable servitude, or a more deadly & ignominious bondage could they not have imposed upon any parents. For what solace or comfort could they reap by such a peace? and what contentment could they take of their dignity and estate, which was preserved by such means, so lamentable and grievous? Notwithstanding what is it which the wretched desire of life, and the greedy thirst of reign and Empire will not persuade timorous and fearful men to yield unto? So fared it with these unfortunate old folks, that they loved rather to commit themselves to the mercy of a most felonous and false enemy, and utterly to deprive themselves of so precious pledges: then to attend with some delay the extreme ruin of their fortunes, which were even then tumbling to decay and confusion.  
Thus was George (together with his brethren) delivered in hostage to the Turk, 
George Castriot delivered in hostage to the great Turk.  causing far greater sorrow and lamentation for him alone then for all the others both in public and in private. All this notwithstanding, the father was nothing deceived of that hope which he had erst conceived of his son. But at the time of his departure from him, after many & often kisses and sweet embracements, he cast himself upon him as more pitying his misfortune than any of the rest: and daily & devoutly did he pray unto God; that the attended & expectation which he had in him, might not become frustrate & in vain. And even amongst the common people there wanted not some, who (wishing unto the lad the years & strength of man's estate with long life) did seem even to prophesy that Amurath should in him nourish a domestical enemy, and the confusion of his own house and family. These young Princes were no sooner conveyed to Ottoman: but they forthwith felt the first fruits and 
Ottoman the surname of the great Turk.  proof of his infidelity, in that (violating the faith and promise which he had given to their parents) he caused them speedily to be circumcised according to the law of Mahomet. The manner of which ceremony (for that the knowledge thereof is not unpleasant) I hold it not impertinent in this place, briefly and particularly in some sort to recite it. The Turks do herein observe a custom and usage not much 
The Turkish ceremony in their circumcision.  differing from that of the jews, but only in this one thing, which is added unto it by the institution of Mahomet. And that is: That before any be circumcised, (if he be of reasonable years and discretion) he is brought and placed in the midst of some great assembly: and there, by the commandment of their Priest (whom they call Darnisse,) he holdeth up his forefinger, and lifteth up his eyes towards heaven crying with a high voice, to the intent he may be easily heard and understood. La, Ila, La: Mehumet Resulam. Which is to say, God, God, God alone, and Mahomet his Prophet. After that, his foreskin being cut off by one skilful and expert in that art, he is presented to the people, and his first name being changed, they give him a new. Immediately whereupon, all the standers by both more and less (if the party circumcised were either a Christian or of any other religion) with exceeding great rejoicing do contribute money unto him: and they magnify him, kiss him, and embrace him: and from thenceforth, there is an house assigned for him of the public charge, with sufficient provisions for him to live upon.  
But it shall not be amiss, if (digressing a little from my matter) I discourse somewhat 
The divers orders & estates of Priests in the Turkish religion.  of the Turkish & Mahometan religion: setting down both the state & diversity of the orders, condition, and degrees of their Priests and religious persons in that sect & profession. The first, and those which are of the most strict rule & order amongst them are called Darnisses: (of whom we have before made some mention) & we may compare 
Darnisses.  them to the friars observants. But these (in the time of Bajazeth their king the son of the last Mahomet) being detected of divers foul offences & enormities which they had committed: were by him banished and exterminated: because that (under pretence of devotion & holiness) going about on begging, and retiring themselves into deserts and solitary places, they did beset the highways & passages, by which merchants, pilgrims & travelers were to pass: and espying occasion & opportunity (no otherwise then as thieves & robbers) they fell upon them, wounded & murdered them, and then stripped them out of all that they had about them: The report whereof being come to the ears of the Ottoman Prince, he was so highly provoked and displeased therewithal, that he caused all of them (as is said) to be cut in pieces & to be destroyed, minding that the memory of them should have been for ever extinguished. Next to these there are a second sort, whom the Turks in their language call the Hozes: who may 
Hozes.  well be likened to the friars conventuels. And last of all after them are the Talasmans', 
Talasmans'.  whom they have for their third order: and they do enjoy the last place among them, and are like to the order of Priests Seculars. Besides these three kinds, there be not any other orders, degrees, or manners of Priests or religious persons, in the sect or religion of the Turks: but the whole charge and administration of the Priesthood, ceremonies and holy rites of their religion doth appertain unto them only. But now return we to the subject of this Treatise.  
These young Epirots having their first names changed at their circumcision, had 
George Castriot circumcised and surnamed Scanderbag, by the Turks.  others given them according to the custom of that nation. George, (whether that it were by chance & casualty, or were it, that there was in him a kind of appearance more remarkable then in the others, promising some thing which should prove in him most rare & excellent) was surnamed Scanderbag: That is being interpreted, Alexander the Lord, or the Great. Inestimable & great was the joy which was made about Amurath at the circumcision of these young Epirots (as is commonly seen with us when any one leaving the filth and infection of judaisme doth embrace christianity and the light of salvation.) And they had ample and large allowance ordained them for their expenses and maintenance.  
But the gentle disposition which did naturally flourish and excel in Scanderbag, 
The disposition, education, and virtuous inclination of Scanderbag amongst the Turks.  and his tender age (for he had scant attained to nine years) did render and make him more acceptable and agreeable unto Amurath then any one of the rest. Thereof it proceeded, that he wanted not good masters and teachers of all sorts according to that age which was most apt and fittest for all the Sciences. And therefore in a very small time (his spirit being prompt and ready to apprehend all things) he had learned the Turkish, Arabian, Greek, Italian, and Sclavonian languages. As his force increased by little and little with his years, so did he take delight in nothing more than to acquaint himself with all those virtuous exercises which were fit for the wars, without letting any one thing to overpass him wherein he had not some knowledge and insight. And sometimes with his sword, sometimes with his bow and arrows, both on foot and on horseback, he gave forth daily and almost incredible 
address.  proofs, of an agilitle, disposition and readiness of his body most marvelous: always enterprizing some act or other of great regard more than was ordinary for one of his age. And first of all, assoon as the force and strength of his members did match the forwardness and fierceness of his courage, and that he could show himself of sufficient ability to support the travels of the wars, he framed himself to gain the favour and good will of all men, but especially of the Prince: using daily to make challenges to his companions in open and public shows and often spectacles 
Ieu● depri●●.  of and in all manners of combats and martial contentions: and commonly he bore away honour and estimation, making those exercises the pathway to his future glory, and to the increase of his reputation. At length being grown to a goodly stature and full strength of body, and being come to ripeness and perfection of years, he did betimes and with facility accustom himself to all labours and travels befitting a strong and able body, were they never so difficult: as to endure hunger, thirst, cold, heat, watching, and such like. By the daily practice whereof, it is not to be doubted but he made himself most apt and able for the wars, and so grew to be complete and accomplished in all military virtues: and fit to be employed in all martial services.  
This was the occasion, that the Sultan (not willing he should any longer continue about him in the state of a private person) determined to advance him: and even in 
The first acts, services, and preferment of Scanderbag.  the beginning he honoured him with the dignity of Sanziack: (which is the second degree after the Bassas, and is of greater of lesser authority, according to the largeness of power which it pleaseth the bounty and liberality of the Prince more or 
Scanderbag made Sanziac, with a charge of 5000. horse.  less to attribute and impart unto it.) To Scanderbag with that new degree was given the conduct of five thousand horse: and his brethren in like case (being advanced to the like charges, and sent abroad into diverse countries, and employed in many affairs and services of the wars, grew all of them to be very famous and renowned. But Scanderbag had scant attained to the age of eighteen years, but he was sent into * Asia by the commandment of the Sultan, jointly and together with other bands 
Anatolia.  and forces: where by a most happy and fortunate beginning, he made the first assay of his virtue and good success in war, embrewing his right hand with a great desire and delight in the blood of the enemies. Thenceforth in many broils of one sort and other, which happened to be raised in those quarters: there was not lightly any expedition made, but that Scanderbag continually was there in person with his regiment. And both he and his companions returned from them victorious to their Lord the Ottoman. In all which exploits his forwardness, his virtue, and his fortune were daily observed, and principally marked of all men both in general, and in particular: all the honour of the victory, all the good success of the war was cast upon him by the report of all men without contradiction: and in a manner without any mention of the chief, or commanders of the army. And to him alone by the favour and acclamations of the soldiers, was adjudged the triumph and the glory of the enemy vanquished.  
As yet had not envy (hateful and repining at others virtue) assailed nor gotten hold on the heart of the Turkish Prince: and albeit both the manners and the state of this noble Epirot, were a fit subject for this humour and malady to work upon: notwithstanding his youth being as yet but of simple and mean experience, and his affections in that age being not carried away with any immoderate, or greedy desire of glory: but having conceived only a kind of liking & love of honour, it rather purchased unto him the favour, grace, and good will of all men. And therefore even Amureth himself did singularly grace and honour him, both with good and gracious words, and with great and bountiful gifts and favours. Short was the abode of this young gentleman in Court, by reason that (as seldom are the Turks without great 
Scanderbag made General of an army in Asia.  affairs) there came news of new troubles, and tumults in Asia, whereunto Scanderbag was appointed; being chosen by an universal decree, and the good liking of all men, to have the command as General over the whole army, with all the honours appertaining to that place in regard of his former deserts, and for that he had borne himself so well in the forepast wars. He had no sooner accepted the charge, but he did easily surmount the glory of his former acts, by the quick and speedy defait and discomfiture of the enemy: which he atcheiued with notable good success answerable to his great diligence. First, over and above the honest and worthy testimony 
Scanderbag returneth home with victory.  given by his soldiers, he brought home unto Ottoman most apparent and evident tokens of his valour and good fortune: namely, great numbers of prisoners: the spoils of those which were slain: very many Ensigns of the enemies: and such abundance of engines and instruments for the wars, that it exceeded beyond all opinion. His own troops remained sound and entire, and in a manner without show of hurt, so as touching the vanquished, sufficient marks were to be seen of their distress▪ but amongst the vanquishers there was scant any appearance whether they had been at any fight, or that they had come from the wars. But Amurath did not so much wonder at the happy success of his worthy deeds, as he did admire his wisdom and prudence. For in the commendation of his good hap, fortune might justly 
Sentence.  claim a part, but in the fruit and benefit which proceeded from his wisdom and prudence, by good and sage counsels: the dexterity of his own judgement might challenge that as proper to himself only. Through the occasion of this victory 
Scanderbag sent again into Asia, and returneth with victory.  greater forces being appointed unto him, he was again sent back and enjoined to abide in the same Marches, till such time as he should have reduced certain towns and peoples in those quarters under the subjection of the Turkish Emperor, wherein fortune did not any way fail this young soldier, but that every thing succeeded speedily to his mind and hearts desire. All things being ended and accomplished to his liking, and the Empire of Ottoman being enlarged: yea farther than he had in charge, or was commanded: He began from thenceforth to purchase unto himself a great name and marvelous renown even amongst strange and foreign 
The city of Andrinople was the chief seat then of the Turke●.  Nations.  
Being returned to Andrinople, though there were no more enemies to be heard of abroad, yet there wanted not some at home. For so it happened, that there arrived out of Scythia a certain adventurer, more fair and arrogant in outward show and countenance, then valiant and brave in fight and combat: This gallant defied and challenged 
A challenge of combat made by a Sythian to the Turks.  all the Court of the Turk, demanding if there were any one who durst encounter him in arms, and to prove himself in fight against him. And this was the order of the combat which he offered: That both the champions naked in their shirts being shut up in a straight and narrow place, with their sword only should make trial to whom the hazard of the victory would befall. This rash and inconsiderate plot had this Tartarian laid, and made choice of, either because he was prodigal of his blood and life, or, it may be, of a vain hope and conceit, that none durst accept the chance and hazard of a danger so ambiguous, and of an act so unadvised: by means whereof his hap might be to bear away the praise, and to obtain some great reward without endangering himself in combat. Amurath also had proclaimed and promised to the conqueror a certain prize of great and rich value, that he might by all means possible, animate some of his servants in hope of so great a reward to accept the challenge: as if indeed the only fruit and glory of the bare victory alone would not have alured and drawn men on to undertake the combat. This notwithstanding, there was none but did altogether dislike and abhor the purchase of honour and estimation, the means whereof were so deadly and detestable. Only our Albanois surmounting in haughtiness of heart, and abounding in courage, whereas all others stood (as it were) amazed and astonished, he advanced himself, and pressed forth 
The combat of Scanderbag with the Scythian.  toward the Scythian, & thus spoke unto him: Either shalt not thou, O Scythian, bear away with thee this goodly prize and glory, without the loss of thine own blood, or else being made more honourable and glorious by my death, thou shalt be enriched with these spoils, and ornaments: up then and receive unto thee an enemy which thy own desire hath sought and purchased. And albeit these kinds of fight be more befitting and proper to fierce and savage beasts, and that valiant men may and aught with honesty to refuse them, once notwithstanding let it be lawful for me to contemn and neglect the safety of this my person, in regard that thyself oughtest ●● have had as great reason, as I, to keep thy limbs and thy life from danger and destruction. But vile, and of no account is the safety of the body to that man which hunteth after praise and vainglory. This day therefore I also will make a present of my blood unto Amurath, and the rest of my companions. The Scythian being no whit abashed nor terrified, thought with most brave & fierce words to have affrayed and appalled him, calling him boy and child (for he was not as then but in the prime of his youthful years, and the soft down had not yet budded on his chin, nor made his fair and smooth face to become rough.) Then being conducted towards the Sultan, with loud and high clamours of the people: and the field being appointed for the combat according as the Barbarian had demanded: both of them were incontinently shifted out of their garments, having not so much as their shirts to cover them: and thus leaping all naked into the place, by this new and unwonted kind of spectacle, they made all the standers by to regard them with admiration. And howbeit that Castriot both by his voice and by his countenance did bewray in himself a wonderful resolution and assurance, notwithstanding an incredible kind of care intermingled with grief did assail the hearts of the regardants, and at one instant both the age, and the comeliness of his person, joined with a gracious and pleasing carriage of all the parts of his body, had drawn them both to favour, and to pity him. Goodly, high, and eminent was his stature, his arms so seemly as the like had scarce been seen: his neck strong and somewhat bending, such as is much commended in 
The description of Scanderbag his person.  great wrestlers: his shoulders large and marvelously well spread: his visage of colour fair and white (and as it were stained with a little taint of purpur): the cast of his eyes strait, & pleasant, without bleamish or imperfection, & in all points correspondent and agreeable. These corporal perfections did him great service to his other virtues, and the good qualities of his mind, which seemed to be augmented & increased by them. The two champions thus resolute and well assured, being furnished with short daggers, (for longer weapons would not the straightness of the place permit) made their entry into the field, & were there left with great silence on all parts. It is not to be imagined that here needed any great counsel and advise, or any rare and extraordinary hardiness and resolution, but only a certain promptitude, and readiness, and a quick and deliver agility of the hand. Both of them now standing upon their guard, and each ready to offend the other, the Scythian gave the first charge, and onset upon his enemy: against whom dressing and bearing the point of his dagger, he struck at his belly with intent to have stabbed him: Scanderbag bending his body in all parts, and bowing it arch-wise almost in form of a bow, with his left hand seized on the right arm of the barbarian, and stayed the blow: and in the same instant advancing his poignard, at one blow he cut his throat, and that with such dexterity, as he divided all the arteries of it asunder. So that with his tongue yet staggering and stuttering 
The victory of Scanderbag.  in his head, he tumbled to the ground, little wanting but that he filled all the place with the massy hugeness of his body. But being soon and speedily removed by those that stood near at hand to behold the fight, and diverse of the Courtiers also flocking together full of joy and gladness about the Victor, they led him safe and sound unto the presence of Amurath, unto whom (being exceedingly joyous of his good hap) with his hands yet all bloody, his champion presented the head of the dead Scythian. Then were delivered unto him the rewards ordained for the party that should obtain the victory, which he accepted (as it were) unwillingly: protesting that he did not hazard himself in that enterprise, neither for gold nor silver, but only to maintain the honour of the Court, and to repress the arrogancy of the barbarian. So great was the modesty of this brave Epirot, that thereby he alured unto him more and more the good will of each person: the natural bounty and dexterity of his gentle heart abolishing the envy and hatred, which the excellency of exceeding virtue doth usually engender in men of his sort and calling. I hold it not amiss here in this place also to recount one other exploit which he achieved with no less honour and commendation, and with like courage by force of arms. At such time as he followed Amurath into Bythinia in a voyage which he made thither rather for his pleasure and recreation then upon any occasion of war: There were at that time in the city of Bursa (which is at this present the capital city of the empire of Asia) two Persians named jaia, & Zampsa being of a very fair & goodly stature, & most sumptuously appareled, 
The second combat of Scanderbag against two Persians.  (as is the manner of that nation) they came to seek out the Turkish Prince & demanded entertainment in his service. Each of them pleaded in the behalf of the other, and by magnifying and extolling their own acts, the one sought to further the others suit with mutual testimonies and soothing up of each other, that it seemed to proceed more of a kind of impudent and shameless audacity, then of any valour or resolution in them. At last Zampsa the younger of the two spoke unto Amurath in this manner. To the intent (most mighty and puissant king) it may not be thought, that we are come, furnished only with glorious speeches and great words to demand thy pay, and that (the certainty thereof being unknown unto thee) we be not condemned of vain arrogancy, nor of foolish hardiness and forward temerity: behold here we are ready to make proof before thee of our courages, if not haughty, yet at least desirous of honour and glory. Though there be here many brave men, and full of valour, we challenge them all to take arms, that it may be tried whether we be worthy or unworthy to live under the command of thy greatness. Then showing that they had no other arms but their horse, sword, lance, and shield, and that their bodies were not otherwise armed: they said that they would combat only thus appointed. Amurath (as he was both courteous and gracious) after he had spoken unto them with a kind of benignity, he promised them that they should want nothing which on his part might be conveniently yielded unto them. And then turning his head, and looking here and there round about him, he stayed to see if any one would receive the challenge. But perceiving that every man stood still and mute, and that all his servants did by their silence bewray a secret confession and acknowledgement of their faintness & backwardness, supposing it would be smally for his honour & reputation, if the presumption of those Persians should so rest unpunished: casting his countenance upon Scanderbag as being well acquainted with his hardiness and fierce courage, by means whereof he made no doubt, but he would upon any terms undertake it though the peril were very doubtful and hazardous: he thus spoke unto him. What is thy cause of stay (my son) in whom all virtue and valour do abound so exceedingly? This doth belong to thee, and the glory of this victory doth tarry for thee. Go to then, once again at this time let the gallantise and bravery of thy youth, and thy invincible arm, be made yet more famous and memorable, by some notable act in this spectacle. Little entreaty needed to encourage him to this attempt: for having kissed the prince his feet (according to the Turkish custom) he called for horse and armour▪ to be given him, and issuing forth (with great applause of the people) into the midst of a large plain appointed for the combat, with a brave audacity he called his enemies unto him: demanding of them what order they meant to observe in the fight. The conclusion was, that jaia should first assay his fortune, and if he were victorious that then the fight should be determined, but if he were vanquished then his companion should succeed him, and at all adventures to abide the hazard of the like condition. Scanderbag would not refuse their order, albeit the king's servants (who accompanied him into the lists) did allege the inequality of the order, affirming that it was against reason that the party which had the victory against the one (if he happened to be either weary or wounded) should endure a second enemy fresh and sound: notwithstanding (after that the press of people was avoided out of the place) the trumpet gave the signal of the battle, and the champions set▪ spurs to their horses, fetching a full course each against the other. Then the Persian having fastened his lance in the shield of his adversary, bore himself close coutched with all his force full upon him, thinking to have thrown him from his horse, and therewithal he broke his staff upon him. On the other side, the Albanois (who ran only at the head) did miss altogether in his course, by means whereof, both the one and the other having run in vain, they held on their career, each passing beside other that they might afterwards betake them to their courtelaxes. But Zampsa having lost all patience (without tarrying for the issue and event of his companions fortune) advanced himself, and coutched his lance against Scanderbag: who on the other side quickly perceiving the danger, and that it was not now time with bootless terms of expostulation to accuse his enemy of disloyalty, prepared himself to assail him manfully, and pressing hard upon him with his lance, he pierced him clean through the throat. Scarcely was he laid on the ground, but that jaia running hastily thither, and with an horrible voice addressing himself against Scanderbag, with his sword in his hand, it little wanted that he had not slain him, but he speedily gave his horse the turn, and returning upon him with his sword likewise drawn, he sustained the force of his enemy coming against him. And as they redoubled their blows twice or thrice each upon other, enforcing themselves to draw blood one of the other, Scanderbag lighted upon his right shoulder near unto his neck, and with one only blow he gave him so deep a wound that he had well near cut it off: and the unhappy horse trailed along the body of his unfortunate master almost parted asunder. Thus, these two stout and hardy 
Scanderbag his victory of the two Persians'.  warriors (to the great contentment of the beholders) came to their end by the hand and prowess of one man alone: but had they avoided the death in the conflict, yet could they not have escaped the wrath of Amurath, for that so cowardly and traitorously they had surprised his champion, and took him at the disadvantage. Castriot was conducted towards the Sultan charged with both their heads, as being triumphant in a double victory. From thenceforth all his former exploits in the wars▪ and the remembrance of the Scythian lately conquered (albeit fresh in memory) were now clean forgotten, and did vanish away to nothing in respect of this new purchased glory: both the Emperor, the great Seigniours, and all his companinions in general did honour him with diverse large and bountiful presents: calling him the avenger, and the author of their honour and reputation.  
It may be that I have dwelled overlong, and beyond all measure upon the deeds of this worthy person: but in my opinion the praise and commendation of men of war and the commemoration of their acts in particular; is a principal point which doth wholly and especially belong unto them. For that which is done in the wars, others have their part and interest therein: but these exploits did Scanderbag achieve with his own proper hand: and therefore my desire is (if it must needs be) that our discourse should be noted rather to exceed in being superfluous, then to seem ingrate in not giving him his deserts, & the rather, for that I mind to be but brief in other services effected of like nature and condition, of which also I am presently to entreat. That which he did in the sight of Amurath at the taking of Nicomedia, and Prusia, and at Ottrea a good town in Asia is nothing inferior unto his former deeds, whether we regard the danger, or the greatness of the fact: for he was the first man that mounted on the wall, and displayed his ensign on the rampire: and entering the town in manner all alone, he was the chief cause of the winning of the same. Likewise being sent into Europe against the Christians: sometime against the Greeks, and at other times against the Hungarians, he did more often purchase the renown and estimation of a sage & prudent Captain, then of one too venturous and over hardy. If he saw any necessity that he must needs join in battle, and that he could not either refuse it without suspicion, or give it without grief: he would before all things, desire of God, that it might be far from him to purchase honour by shedding of the blood of Christians, & to keep him from using cruelty towards them: for in outward appearance only, and in his external habit, he was a Mahometist, but inwardly, and in his hart, he did most constantly observe the faith and profession of a Christian. Nevertheless as often notwithstanding as he was enforced to march against them, he did ever seek by all means possible, as little as might be, to endamage them: provided always that he did not thereby wrong his own forces of which he had the command and government. By means whereof, he did bear himself so well, & did his devoir in so good fashion, and did so fully discharge the duty of a good and politic Captain in all services of charge both within the camp and in fight, that even the Christians themselves did not malign him any whit the more for it. And this his moderate, stayed, and advised behaviour seemed to proceed rather of true discipline and prudence military, then of any fraud, ignorance, or want of courage: and continually did he govern himself with such art and dexterity, that he would never suffer himself (if he could choose) to be beaten: and yet by all means possible, would he give opportunity to the Christians to save themselves: or (if he could not do otherwise) he would take them prisoners: holding it far more tolerable for them to endure servitude and bondage, then to be put to the sword, and utterly to be destroyed. When he would exhort or endourage his soldiers at any time, he did it with such a grace, & so effectually (were it in camp, or in the midst, and heat of fight) that he would work in them both shame and fear almost at one instant: and afterwards in the fury of fight he would order all matters so subtly by the liveliness of his spirit, and the state of his army should be disposed so cunningly, that the preservation thereof (seeming to be with a certain difficulty, and by his extraordinary virtue) did afterwards purchase him more honour and estimation with Ottoman, than others could obtain by many a notable and famous victory. From thenceforth there was none that went beyond him in credit and authority about the King: and no man was more agreeable, and better accepted amongst the soldiers, by reason that he was courteous, familiar, and friendly, not challenging to himself in particular, the honour which was gotten in common, but attributing it to the whole company. Whatsoever money came to his hands he would distribute bountifully, and dispend liberally; judging the same (and not without cause) to be of great efficacy and force to draw unto him the minds and goodwill of men: and the surest bond to tie the hearts of the popular sort unto him. Every man of his own free will and motion, and without call, would gladly have been ranged under his ensign: and for the love of him would expose himself freely to the hazard of all perils. But fortune did not long forbear to power forth her venom: for john the father of Castriot in 
john Castriot dieth.  this mean time happened to die in Epire, whereof Scanderbag being advertised, albeit by these lamentable tidings (according to his natural duty) he conceived exceeding sorrow in his mind: yet did he never discover by any open and apparent signs of sadness or mourning, the secret dolour and grief which lay hidden within his heart. For so it was, that usually he called the Sultan his very father and 
Amurath usurpeth the kingdom of Epyre.  sovereign Segniour. Hereupon Amurath (neither more nor less than as if he had been the lawful heir of the realm of Epire) did speedily dispatch thither Sebali● with a strong garrison: and caused him to seize upon Croie, and other places of importance: and by this means all at leisure, and without effusion of blood, he obtained the peaceable possession of all the fortresses and strong holds of that kingdom, the inhabitants thereof being either of small force, or ill provided to maintain their liberty, and being not well able to hinder the Turk in the right and interest which he pretended to the succession of john their deceased prince: because he had all his sons in his custody, and at his own disposition, having purposely gotten them into his hands: to the intent the sceptre coming to be void, and without heirs, he might in the end usurp it unto himself. Voisave (who after the 
Voysave dieth.  death of her husband did continue in her house with her daughter Mamisa, who was left unto her as the only wretched remainder of that miserable realm) by the appointment of Amurath had a certain small portion of land assigned her in Macedon for the provision and sustentation of the residue of her aged years. And the report is, that she departed this life in an extreme age, before the coming of her son into Albany, unto whom she left her said daughter unmarried, after that she had long and carefully kept her in the estate of a virgin, and afterwards she being by him provided of an husband was re-established in her former place of dignity.  
Look with what courage this generous youth had borne and concealed the grief of his father's death: with the like did lie dissemble all things whatsoever. Ottoman on the other side, nothing doubting but that this his dealing would be very hardly digested both by him and his brethren who were then resident is his Court (as having reason to expect the possession of that crown appertaining unto them) continued his disloyalty towards them, and made away the brethren of Scanderbag, 
Scanderbag his brethren poisoned by Amurath.  causing them (as many have affirmed) secretly and closely to be poisoned. And afterwards converting his thoughts upon Scanderbag, he cast diverse ways & devices in his mind how he might not disfurnish his Realm of so worthy a person (of whom, as of another Hercules, he did serve his turn in all difficult and perilous adventures) and yet assure himself in the mean time, and remain free from the burden and danger of that suspicion which did mightily perplex him. In this humour and affection he called Scanderbag unto him, and (as some say) with a long discourse fitted to that purpose, began to comfort him, as well for the death of his father, as for the miserable and unhappy end of his brethren: and withal, he made offer unto 
Amurath his notable dissimulation in undermining the thoughts of Scanderbag.  him (if so be he had ● desire not to continue any longer in the state of a subject) that he should either have his father's kingdom, or some other rich estate in Asia, and prayed him nevertheless that he would not leave and abandon him, especially being encumbered with so great affairs and so many wars: for that abiding with him, he should have at his own disposition and in his own hands, all the best, and most excellent means, which might make him glorious and honourable, and might render his life most happy and fortunate. The fraud and cunning of this old fox being soon discovered by this youth, he took no long time to advise himself, but with a readio and subtle wiliness framing his countenance to his speech, he made him 
Sanderbeg his answer to Amurath.  this answer. john my father, and all my brethren do am in thee most sovereign king and most bountiful Amurath: as long as I may remain near thy person, neither any desire of my country, nor the regard of any kingdom shall enter into my mind being sufficiently contented. Albeit then thou do press me at this instant to accept these gifts, or rather burdensome charges, willingly do I hold myself contented in the great magnificence of thy spirit, and I will gladly embrace the liberality of my Prince his favour. But this is my full resolution, to live continually under the wing of thy Majesty: and assure thyself that hardly, or not at all, will I be of any other mind. Besides, old age (which is unprofitable and unfit for the wars) will soon suppress and mortify my courage (though otherwise invincible) from any such desire. My present years are far fit to bear the charge of the wars, then to sustain the weight and burden of a kingdom: and more fit is this hand to manage arms then a royal sceptre. Give us therefore some enemy, o Amurath, that we may more cheerfully receive a kingdom conquered by our virtue, rather than that which should come of thy gift and liberality.  
The king took singular pleasure at his speeches, and so great credit did he give 
Scanderbag his wisdom and prudence.  unto his words, that he heaped promise upon promises, endeavouring to fill him with hopes, and the expectance of great matters. From that time forward the Albanois began secretly to feel the malady and grief which did daily spread itself more and more: and notwithstanding that with singular discretion he did dissemble all things, yet did not that make him negligent, but that he did look nearly unto himself, and took great care for the safety of his person; and the more he was in doubt of the tyrant, the more did he study to purchase the favour of the commons, and the affection of the soldiers. Nevertheless being uncessantly occupied in some one or other tumult in the wars, he did every day add new matter to make himself renowned, and no less did he grow to be envied. For he could not so easily prevent the faithlessness of men, either by the modest show of his mind, or by his liberality and ordinary courtesy: but that with the time even virtue itself did engender the contrary to his desire. In so much that there were some in the Court, who (not able to endure the appearance of so great virtue in a stranger, every day 
Scanderbag envied, slandered, and suspected in the Turks Court.  more and more increasing) as soon as they perceived that Amurath did any thing incline or hearken unto them: they would daily slander him behind his back, giving their Lord to understand for certainty, that the sumptuous expenses which he bestowed upon the common sort so bountifully, and the favour of the people which he sought for so ambitiously, were a ready mean to raise him in power, puissance, and authority: Alleging moreover, that he being suspected by those in court, it was a good and sufficient proof of that which he did inwardly intend and aspire unto. All this it was easy to persuade the Prince, and the rather for that the accusation of his magnificence and his large expenses, did openly show itself to be true according to their surmise. Also the old age of the Sultan, being of itself fearful, jealous, and suspicious, did curiously interpret all other matters to the worst; in such sort that a certain doubt did by little and little engender in his spirit, causing him to be mistrustful not only for the Realm of Albany, but also for the sovereignty even of his own Empire. And his conscience being confounded and convinced by the gilt of his own misdeeds and wickedness, and the jealousy which he had of his estate ill gotten, made him repute all things full oftrechery and infidelity: and to suspect his most inward and familiar friends as most dangerous and secret enemies. This his suspicion being augmented, he began secretly to hate Scanderbag, and to bear a more watchful and intentive eye upon him: to see if he could by any covert and close means cut him off, and work his confusion; not that his wicked and pernicious will wanted power and liberty to do any mischief, but because he had no reasonable cause, nor sufficient colour to procure his death & destruction. To oppress him wrongfully and by violence he was afeard, because he saw him so well beloved of all men generally; and for fear lest he should alienate the hearts of others, and by an example of such cruelty, shut up and take away in time to come from his Kingdom, the hope of all virtues and good deserts by any strangers: by which means principally the Ottoman Empire had been amplified, and raised unto his greatness.  
But whilst these things were thus a doing, other affairs of greater weight and importance 
This Servia, Bosnia, and Russia is called by the Turks Segoria.  happening abroad, did suck and swallow up these domestical suspicions & distrusts: for open war was proclaimed against George Lord of Misia, commonly called the Despot of Servia. The king of Turks desired nothing more than to commit this charge unto Scanderbag, and that for two special considerations: The one, because he could not find any man, whose service in his affairs was so fortunate as was his: The other, for that knowing him to be hot & forward in the war, and prompt & ready to hazard himself to all dangers, he did well hope that he should see him miscarry in some one encounter or other against the enemy; as in arms it doth oftentimes betide 
Scanderbag sent with an army against the Despot of Servia.  to divers. For this cause having levied his forces, Castriot was sent against the Misians. This was at that time, that he dealt worse with the Christians, than he was accustomed, for fear least in temporizing, & attending some fit opportunity of retreat, if he should not take the occasion to overcome when it was offered, he might minister matter of suspicion to Amurath, who was already inclined to take any impression of mistrust in his jealous and suspicious head. Oftentimes therefore he defeated the Despot, and put him to the worse, returning in all conflicts with victory to Andrinople. Again, at such time as the said Despot had newly repaired his forces, and did begin to make head again, and to reinforce his army; Scanderbag being dispatched against him with more lusty forces, did vanquish him in battle, and put his army to flight. And having razed many of his holds and fortresses: he led back his soldiers loaden with the spoils and rich booty of their enemies.  
These tumults abroad being appeased, the old wretch by the like pursuit of his former 
Amurath conspireth and practiseth the destruction of Scanderbag.  detestable designs, did again address himself and conspire against him, who had been the author of so notable a victory, and of the rest, and tranquillity of his estate. To this end he caused the same time a solemn justs and tournement to be proclaimed both on horseback and on foot, promising gifts and rewards of great value to them that should bear away the prize: to the intent that by this devise and policy he might expose and put Scanderbag to all perils and extreme dangers. But as his counsels were abominable, so did they appear to be vain and of no effect: For albeit great numbers both of subjects and of strangers, all hardy, active, and able men did daily present themselves to this triumph: yet did Scanderbag continually show himself amongst them, & with an admirable hardiness & bravery, and no less good hap held against all comers, and as one fatally predestinated to be victorious, he alone did carry away the honour & the prize, with the extreme wonder and singular favour of all men. The unmatcheable virtue in this gentle warrior, which might have sufficed to assuage and mollify the arrogancy & fierceness even of his enemies, could no whit bend the courage of Ottoman alone to any courtesy or clemency, but his distrust each day growing more forcible, his heart also began to be enraged & inflamed with anger & hatred, making him to bethink with himself more ardently, how he might by some other secret kind of death dispatch him. But why am I thus carried away in the pursuit of these vain revenges, & foolish counsels of Amurath on the one part, & the providence of Scanderbag on the other part? why rather do I not in a word attribute the safety and preservation of this man unto God only? Assuredly he it was that confounded the spirits & senses of Ottoman: he it was that raised up those disturbances of the wars, and new commotions in Misia: finally, he it was that stirred up the arms of the Hungarians, to the intent that this man's life (being vowed and destinated to maintain the dignity of the Christian religion) should not be abridged & cut off: and that the ancient liberty of Epire might once again be revived: for had not a kind of divine power interposed itself in this case: there is no doubt but that Amurath had attained to the height of his intent and desire. Did he want any means to bring him to his end? might he not have had a thousand devices with which (without the least fear of sedition) he might have circumvented him? where were poisons? where were secret trains & ambushments? where were false and slanderous accusations, which are the ordinary weapons of tyrants to execute their malicious and mischievous attempts? Scanderbag having with great facility discovered these trains & secret practices, & perceiving that (if he continued long about the prince) he should hardly be able to avoid his snares, he found it high time to bethink himself how he might advance his affairs, for the recovery of his father's estate by some good & virtuous exploit, & by the subtlety of his own spirit (a thing which he had always conceived in his thoughts by the sweet remembrance of his liberty) he devised some honest colour to quit himself of the service of Amurath, & under pretence thereof, to return one day into his own native country, so greatly by him desired: where all men with one mind did attend and wish him with a vehement & general affection: yet did he never impart this his determination to any man living: neither did any person ever discern his hidden conceit, either by word or by any other sign, notwithstanding 
Scanderbag solicited by the Albanians to the recovery of his estate.  that there were many, & especially of the Albanois, in whom he might have reposed special confidence, by reason of their ordinary frequenting, & long familiarity together: & especially some of them, who after the decease of john his father (invited thereunto aswell through the bruit of his great renown, as for the desire they had to recover their liberty) were come unto him on the behalf of the principal and chiefest persons in Albany, to offer him the means, occasion, and opportunity, together with the aid of the subjects, to pull his father's crown and sceptre out of the hands of Amurath. Notwithstanding, knowing how great the inconstancy and lightness of men is, and considering the greatness of the peril, he dissembled it very wisely, and the rather for that (holding it a very easy matter to get the possession of all other things) yet he had his mind mightily perplexed and distracted, how he might recover Croie, which was his principal care. The Turk had furnished it with so strong a garrison, that it was impossible to gain it by arms or by force, but only by art and industry. It was also the chief and capitol city of the realm of Albany, situated upon the crest of a most high and ragged mountain, and on all sides almost inaccessible, being so fortified by art, and so defended by the natural site thereof, that (except it were by famine only) for an enemy to use any other force or violence against it, it might 
Scanderbag his wisdom and singular discretion.  be held mere folly, and a very mockery. By means whereof, if the mind of Scanderbag were at any time sounded in it, he would commend their affection, and the remembrance of their liberty not yet wholly extinguished in the hearts of their nation: But he alleged the wonderful power and puissance of the Turk: telling them, that his government was not grievous nor insupportable, and that it was but a folly and mere madness, rashly to begin any tumult or commotion, where was wanting sufficient forces to bring them to a good conclusion. And that they ought not to account of that liberty, the possession whereof would be of short continuance, and for which they should afterwards be brought, not into the like and so easy a servitude, but into a bondage, and restraint of liberty far more grievous and intolerable: bringing themselves in the end to be murdered and massacred as sacrifices to appease the wrath of the Prince, who would be mightily incensed against them, by reason of their rebellion. And yet did he always comfort and cheer them up, promising them, that according to the credit and authority which he had with Amurath, he would procure, that their yoke might be gracious, and his government so moderate as might stand with the condition and state of their affairs. Thus did he discreetly provide on all parts both for them and for himself: and did continually temporise, finely plotting & devising the way and opportunity how to escape and get away; no more nor less than as a poor prisoner, who attending with great patience and devotion some sedition within the place of his restraint, and a general astonishment of all persons, by means whereof, whilst every man is busied in extinguishing the fire of the dissension, he may in the mean time strike off his fetters and break prison: and (assuring thereby his liberty) it may be the means to avoid the hard sentence of the rigorous and severe judge.  
True it is, that fortune did not long hold his desire in suspense, for whilst these things were thus in doing, the Despot of Misia (of whom we have lately spoken) 
Despot of Misia re-established in his estate, and expulsed again by▪ Amurath.  was re-established again in his estate, as well by the revolt of his own subjects from the Sultan, as by the forces of his neighbours, and the aid of his friends sometime chase and expelling, & sometimes cutting in pieces some of the Turkish garrisons. By occasion whereof the Sultan being grievously incensed against him, & perceiving that to bring him to reason he must not from thenceforth any more commit the conduct of his affairs to other chiefs & commanders: he determined to go thither himself in person, and having levied a most puissant army, he marched against the Misian, with purpose utterly to suppress and destroy him; the which did very soon and easily fall out, even according as he wished: for that the Despot being far inferior unto him in power and puissance, did (as it were) at the first stroke, lose all his holds, and places of strength, and flying into Hungary, left all unto him, without any one drop of blood shed in defence thereof. Some say that Ottoman in this voyage, did aid himself with the counsel and service of Scanderbag, rather than of any other in his Court: as of one, who by his happy conduct in many other wars forepast in those quarters, had gotten more knowledge and experience of the places, and of that country, than any other whatsoever. But as yet for all that, could he find no fit occasion to effect his own dessines and purposes, howbeit that the time was not now far off to accomplish it. For Amurath had scarcely brought back his troops to Andrinople, and licensing them to departed, had scant broken up his Camp; but a public bruit and report began to grow of new troubles, and emotions of the Hungarians, and of other dangers approaching, far more furious than the former. For the misfortune of the Despotte by the mediation of julian the Cardinal of Saint Angel, (whom Pope Eugenius had sent into Hungary, 
Vladislaus king of Hungary, aideth the Despot against Amurath.  and had expressly given him in charge to labour the king to that effect) made Vladislaus king of Hungary, to arm himself for the re-establishing of the Despot in Misia. The Turkish Emperor being informed of this practice, did speedily assemble his forces, and put them in a readiness, to the number of four score thousand fight men: and before that the Christian army should make their entry into Misia, he caused the Bassa of Romania named Carambey, and Scanderbag jointly, 
Scanderbag & Carambry sent by Amurath against the Hungarians.  with twenty thousand men to set forward into Hungary, and there to mee●e them ●re they approached any nearer. He (according to his accustomed manner) with the body of his army, and all the baggage, followed after them fair and easily. On the other side, it was a goodly sight to see the Ensigns of the Christians, both for their number, and for the bravery of the soldiers and the Captains, who were no less than thirty five thousand fight men; but especially the great Huniades that famous 
john Huniades.  Captain, commonly surnamed jancus, whose very name alone (as hath been reported) had many times foiled and vanquished the Turks. One thing notwithstanding did much abate the courage and fierceness of our forces: and that was because for default of bread, the soldiers having no other but boiled wheat to live upon: they died for the most part suddenly, through a certain violent flux of the body, caused by this kind of victual. The Bassa therefore hastening with his troops, did encamp himself near to the river of Moravia. Huniades 
In Bulgary.  not able to endure this bravado, first of all he sent certain espials to get notice, and to bring him tidings of the approach of Amurath: and as soon as he could make any true conjecture of his forces, and of his determination, with ten thousand men, the best appointed of all his host, leaving the King behind in his camp, 
Battle of Morave, between Huniades and the Turkas.  he passed over the Mora●e, and with notable violence, went to charge the Barbarian, who at the first approach being somewhat astonished, did a little recule, and give backward: but all suddenly perceiving and contemning their small numbers, he attended the coming of Huniades, and received him to the fight. Castriot (who now spied the time and opportunity ●it to accomplish his desire and determination, which he had before conceived in his mind, and did seek with all his power the ruin of the Turks) even in the beginning of the battle did put himself with his own bands by little and little to the retreat, and afterwards by plain 
The revolt of Scanderbag.  ●●●ght, did turn his back before the enemy: striking into the others by his example a fear and terror, and withal a certain persuasion to do the like. And indeed the Bassa was much terrified by this accident, either because he saw so brave a man, and one so resolute in the wars, now contrary to his wont manner, prepare himself rather to fly then to fight: or because he was in doubt that he was deceived and betrayed, in regard whereof he charged the enemy more faintly and with less stomach, This was the occasion that the Hungarians being encouraged (as it appeared) by the fear of the other, without any great force or effusion of blood, brake and scattered the battle of their enemies, who abandoning their arms, and baggage, their Captains 
Turk's overthrown by Huniades.  and Ensigns, without any care of their companions: and having no other recourse but to their heels, endeavoured to save themselves by running. Huniades pursuing the advantage of his victory, never left killing so long as there rested any for execution. Every place was full of mountains (as it were) of dead bodies heaped together: all was filled with fear and tumult, especially at the sacking of the pillage and the ransacking of their camp. Of prisoners there were about a four thousand: amongst others there was one taken alive, who was in chief account & authority of the great Turk. The Bassa with a very small company had much ado to escape. Then Scanderbag as one careful and diligent in his enterprise, having first communicated and imparted it unto his friends (amongst whom was Amese his nephew, a young man of singular hope 
Amese, son of Reposius, alias Carragusa. Scanderbag ceàzeth upon the Bassa his Secretary: and causeth him to write letters for the delivery of Croy unto him.  and appearance of virtue, the son of Reposius afterwards by the Turks named Carragusa, by a wife which he had married before he was empoisoned by Ottoman) and now seeing the fortune of the Turk to decline towards a change, and their army defeated, he laid hands upon the Secretary, which was nearest unto the Bassa, (upon whom of purpose he had borne good espial) and having stayed him, with a good courage he caused him to be fettered, compelling him speedily, after some refusal, yet through fear of his life, to indite for him counterfeit letters to the Governor of Croy: by the which it was enjoined him in Amurath his name to consign the place into the hands of Scanderbag, as newly appointed and deputed to have the entire charge & guard thereof: making him also to set down in writing many reasons serving to that intent and purpose, for the better confirmation of the matter, with some appearance of truth and probability, to draw the Governor and his people the sooner to credit it. The letters being written, both the Secretary, and all the rest which were taken together with him, were presently put to death, to the intent that the matter might the longer remain concealed from the great Signior▪ and not they only, but as many as fell into the hands of Castriot had no better fortune. So that this army of the Turks was almost all brought to nothing: for that those also which escaped the fury of the soldiers, coming (by means of their dispersed and scattering flight) into the hands of the Paisants by one and the same death made an end of their days. A great number of the soldiers Albanois who were present at this encounter, after they had intelligence of the act of Scanderbag, as they went here and there wandering and dispersed, aswell to avoid the hand of the Conqueror, but principally pricked with the desire of their native country, did gather themselves near unto him: and in an instant they were found to be a troop of three hundred good and able men. Haniades and his people charged with inestimable spoil and booty, did retire themselves to their companions. I may not here let pass in silence that which some have seemed to affirm: That Scanderbag had before hand had some intelligence with the Hungarians, and by secret messengers had acquainted and instructed Huniades of all matters in particular, & that he was the cause that made him hasten with his forces. Howsoever it was as I dare not aver it▪ so I do not greatly stand upon it. But this I believe well, that all things were guided, and directed with singular prudence and good advise: and the event and issue of the matter (which many times is a true judge of our actions) doth authorize and confirm this opinion. But leaving Hungary for a season, let us draw back into Epire, whilst in the mean time the renown of this great loss; and the news of this notable discomfiture is posting towards Amurath.  
The victorious Castriot having fully satisfied his wrath, and accomplished his 
Scanderbag i● received into Dibria. People of Misia on the Western part thereof: after whom succeeded the Bulgarians.  vows and desire upon his enemies: and having likewise rather adorned then charged his soldiers with honourable spoils: dislodging from thence with very long iournyes, he arrived with his troop into the upper Dibria the seventh day after. This town is seated in the confines of the Tribullians, seventy miles from Croie, and is very famous amongst the Epirots, for that it bringeth forth men very active and valiant: and it was singularly esteemed and favoured of Scanderbag, by reason of their fidelity, and many commendable services which they had done for the defence and protection of the state under john his father, at such time as he was molested by Ottoman. Other town or fortress there is not in those Marches towards Macedony, but only Sfetigrade: but the people of the country dispersed throughout mountains, and valleys without any enclosures of walls, do preserve themselves by the only natural fortification of the places against the violence and injuries of their enemies. Castriot then there first of all made some stay, not holding it convenient to pass further, till he had ordained and set in order certain affairs of some consequence and importance as you shall hear. Having sent (very secretly) for some of the principallest in the town to come unto him (for he had a special care to conceal, and keep all things secret, and therefore had so disposed his journey, as he might arrive thither in the night) he discovered unto them the secrets of his thoughts, and he obtained all things to his content, not so much as one person being found, (as the report goeth) that would in any thing gainsay his demand, either for feat of the grand Seignour, or for mistrust of an act so dangerous; or of his own disposition, as some would have done. But on the contrary, their own desire so long time nourished, the incomparable reputation of himself, conceived by so many years (which was a great furtherance unto it) and withal the love and singular desire which they had of liberty, had wonderfully wrought him into the good grace and favour of every man. All therefore in general, which were about him (as it were) in emulation each of other, sometime with great joy and triumph: sometime shedding of tears through excessive gladness, with long embracements, some kissed his hands, others his face, one the head, another his feet, yea and all parts of his body, seeming to be ravished with the joy of his good fortune: and showing the singular contentment which they had in the resource, and restitution of the Albanois name and majesty. And presenting unto him all the means of their utmost power, and ability, they offered the same unto him: both their bodies, their hearts, their children, and whatsoever was of any better account, and value then other even unto their lives. The first thing that they took order for, was to set good and speedy watch and ward, for fear that (during these affairs) some advertisement should come from the Turk to the governor of Croy, which might discover the practice. It was advised also touching the levy that should be made; what forces should take arms at the first signal and token that should be given them. Of the three hundred horse which he had brought with him, reserving but a very small number (with which he determined to ride to Croy to present the Packet to the Governor, and to receive the government) the residue he sent before, and well near as many of the Dibrians, who knew all the passages of the country, willing them very closely to ambush themselves in the woods, and thickets next to Croy, till such time as he had gotten possession of the town, and that then he would covertly let them in to cut the throats of the Garrison. All things being well disposed and in order, the self same night that he came thither (it was in the end of Autumn, when the nights began to grow long) he whom the ardentnes of his desire did make impatient of delay, and who held that the least stay, was of great importance to endanger his enterprise, early in the morning before the break of day, he departed from Dibria, accompanied with his troop of horse, and his baggage, and certain of the Dibrians who attended him, and he drew directly towards Croy, with as great speed as might be. And as he approached towards the town, willing by this devise to set the better colour upon his deliberation, and to make it seem more probable, he commanded on the way that Amese, with two others as his servants, should go before to carry the news unto the Governor, and to advertise him, that he with his train was not far off. The young man being of an excellent quick spirit, and good courage, and so well dissembling himself both in habit and in speech, as if he had been a Turk natural, was received into the town, and went speedily to find the Governor: unto whom, (having after their manner) done his reverence, with a good grace he began to make mention of Scanderbag, saying that he was his Secretary, and with great modesty told him withal, that his master and his train only, would be there very speedily. As God would, that which Amese delivered, was from point to point believed, and from thence forward the Barbarian began to prepare and make himself ready to departed: and before that he had either read the letters, or had any notice of the will and pleasure of his Prince, he trussed up his baggage, and provided to dislodge: in such sort, that Scanderbag being come, and the Packet opened, and the letters read, credit was given unto the same, and they obeyed thereunto, according to their tenor and contents, and the Albanois was 
The government of Croy, resigned unto Scanderbag, by the Governor.  received with great joy. Then were called before him (as is the use) all the ordinary garrison, and the ancient inhabitants of the town of all ages and estate. His great renown being dispersed over all parts, made him much esteemed and welcomed of every man. The Turks loved his natural disposition because he was popular and familiar, by occasion whereof, all of them took it in good part to be under his command. The Croians, who saw before their eyes the race of their good Prince, did forth with take heart and courage, and (neither more nor less, then as if they had presently been delivered from some long captivity and misery) they began suddenly to conceive in their inward thoughts and wishes, the secret counsels and enterprise of Scanderbag. And in especial, some of those who were of eldest years amongst them, and did as yet retain their ancient desire, carrying in their minds the apparent signs of his virtue shining in him from his infancy, they would discourse of his education, the beginning of his birth and nativity, and the curious presages of his parents; yet was there not any one of them all the while, that durst open his conceit unto the new Captain, nor yet betake him to arms, till they saw that he himself did advance forward, and set in foot as chief and leader to regain their liberty. (It was concluded between Castriot and a few others, that some should stir up the youth of the town, and when time served provoke them to take arms: and it was forbidden them to make any sign or token of alteration, till that the succours of the men at arms, (which lay near the town in ambushment) were let in within the gates: the which being enjoined them to be done secretly, and in the dead time of the night, was put in execution, and they were brought into the town. The ports being shut, the streets, the cross ways, and all the strongest passages being filled with armed soldiers, the Turks not knowing any thing of their counsels, or at least for fear dissembling it: and the error of the night augmenting the fear of the danger, Scanderbag gave the signal to begin the massacre. The first thing that was done, was to oppress 
The Massacre and butchery of the Turks at Croy.  the Sentinels, who being dispersed upon the walls, as the manner is, in little standings or cabinets of wood, were easily subject to their violence, and soon put to the sword, others being disposed in their places. With no less fury the private houses being forced open, the bands of Croie were the first that marched, Scanderbag himself doing the office both of a commander and a soldier. At the shutting up of the gates, many being surprised suddenly, had their throats cut in their beds. But the alarm being come from one and other to all the rest, a great number being wakened, ran presently to arms according as the tumult, and the darkness of the night did give them leisure: and rendering themselves upon the place, they endeavoured to cast themselves in order of battle, with intent either to die honourably, or by making head a while against the enemy, and gaining one of the ports, to save themselves by flight. This notwithstanding, all the passages being shut up, and both the one and the other of their designs being assayed in vain, they saw themselves on all parts murdered and slaughtered as beasts. Thus the hope of all flight being taken away from them, and being deprived of all good and honest means to die with honour, they had recourse to cries and lamentations, which they had long forborn; and with tears (abhorred of all generous hearts) they called for mercy to Scanderbag, praying and adjuring him to make a stay of further slaughter, and not any more to deface and stain the fortunate beginning of his estate with bloodshed: and that he would make choice rather to let them live, and to reserve them to a servile estate of bondage, for the further increase and ornament of his triumph: then to disgrace it so with the show of their bloody & slaughtered carcases: and by too too much cruelty to dishonour this day of joy, and the assurance of his estate with their innocent blood, howsoever justly spilled; that they had not merited any such thing: that they had not deserved the ill will and malice of the people, nor had been injurious to any; but that they had as friends (rather then as enemies) inhabited and conversed with them in the town which was committed unto them by Amurath: and that for their part they would not from thenceforth debar any man from regaining their liberty, but laying down their weapons and their arms, they did prostrate themselves invocating the mercy of the vanquishers. On all sides were heard horrible and fearful cries, clamours, plaints, howl, sighs, threats, and lamentations full of confusion. In the midst of the heat and fury of the massacre, Castriot with all his power causing his soldiers to retire, and to sound the retreat, was easily moved with the pitiful voices of these miserable suppliants: and he deferred the course of his proceed till the morning following: in hope that this people so beset on all sides, and overwhelmed with infinite miseries and mischiefs, might peradventure either by fair or fowl means, by flattery or by threats, be brought and drawn to embrace the Christian religion. Nevertheless for all that, wisely ordering his companies, and appointing to each man his place, he commanded to keep good watch, for fear and doubt of some surprise that might be made by the enemy. Himself in the mean time road directly to the port, accompanied with Amese and some others that followed them: and there sent and dispatched him away with certain Dibrians to carry the tidings to Dibria unto them who were of his faction, how that Croie was his own, and of all the rest which passed: admonishing them all in general to take arms, and to solicit their allies and neighbours to the recovery of their liberty: and that they would not fail (during this troublesome change, and unexpected astonishment on all parts) to expel and drive away the garrisons of the enemies: especially now that Amurath did not yet know any thing, and whilst he was occupied in the wars against the Hungarians. And as for him, that as soon as he had cleared the town of the Turks, & set the state thereof in good peace and quietness, he would incontinently be with them, with the best and bravest troops that he could possibly assemble. The next morning at the sun rising, being desirous to make an end of that which rested undone within the town: he caused it to be cried by sound of trumpet, that all those which would be baptised, and become professed Christians, should retire themselves near unto him without arms: and they should both have their lives given them, and be indifferently admitted to all places of charge and dignity within the town. But all those which should neglect and refuse this favour, should be held for enemies, and it should be lawful for every man to punish them with all extremity of cruelty. The terror of this Proclamation did not much move their wretched souls and obstinate minds, and few there were that did hearken unto this good and wholesome counsel (so lively were the old precepts of their ancestors fixed in their feeble spirits: and so deeply had they taken root, and were (as it 
The obstinacy of the Turks.  were) engraven within their bones, that they could not be dissuaded from them.) Most willingly therefore did they make choice, that their miserable bodies should accompany their guilty souls to destruction, rather than they would enjoy the exceeding clemency both of God and men. The Turks therefore, desisting from prayers, for that the condition propounded unto them by the Christians, seemed unto them very unreasonable, and having recourse unto a vain and bootless flight, they did rather delay then avoid their torment, by reason that the corpses du guard of armed soldiers disposed on all the ways, did easily oppress them being amazed and dispersed. And albeit that many of them enraged (as it were) when the hideous image of imminent death and destruction did present itself to their eyes, did with their naked sword make themselves a passage in some of the streets through the midst of their enemies: yet could they not for all that, avoid the hands of the rest, and though they ran here and there as birds shut up in a cage, and did wander by all the cross ways of the town, having no way to escape, yet were they overthrown by the soldiers coming upon them: or else did they murder themselves with their own weapons. For it is said that some of them were slain by their own hands: others getting into the Temples and sacred places to hide themselves, were drawn out by the soldiers desirous of blood, and were made (as it were) a sacrifice for the common liberty. Liberty was in every man's mouth, and every where sounded the sweet name of Liberty. Many of them being not yet for fear gotten out of their houses, but keeping themselves within doors, did there shed their own blood, excepting such as retiring themselves into the inner and most secret parts and corners of their houses, did for a time beguile the soldiers notwithstanding all their wiliness and diligence: a great number of them also had refuge unto Scanderbag, not for that the fear of so hideous a spectacle, had withdrawn them from their former intention, but only to prolong (as long as they might) the course of their unhappy lives. For this fury being appeased, and the tumult ceasing within the town, even as Castriot was in making preparation to have them to be baptised, the most part of them with fair entreaty and supplications did not cease to importune him, that he would not against their wills force them thereunto: that well they might feign themselves through the fear and horror of present death to yield themselves to be Christians, but that they could not forget the ancient laws and ceremonies of their Elders; that they meant not obstinately to oppose themselves nor resist against any of his commandments, though it were to present them with a cruel death: nevertheless, that this could not enter into their thoughts, because that such ceremonies and traditions ought to be used to such as are willing, and not with constraint and violence. And they required him by the faith which he had plighted unto them, and by the revenge which he had sufficiently of late taken of their parents and brethren: that he would at least wise make them Messengers unto Amurath of this strange hap and marvelous accident.  
Scanderbag his wrath together with his arms being abated & laid aside, and seeing them all disarmed, and with their hands erected to humble themselves before him, was easily entreated to give them both life and liberty, albeit he did not esteem this faithless and infidel nation worthy of any favour and compassion. But little joy had they of this benefit, for that at their departure out of the towns, their destiny did deliver them to the indiscretion of others outrage, and to the merciless greediness of the communality. As for those that were baptised (of whom there were some) besides the exceeding shows of joy and triumph made by the towns▪ men for their conversion; they were abundantly also provided of all necessaries, as of houses, victuals, pensions, and all other serviceable commodities at the public and common charge. Notwithstanding, it was ordained that good guard should be had of them, till such time as the new seal of their Religion were known to have taken root and increase within their hearts, being as yet but fresh and newly begun; and principally for doubt least upon these alterations they should attempt some kind of treason. Of all those which afterwards did come forth of diverse holes and secret places, some lighting upon such of the inhabitants, who were of a more mild and courteous disposition, were kept prisoners, having promised great sums of money for their ransom: the rest were killed upon the place.  
These things thus accomplished, and all things changed and reform within 
The country about Croy revolteth from the Turks in favour of Scanderbag.  the town, the standards and ensigns of the Turks being either torn or burnt wheresoever they were found, and all tokens of their remembrance being utterly abolished and defaced: Castriot speedily dispatched some of the best and most appara●●●t persons in the town throughout the next places, depending of the jurisdiction of Croy, to acquaint them with all the success of his dealings, and to make them all to take arms. But they needed neither messenger nor solicitor: almost all of them were found ready in Arms, attending only for some one to be their chief and leader to their resolute and courageous stomachs. And therefore in a moment with a good and sufficient troop of soldiers enroled, passing from thence further on, they went forwards to incite others to do as they had done. The Garrisons of the Turks with whom they encountered, were all put to the sword, and when they had gathered on all parts, such numbers of men as they thought sufficient, they took their way back again to Croy: where Scanderbag at the same hour, having made all his companies to march together, by long iourney●, arrived at Dibria, where he found Amese with an other good troop of soldiers, and all things in good peace and quietness: For he had a good while since ●●ased and expelled from thence the Garrison which the enemy had in that place. The old Governor of Croy was in like case slain and all his family, without saving any one of them, and his baggage ransacked. But now before all other matters, and ere he pursued the conquest of the surplus of his estate; Castriot ordained two thousand good men upon the Frontiers near to Sfetigrad, and the mountain Moneo, as well to stop up and debar the issue of the enemies which should be found within his province: as also for to fortify and defend the passages, if any forces should happen to be sent thither by the Sultan; For on that side was the way more at hand, and more frequented to come from Macedony and Thrace into Epire. Himself with the rest of his troops, descended into base Dibria. In this place Fortune presented unto him amongst others a worthy parsonage, notable for the nobility of his blood, and for the haughtiness of his courage▪ one Moses 
Moses Goleme  Goleme, by whom afterwards Scanderbag was aided as a principal companion, both of his virtues and his travails in many high and difficult enterprises. After this he visited the other places and fortresses near adjoining, the which for that they neither were environed with walls, nor defended with any great numbers of Turks, did give him (as you may imagine) easy access and entry. From thenceforth all others which remained, of what age soever (as having quitted all other care, and setting their minds on nothing but arms) did wholly betake themselves to follow him, and called him the Protector of their liberty. Liberty sounded in their mouths, and liberty was all their hearts desired.  
Whilst these things were thus in doing, many Turks (as I have heard) being 
Scanderberg discomfiteth the Turks that make head against him in Epyr●.  rallied and assembled together out of diverse quarters, came in troop to encounter the Christians, and to assay the hazard of fight with them: but the victory was no less impossible to them, than it had been before to their companions. The residue then knowing that it was bootless to attempt by force to make any resistance against him, rendered themselves unto him: and casting their arms down at his feet, they chose rather to make a trial of his faith, then to feel the weight and puissance of his arm. To the intent therefore, that by exercising rigour against persons disarmed, and who submitted their necks under the yoke of his obeisance, he might not incur the estimation of a man cruel and bloody minded, as also to draw unto him the hearts and good will of his own subjects; by this humanity and dexterity of his spirit, he referred them to the discretion of his soldiers, putting it in their choice, & giving them 
Turk's y●●lding themselves prisoners to Scanderbag are referred to the mercy of the soldiers, who put them to the sword.  the power either to pardon or to punish them. In vain were all prayers, and in vain were all exclamations to persuade the courages of his men at arms, whose ears were deaf, and would not hearken unto them: for but a very few of them were reserved alive, and such as of whom they hoped to have great ransoms. Scanderbag did neither openly approve, nor in his heart did he condemn this severity▪ yet it was that which he most desired, doing always the like, to the intent he might altogether abolish the name of Turks out of the provice. For the residue of his affairs, because he could not be present in all places, and for that the present occasions did require expedition and extreme celerity, he made a division of his troops. Some of the chiefest young men he sent into diverse parts of the country here and there, to dispatch that which remained: as to stir up their confederates, and to prevent their enemies. Amese with about two hundred men was appointed to enter within Croie: for he was certified that there were not sufficient forces to guard the place: and yet was that to be regarded as their principal garrison. Himself riding and posting into all quarters, sometimes on one side, sometimes on another, and having a very careful eye to all occasions, he employed and spent certain days for the recovery of some other places, and to gain by his presence the amity and good affection of all parties.  
There remained one only point, but of greater labour and difficulty than all the 
Scanderbag consulteth & provideth for the recovery of the strong holds & fortresses of Epire from the Turks.  rest, and that was the subduing of the other towns: in the reducing of the which to his obeisance consisted no small importance of the recovery of his estate. B●● for that they were all defended by good and strong garrisons of the Sultan▪ it was advised that the fort ought to be enterprised with more puissant and braver forces: and with mature and ready deliberation. For this cause it was concluded, that all those whom he had departed and divided into sundry quarters, and upon diverse charges, should reinforce, and with as much speed as might be, augment their bands with fresh supplies: and this done, they should repair incontinently to Croy: Scanderbag himself took his way thither forthwith, and there continued attending their coming. Little distance of time was there between his arrival and theirs, and the report hereof did draw many others also into the action. For many noble and excellent 
Musache de Angeline. Goique and George Stre●ses. give Musache. Musache de Thopy the husband of Mamisa. S●euen Cernoviche the husband of Mar●.  Captains, especially of his allies, came to seek him speedily and well accompanied: amongst whom were Musache de Angeline (so called by the common sort) being his Nephew by his sister Angelina: and the two Streeses, Goique and George brethren, his Nephews also by his sister jella, and Gyne Musache the husband of Vlaica: for john his father before his decease, had married all his daughters to diverse Princes and great Lords of the country (excepting Mamisa, who was given by Scanderbag to Musache de Thopie, after the recovery of his Realm, and the pacification of his estate.) Also from Steven Cernoviche (who had espoused Mara and had by her many goodly children) he wanted not ambassages to visit him, and to congratulate his good fortune and prosperity: besides great succours that he sent him both of men and money. More than these there did gather & assemble together from hour to hour, such a concourse of people coming & resorting unto him, that they came at length to exceed the number of 12000. men on his part. Castriot being notably encouraged by this favour and good affection of his friends and subjects, and seeing them fully priest, and ready to march, he would not set forward, until he had in full counsel deliberated upon his affairs, and that he had used some exhortation unto his army. Thus therefore, or the like in effect, he spoke unto them.  
I see not here (brave Captains and valiant soldiers) any new & unexpected matter, 
The oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers.  nor more than I have heretofore in my mind conjectured, or that my hopes did make promise of unto me, as often as I called to mind the ancient worthiness of this Nation, and your singular devoir towards my deceased father. For (be it spoken without presumption) of myself I never doubted but that I should always retain the same mind, and the self same love and affection to my country: and that I should be always of like courage for the recovery of our public liberty. In like manner your desires, your vows, and your wishes were in effect together with mine jointly, but as one and the same thing. For many times (whereof willingly and freely I do delight to make often rehearsal) you did by all manners and means of affection and duty convite me unto this charge whilst I was yet abiding about Amurath. Peradventure in your opinion I might seem to have been forgetful of my country, to have forgotten mine own honour: and it might be, you thought me careless of our deliverance and freedom, at such time as I sent you home to your houses charged with sorrow, without any certain hope, without any appearance or likelihood of any generous or honourable thought seen or discerned in me. Certainly (my good citizens) by that dissembled remissness and default of mine, I provided both for your surety and mine own security: the estate of our affairs being then of that quality and disposition, as they required rather to be put in execution, then to be consulted on: beside that I have in you a greater necessity rather of a bridle to restrain you, then of spurs to prick you on to the recovery of your liberty. True it is that I concealed from you my deliberations, but the cause why I so long forbore to make known unto you my ready will and affection, was: not for that I either suspected your loyalty, or that I had not sufficient knowledge of your good hearts (for yourselves were the first that entered into this dangerous course, and made me acquainted with the secrets of your thoughts) but that which turned and withdrew me from it, was the frailty of mortal men, and the inconstancy of men's minds: the which, as in all other actions it is brittle, variable, and inconsiderate: so must it be drawn with force and violence, and not guided by any gentle entreaty and usage to seek and purchase liberty. For it is in nothing stable and constant, neither doth it observe any good order or direction, and if there fall out any the least occasion or opportunity, which may give any hope or plausibility for the purchasing thereof, or for the attempting of it only: not a thousand sword, not a million of perils, not manifest death and apparent hazard to lose both life and goods might have diverted and turned us from our purpose. But after that the matter once in vain attempted, had made known your endeavours, either must you have endured a most cruel punishment, or a bondage far more hard and intolerable, all hope had been quite taken from you in time to come, and the opportunity once let slip had been lost for ever after: so that this fact must have been enterprised once for all, and if it had not succeeded at the first, all future means to accomplish it had been utterly lost without any hope ever to return again. For this cause (I will speak it freely) hardly durst I trust myself with my own conceit of my enterprise, neither could I think myself assured in that I had communicated it to my own thoughts: I mistrusted lest my tongue, impatient of a case so important, should discover it to the very walls of my private chamber, witness thereof is Amese my Nephew, my chiefest friend and counsellor at that time, and the faithful companion of my travels, and some few besides him, whose faithful and forward assistance and diligence did us good service in the execution of this action. For albeit we lived together and familiarly (as it were) in one and the same course of life: though we did eat at one and the same table, and though we did in a manner (as it were) breathe jointly with one and the same soul: nevertheless, neither they nor any man alive did ever hear me mindful of my country, but only in the war of Hungary: neither was there ever any man that heard me use any speech, or to utter any one word at any time, which might argue me to be a Christian or free man, till such time as I saw and perceived that I might freely do it, and without all fear of danger. Well therefore might you (O Albanians) have sought and found out some other person (as this Province was never destitute of most excellent spirits) whom you might have made the author of your liberty: and who might have more advanced your means and courages thereunto: but it pleased you, and it may be, God would have it so, that you should attend this your deliverance rather by me, though somewhat with the latest▪ then to go seek out others, or by your own virtue to purchase and obtain it. It was not any grief unto me, neither did the magnanimity of my mind, albeit nourished to liberty, suppose the time any thing long or tedious, to be held in so long subjection, and to have my courage kept under by the villainous Barbarians: because I did still live in hope that you should one day see me in the state wherein I now am. But why do I under your patience usurp unto myself this name of a deliverer? It is not I that have brought hither liberty unto you: but here have I found liberty, scarce had I set my foot within your country, scarce had your ears heard the sound of my name, but that all of you made haste to meet me; and you did in a manner contend who should be the foremost to come unto me, no otherwise then as if you had heard that your parents, your brethren, or your children had been revived from death to life: and as if one had told you, that all the God's ha● been arrived amongst you, you did even at the first prevent me with such a number of good and officious regards, and you did surcharge me with so many demonstrations and arguments of your exceeding joy and gladness, that in my opinion, the servitude and duty wherein I stand bounden unto you: is no less than the liberty which I have gotten and purchased by you. It is not I that have given you this Empire and Signiory: it is not I that have given you this city, it is you that have given it unto me: it was not I that did put arms into your hands, I found you ready in arms: I found you every where bearing the show of liberty, in your hearts, in your countenance, in your sword, and in your lances: and (as most loyal tutors and guardians ordained by my father, you have put the Sceptre into my hand with no less faith and diligence, then as if you had kept and preserved it for me even till this day: and you have brought me by your labour and carefulness into the possession of my ancestors without any effusion of blood. Now therefore (in the name of God) do you lead and conduct me to the recovery of the rest which is yet remaining in the hand and possession of others. The greatest part, and in a manner the whole work is already by you accomplished: Croy is recovered, and the territory thereof wholly reduced under our obeisance: the Dybrians and all the people in general are now united unto us, the name of the enemy is banished and exiled out of the country, only the towns and strong holds do rest unsubdued. If I consider their discommodities, how all places are either taken by us, or besieged, and how nothing is left them but the enclosures of their walls; I have hope of good success: but if I contemplate the difficulty and strength of the places, and the force of the garrisons placed in them by the Tyrant, it behoveth us either to use some notable policy to surprise them, or singular resolution and obstinacy in forcing them. But hereof we shall better and more conveniently both consult and determine, when we come upon the place in the face of the enemy, and our arms in hand, than now that we are absent, and our minds altogether doubtful and unresolved. Let us then march on and advance our ensigns speedily, let us take unto us the courages of conquerors: fortune shall second our endeavours, which hitherto in all our actions and in all places hath singularly both accompanied and followed us. Petrella is the place we must first set upon, not that the same is inferior unto others in the strength and natural site thereof: but for that (being nearer to this city) I have good hope that it will be the more terrified by the fame and report of our good fortune which we have had at Croie. Many are the spectacles which are presented before their eyes both of your valour, and of their own calamity: it may happen that these things may somewhat move and appall them, but if the conceit of these will not make them to tremble: that which shall be wanting, assuredly our own resolution and obstinacy must and shall supply. For this is one thing we must hold resolutely and to build upon; That if this place be not carried and if we come not therein to the end of our desires, we must never think to return any more unto our houses. Let us try therefore by all means, by art, cunning, and policy: by pains and travail, by patience, by the sword, and by gold and silver, that by our success in this, we may find the beginning and commencement of our good fortune: and we may make it the first good sign and augury of our victory. If it please God that we enter by force, we must remove all pity and compassion of these obstinate Miscreants, and we ought rather to use the victory with all obstinacy and severity, for the greater discouragement of those that shall rest unsubdued. If by composition and without blood, we can by any means gain it, then is it requisite, that we carry ourselves towards them in all courtesy, and use them friendly and favourably both in general and in particular: to the intent we may make others the more tractable, and keep them from being too obstinate and desperate.  
The modesty of Scanderbag by this Oration was principally made known, 
The siege of Petrella.  and it was highly commended of all the army, neither was his advise and counsel in any point, either changed or ill accepted. Moses with three thousand horsemen, as vauntcurrers were sent before to Petrella, being followed near at hand by Castriot, who led the residue of the forces. Some say that he carried with him certain ordinance found within Croy, the sooner to astonish those within the town: But others do affirm, that the whole service was enterprised and ended without any help of artillery at all. For my part, if it be true as some say, that he reconquered all his estate within the space of one month only: hardly can I believe that he would charge and trouble himself with such a train of carriages, especially in the winter, when all the ways were so hard frozen, and so full of ice, that neither horse nor man could easily travel, but with great difficulty: though they had been little or nothing at all loaden and burdened. The army of the Albanoys being arrived before the walls, and the companies quartered into diverse parts, the town was quickly environed to the most advantage that might be devised: the greater part of their forces were lodged in Tyranna the greater, so named by reason of a lesser seated near Croye, for that the 
Tyranna the greater.  place thereabouts seemed most convenient and next at hand to encamp in. The besiegers and the besieged were both of one mind: nevertheless Castriot endeavoured first of all by fair and courteous speeches, and by great and large promises to sound their determination: and having made choice of one of his own company, faithful and expert in this faculty (and whom he had brought with him of the relics of the war of Hungary, into Epire,) he sent him unto the 
Composition offered to the garrison of Petrella.  Petrellians to offer them over and above the safety of their lives and baggage, any other reasonable composition upon condition that they would render up the place: and in case they would abide with him, and exchange both their law, and their master together: or if they had rather to return to their own Prince again, that he should promise all of them good store of silver, besides rich gifts unto the Governor.  
This soldier being of a quick spirit, and very subtle, with speeches fit and appertinent to the purpose: finding this people already inclining to yield themselves, brought them to such reason as himself desired: and he took not the beginning of his persuasion concerning Scanderbag: but in regard of the mishaps and great business of Amurath upon his discomfiture in Hungary, and the conspiracy of the Christians against the Turks: And then with a firm assurance he came to the instructions of his Captain often times insinuating for a colour into the minds of the hearers the prosperous fortune of the garrison of Croye, and the miserable condition of the others who lay dispersed throughout all the corners of the Province, and were left and abandoned for food unto Wolves and dogs in the open fields. The truth of these persuasions being in part heard, and in part seen with their own eyes, they were soon and very easily believed, and the conditions were accepted: that they should freely departed with their arms, bag and baggage: as for other presents they regarded not. The Governor therefore appointed certain to treat with Scanderbag upon this point, 
Petrella yielded.  and to ratify the agreement with solemn oath. All matters being concluded and ended, the Barbarians departed: there was a new garrison received within Petrella, and the Prince of Albany being mindful of his promise, after he had honoured and kindly entreated the enemies with good speeches, he furnished them with money, horse, and victuals, and after sent Moses with certain horsemen to conduct them to the frontiers of Epire, for fear lest they should suffer some outrage by means of secret ambushmentes or open violence on one side or other by his own followers, as diverse others had suffered the like usage. Behold now in the discourse of these affairs, how the exceeding and wonderful good fortune of this Chieftain doth bewray itself no less than his singular and excellent 
Scanderbag most fortunate  virtue: and as God did secure him in preserving him from the trains of Amurath, when he abode with him; In likecase I may justly aver, that at the very time of his settling and re-establishment in his Signiory, he did not only favour him, but did also fight for him. The town of Petrella, though small in 
The situation of Petrella.  circuit, is notwithstanding inexpugnable by reason of her situation, both for the nature of the place, and the height of the mountain, upon the top whereof it is seated: beside it was abundantly provided of men, arms, and munition. Nevertheless in the winter time (being a very hard and unfit season for the siege of towns) it made so little resistance against him, that he lost not in the winning thereof so much as one soldier, nor (as the common saying is) a word waste or in vain. Herein also have we to commend his singular patience which stood him to great purpose, and his bodily strength, which was hardened to all travails, besides the infatigable and unwearied vigour of his spirit, whereby he executed all offices and duties of charge, with great promptness and celerity. But to the matter: The fortress being regained, and all things necessary ordained and provided, he made not any abode there, not so much as a day, an hour, or any moment of time: but at the very instant trussing up his baggage, he led his forces against the other towns so speedily, as though they had fled away before him. All places were covered with snow, the faces of his men were even shrunk with cold, their hands frozen, their bodies benumbed and almost senseless: yet would he suffer no man to enter into the town save only the garrison, neither would himself set foot within it, to make others as it were ashamed by the example which himself gave them. But one thing there is reported 
The properties of Scanderbag.  of him of far greater marvel, which I may not suffer to be forgotten, and that is, that from the first day in which he entered into Epire, even to the perfect and full recovery of his estate: it was never known that he slept at any time full two hours in a night, which may be reputed a miracle proper to a body of some divine nature, and to a supernatural force and vigour. It may well be that he attained to this patience of labour, and sufferance of hardness, by a custom in often watching, by daily exercise, and by the greatness of his forces. Some do hold (which the ancients also did excuse in that great parsonage Papirius Cursor) that he was a great eater and drinker. His use was in fight to combat with his arm bare and naked: and he took no care either of heat or cold: a thing (it may be thought) more marvelous than credible to all posterity. But let us now return from whence we are digressed.  
The next course taken was directly to Petralba, distant 30. miles from Petrella, 
Petralba, and the description thereof.  and as much from Croy: and from Petrella to Croy was five and twenty miles. This castle is in Emathia, upon the height of a mountain, the which beside that it is of small entertainment, and not able to yield any great relief or sustenance, can not be forced but by famine only. Moreover having the river of Emathy near unto it which washeth the foot of the mountain; it is the cause that it yieldeth unto the place no less ornament and beauty, than defence and commodity. No sooner had the soldiers planted their ensigns before this town, but that those which held it, did yield it up by one of their company, whom they sent purposely to Scanderbag: and they had the like conditions granted and accorded unto them as had the Petrellians: and as inviolably were they observed, certain of the Epyrots being assigned 
Petralba yielded.  them for a convoy to their garrison at their dislodging from the town against the violence of the country inhabitants. The town being furnished with all things necessary, scant had they any leisure to breath themselves, but that they marched on 
Stellusa and the descripion thereof.  with the like heat and fury to Stellusa: being distant from Petralba five and twenty miles, from Petrella forty, and from Croy fifty, or thereabouts. This little hamlet likewise, notwithstanding that it meriteth no great commendation for her greatness, yet may it with good right be accounted of, by reason of the natural fortification, and the pleasantness thereof, and the healthfulness of the air. In the plain champion fields of Armathia, there runneth out a very high mountain seated as if it had been of purpose in the midst of a valley, the top of the same being excellently well environed with walls maketh this castle. In this place our Epirots being arrived about the sun setting, nothing was done for that day, but they attended the day following. Early in the morning Castriot having sent his Heralds to the besieged, they had nothing but words, neither was there any certain answer given them: for the Barbarians being distracted into diverse opinions, it little wanted but that they had fallen into a mutiny by reason of the obstinacy or (to speak more properly) the firm resolution of the Governor; who contradicted the others, upon the capitulation and agreement, persuading the multitude to stand to their defence. Notwithstanding being vanquished by the greater number, and yet not willing to accept the reasonable offers made him, he was in the end constrained to receive a yoke far more disgracious, vile & pitiful. For the soldiers being not able to dissuade him by words, they 
Stellusa yield unto Scanderbag by the ●ison, who ●ade their governor prisoner.  led him bound and pinioned with others of his faction unto Scanderbag, and contenting themselves with the same conditions as the former, they delivered the place into his hands. Unto these more than to all the rest did the Christians in all friendly sort use notable bounty and liberality. The greater sort of them by reason of their crime and treachery committed against Ottoman, would not return into their own country, but did still continue in that place: of whom some were baptized, and the residue were left to their own liberty and discretion to use their religion at their own choice and pleasure not any one of them wanting maintenance and entertainment of the public and common charge.  
There remained yet unrecovered the city of Sfetigrad, the which in the Sclavonian 
Sfetigard besieged.  language signifieth, the holy city. Thither therefore without any stay made at Stellusa, the Prince of Epire marched with his army making all the speed that might be: this town being seated in the upper Dibria on the frontiers of Albany, upon an high mountain (as we have said also of the former) and it stood aloft and very eminent as the nest of an Eagle, being well near as great in compass as Stellusa. All 
Of the antiquity and original of the chief towns of Epyre.  these places by us before mentioned had not any founders of any great antiquity: for those which the ancient kings of Macedon and Epire, and other strange Princes had sometimes builded; as Meandria, Heraclia, Togla, Nicopolis, Echinan, Leucas and certain others: they had been destroyed and razed by the enemies of the Latins, or (as we may more fitly term them) the firebrands and plagues of mankind, the Goths and Gallogretians, at such time as they invaded and overwhelmed the whole world. This was the reason that some of the inhabitants of the country, & the particular Lords of places long time after that being desirous to recoil and reassemble in one the multitude most miserably dispersed, and to reduce it into some form of a Province: for that they knew it to be a matter of some difficulty to restore the relics and ruins of those ancient towns; and if they were repaired, yet they would be nevertheless still subject and exposed to all calamities and injuries of enemies to come, as they had been in times past (they being for the most part seated in the plain and open champion) they made choice therefore of the tops of mountains for their seats and dwellings, and there did they build these fortresses of so small and little compass: both because the site and platform of the said mountains would not yield them any larger space or circuit for their walls: and to the intent also they might the more easily be 
The founda●● of Croy.  defended when any enemies should come to assail them. And although that Croy (as the capital and chief city of the realm) be far more beautiful and larger, beyond all comparison, than all the others: nevertheless I find that he which founded it was one named Charles, a man rich and very wealthy, of the noble family of the Tholoyes, the which (at the same time that Scanderbag did enjoy the sovereignty of Epire) had 
Scuria or Scodra. Tyranna, Duraz.  the Government, signiory, and lordship of Scuria or Scodra, which is a part of the same Province sufficiently famous and notable, and lieth between Tyranna and Duraz.  
Assoon as Castriot was come in sight of the enemy, after he had divided his companies each in his quarter, and that he had set good watch and ward on all parts of the 
Sfetigard summoned by Scanderbag.  camp, he demanded parley with them of the town, and to provoke them the more by examples, he made known and put them in mind from point to point of all that he had done at Croie, Petrella, Petralba & Stellusa: and chief of his liberality & gracious usage, and entreaty of the garrison of Stellusa: and on the other side of the captivity of the governor of that place: whom they should shortly see executed with others that were likewise obstinate. This message did astonish every one of them, & above all, the captain of the garrison: who having before his eyes the signs & marks of other men's fortunes, durst not begin to declare and open his advise, nor yet to make answer to the enemy, mistrusting the inconstancy of the common multitude, and the mutable 
The oration of acommon soldier to the garrison of Sfetygrad persuading them to hold good against Scanderbag.  minds of the popular sort being for the most part nothing resolute. Wherefore having honourably received and feasted the Herald: he addressed himself to his soldiers with great modesty and began thus to speak unto them. How think you valiant men & faithful soldiers? or what shall we say to this ambassade of our enemy? Then one of the standers by (well perceiving the intent and meaning of the Governor by his speeches) with his sword drawn, and shaking it aloft as he held it in his hand: Captain (quoth he) seeing thou dost term us valiant and faithful: and dost repute Scanderbag for our enemy: this my sword shall make answer for us all. What reason hath any man to allege here unto us so precisely & expressly that which hath passed at Croy and at Stellusa? do they think thereby to fear and terrify the courage of men free and resolute? As great diversity as there is in the countenances of men, and as different as are their visages: so great variety is there in the ability and dexterity of their spirits. Each man is wise to himself: or each man is foolish in his own actions. Neither the Petrellians, nor the Stellusians received any laws of us, nor were they commanded by us: no more shall they command or prescribe laws unto us. Let us take heed that the examples of these slaves so base & infamous do not any way enter into our hearts so valiant and generous. Courageous minds do highly disdain, not only in cases that are shameful and reproachful, but even in honest actions, to imitate the deeds of other persons: but each man liveth after his own guise and disposition. Let it be that the Governor of Stellusa should be sacrificed before our eyes, and that his companions should be likewise massacred: what, do you think that we also shall die in their bodies? or that our spirits shall be extinguished in theirs? or is it likely that our blood can be spilled in them? O most happy rather are those bodies, & most venerable are their souls, who of an excellent desire and affection to keep their faith and their liberty, have equally contemned both gold, silver, the sword, and all things else which the wretched nature and condition of mankind doth either affect or is afraid of. Return therefore messenger back again to our enemy, and carry this message to thy General from a private soldier: tell him, That if this be his intention, to impose upon us any terms of command, let him show us the strength of his arm which as yet by men of courage is nothing feared nor redoubted: it may be that if god be not for us, he may by force bring us in subjection: but by persuasions of good words to draw us thereunto I am sure he shall never do it. Moreover it seemeth in this case that your Scanderbag is not the man he is reported to be, namely: of a spirit gentle and courteous, ready to pardon, and no less just to his enemies then to his own. For wherefore then is the governor of Stellusa detained prisoner? who for his king, for his faith, for his liberty: freely, valiantly, justly, and as became an honest man hath delivered his mind and opinion? wherefore is hereserued to be butchered by the hands of the executioner? he hath not deserved to be put to the sword nor to suffer death: who so honourably hath neglected his own safety, and sought the hazard of death for the preservation of his liberty. The soldier was heard with great admiration of all of them without the interruption of any person, till he had ended his speech of his own accord and disposition. Incontinently there began a great tumult of infinite people assembled round about him, clattering their sword and bucklers together with great noise: and after this sign and token followed a mighty clamour of such as did allow and approve his discourse. The Turks Governor being the better assured and encouraged to see his soldiers so well resolved, licensed the Christian Ambassador to departed: and at the same instant bending all his care and study to provide for the sure and safe keeping of the town, he commanded his soldiers to withdraw themselves every one to his place, and where his devoir did call him. And although order had been taken before in many points for the defence of the wall: he altered notwithstanding the whole order and course thereof, and disposed otherwise of it, either augmenting or changing things as need required. Besides in the midst of his preparations he would ever and among use exhortations and good encouragements: telling them, That they now gave manifest proof and show of that whereof himself had ever 
The Governor of Sfetigrade encourageth his soldiers seeing them resolute to stand to their defence.  conceived a certain hope and assurance: that the examples of other places which had so faintly & so cowardly yielded their necks to the yoke of the enemy ought so much the more to increase their constancy and perseverance: that they should think upon the great rewards and recompense prepared for them by Amurath, if that they alone in all Epire, and in the midst of the disloyalty and treachery of all others, did manfully stand to the defence of the name, the liberty, and the empire of the Ottomans. On the other side if want of courage or cowardice should carry them from regard of their duty, they should have just occasion to expect from him far more rigorous and hard entreaty then those of Petrella or Stellusa: for that the infidelity of the others was in appearance more excusable, because they seeing themselves besieged, & on all parts hard beset by the enemy, and in the very hart of the enemy's country, seemed to be even forced to render themselves: whereas they, being but upon the limits and frontiers of the enemy's dominions, & being covered & protected with a place of greater strength and impregnable, could not allege those vain excuses and faint pretences: especially for that even in an instant they might have succours from their Prince, wherewith to make their enemies forsake & raise their siege. A further comfort he gave than in this also, that the winter (an unfit season to beleaguer any place) would make their travels but short & of small continuance, for that he firmly believed, when the enemies should have notice of their last resolution, they would not in haste make any attempt against them, nor be so foolish hardy as to think to force their walls, but would retire themselves incontinently.  
To these persuasions he added a deed of no less prudence and policy, and that 
The governor of Sfetigrade putteth all the Christians out of the town.  was (for fear of some treacherous mutiny and conspiracy) to put out of the town all the Christians and ancient Citizens: of whom diverse had been suffered to remain both there and in other towns by the Sultan, who had appointed the suburbs for them to lodge in. These things thus prepared and disposed, they within the town did resolutely attend the enemy. Whilst these things were in doing, Scanderbag having intelligence of the answer of the defendants, and the artificial oration of the soldier, smiling at the conceit which he had propounded, he jested at it in these terms. Behold (said he a brave soldier if his deeds be answerable to his words: but God willing we will send him also to keep company with those happy souls of the Stellusians. This said, he caused the Governor and other prisoners to be brought before him, unto whom, presenting the image of the crucifix, some were converted: Desdrot and the residue were executed. When they came to consultation concerning 
Desdrot the Governor of Stellusa executed.  the assailing of the town, there were three several opinions each differing from other. The first was, that there ought not any attempt to be made at that time against the city; for that all places were covered with frost & snow in such sort that it made the mountains inaccessible, the soldier being hardly able to keep his footing: for which cause, they held it much better to defer the siege till the spring, by reason of the difficulties of the winter. Others were of the mind that choice should be made of the 
Diversity of opinions touching the siege of Sfetigrade.  best and most picked soldiers; that scaling ladders, artillery, and such like instruments of assault should be provided, and that the obstinacy of the defendants should be encountered with the like in the assailants: and that they ought not to take any further time of breathing or delay upon the matter: after the manner of small and silly birds, who use to attend the pleasantness and temperature of the spring tide: that they ought in any case to beware how they did give time to the enemy whereby they might be succoured and relieved by Amurath. But Moses (following the middle way & a mean course between both the one and the other of these opinions) did conclude; that neither ought they to attempt the assault of the town, nor yet to quit and abandon the siege: and that this was to be done in an other manner and fashion than they had a duised, and that was, that those forces (which they were to entertain and to keep in a readiness upon the borders for other accidents and occurrencies, might also serve and commodiously supply the necessities and wants of the camp: so as the siege need not altogether to be broken up, but they might in the mean time hold the enemy shut up within their hold: and so by little and little prolong the service to a time of more opportunity, and so should they take from them all leisure and means to take spirit and courage unto themselves. This opinion being so indifferent was generally approved, and the execution thereof committed unto the author thereof by Scanderbag, who caused to come thither the regiment of two thousand horse (which 
Moses left to keep the siege of Sfetigrade.  was not far off) all well appointed and very willing to the service: and he adjoined unto them another thousand, leaving Moses with all these forces to continue there before the fortress. The residue of the army with ensigns displayed retired to Croie: there also a council being held, the opinions were very different touching the sum and principal point of the whole war; the most of them being very unwilling and greatly grieved and discontented to quit and leave their arms, but did persuade him to follow the victory, and to invade the enemy's country, and to win something from the Ottoman Empire. Others did allege the time so contrary: the snow, ice, and rainy weather so unpleasant and wearisome, that hardly could the soldiers endure them, and therewith all the fields all parched and dried up with extreme cold so as they would not be able to yield them any food or pasture for their horses. Castriot assenting unto this latter opinion, to the intent they should see how he tendered the safety and good of his soldiers, and that during the time of this delay he might the better intend to the fortifying of the country which he had conquered, licenced all men to departed having first rendered thanks unto his soldiers in this or the like language:  
I know not (my companions) whether I should first or last praise and commend in 
The oration of Scanderbag unto his Chieftains and soldiers.  you your virtue or your good fortune: this latter hath been stirred up by the former, and the former hath succoured & furthered the latter, and by her industry and celerity (a thing in warfare very requisite) hath made your counsels and your endeavours all one and equal. For this cause, I have conceived a most assured hope and presage of the future renown and glorious name of Albany, and of your honour and reputation. What is there wherein fortune can hereafter refuse us? what is there but your patience will surmount and compass? It is yet scant the thirteth day since that I (full of doubt and uncertainty, and almost as one forgotten or unknown, by reason of my long absence and pilgrimage) did happily arrive and set foot in this my native country possessed with infidels and miscreants: of whom (Sfetigrad excepted) there is not now remaining in this province, neither the name, nor (if I may so speak) not so much as the smell or odour. It is God to whom first and before all we ought to render thanks, that had so blinded the eyes, and shut up the understanding of our adversaries, causing them to deliver into our hands the possession of so goodly and strong fortresses without any slaughter and blooshed: next of all, your painful patience and sufferance hath merited great praise and commendations, which hath despised so many discommodities presenting themselves before you, as the menaces of the heavens, and the injury and roughness of the winter, and yet without turning your faces either one way or other, till such time as your noble thoughts and desires long since conceived in your hearts were fully satisfied and contented. I do well like and allow your willing minds on both parties, as well those who judge it needful to pursue our victory, as those also who think it good for a while to defer our proceed. For albeit there be nothing that should stay the man that is magnanimous and valiant, but that virtue is accustomed to make herself ways through fire and water (as the saying is) and through all places how soever unaccessible: notwithstanding so long as no inconvenience do happen us by our delay, you may well (without any wrong to yourselves) have a care to your bodies, and to consider that they are made of no other than a humane constitution. Retire you therefore victorious in a good and happy hour to breath and refresh yourselves: so shall you return more gallant, strong, and lusty, in a season more temperate, to new services and expeditions: then shall all of you have the free use and your full of wars, of labours and travels: then shall you find a continual employment in arms: then shall you receive largely the pay and wages which you have now so well deserved. For if Ottoman sit still and do suffer us, to wage war without disturbance (as we have begun already) then will we overrun, sack, burn the tyrant his country, and assay upon some of the neighbour-garrisons: if we can get to be masters of them. But if the Sultan (which I think most likely) do proclaim war against us, we will then advise ourselves in the field by the countenance of the enemy, how and in what manner we are to proceed, and to demean ourselves against him. Nevertheless howsoever we have occasion of service elsewhere, it will behove us to give the first attempt against Sfetigrad, and there to employ and bend our first forces: For I hold it no less ignominious than unsufferable, that the infidels should continue there settled and unremoved to the great reproach & dishonour of the Epirots. But it is necessary at this time, that we temporise for a season, for fear least in attempting with too great obstinacy the destruction and ruin of Sfetigrade: if the action should fall out to be vain, & our attempt frustrate; we should retire with shame as overcome and vanquished, and the enemy growing insolent would learn in a small time to contemn and despise our forces: and so should we have to contend not against men only, but even against the heavens. I have heard some ancient Captains highly blamed, who by imprudence and want of experience in the art military have lost goodly armies, more by the discommodities of things then by the sword & force of the enemy. But beside all this, we have the feast of the nativity of Christ our saviour now at hand, & I am not of the mind that any thing should be enterprised during these festival days, nor that we ought to deprive any of life in a time wherein we ourselves have received life, & were brought unto the light, but rather by our vows and daily prayers (I may often repeat it) let us yield thanks unto God in all respects for our liberty, for our estate and empire, for our wives, for our children, for ourselves recovered & freed from the bondage of our enemies. For my part (my good friends) if there be any thing wherein I am not able to be thankful: I protest unto you it is principally in that you have brought me these excellent gauges of so many gallant youths, and have honoured me with the presence of so many valiant & brave Captains, whose company is very agreeable and acceptable unto me. My mind doth promise itself great matters, and all great good hap by the aid and assistance of such leaders. It is they who will give me the means, themselves will give me the matter and occasion whereby one day I shall be able to be thankful unto you according to the worthiness of your deserts. At this time if there be any thing which may purchase you honour or reputation: speak it freely, utter your thoughts and open your minds unto me. For I assure you the acknowledgement of the greatness of your services, whereby I am bound unto you, shall never fail nor be wanting in me.  
The meaner sort of people, and some also of good quality, became so audacious by reason of this speech, & so shameless, that (as if they had feared least one of them should have stepped before the other to make their demands) flocking together in great troops, and pressing near about him very rudely: they were not ashamed to make diverse requests unto him according to their several humours & affections, some craving to have the pay of horsemen, some of footmen. Others desired money & horses; and some desired rents, revenues & livings: and many who upon the change of the estate, had been spoiled of their patrimony by the Turks to give it unto others, were importunate to be restored unto their possessions. That which could conveniently be done & without contention was liberally granted them: the rest which could not be without the injury of some other, was referred till some further opportunity. The Captains being dismissed, & Scanderbag being entered into the town with his own train (for that there were many which followed him, especially his Nephews and the Princes of his blood.) The first thing that he did was, to cause to be enroled and admitted into the communion of the Christian faith, by the Sacrament of holy Baptism, 
Amese and other of his companions baptized.  Amese & some other of his companions, who came with him from Hungary, and a great multitude also of Turks, which were yet remaining at Croy and at other places: the same having been before left undone for the haste which they had to prosecute the war. The solemnity hereof being joined with the feast of Christmas, was celebrated with great joy for many days together. The inhabitants of the country both in public & in private did send him according to the custom, many presents. Likewise the Princes his neighbours as they had of late presented him with many convenient gifts fit for the wars, so did they now give him the like of sundry sorts and kinds as fit ornaments for the time of peace and public tranquility: namely, rich furniture, and other precious stuff for household: knowing well that in that estate of his affairs, and in the time of warlike tumults, he had brought nothing with him but his arms.  
This rest did not Castriot enjoy any time of long continuance, for even in the chiefest 
The Turks in Epire assemble in arms against Moses.  time of the feast, & in their greatest mirth: behold there came news on a sudden from Moses, how that the Turks of that province which had fled into the places next adjoining with a great troop of their confederates & no small number of the common sort gathered together, were coming with all speed possible to surprise him. Upon this occasion Scanderbag himself hastened presently away, because if it should happen that he going before should be drawn far off by the enemy, he feared least either he should be constrained to leave & abondon the enterprise of Sfetigrade: or if he did determine to hazard the fight before the walls, he might be enclosed in the midst between them and those of the town. But see now the occasion of all this tumult: these relics of the Turks which were escaped out of the hands of our men, namely the garrisons of Petrella, Stellusa, & Petralba, (after that accident was past) perceiving now by a kind of quietness & delay, that all troubles of war did seem to be laid aside, & (as it were) asleep: and that Scanderbag having broken up his camp did keep his winter at Croy: & that Moses with his troops did abide both for the guard of the frontiers and the siege of Sfetigrad: they reallied & assembled themselves together near Alchria (a little town under the obeisance 
Which is Pharsalia, famous by the overthrow of th● great T●mp●y.  of Ottoman in Macedony) and there having raised a great number of others, they took their way with great speed directly towards Sfetigrade, pricked forward aswell with a desire of revenge, as also to abolish towards their lord and master by some memorable act, their former default, & the ignominy of their forepast infidelity. Now albeit the prince of Albany did not much trouble himself with this rumour, not believing that a number of such rascals could or durst be so hardy as to enter within his borders: notwithstanding to the intent he might not (at his first coming to the crown) commit any act or make any show of negligence, nor be seen to abandon Moses in time of need, he mounted suddenly on horseback accompanied with those who were with him at the feast, & about one hundred horsemen of the town, & so went on to suppress the suspicion of that danger which was then in growing & beginning. But the matter fell not out to be such as needed either much to be doubted or any great haste or expedition to be made in it▪ For assoon as these gallants perceived Castriot to approach, like as they did at the first set forward and advance themselves in fear and doubt, so being as soon and easily chased away and driven back, scant did they 
The Turks are chased away by the coming of Scanderbag.  leave any token or appearance of their tract or footsteps where they had passed. This their folly notwithstanding procured them great mischief. For the Duke of Albany being incensed in that they (having been the causers of this his journey & disturbance) had by their sudden retreat rob and deprived him of so fit matter and occasion to purchase honour & commendation, with a thousand horse which he took of the garrison with Moses, he made a road over all the country, and supposing by this damage, 
Scanderbag maketh a road into the Turkish borders.  that he should draw forth the enemy and bring them to fight: he ran here and there coursing and beating the champion & plain country: and like a mighty flood and deluge that overwhelmeth all things, he destroyed, haried, and spoiled all things and made an exceeding havoc in all places, in such sort, that alluring & delighting the soldiers by the sweetness of prey and booty, he largely provided and furnished them both with victuals and munition for the residue of all the winter.  
The end of the first Book.   

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
A Murath mightily perplexed upon the revolt of Scanderbag, and the overthrow of his Army, concludeth a peace with the Hungarians: and restoreth Misia to the Despot. Scanderbag enlargeth his conquests and dominions, and preparing for wars against the Turks, confederateth himself with his neighbours. The princes of Epire assemble in a general counsel and Parliament at Lissa, they elect Scanderbag both king of Epire, and chief General of their forces. Sfetigrade is yielded to Moses upon composition. Holy Bassa is sent with an army of 40000. Turk's against Scanderbag: who meeteth with him, overcometh him in a set battle, and then overrunneth and spoileth the Turkish Territories. The peace concluded between Amurath and the Hungarians is broken by the persuasions of julian the Cardinal & Pope's legate, who causeth the king of Hungary and the Christians, to enter into league against the Turks. The Navy of the Christians seize upon the passages of the sea of Hellespont, to keep Amurath from coming into Europe, who is busied in wars in Asia against the king of Caramania or Cilicia. Vladislaus writeth unto Scanderbag, to join with him in that war against Amurath. Scanderbag marcheth with an Army of 30000. to join with the Hungarians, but is hindered by the treachery of the Despot of Misia. Amurath having corrupted certain merchants Genoese for money to transport his Army out of Asia, passeth over into Europe, and marcheth against the Christians, who encounter him near Varna. The famous battle of Varna between Vladislaus and Amurath: wherein Vladislaus is slain, the Christians discomfited, and Amurath obtaineth a bloody victory. Scanderbag having burnt and spoiled Misia in revenge of the Despot his infidelity, returneth with his Army into Albany.  
NOw that we are come to the end of domestical matters, it is requisite that we return to foreign affairs. When Ottoman was certified by true and certain messages of the estate of Hungary, & how matters had passed in those quarters, albeit Fame (which commonly is then most swift and speedy when it bringeth the report of some mishap and misadventure) had before filled all places with the uncertain rumour and tumult of fear and sorrow, yet when he knew that the Bassa was defeated by the cunning & sleight of Scanderbag, that his▪ Army was discomfited, that there was scant left any one remaining: and that the other was escaped safe and sound from the battle with Amese and others his complices and adherents, and had suddenly possessed himself of Epire; Amurath I say, being touched to the quick, with deep & extreme grief for so sorrowful and heavy news, was desirous by ready & diligent search & inquiry, to be informed at large of the discourse of the whole action, and of the revolt of the Albanois, and above all of that subtle and wily devise, whereby he had gotten the false letters from the Secretary (for this no more than the residue) could be long concealed from him. The marvel and astonishment of a deed so audacious and desperate, and of a mischief, as it fell out, so sudden and unexpected, did so bind up the use of his tongue, and repressed his speech within him, that he was not able to speak any one word. Notwithstanding after a while, the passion being somewhat moderated, and coming to disgorge itself, and to break forth in words and speeches: sometimes with threats and menaces, and sometimes with complaints and exclamations, he did digest 
Amurath mightily perplexed upon the revolt of Scanderbag.  and swallow up with all possible and continual vehemency this his wrath and indignation. Sometimes he would call him ungrateful Scanderbag, sometimes wicked and lewd Scanderbag: then would he reproach and object unto him, that he had now vomited forth the venom which had lain so long hidden in his stomach, that he would long before have done the like, if he had had any opportunity and fit occasion for a counsel so furious and execrable, but that now he had espied the time to accomplish his wicked and unhappy enterprise with most security and impunity: even in the midst of his most urgent affairs, and when he saw him busied with matters of greatest weight and consequence, whereof had ensued this his desaster and inconvenience in Hungary. Again, at other times the subtle and cautelous tyrant, to the intent himself might be the more pleasing, & better thought of by his subjects, and the other more odious and hateful unto them, would openly question and demand with himself, what reason although (said he) there be no reason for a man to do evil, should move Scanderbag to commit a crime so heinous and of such impiety? considering that being with him he was become great, and not inferior to any both in wealth and authority: and did as far as his heart could wish, enjoy the full contentment of all things, which the covetous and unsatiable mind of man could imagine to climb and mount to, the supreme and highest degree of honour, as well in war as in peace. That there was never any stranger which had received so good entertainment and nouriture in his Court, neither had the virtue of any Alien been so highly recompensed and so honourably rewarded. Again in one and the same instant feigning and dissembling to the utmost of his power, and extreme discontentment and impatiency of grief and sorrow, he would exalt the loyalty of his princes and nobles, and would often exclaim, and with a loud voice affirm, that this notwithstanding was a great good hap and benefit both for him and for the Ottoman Empire, to see himself freed and discharged from so weighty a burden as is domestical fraud and treason: that it might be, he should have been surprised with some other poison far more dangerous, and with some mischief of greater damage and inconvenience, if this plague should have been suffered to grow or to continue in his house any longer time: that nothing should now trouble his mind, and for this fact, he doubted not but it would ask vengeance both of God and man: it being unpossible that he should suffer such a crime to remain unpunished, by which, contrary to all right and equity, with so wicked and lewd a mind, he had given that victory to the Christians in Hungary. For if he had had any cause or occasion of revenge against him, or any colour or pretence of just discontentment, for the detaining of his patrimony from him, and the inheritance of his father's kingdom: what could his Army do to that, which with all horror and cruelty he had brought to the Butchery, and had made it neither more nor less, then as a sacrifice to the enemies? What had the innocent blood of his subjects deserved? And in brief the poor Secretary, whereof was he guilty that he might not escape the hands of this bloody tormentor.  
With such like discourses did the Sultan inflame the hearts of the Barbarians, who were already of themselves sufficiently animated against him. But now ridings being brought one still upon an other from the parts of Epire, it did more violently aggravate and exasperate his sorrow at such time as it was told him that Croie was taken by Scanderbag, that he was possessed of the other places and strong holds of like weight and consequence, that the garrisons were slain and destroyed, and in brief, that the whole estate of his ancestors was remitted and reduced under his power and government, with the incredible favour and good liking of all the nation. Now albeit these matters went near the heart of Ottoman, and did extremely grieve him; yet having in a manner put all other things out of his mind, he bent and converted all his thoughts to the war of Hungary. There was not any other matter or subject of quarrel or enmity thought on, but that only was it which all men did advise him to prosecute: and which both the desire of every man in particular, and the public vows and prayers of all in general did earnestly long and wish for. Yet did the diverse and variable opinions of the greatest Captains, hold the mind of the old man in some doubt and suspense: some of them who would not be persuaded there was any danger, 
Amurath consulteth with his chieftains, whether it were more expedient to war upon Scanderbag and the Epirots, or upon the Hungarians.  till such time as they should see all subdued by Scanderbag, were of this mind; that it was best to march with all their forces against the Hungarians, and that they ought not by faintness and cowardice to leave the event and triumph of all the war, unto those who had vanquished and were conquerors but in part only: and yet that neither had they had that advantage and victory of their fellows, but only by the treason and felony of his own followers. Furthermore that there was a great difference and no comparison to be made between the force of one Bassa, with a few vauntcurrers of some twenty thousand, in regard of all the puissance of Ottoman, and of the flower of Asia and Europe, and the huge forces which the Sultan had for the guard of his person, that these were not used nor accustomed to be overcome and conquered. But others who did fear some greater ruin and mischief, were of a contrary advise and opinion: affirming, that by how much the more the former did excuse the misfortune of the Bassa, laying it upon the disloyalty of Scanderbag: so much the more was he to be blamed in regard of the small number of the enemies; for that Huniades with less than the moiety and one half of their number, and without any blood of his soldiers, had given them so grievous a check and discomfiture. And whereas they compared the Bassa his forces, to the royal army, and the greatness of the imperial host which they commended so highly: these on the contrary did allege and willed them to consider, the greatness of the power of Vladislaus, with the renown of all Hungary and Poland, besides the succours of the Italians guided and conducted by julian the legate Apostolic, and the strength and forces of the Almains: all which had not as yet any thing intermeddled in this war, but in very great devotion did attend the occasion to enter into this war with their utmost power and ability. Besides that, the Christians would not now in time of need and extremity, leave or forsake the Despot, whose cause they had already so favoured and undertaken, till such time as they had fully installed and settled him in the seat of his ancestors. And last of all, that Scanderbag who had newly declared himself for their enemy, was not to be despised and contemned, that there was none of them but knew very well of what and how great spirit and courage the man was, and with what good fortune (besides his singular experience in the wars) he was ever accompanied. That having in a moment extinguished the name of his adversaries, he was now re-entered and repossessed of all the estate of his father, without any charge or loss sustained: then what would he do hereafter when he had settled and assured the affairs of his Realm, and gained the hearts and good wills of his subjects? That it was not to be doubted but he would stir up all Prince's Christian to enter into Arms, and would spare no travels, dangers, nor watchful labours to exhort and wring from him daily, some part or piece of his Empire. That it would argue great simplicity in the midst of so many enemies, both before and behind and on all sides, and in the midst of so many forces, to look for any other, than a very bad and most unfortunate issue. The wisest way therefore and most expedient was, for once to yield unto Fortune, for fear lest she did often triumph over them, and to discover and lay open unto her one part of their body, for the better covering and safety of that which was most subject and exposed to her violence and assaults. That wars are guided rather by time, then by force of arms, that they ought not to take it grievously to render Misia unto the Despot, to the intent they might by that means purchase a little leisure, and (as it were) a time of breathing from so many losses and damages sustained by the wars. But why should they speak of rendering Misia, when indeed it would be but lent him for a season? For at any time they might take it back again, and with more ease and facility, than it should be yielded or given unto them.  
These considerations did greatly induce Amurath, being before in doubt and uncertainty, 
Amurath resolveth and concludeth a peace with the Hungarians.  to allow of this advise and to do thereafter. Notwithstanding fearing to be noted of pusillanimity and baseness of courage, if he should so soon and easily condescend to this opinion: after he had precisely debated and discussed many reasons and arguments both on the one part and the other; in the end he yielded, and (as it were) by a kind of constraint subscribed to this last conclusion. There was sent therefore an embassage to the Hungarians with offers of Misia unto the Christians, and of truce for ten years, according as themselves had demanded. Huniades who by reason of the weakness and infirmity of the others, was in a manner left alone to manage all the affairs both of peace and of war, perceiving his troops to be unfit for the wars, did not refuse nor prolong the conditions offered by the Turks. There be some notwithstanding who affirm, that that great lord & favourite of Amurath who (as we have said) was taken prisoner by jancus, beside, the sum of 40000. crowns agreed upon for his ran some, had advised to demand Misia of the Sultan, assuring him that he would not refuse to grant any thing, by reason of the discomfiture & overthrow of his Bassa. This being an especial proof thereof, because in the preparation of his provisions for the wars, this word had escaped from him amongst his familiars, that he would accord with the Christians, the which he did accordingly with the ambassadors, 
Misia restored to the Despot by Amurath.  whom Huniades sent unto him for the conclusion & ratification of the agreement. Certain it is (as some say) that Amurath having had perfect notice afterwards, of the pitiful estate of our forces, it little wanted but he had run mad for rage and anger: and he took such an extreme grief thereat, that with the tears even trickling down his checks, he lamented that a victory so certain and assured, through a vain and foolish fear should escape him, and be taken out of his hands.  
Out of Albany all this while there came no new tidings, but only of certain roads and false alarms made upon the confines of the Turkish Empire, by occasion whereof, Ottoman, both for the discommodity of the winter, and because he had not yet well digested in his hart the peace of Hungary, who (as it was reported) were daily as yet in arms, till the Despotte were fully and entirely established in his estate, did put over the affairs of Epire to another time of more opportunity, and carried himself according to the time. For he was so extremely perplexed and troubled in his thoughts, as he would daily walk up and down by himself alone, imagining & devising from day to day upon the variety and diversity of the causes and reasons which brought upon him, and continued these new impediments and hinderances one after an other, to the great good, welfare, and increase of the Christians affairs. The which (God be praised) did daily grow better and better and were in good rest and happy estate. For this is a thing most assured, that the roughness and intemperancy of the cold and frosty weather, and the doubtful faith of the Hungarians, did at that time yield our people great matter and cause of quiet. But the affairs of Misia being now compounded and settled by the retreat of the Hungarians, and the winter being past; what was it that then did hinder Amurath, that he did not presently make show of his hatred against Scanderbag, and seek some notable kind of revenge upon him, in discharge of that malice, which had so long boiled in his stomach? For before the thirtieth day of june, there was no motion of any war against him. It may be peradventure that the courage of the old man being abated by his loss in Hungary, he made more reckonning and account of his case then of the loss of Epire, or of all the injuries received by Scanderbag.  
Castroit having taken his leave of Moses, returned from Dibria to Croie, where, being exempted for a while from the traveles of war (for the time would not permit him otherwise) he spent the better part of the winter in providing for the civil affairs of the weal public, and in ordering the estate of particular occasions: whereupon 
1443.  seeing the spring to approach and draw on, he took with him Amese, and some few horse beside, and went to levy certain forces, and having made a muster and taken the field with six thousand men, he drew strait to Sfetigrade. But what should he do there? As the place was nothing changed in difficulty, no more was the enemy altered in obstinacy. Neither menaces nor fair words would profit any thing. Artillery or other engines he had none, and if he had brought any, it might be they had served somewhat to abash and terrify them, but little or nothing would they have profited him for the recovery of the place. On the other side to try his fortune with the manifest peril of his men, and (as it were) with their certain and utter ruin, seemed unto him a course of great rashness and temcrity. For this cause according to the best counsel and opinion, whereunto the greater part also 
The country about Sfetigrade spoiled and harried.  did advise him, leaving for a season all care of Sfetigrade, he marched else where with his camp, with intent to amplify and enlarge the limits and borders of his dominions. But first of all he spoiled and destroyed all things that bare fruit about the town: depriving the besieged of the benefit and profit of all the champion, and not leaving them any thing, but the only bare and naked enclosure of their walls. It is reported notwithstanding, that certain of the inhabitants of Sfetigrade, 
Citizens of Sfetigrade pray Scanderbag not to spoil● the country.  or of them which remained in the suburbs, came secretly unto Scanderbag, praying him in regard of their services passed in the time of john his father, that he would not utterly destroy all things in this order, having not deserved it at his hands, but that he would cause to cease this spoil and havoc, whereby in effect, they and not the enemy should be utterly deprived of all sustenance and nouriture: That he had both leisure and other means sufficient to chastise the garrison of the Turks, and to chase and disnest them out of their hold: and that for their parts, they would most willingly watch for some opportunity, and give aid and furtherance to this affair, if they saw any hope (were it never so small) to effect it. Castroit took pleasure to hearken unto them, and he condescended to their request. For what reason had he to doubt either of men that were Christians, or of those who had been the ancient subjects of his ancestors? For this cause, commanding his ensigns to march, he turned his fury and rigour to other places.  
There was in this province a goodly open and large country and circuit of ground, marvelously pleasant, and wonderfully well peopled, with many towns and boroughs also, very plentifully inhabited. Those of the country do call it Moerea, 
Moerea won and possessed by Scanderbag.  and it lieth towards the Tribullians. thitherwards Scanderbag leading his army, did add the same to his dominion: passing beyond the bounds whereof john his father was possessed. There was not any where an enemy to be found in all the country: for the Turks before that time either had been expelled, or had willingly avoided and forsaken those parts. The inhabitants and the residue of the nation Albanois, having quickly lost the memory and remembrance of Amurath, had enroled themselves without being sought unto under Scanderbag: and they marched under his ensigns, and under the Eagles in times passed well known unto them. For 
Scanderbag his Arms.  in his standards which were Guelles, he bore an Eagle with two heads sable. These being the ancient arms of his family. From Mocrea passing on from place to place, sometime showing himself gracious and full of courtesy, and sometimes fierce and terrible, he enlarged his conquests from day to day, and made them far more rich and ample: and giving order and directions continually for some one 
Indu 〈…〉 prude●●e of Scanderbag in providing for the safety and defence of his dominions.  thing or other, he would appoint guards upon the passages, and make provisions for the garrisons. Oftentimes coming and going to Croy, he would visit all other places of importance, and be ever riding and coursing here and there in and out continually: seldom or never was he idle, but he would be present every where, and there was no place or corner but he took diligent and special notice of, mountains, hills, forests, thickets, caves, dens, and secret lurking holes. All his thoughts and devise was upon the wars, to see before hand how he might one day with little loss of his men, make head against an enemy so puissant and mighty. That little leisure that was left him, was wholly spent in daily roads and invasions to spoil and waste the territory of the Pagans. He hated nothing so much, as that his soldiers 
An Army not to continue long in a place.  should corrupt themselves with idleness, having this sentence of Fabius Maximus daily in his mouth, that it was not good for an Army to continue long in one place, but that the often change and shifting of their place and camp, was much more laudable, and would enable and make them far better disposed to all the actions and services Military.  
These things could not be so handled, but that Amurath must needs have knowledge of them: for by this time there came unto him many messengers from Pharsalia, and other parts of Macedon: so as all parts of his palace were filled up with outcries and clamours: many reports being brought, and importing that all was lost and utterly desolate; that Scanderbag having obtained the possession of infinite places, did daily pursue his conquests with his accustomed fierceness and cruelty. That long since both the one and the other Dibria had willingly rendered themselves to his devotion, killing with their proper hands the Turkish garrisons, or delivering them bound and fettered to their new Lord and master. These marches both of the neither and upper Dibria did of old appertain to john Castriot: but he (as hath been said) being oppressed by Amurath, and by means of the peace which he demanded, had given him his own children in hostage, and had resigned unto him both those provinces, which he quitted unto him upon some other conditions. Now these curriers coming (as is said) to the court of Amurath, declared, that by means of the revolt of the Dibrians, the Christians would soon and easily come to be masters of Sfetigrade: the which being seated in the upper Dibria, where all was at their devotion, did not now know from thence forward where to find or have any thing more or less for the maintenance of the war, or for the nouriture of his camp. That Mo●rea and many other places had made themselves a party with them, which, although it had never until that day acknowledged the house of Castriot for their governor, yet either through the rebellion of the inhabitants, or for fear, or by constraint of mischiefs endured, was now become subject unto Scanderbag. These advertisements did stir up and incite the tyrant to take arms, more of necessity then of choler. Upon 
Amurath levieth an army against Scanderbag.  this occasion having with great diligence assembled his Counsel, & the matter fully concluded on, he commanded a puissant army to be levied: by the which without the adventure or loss of any thing, he thought utterly to abolish and extinguish the name of Scanderbag, and to take vengeance of the revolt of the Albanois, and of so many injuries which he had offered him.  
Castriot in like manner being certified of Amurath his resolution, not only by persons unknown and strangers unto him (as in such changes there do never want men of that sort) but by some also who were his friends, of whom he had as yet good store about Amurath, made and procured long before, and whom the change of fortune had no whit altered or changed. He (I say) as he had showed himself of an incomparable audacity and confidence in exposing himself to all perils: so did he even in the midst of them use singular prudence, sage advise, and counsel. For considering the greatness and importance of his conceits, and the weighty burden which he had taken upon his shoulders, and having some doubt and mistrust in himself, that he should not be of sufficient ability to sustain and bear it out for so long a time, nor yet be able to renew his forces so often as the greatness of those wars would re-require: which he foresaw (as a true Prophet) even within the entrails of Epire, and whereof he did but attend the coming every hour; he determined therefore to 
Confederacy of Castriot purposed with his neighbours, for the resisting of the Turks innasions.  seek out some strange and foreign succours, by means whereof he might more surely order his own affairs, and by the aid of many might be the better able to repel and keep off the force and violence of the tempest that did so threaten him. First of all therefore he resolved to enter into confederacy, and into some strict and perpetual kind of alliance with the Princes and great Lords his neighbours, both Albanois and * Illyrians. A thing indeed very difficult to be effected, for that commonly men are 
These are the slavonians.  naturally more prone and apt to dissension and discord, then to amity and concord. Yet did this fall out unto him very facile and easy, as both the issue and the discourse of the matter will make it manifest.  
But for that this treaty could not commodiously be handled with every one in particular, neither by letters, nor messengers, nor by himself in person: it was therefore thought best, that a Diet and general assembly of all of them should be assigned and appointed in some place within the circuit of Albany; to the intent, that both the presence of the parties meeting together, and their voices and opinions being reported and made known in common amongst them all, it might be the better known by the advise of the whole counsel, what course was most meet and expedient to be taken. In the choice of the place also he used no less prudence and modesty: for none of all those Princes were summoned to repair to Croie, for fear lest it should be thought he would stand too much upon his greatness, and would arrogate to himself the pre-eminence in their assembly: as also to avoid all occasion of mistrust: neither did he convite them to Apollonia, Diana, Zabiach, or any other town appertaining to the name of Albany: to the intent he might take from them all matter of envy, backwardness, or delay, which might have grown if they had been drawn against their wills out of their own territories: or else for fear that they should disdain to repair to any place belonging to a stranger: because it might be they esteemed their own towns of as much if not of more worthiness than those of others. As there is a kind of people, who do prefer and prise any thing of their own, far before the like of other men's. But there was the towne* Lissa (we ordinarily call it Alessia) distant somewhat more than two and twenty miles from Croy, 
Lissa or Alessia. Scodra, at this present called Scutari.  and situated between that and* Scodra. This place was thought not unfit for this convocation, both by reason of the conveniency and commodity thereof, as also in respect of the government and dominion of the Venetians, being no less gentle and gracious, then pleasing and agreeable to their good like: for this town was of their appurtenances.  
Thus were messengers dispatched on all parts to call them together, and to signify 
A general parliament or assembly summoned of all the princes and Estates of Epire.  unto them the days & the place wherein they should assemble. Of those which were assigned, there was not any one that was unwilling or negligent in coming: not one of them made any excuses or delays, neither was there any business (as it happened) either public or particular which caused any of them to fail or to stay away: but all of them hastened thither with exceeding ready and very willing minds. This was an evident testimony what manner of men they would show themselves in time to come in other the accidents and occurrences of war. But here it shall not be amiss for the readers a little to retire themselves, and that the gravity of this history be a while discontinued, and myself permitted a little to wander and to digress somewhat from my purpose: for as much as my intent is to number up (it may be somewhat too curiously) and by roll (as it were) to register the names of those persons, who did with their presence then honour that assembly and convocation: or rather the dignity and reputation of Epire: to the intent the posterity may have cause both to grieve and to marvel at the calamity of the estate of Albany, and at their vile and miserable condition, which shortly after came upon them so suddenly, the image and representation of which things may serve in time to come for their instruction. How beit that peradventure nothing ought to be taken as ill spoken or ill done, which a man doth with a good intent of service and piety towards his country, his friends and fellow citizens: Notwithstanding before I come to recite the names of those who assisted this assembly, I hold it not inconvenient likewise to deliver in this discourse, from whence the nation of the Epirots or Albanois hath derived his original.  
Some say that the Epirots (who are also called Albanois) did in times past descend 
The original of the Albanois. This is Cumania subject to the Tartarian. Straho. Pius 2. Papa.  of the noble and ancient people and inhabitants of Italy: who in like manner did possess a certain portion and part of Colchida. From whence if any do allege, that the language of Epire or Albany is derived, it may be that he is not deceived in this opinion; seeing that we find it written in Strabo: that there be in that place used sixteen sundry languages: and Pope Pius the second, a man singularly learned both in divine and humane studies, and some other modern writers, (who have followed Trogus Pompeius) are well near of the same opinion. For Trogus Pompeius 
Trogus Pompeius.  affirmeth: that the offspring and beginning of the Albanois was from Italy, and he assureth us, that the Albanians did follow Hercules at his departure out of Italy (after he had for a space kept those herds and troops of cattle, which he took from Geryon within the mount Alban:) and that they were led thence by him into this Province, being alured thither by the fertility of the herbage and pastures. Of these than are issued the Albanese or Epirots, of whom a part made their abode 
Peloponnesus or Mor●a.  in Peloponnesus (which at this present is called Morea,) and part of them seated themselves in Macedony, or rather in Albany or Epire. Now of these at this time was Scanderbag the chief. A prince courageous and invincible, who in our age 
Scanderbag the chief of the Princes and estates of Epire● his deserts.  had great affairs, and kept continual wars against the infidels for the name of jesus Christ, and did spend almost all his life in arms, fight for the maintenance of the Catholic faith: and many a time did he vanquish and discomfit in open field and plain battle, even with very small forces, many and exceeding great armies of the Turks, at the sight and presence of whom, the troops of the Barbarians did scarce dare to present themselves. In sum, by him only was this province for a time retained in their obedience to the Gospel of the Son of God.  
But return we now again to the drift of our discourse. Ariamnites Thopia 
A Catalogue of the Princes of Albany assembled in counsel with Scanderbag.  Goleme, a man of singular renown and authority, both for the continual and ancient nobility of his blood, as also for his notable practice and science Military; and for the majesty and venerable regard of his countenance (a thing whereof the common sort make no mean reckoning) being accompanied with a gallant and goodly troop of men both horse and foot, prevented all others by his great speed 
Ariamnites Thopia Tributary to Amurath revolteth ●r● him and cleaveth to Scanderbag.  and diligence, and was the first that arrived thither to this Diet. This man in former times, having been ill handled by the arms of Amurath, had submitted himself to his subjection, and had yielded to pay him such tribute as it pleased the Turk to impose upon him. But at this time taking courage a fresh, upon the occasion now offered: bravely and courageously he made known the hatred and discontentment erst conceived in his mind, and the courage of his heart, which he had worthily retained and preserved. And there was no man that was more forward, or that put too his helping hand, or that did conspire against the Barbarians with so great ardour and vehemency as he did for the common liberty. Neither did he want any means to work the contentment of this his desire, and to satisfy his mind in that behalf. And it seemed in effect that his forces linked and conjoined with the others, had been all sufficient to restore and to revive the good fortune of Epire: themselves alone having once been of ability in a full and entire 
The strength, puissance and acts of Ariamnites. River of A●as or Vavisse. Gulf of Ambrasia.  war, to make head and to resist against the Sultan. True it is, that his puissance, power, and signiory did reach from the farther side of the river of Aoe, or AEas: (howbeit that the people of the country do give it another name, calling it Vavissa) unto the gulf of Ambrasia, being in a manner all alongst the sea coasts of Epire. This is that Ariamnites which hath been known by the surname of Great amongst the Macedonians and Albanians. For he did many notable and memorable acts for the Gospel and faith of jesus Christ against the Turks, giving them diverse, and most shameful overthrows and discomfitures: and as long as he lived he did not cease to persecute them. He encountered Mahomet their sovereign Prince and Emperor in the invasion which he made upon Albany, and overthrew him, and plagued him most shamefully. For, assailing him within his camp, he gained and won his ensigns which he had within his own tent and pavilion, forcing him to fly away and to forsake that Province with notable damage and ignominy. 
Andrew Th●py. Comine. Musache. Tanuse. Tyre the lesser▪ Epidamne o● Duras, once Dirrachium. Cymerians. Vl●xians. Corson. Cymerot●.  Next to him came Andrew Thopie, a man famous for his race and valour, and of no less reverence for his age, having there with him his two sons, Comyne and Musach, and Tanuse his nephew: whose ancestors (as we have before written) were the first founders of Croy and Petrella. Their forces in like case were brave and goodly: and their Dominion was of as fair a circuit in Epire between Tire the lesser and Epidamne, which is Duras. And besides these places and domains (which having lost their ancient and first names, are by the inhabitants called Scuria, Musachiene, Cherabie, and Farca.) They were acknowledged also for Sovereign Lords of the Cymerians and Vlixians. This country is mountainous, and right against Corfou. It is inhabited with a people fierce and unconquerable, if not warlike and martial, (we call them commonly the Cymerots'.) These have not commonly the assurance and defence of any other succours by any matter, means, or art, but only the natural strength and fortification of the places themselves. This people hath ever and with good success contemned the insolency of the Turks: and after the death of Scanderbag, when Albany was subjecteth and subdued, with a singular liberty and freedom of nature, they lived long time without the knowledge of any foreign yoke: and at this time (as I understand) having voluntarily called unto them and made choice of certain garrisons and companies of Spaniards out of Apulia, they have betaken themselves to the obedience of one chief Lord: and they do live in a most excellent form of policy. George the nephew of 
George Streese john & Boy Streese.  Streese, and the son of Balsee was there in company also: john and Boy his brethren being left at home, because their young years did make them unable for the wars, and unfit to be called to counsel. Between Croie and Lissa lay the territory that these did enjoy, in a soil both large and rich, and no less pleasant and delightful. From the Musachees (for so is the family surnamed) there came 
The family of the Musachees.  very many; all which, as they were of one and the same disposition, and of a like conformity of mind with Scanderbag: so did not they hold their estate and signiory any way separated or divided, but jointly and together with him. Over and beside these, there presented themselves the two magnanimous and valiant Princes Nicholas and Paul Ducagin, each of them in arms and well appointed: but 
Nicholas and Paul Ducagine. Zadr●me.  Paul was known above the rest by a certain singular observance of religion. They were Lords of a country which the Epirotes call the upper Zadrime, on the other side of the river of Dryne, even to the higher Misia: a region very spacious and fertile, watered with fountains and most wholesome brooks, and inhabited with a people most fierce and warlike. In this place are to be seen many tokens and shows of antiquity, towns, buildings, and famous temples, many of which are now defaced, and thrown down even with the ground, and ruinated from the top to the very bottom. And more than that, within the heart of this region do remain and appear certain monuments of marble, upon which might be read the names of many Emperors both Romans and others: and amongst them there were some marks also or testimonies that S. Paul the Apostle had there preached the law of the Son of God unto that people.  
Thither also came in like manner Luke Zacharie, who afterward followed the 
Le●●y or Luke Zacharie.  part of Scanderbag with the like course of felicity and good fortune, and with a singular good will and affection did persever therein even to the end. This man being worthy of a greater heritage, was possessed of a reasonable large portion of ground within the upper Zadrime, together with the town of Daina founded by his ancestors, 
Dayna.  and descended unto him by right of succession. This is a pretty little town planted upon an high mountain, as are almost all the towns of Epire: yet is the territory of it fat and rich, of an excellent good air and healthful: full of venison and fowl, and well replenished with all kind of trees and fruits. The pleasant river of Dryne maketh his course on that part which lieth towards the West. The which 
The river Drine or Drin●n.  prerogatives and excellencies of that place have been celebrated by the ancient writers, with a kind of contention, and with so great diligence and perfection, that there is not almost left for them which come after, any matter worthy the speaking of. Nevertheless although many things at this day (as it falleth out) have disguised and blemished the former grace and beauty of it, yet peradventure it shall not be amiss if I also for my part do at this time in a word or two entreat of it. The flood of Dryne (as some say) doth divide Epire from Dalmatia and Sclavonie or Illiria: and 
Epire divided from Dalmatia and Slavome by the river of Dryne. The gulf of Rizique or Catarra Acrolissa. The Island of Lassa.  is no whit inferior in greatness to the famous river of Po in Italy. It hath his source or head amongst the peoples of Macedon towards the North, and with a swift course doth water the walls of Lissa: and then within a while entermingling her streams with the waves of the sea, it doth discharge itself into the Adriatic sea, or gulf of Rizique, or Catarrea, joining near to Acrolissa, where also it embraceth an Island being some seven miles in circuit, which at this present retaineth the name of Lissa; by reason that the town of Lissa (which in ancient time was seated on the other side or bank of the river) having been burnt and destroyed by the Turks: and the multitude which inhabited the same, making their retreat thither, did in this Island make their continual abode, as in a place of greater surety, which was the occasion that together with themselves, they transported thither also the name of their old town and city. Over and beside these, there was also in the same 
Otherwise Peter Span.  assembly, Peter Spaniard, a Prince of happy fortune, and a most happy father of many goodly children: for he had there with him of his sons, Alexia, Bosdaira, Vroa, and Mirqua: each of them being of equal height and of a goodly stature all alike, and wonderfully resembling each other, both in conditions and natural disposition. In this company also was Lech or Luke Dusman, and Peter, with other petty Princes 
Lech or Luke Dusman.  their neighbours, under whose command and obedience were the Peonians and upper Pelagonians even unto Misia: and the Sardoicians, besides certain small villages and fortresses near about Drivasta and Balesia. Not long after these, thither came 
Dryvasta. Balesia. Steven Zernovich, George and john. Xabiac. Falcon. Sclavonie, or of old Liburnia. The Venetians  also Steven Zernovich with George and john his sons, worthy children of so great and honourable a person, and of so worthy a father: to him did appertain the strong and well fortified towns of Xabiac and Falcon, with their territories most large and spacious, lying in Sclavony or Liburnia. The most noble and ancient common weal of the Venetians did not make any default, but did make their appearance also: for under their Empire, besides the city of Scodra, were many towns of great fame and renown, and a good part of Epyre. To conclude, this great company did draw thither with them others of the most principal amongst the youth and flower of all those quarters, who aswell for their own particular interest, as for the public and common good, did come to offer their persons and best means against the Turks, for the honour, the safety, and the preservation of their country.  
Now come I to the Oration of Scanderbag, the which when those (who were called to the counsel, were gathered together in the great Church at Lissa: he began in this manner. I would to God (fathers and princes most debonair and religious) 
Oration of Scanderbag to the Princes of Epire, in the assembly at Lissa.  that the credulity and light belief of us Christians, would once draw to an end, and that we would once wax weary of the faithlessness of the Ottomans, or to speak plainer, that their infidelity more than barbarous, might from henceforth be made open and manifest unto us. For as concerning myself, being at this day peradventure ill thought of, as the motive and occasion of these new troubles: neither would I have disturbed the tranquillity of this estate, nor have solicited you to expose your lives to the inconveniences of arms, nor to the last and utmost extremity of all things: were it not, that john my father (whom God pardon) a Prince in other things well advised, had not given too too much credit to the fair words and speeches of this perjured & disloyal Amurath, at that time, when under the pretence of a deadly peace he obtained of him for pledges (as liberally as he demanded them) his own proper children in hostage. But wherefore do I complain me of my father? This error and this destiny is common unto all Prince's Christian. What shall I say of the Greeks', the Misiaus, and others of our faith and profession? This over great facility of crediting and believing hath without doubt ruinated & destroyed all of them: in such sort that on the tyrant's part, they have nothing at all left them, but the repentance of their simplicity and oversight. Nevertheless whilst I power forth these my plaints, and do in my mind carefully repeat these cautels and treasons of Ottoman: yet withal as long a I do contemplate and cast my thoughts upon you, and do consider your prudence, and the unity of your minds and affections, this doth greatly strengthen me, and biddeth me be of a good hope, seeing that hardly or never he hath subdued or destroyed any people either nation, but* by deceit & fraud only, or by their proper over easy belief and credence, or by their civil dissensions and domestical hatreds. Go to now: let any man here tell me, whether Ottoman did ever by his prowess achieve any great conquests, and whether the innumerable provinces and infinite realms which in our time he hath gotten and purchased, have been annexed unto his crown by force of his arms and puissance: let them account and reckon up the number of those his triumphs and victories. Shall Epire then, being so invincible, so flourishing in arms, so replenished with Princes, with valiant Captains, with so many warlike and stout peoples, so united and agreeing within themselves; shall Epire I say, only through this our credulity be made the subject of his outrage? How greatly the Barbarian doth estimate and redoubt your virtue, I myself can give you most certain and assured testimony: even I, who have lived with him many years both in war and in peace. They would not even now enterprise nor undertake the war against you, but that very necessity doth constrain them to it. Now what good or great matter can be effected or executed by a courage that is forced & violently drawn unto it, any brave and resolute soldier will soon tell us. But howsoever this affection and matter of so just grief, do carry me away in speaking unto you, yet I am not ignorant, but that there be many who having been now of a long time accustomed to a peace (though smally honourable) will be highly aggrieved and discontented when they shall see themselves invited by me to participate with the miseries and mischiefs of war: and they will not stick to say; That whatsoever be the fortune and success of our arms, yet nothing can be done without the expense and loss of their blood. In like case me thinks I see how the mothers will be discomforted, when they shall see their children sent to the dangers and hazards of the wars: the wives will be heard to lament with great grief and sorrow, for the care which they have of their husband's safety: and the very infants left at home in their houses, will seem to cry, for fear they should be made orphans: all men generally will call me cruel, and will detest me (which I can not think without horror) as a new author of wars, of perils, and of bloodshed and murder: whereas they ought rather (be it spoken without vaunting) to name me the Occasioner and preserver of their liberty. But neither am I so careless of the public and common good, nor so careful of mine own private profit and interest, that I can endure to hear so many complaints amongst you, nor to see so many mischiefs light upon you all in common: but that if this my counsel (most worthy Princes and Lords) seem not good and to your liking: or if this occasion of entering into arms be not found profitable for the weal public: or be not held honourable by all of you, I will be ready and willing to yield up unto Amurath (if you think it good) both Croye, and all the relics of this unfortunate Realm and Kingdom, desiring much rather with the particular danger of mine own life, to provide for your surety, then to reign with the public detriment and damage of all of you. One thing only there is, the grief whereof doth greatly press me: and that is, the miserable condition of my people, and the innocent blood of my citizens, whom my heart can not suffer to be offered up as a sacrifice to the enemy without a chief, without a governor: seeing their faith and loyalty presenteth itself daily to my remembrance, of the which at the time of my restitution into this kingdom, even of late they have left sufficient and good proof unto all ages that shall succeed hereafter. But what? O immortal God (give me leave my lords to speak freely unto you) Is there any reason that your fellow citizen and country man should still abide with the tyrant, in the midst of so many dangers and ever dwell in so damned a religion, as a continual fugitive from his native country, rather than to spend the rest of his life in Epire, in the place of his nativity, in the society of Christians, and in the midst of you his own country men? Or is it possible that I should be in Epire, and there to see and endure hereafter, that the seat of my ancestors, the sceptre of my father, our sepulchres, our temples, & especially (if I may so speak) that our Gods should any longer remain under the tyranny of the circumcised miscreants? alas, doth it seem a small thing to you, that I have even until this day seen their hands filled with the blood of my subjects: that I have dwelled so long with a wicked and unmerciful bloodsucker, and have spent well near all the best and most pleasant season of my age in manifest & certain danger of my life? From henceforth let us (seeing God hath so permitted it) let us I say, be ashamed of our condition. It is a great shame & infamy for us any longer to endure those for our masters (so do our mishaps constrain me to call them) whom in the time of our fathers, one base and ignoble town of Scythia could scarcely suffer for slaves and villains, so contemptible were they at that time: and being accustomed only to rapine, theft & robbery, they have increased even till this day, wherein they have grown so hardy, as to threaten & menace Christendom with all kinds of extremity. Wherefore (most magnanimous and courageous Princes, assure your country, your wives, your children: defend them, and restore them to the true repose of a quiet liberty & tranquility. But if your own estate seem unto you tolerable; at leastwise betake you to rightful and just arms, for me and in my behalf, not for an Albanois, not for the son of a Prince, not for your kinsman: but for a poor exile and banished person. I speak not to men that will refuse a just and lawful war: but I would have you my masters to defend him, whom john Castriot (a Prince not careless of your good welfare) if he were now living, would recommend at this present unto your valour and fidelity. And if for all this, my calamity do not yet move you, but that you prefer an ignominious peace, before an honourable war; I will have recourse to my own Nation, to my own people and citizens, being resolved to submit myself quietly to the hazard and adventure which fortune shall send me: and with those only who with so constant & free hearts have vowed and consecrated their own lives for my safety. But neither will you (most courteous Princes) as I think, forsake & abandon me: for to what end are all of you here assembled in such devotion, if it be not for the war, seeing that you cannot serve yourselves of me to any other use or purpose? You I say, will defend me, though it were even against your wills: when you shall understand, that this land afflicted by Amurath, shall implore & crave your aid and assistance, when you shall know that the enemy insolent & puffed up with victory, will subvert & overthrow your signiories & your liberty: & with a bloody throat, & full of rage, & with polluted and sacrilegious hands, will run & make haste furiously to suck & swallow up your blood. But let me entreat you, not to stay and attend these extremities: do not you make so long stay and tarriance, till you see some coming (then perhaps it will be too late) to implore your succours: but even now rather, and presently conjoining your forces with our forces, & your arms, with our arms: let us drive and compel the enemy speedily to take the field, or let us be the first to rush upon him, and to invade his territories. Then if he shall once see us united: sure & certain it is, that either he will change his thoughts: or if he do adventure to march forward, he may well, to his cost, lose and come short of his wretched and greedy desire of victory & conquest. For do you think, that I in the mean time with the troops which you shall commit unto me, will remain shut up and restrained within the enclosures of any walls, and that as one of a faint courage and degenerating from my ancestors, I will hide myself in some corner? or that from some high place or tower amongst children, I will take up my stand to behold the enemy spoiling of your fields, and suffer the destruction of your lands and livings and such like calamities? No be you assured, that such cowardice shall never come within my heart: the enemy shall see me daily & continually even in his face with my ensigns, with my soldiers, to try the fortune of his assays and attempts; not in plain battle & open fight: but (God aiding me) by some other better kind of policy, and it may be, with very little and small loss of my men, I shall make the designs and audacity of Amurath to turn to smoke and to vanish away to nothing: and that from henceforth he shall have enough to do, and be constrained to give over his quarrel, and to leave his baggage unto you for a prey and booty; at leastwise if he love not to see his camp (after long continuance in his enemy's country, in the fields of strangers, and in the midst of many discommodities) to be brought to that pass, as it shallbe rather in estate of an army forced and besieged, then of a besieger & one that forceth others. Up then (noble and most Catholic Princes) let us set aside all delays, let us visit the Province, let us set down good laws & orders of discipline, let us levy and muster our soldiers, and let us lead on our forces, that when the infidels come in sight, and the sound of the trumpets do call the soldiers to the battle, we be not then unprovided, and to seek for counsel, when there will be no time for it. Let us make show unto the posterity, and let us make it known unto all ages to come hereafter, that we are men worthy of a Christian Empire.  
The oration of Scanderbag being ended, all the great personages in the assembly did generally address themselves unto him, as the author of their freedom and reputation: and all with one accord approving his speech, with infinite praises & commendations did exalt & extol him even to the heavens. For this cause there was not any, who did not willingly commit unto him all the charge & weight, and all the conduct & managing of this war, choosing him alone as chief and superior. Every 
Scanderbag chosen general of the wars against the Turks by the Princes of Epyre.  one did consign unto him his subjects and his arms, testifying thereby & by his high clamours, that to him only was due the honour of this sovereignty; the only name of whom, as of another Alexander, was able to defend that little angle & corner of Macedony against all the assaults of the enemy. And more than that, the perfection of his skill & science in arms & the art military: his marvelous prudence & counsel even befitting & worthy an Emperor: his long experience practised in the manners & customs of the barbarians: his divine judgement confirmed by daily use & long experience, did inflame the hearts of them all with a certain and assured hope of victory. But after so many goodly offers made unto him, the principal and chiefest was this, which Aryamnites in the presence of the whole assembly, did present unto him, for he after he had raised himself out of his seat, and with a good grace and eloquent oration had exalted the rule and government of john the father of Castriot, the counsels and deliberations of the son, and the happy beginnings of his virtue and good fortune, then frankly and freely did he offer unto him a yearly tribute: which he presented unto him in this or the like language.  
That which Amurath did exact and take of me even till this day, during the time that I preferred an ignominious peace before a deadly and fatal war: and whilst I 
Oration of Aryamnit offering himself tributary to Scanderbag.  did love a shameful liberty, better than the wars accompanying and occasioning my misfortunes: the same do thou receive most valiant Prince by the consent both of God and man; receive (I say) the gage and pledge of a good heart, if not so great and magnificent, yet at leastwise not ingrate and unthankful. I adjudge it and give it thee freely, for the liberty of Albany and mine own, for the maintenance of our estate, of our crown, our people and our children: praying thee that from henceforth, thou wouldst use in common with me, my men and my forces, and if there be any other thing which either my fortune or my virtue sufficiently tried and known, have reserved unto me from the hands of such an enemy. And this which I do present unto thee most redoubted Prince of the Albanois (for let 
viz. Amurath. Scanderbag chosen king of Epyre.  me be the first to call and acknowledge thee by this name) and most worthy defender of our liberty, I do offer it thee without exception of time, both in war and in peace.  
Immediately upon this act, many others moved by a certain iealouzie, did of their 
Princes of Epire join in league to aid Scanderbag.  own motion sesse and tax themselves, becoming tributaries unto him, according to the quality of their power and ability. Andrew and Tanusee his Nephew were inferior to none of them in liberality. And by this means a great sum of money was gathered at that instant for to defray the charges of the war. And it may be (as the report ran in those parts, that the revenue of Scanderbag did amount 
Revenues of Scanderbag more than 200000. crowns by the year.  to more than two hundredth thousand crowns by the year. But be it that that which he possessed within the Province, was of a more large compass and circuit than any other Prince, yet it can not be gainsaid, but that he was overchargeable and burdensome to his subjects in exacting upon them alone this huge sum, especially in a time of war kindled on all parts without ceasing, and the inhabitants (as a man may say) with one hand holding the plough, and with the other the sword. Yet some man peradventure will allege, That he did supply a 
Salt●its belonging to Scanderbag. Campupescupi. Selite. S. Nicholas.  great part of that charge, by the benefit of certain excellent good saltpits which he had in the part of the country called Campupescupi, between the mountain and the place named Selite on the one side, and S. Nicholas de la Pierre, on the other side. The which country is very famous or rather infamous by reason of a notable desaster and great mishap that befell the Roman Senate, who were once there besieged, at such time as Caesar being Dictator, did take arms against Pompey, and his own native country. But to our purpose: The residue of the company who were not of power and ability to furnish him with taxes and subsidies, did promise him the employment of their persons liberally and freely, and their continual labour and travel. The Venetians, because they would not derogate any thing from the majesty of their greatness, would not tax themselves, nor be tied with the residue to the advancing out of any certain and ordinary contribution: but they promised to be ready at all times to aid and help them with victuals, and any other kind of succours. Now after that this worthy parsonage had been made thus beholding unto them by an infinite number of praises and officious courtesies (according as all of them did strive therein, either more or less to surmount each other) and after solemn and public prayers and processions generally made for the better strengthening and fortifying of the league: some of the company did accompany him to Croie, and the rest retired themselves to their own homes. The first that was appointed to come thither 
Sfetygrade yielded to Moses.  was Moses, who (having so straightened and near pressed Sfetigrade, that it was rendered unto him by composition) had been called back with his troops from the frontiers, excepting a few, who were left there upon certain mountains to keep good watch: besides those whom he had put in garrison within the town. These bands did not exceed the number of five thousand men, for that Castriot at his coming from thence to the former assembly, had licenced many of them to departed; by means whereof without any delay commissions were made and dispatched and many great men sent abroad to levy soldiers on all parts.  
Whilst these things were thus a doing within Epire, you may not think that the brains of Amurath also were unbusied, or that he did forget anything touching the subject of this war which he had enterprised with such hatred and fierceness of courage. He had now raised an army of forty thousand horse, 
Haly Bassasent with an army of 40000. against Scanderbag.  all men of choice: and he had committed them to Haly Bassa one of his leaders, a man as valiant of his person, as in matters of advise and counsel well tried and approved: and who for his sufficiency had attained many high degrees and great charges of honour in the wars: in so much that the bravery of the troops, and the reputation of the Chieftain, did give them an easy hope and good assurance of a happy and fortunate success. There was no other talk to be heard amongst the Turks, but of this army and of the war of Epire: and such was the opinion and conceit of all in general of this journey, that whosoever had heard them, would have judged, that Scanderbag had been already taken prisoner: and that he had been even now going to suffer punishment and execution. So do we see sometimes in the siege of a town, that the assailants before it be taken, do think to have the victory without blood: and they do often fall to contention amongst themselves about the parting and dividing of the spoil and booty. For it is a property usual and accustomed in the spirits of mortal men, to reckon without their host, and to promise themselves great matters without pain or difficulty. For this cause even in Epire there was now nothing but disorder and confusion by reason of the troubles which seemed to approach: for the brute of the coming of the Bassa made all things seem greater and more fearful, than they were in truth and in deed. A man might have seen on all sides those that dwelled in the fields, hasting 
A notable description of the tumult and confusion amongst the common people where an invasion is expected.  to save themselves in the towns, and driving their cattle before them: the Burgesses fortifying their walls, and appointing guards for their ports, as if the enemy had been already discovered: the old men quaking and trembling would put the young men in mind of their country, their wives, their children, and of the honour of God and their religion especially: they would cry upon them to be of good courage and hardy, and they would never cease to inflame & animate them that they might the better do their devoir and duty. Neither was the weak and tender sex of women free from this public fear and terror, but that it did embolden them to run out into the streets amongst their armed husbands: sometimes stirring them up to virtue and manhood, by their just and pitiful lamentations: and sometimes in extreme care running to the temples and holy places, and making their vows, prayers, and orisons unto God before the altars, for the preservation of their country. And the little children also astonished with their mother's tears, would cry out more and more with all extremity.  
As for Scanderbag none of these news, neither of the arrival of Haly, nor of the enemy's army, nor the astonishment of the common people, did any thing at all move him: but he made a mock of the vain attempts of Amurath, & of the foolish fear of the Albanoys. Having therefore aforehand ordered all things throughout the province for fear lest too great licence & neglect of the enemy should abate the courage of his soldiers, & divert them from the care & regard of the war, he did so deal & persuade with them, that he inflamed their hearts with so general a confidence, & did put them in so good a hope of victory, that they were never seen to desire any thing more than the coming of the Turkish general, each of them having a kind of envy and desire to make proof of their devoir and valour: and by the general and particular desert of them all to leave unto their Prince a large and ample testimony of their loyalty. In like manner in this one thing did Scanderbag also show a notable example of his 
Courage and resolute assurance of Scanderbag.  marvelous courage and assurance, giving all the world occasion of wonder: yea and Haly Bassa his enemy, if he had in any sort considered of the fact, I do not doubt, but it would have made him greatly abashed. For whereas many fierce and warlike peoples and nations did resort unto him in great abundance from all parts: so as he might well have made, not one, but many great and mighty armies: he, after he had commended & magnified their good affection, would not admit any but the choicest of them, and did retain with himself only eight thousand horse, and seven thousand foot. The overplus both of the old bands, and of the new increase he licenced to departed: of whom notwithstanding he disposed some in certain places for diverse accidents and occurrences. Every man wondered and was abashed at this devise of the Prince so hardy and adventurous: but my opinion is, that this his act proceeded of some doubt, lest if he should have had the disgrace to be overcome in set battle, he should afterwards want the means to relieve himself. And this was the occasion (as I believe) that he did furnish so many fortresses with forces and garrisons, as being willing to reserve them for a supplement and remainder of defence in time to come, against the inconveniences of an overthrow, and by means whereof, he might by way of surprise, extort the victory out of the hands of the enemy, beginning perhaps to wax insolent in their prosperity. Notwithstanding he was never heard to speak of any such matter, but he did continually and with a cheerful countenance promise himself an assured good fortune, and a success in all things answerable to his desire, which maketh me to think and to affirm, that this only was not the reason, why he retained at that time so small forces. But I believe that it proceeded of a singular confidence which remained in him: a thing commonly seen, especially in great and excellent 
Confidence and fortune seldom fail great and excellent natures.  natures, who very seldom or never do find themselves abused or deceived by fortune. For this is to be marked, yea and to be admired in Scanderbag, that almost continually and with very few and small forces, he obtained against the infidels so many and often victories, as it is almost incredible. This is it, which having oftentimes ravished and held me in suspense, hath made me in this history to deliver many adventures to the posterity, the truth whereof had not yet sunk into my own mind and opinion. And yet (it may be) hereafter it will not be amiss nor inconvenient to believe them: because it can not be denied, but that some ages do bring forth strange cases and accidents, to the intent we should have some matter to marvel at. And that this is true, we may behold a principal example of the like valour and good fortune: if we look no further then even in the same age, to Hunyades, who 
Hunyades the Despot of Transiluania was the father of Mathias corvinus king of Hungary.  so many times in a manner all alone, did foil and confound the puissance of the Turks, and with a small number obtained more trophies of victory, than many others who have been much better accompanied, & whose numbers have exceeded. But why should we stand any longer with such curiosity upon the truth and credit of this matter, seeing that (without singular impudency) no man can deny these things being so fresh and late in memory, and whereof it little wanteth, but that our father's might with their eyes have been witnesses.  
Scanderbag having now enroled and taken a general view and muster of his soldiers, and public vows and prayers being offered unto God by every man according to his own fancy, departed from Croy and encamped near to the lower Dibria, where every day he heard news that the enemy approached. Thereupon he bethought himself, that being newly made their Chieftain and Captain, he ought to use some speech to his new soldiers: for which cause commanding silence, Thus he began 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers marching against the  to speak unto them.  
I would wish (my companions) that you had happened upon me as your Captain, and that I might have enjoyed your notable & faithful service, when my affairs had been in greater prosperity, and in a time wherein my reign had been more happy and fortunate. For now being ashamed of the many bonds and obligations, whereby I see myself tied unto you, I would not have invited you to the discommodities of new wars, and to so many fresh mischiefs: but having been so well received and entertained by my Citizens, I would then have yielded them (at my ease and leisure and with patience) that due thanks and recompense which long before this time I had prepared myself to render unto them: and as a Chieftain that seethe his soldiers imbrued and covered with blood, I would make no spare of myself in recompense of your labours, travels and dangers, and for the blood of the enemy which you have heretofore shed so valiantly. But seeing the destinies have so ordained, and that it pleaseth fortune that I must discover unto you my affairs, and that I must be an occasion rather of your pains then of your tranquility and rest: Consider I pray you, that it standeth us upon to endure it valiantly and patiently, and to submit ourselves to whatsoever difficulties this war shall bring with it; to the intent that one day we may live in peace and quiet. It behoveth us, willingly and with frank and ready minds to take arms, to break the bonds of so long a servitude and bondage, and the enemy being chased from our parts, afterwards to rejoice ourselves in a more happy kind of life, and in a perdurable and lasting liberty, whereunto it is not needful that I pain myself to animate and incense you: For that as all of you do now show yourselves affectioned to take my part: so is it most certain, that words (as the saying is) do not increase hardiness in men that are couragions: ad hereunto that I can say no more unto you with my weapons in my hand then you being in arms ought to know of your own selves. The enemy (whom you have now near you) will adverise you thereof sufficiently: the indignity of so many injuries: the wrath and hatred which they have conceived do admonish you of it, and do arm you against them: the yoke of our bondage shaken off and broken: the liberty both of our bodies and of our souls: the mortal hatred of Amurath: the quality of the Barbarian: the cruel commandements: the horrible executions wherewith he doth advance himself to suck up our blood: and last of all the process of the final ruin and destruction of us all being now past and fully concluded on: all these do invite you to take arms against him. If then our country (the love whereof containeth all love, and for which we ought to think, that we have never shed sufficient of our blood, if the particular virtue of every one of us, if the honour and nobility of our kindred do strengthen the courage of any man; let them animate you (my friends) to betake you to arms and to sharpen your lances. You have by my pursuit and procurement, so speedily and without the loss of one drop of blood, recovered Croie the seat of your forefathers: Spare not now in defence thereof to shed your blood if need be. This is the day, wherein both hope and opportunity do present themselves unto you, for the recovery of your country so long time lost: and for the raising of you to great and high fortune, you have chosen me either for your companion or your Captain before any other, and I will not be the last in any labours, in any hazards whatsoever: and if peradventure in other things my forwardness shall not be seconded with as good fortune: yet will I nevertheless make known unto you the conditions, the conceits, the wiles and policies of the enemy: with whom (it may be by the divine ordinance) I have spent the most part of my years to my own hindrance, and have been instructed in them to the end they might serve to aid you at this present. It would be unpleasing unto me here to report unto you their base and vile condition, but that hope (which maketh promise of a victory less painful) doth render the soldier more resolute and deliberate. What other thing are they but the dregs and scum of slaves and rascals gathered together, more accustomed to thefts and robberies, then to a true war and a just kind of fight and combat? Is it certain that this sort of men, whose name is so famous amongst persons fearful and timorous, should be those Turks, the slaves and fugitives of the Scythians? 
Original of the Turks.  whose fathers (as some say) had their dwellings beyond the Ryphean mountains, and the Isles of Tarracont even in the heart and bosom of the North, and in the Northern Ocean? A nation filthy, villainous, and opprobrious: nourished in dens, secret corners, and filthy places: who not discerning the flesh of Wolves and Vultures, do fill and satisfy their hunger upon humane abortive bodies, and who can very hardly glorify themselves of any one battle gotten well and honestly. It may be that they have usurped by fraud and deceit most large and ample dominions, and that they will from time to time daily purchase more both better and fairer as long as matter shall be given them whereupon to exercise their treason and infidelity. Here now me thinks I see how Amurath betaketh himself to his wiles, sleights, and subtleties, when his other assays shall not be able to prevail against you. Behold and mark well this subtle and cautelous Ottoman, who will make you fair and goodly promises upon the hope of others misfortunes. It seemeth unto him belike, that there is not any where any kind of people, but they should be like unto the Greeks', Bulgarians, and Misians: all which being inveigled and blinded in their own misfortune and destruction more than was convenient, after they had simply and in good faith yielded themselves unto him: the good Prince did either drive them all into exile and banishment, or did deprive 
I▪ side i●●e of Amurath to the Greeks' and others.  them of their sight, or did mangle and deform their members, and wholly disfigure them. That which I now tell you (my friends) is to admonish you, as those whom I esteem and set by, as those to whom I have consecrated my life and my blood, to the intent you may glue me by this subject, ample and large occasion, either to commend you, or to accuse you: for at this present I do not think it needful either to praise or dispraise any man. For what judgement can be made of a soldier, only braving and vaunting himself within a camp? Then will I make the censure of your deserts, when I see your sword smoking with the blood of the Turks: when myself both as a beholder and an encourager, will imitate your prows, being prodigal both of life and safety. At that time will I heap upon you all sorts of commendation and rewards. But if any one of you do feel his courage to wax cold through cowardice, measuring our forces by those of the enemy: if he think that those who surmount in number, will surmount also in virtue: Let him freely departed and dislodge from hence, I speak it in a good hour, for fear least going with us he serve rather to make up the number then to give us aid or succour, let him retire hence to his own home presently. Or if all of you be of that opinion, and that this fear be common unto you in general: If neither God nor man can make you ashamed, let us then reinforce and strengthen this our army with some new supplies, or else let us turn our faces and retire speedily. But he which shall redoubt and stand in fear of the follow with a troop of horse, and to cover themselves under their sides: by means whereof they might be the better able both to safe guard themselves from the enemy, and to endamage the Barbarians the more grievously, who mistrusted no such kind of matter in their ordering: between the one and the other of these troops stood George Strese, a Knight most hardy and courageous, accompanied with the soldiers 
George Strese.  and all the youth of Croy round about him, having so disposed of them purposely, that he might be both the beholder and encourager of his citizens. After the squadron of archers followed the main body of the infantry: namely, the bands of pikes and targatyers, conducted by Aidyn the brother of Gnee Musachee. Vranocontes a sage and 
Aidin. Vranocontes.  expert warrior with the rest of the horsemen, led the rearward and the supplies. This was a strong and close batallion, compounded of the flower of the old soldiers, and best men: holding themselves firm like a bulwark for the rallay & retreat of the other troops, before that they should be broken or forced to recoil: (the Romans' named it Triarij.) The troops of footmen that marched with him, were commanded and had in charge; that assoon as they should see their fellows to break forth in the am buscado, and the enemy charged behind, and entangled between the two points or wings of the army, they should suddenly spread themselves, and opening their ranks, should give way unto the men at arms: and that then with a new terror, they should disorder the enemy, and with one and the same charge strike in upon them being already wearied and sore traveled: and that then the said footmen closing and joining themselves again in troop in their own places, should together with the supplies stand fast, and keep the batallions from being broken or endamaged, till such time as they might see manifest and apparent likelihood of victory, and the enemy in full disarray and disorder. In this manner had Scanderbag martialled his troops, and caused them to hold close without suffering the trumpet to give the signal of fight, till he saw the Bassa also arranged in order of battle, and advancing forward. For he feared least that the soldiers disbanding themselves through overmuch haste and rashness to the encounter: and breaking their orders by reason of their too great fury and desire to advance themselves, should bring the estate of the whole army to some encumbrance.  
The General of the Turks considering the order of our battles, advanced forward, and by way of mockery often repeated these words: Ever, ever (quoth he) do the greater devour the lesser, and with open throat he laughed both to see them 
The battle between Scanderbag and Haly Bassa.  so ranged, and at the foolish pomp of the Christian: marching so formally (as he thought) to his own funerals. One of the Ottoman legions was come forward with great hardiness before the others, but being charged speedily and nearly by the forlorn hope of the Christians, they gave back and forsook their place as suddenly, before that the two armies had affronted each other: and at the very first beginning, they suffered themselves to be beaten back even within their trenches, retiring themselves faster than a good pace. But the Prince of Albany misdoubting some Turkish stratagem, sent forth part of his horsemen both to stay the furious pursuit of his soldiers, and to bring every man into his place. The like happened in the left wing, and therefore both the one and the other being retired to their troops, they prepared themselves again to the future conflict, and to come unto a full battle with both the armies. Now were the Mahometists the more encouraged, for that a few of theirs in a mockery (as it were) had deceived many of the Christians: wherefore when the main fight began, Tanuse and Moses parting between them the two wings of the enemy, went fiercely to the encounter. And Castriot with the like fury pricking forward cheerfully with his horse, did assail the Batallion of the enemy that himself had made choice of. At one and the same time also was the ambushment ready to break forth of the wood with most high and loud cries and clamours, before that the enemy with all his forces had given in upon our squadrons, and before that all were come equally to the medley. Many companies of the Turks perceiving this, (especially those of the rearward,) & being possessed with a sudden fear, leaving both the camp and the charge, betook themselves to flight: so that they in the vanward being surprised and enclosed by the two wings of the Christians, did see themselves exposed to the butchery and slaughter of the middle legion. There was but one batallion only of the enemy which Scanderbag was not able to break, nor durst to set upon, so well was the same defended and reenforced by the Barbarians, who had made it of their greatest number of their people as a sure and safe rampire for the safety of the whole army. There (as it was soon after known) did the Bassa Haly, being environed with the stoutest and strongest forces of all his army, maintain the event and hazard of the battle for a very long time, wavering and uncertain. In this mean while Aydin having charged upon the middle ward of the Turkish army, and pressing hard upon those legions, had filled all with murder and bloodshed: and the tumult was there more bloody and desperate, then in any other part of the fight. For the enemy seeing that there was no means of fasetie left him, but only by arms, with the greatest fury that might be, forced in upon our men with their sword in point, to the intent they might not die unrevenged. And after the hazard and unfortunate error of war had brought some of them thither to the encounter: there came others still running to their succours, thinking by the access of their forces to have relieved their companions; in such sort that the more the Turks made head thitherwards, and the thicker that they resorted to the encounter: so much the longer and doubtful would the resistance have been, if Vranocontes fresh and lusty both of courage and of forces, dismarching in the same instant, and falling in pell-mell amongst them, as they were now wearied and wavering had not ended the battle, and overthrown those that remained. That which moved the Christian Chieftain to be of this mind: that his host should invade the Infidels so late, and not to come to the aid of his men before they were in so hard an estate, was this; for that he saw both the two wings, and the Cornet and guard itself of the Prince on all sides beset and busied: and having their hands full at the beginning, he would not that they should remain altogether unfurnished and destitute of supplies and succours. And therefore he deferred the employment of his horsemen, and made choice of this time and occasion as most fit and proper to weaken their forces, and to give them the check and overthrow. Hence it grew that not any one of them almost did escape away in safety, but that they passed under the sword of the Christians, excepting only three hundredth upon whom, lifting up their hands for mercy: and casting away their weapons as people wearied and spent with wounds, Castriot would not permit the extreme rigour of victory to be used. By occasion whereof the troops of Scanderbag, after this their goodly exploit and military travel accomplished and ended, came with exceeding great rejoicing and 
Victory of Scanderbag of Haly Bassa & the Turks.  acclamations to the presence of their General, where they found all things as they wished and desired. For the croians had wholly broken the battalion of the Bassa, and after a wonderful slaughter did pursue the Turkish General, who saved himself with the loss of his horse. There was nothing seen nor heard on any side but blood & massacres with cries and lamentations of men drawing to their end: Some took prisoners, others leaving behind them the trunks of the dead bodies deformed, did cut off the heads to make presents of them to their General: many of them also fell to rifling of the baggage: according as the minds of some men are to be eagerly set on their gain and profit. Finally throughout all the camp there was mention made of this victory so memorable and almost incredible, even to them especially who were overcome and vanquished: every man being abashed at the marvelous execution in so short a time: for the fight continued from the sun rising but till the third hour. In this battle besides four and twenty ensigns taken, and 2000 Turks prisoners, there were slain upon the place two and twenty thousand. Of the Christians there 
Number of Turks 22000 slain.  died very few; and it is said that there were not missing of them but about one hundredth and twenty: but of such as were wounded there were a far greater number. In this manner than did our men that day obtain that notable victory upon the miscreants according to the expectation and hope of them all in general: withal that in this hard encounter, nothing was forgotten which might not only invite, but also compel fortune to favour them in the event and issue of the battle. There was no opportunity, place, nor good order, nor any notable reason which might be esteemed just and necessary to draw a man to the hazard of battle, but it was carefully and diligently observed. If we should speak of the Captains and the soldiers; I dare well affirm, that in this journey lions had Lions for their leaders and conductor. A great number of them were old soldiers, who had before times borne arms even under the father of Scanderbag: so as you would not have taken them for soldiers, but for masters and teachers in the art military. In this sort did they think now to have made an end of this war by means of the winning of this battle: and that once they should have abated the brags and audacity of the Turks.  
Scanderbag being now master of the field, held himself quiet within his camp, the residue of that day, and all the night following. The next morning (his courage as yet boiling through the good hap of this encounter) he busied himself in taking order for that which remained, and especially to animate the soldiers to an enterprise very convenient and needful, and which should be no less delightful to themselves: to wit, the overrunning, and sacking of the enemy's country. And therefore 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers, inviting them to spoil the Turkish territorier.  he used these or the like words unto them.  
Hitherto (my soldiers) have you fought for me your prince, even till this day, and till now have you showed and done your devoir for your country: from henceforward your own profession doth invite you, and your own good fortune doth summon you to continue as you have begun. Behold how on all parts the legions of the enemy are by your virtue overthrown and discomfited: and now may you number and recount your own prows and valiant deeds. It may be that secretly in your thoughts, you promise to yourselves from me some great rewards, and some singular recompense, which should be prepared and provided for you, for so many labours: for so much blood: for so many travels suffered in this battle: and I protest unto you on my faith, your expectation shall not be frustrate, so far forth as I shall find the means and possibility. I do very well and sufficiently conceive in my mind the commendations and praises of you all both in general and in particular. This only is the reward that you shall expect of me (let me make myself a little merry with you) if so be the courages of soldiers can content themselves with praises only. Other goods have I not at this time, wherewith I may honour your valour: but hereafter when I shall have things in abundance to dispose of, assure yourselves I will departed with them unto you as bountifully. What is there that you can receive more pleasing and with a better courage? according to other men's judgement and opinion, than this honour & glory, which each of you shall carry home in triumph as a conquest achieved by his own arm and proper virtue? Behold here near at hand the territory of the enemy, rich and plentiful in wealth of all sorts: your gallantise and prowess hath disfurnished them, and made them bare and naked of all defence: now therefore with good leisure and ease do you charge and load yourselves with the prey and spoil thereof, which is left and abandoned to your pleasure and discretion. Let the fear of the enemy far and wide know you to be the Conquerors; even you (I say) whom our native country shall presently see returning home cheerful, joyous, and triumphant. This will be no small increase of benefit unto you, to come from a piece of service so excellent. Nevertheless, to the intent it may be said, that I also in some sort have rewarded you for this days victory, and that the one of you have no occasion to envy the other, seeing that the virtue of you all in the fight was alike and equal; I do here ordain and appoint, that the footmen shall take the horses of their slain enemies, and that all of you from henceforth shall serve on horseback as men at Arms. Now therefore (under the favour of the great God) let every man follow me cheerfully, that we may go on and reap the most acceptable and gladsome fruits of your perfect and full devoir.  
The soldiers who had listened all this while very attentively to his speeches, 
Spoil and sack of the enemy's country, permitted by Scanderbag to his soldiers.  with very great signification of joy and gladness (as men ouerioyed with hope of the prey and booty, which they did expect by spoiling of their enemy's country) did approve this his encouragement. They ran therefore every where, here and there without discretion, without order, without conduct, being stirred and pricked on with an assured and sudden contempt and negligence, proceeding (as it seemeth) of their happy and good success. But the Prince being well advised, and not having any affiance in the inconstant and fickle favours of Fortune, he stayed the fury and violence of his soldiers, till such time as those which he had sent to make a discovery, did bring him back word that there was no danger. And then (the sack and pillage being permitted them freely) the men at arms altogether puffed up with the late victory which they had gotten, and dispersed here and there in diverse places, did cast themselves in upon the enemy's country, and carried away the goods of the husbandmen, their persons, and their cattle. Neither did their fury spare to show itself upon the very trees. Nothing was pardonned of what kind soever, whereunto the fire and the sword might do any damage and displeasure, excepting only women and children. The booty was gathered and drawn together, and driven with such confusion, noise and debate, that a man would have judged, there had been begun some new tumult of wars, and that the fields had been full of men sighing and combating. Their wounds did not withhold or hinder any one of them (for the greedy desire of pillage had drawn thither many of those who were wounded in the battle) but their pains and travels so lately taken, were quite forgotten, and (as it were) clean vanished away. Neither the labours, nor the weightiness of their burdens, did not discourage any one of them, no more than the excess and abundance of spoil (which commonly causeth weariness and satiety) did satisfy and content them: in so much that the grief and sorrow of the soldiers was greater, for leaving that which they could not bear away, than their joy and contentment of that which they carried with them. When they had thus continued long enough in spoiling and foraging, and that the rage of the soldiers was mitigated and appeased upon the country of the enemy: Castriot caused to sound the retreat, and his men being overloaden with the prey and booty, marched away presently with great gladness and joy. The Captains made themselves merry at the sloth and laziness of the soldiers: reproaching them that of brave and valiant warriors, they were now become sheepestealers: and of defenders of the glory and renow me of Albany, men might see them changed into the habit and trade of shepherds. And thus scoffing sometimes at one, and sometimes at another, with many pleasant jests and words of mockery, each after other in this or the like manner; what (said they) would Holy Bassa now say with the relics of his discomfiture, if he were even now in place and did see you in this point, dragging after you so vile and base baggage of neither worth nor valour, but a fit reward for covetous and greedy soldiers? Would he not blush extremely at so vile and shameful Conquerors? And would he not reproach his men of their faintness and cowardice, that had suffered themselves to be surmounted and overcome by such a sort of base companions: and for that they had yielded unto such men the honour and the glory of the combat? Thus did the soldiers full of mirth and merriment, with diverse sports and songs full of joy and gladness, case and mitigate the hard travel of the way, till such time as with high cries and clamours they saluted the guards of their Camp which marched on before them. The night following being passed within their Camp: Scanderbag the next morning before day break, commanded to truss up the baggage, and with his host unchangeable marched on directly towards Croie. The multitude scattered every where throughout all the high ways and passages, did salute and call them both generally and privately triumphant and valiant. Every man admired the greatness of the spoils gotten from the enemy, and hardly were the new made men at arms discerned and known from the old. These congratulations and rejoicings did endure many days, and there were sent unto all the Princes and particular Lords of Epire, letters crowned with laurel and certain standards, and the residue were hanged up in their churches.  
This year was famous and notable by reason of this victory: but much more 
1443.  memorable was it afterwards by the dolorous discomfiture of the Christians at Varna. The which to paint it out unto you more lively, I must draw back to the 
Of the wars between the Turks and the Hungarians.  defait of Carambey, whereof I entreated in the former book. You know (if you have any knowledge in the course and usage of Arms) that one disgrace of Fortune, and the gain of one only battle, doth ever bring much disfavour and many mishaps to the loser, and causeth fresh beginnings of new enterprises to his enemies. Even so that rude Bastanado given to Carambey at the battle of Morava, and the revolt of Scanderbag falling both at once upon Amurath, did solicit and cause the * Caramanian to move war against him: so that preparing a puissant and mighty 
This is the king of Cilicia. This Pontus and Bithynia.  Army, and therewithal invading the Turks in * Anatolia (which is called also great Tregnyo) he constrained Amurath to pass into Asia, with the relics of his defeated forces, to assure the estate of that country. But finding that he should not be strong enough, unless he did wholly and altogether oppose himself against this new enemy: besides that the success of the forepast overthrow at Morava, did make him begin to bethink himself, and to redoubt the felicity of the Christians. First of all therefore (as I have told you) he would assure himself of the king of Hungary by a peace: the which being concluded, and respectively sworn upon the holy Evangelists, and the Alcaran, was fully ratified by the mediation of George the Despot of * Servia and Ruscia: which notwithstanding was soon after violated, by the means 
This is the upper Misia, by the Turks called Segoria,  which I will now show you.  
The Turkish Ambassador being dislodged and departed from the Court of Vladislaus: behold suddenly there arrived letters from Francis Albert a Florentine, Cardinal of the holy siege: the contents whereof were. That the Turk with 
Letters from Francis Albert Cardinal to Vladislaus king of Hungary.  innumerable companies was passed over into Asia, to fight against the King of Caramania, having left his country in Europe unprovided and difurnished of defence, and wholly disarmed: and that he with three score and ten Galleys well armed and appointed, and many other great Vessels of war, having seized on all the ports and passages, had taken from the Infidel all means and hope any more to transport his troops and forces on this side the Sea. And that such opportunity which then was offered, ought not to be lost and omitted: that now this cursed and wicked nation might be either rooted out in a manner without any fight, or at least wise chased and driven so far off, that they should be no more heard nor spoken of. For you must note: that julian Caesarin Cardinal of Saint 
julian Cardinal of Saint Angel.  Angel and legate of his holiness, being then near about Vladislaus at Buda, had lately procured a new league between the Christians for the ruin and destruction of the name of Ottoman, and had caused Pope Eugenius the fourth of that 
Levy of the Christians against the Turks.  name, the Duke of Burgoyne, the Venetians, and the Genoese to enter into the same, who having put in readiness and provided this army by sea, had now seized upon that strait. At the same instant (as if it had been a thing done of purpose) the Messengers of the Emperor of Greece, reported the like news and in manner to the same effect. If these tidings were displeasing to the legate, I leave to your opinion. For he was greatly grieved to see the accord and agreement passed between the King of Hungary and the Turk, to the prejudice of his practices and endeavours, by means whereof so great and mighty forces were assembled 
This is Hellespont, the Arm of S. George. A Maxim of the romish Prelates. Cardinal julian maketh the king of Hungary to break his faith and league with the Turks. * Cursed and unhappy.  at the sea near * Gallipolis. And he doubted lest he should be taxed either of lightness and inconstancy, or of faithlessness and infidelity. But he knew so well both how to do, and to speak under colour of this Maxim: * (That faith ought not to be kept with infidels and miscreants,) that the compact and conditions of the peace, were broken and violated. And he absolved and freed both the king, his nobles, and all others, who had benesworne thereunto, from the oath which they had solemnly taken and made, so that all of them entered cheerfully and gladly into this * blessed league. The Roman legate himself was there present, followed with a fair and goodly troup under the Cross. jancus Huniades that tempest of war with his Null came thither likewise, and had the title to be lieutenant General of the Army royal.  
Upon the preparation of so high and haughty an enterprise, all were moved at the glorious renown of Scanderbag, and at his fresh victory gotten upon Holy 
Vladislaus and the Christians do seek the aid of Scanderbag against the Turks.  Bassa, and they persuaded themselves that if they could join, unto this their great preparative and provisions of the Hungarians, the forces of the Albanois yet shining in the Vermilion colour of the Turkish blood: this would be an aid and supply unto them of singular advantage, and a most certain assurance of a good and happy success to their desires. For this cause upon good deliberation approved by all of them, and with all speed possible: according as the appearance of mischief and inconvenience near and imminent did require, letters were sent away, of which this was the tenor.  
Vladislaus king of Hungary and of Poland, sendeth health to Scanderbag 
Letters of king Vladislaus to Scanderbag.  Duke of the Albanois,  
It may be that Gods will was, that this our late congratulation should be deferred until this present: to the intent that we might at this time rejoice together with you in the double success of your prosperity: not only for the happy recovery of your own estate, but also for that by your virtue and prudence, the same hath been courageously defended. In this then do we solace and rejoice ourselves both with you, and with all Christendom: considering that the divine clemency and your valour, hath given such succours and comfort to the public weal and estate Christian. For to speak the truth, the loss of the nation of Albanois hath been such a wound that we may continually bewail it, as much as any one of our other mishaps and misfortunes: at that time when john Castriot your father (whom God pardon) a Prince (as I understand of excellent merit and desert,) being oppressed by Amurath, and taken out of this world by the ungrateful destinies, had neither the means to leave unto you the inheritance of his Crown and Sceptre (as unto his Son, being then under the yoke and bondage of a stranger) nor yet was able otherwise to provide for his affairs. O that it had pleased God, that this Father being most happy and fortunate in such a Son had been now living: no greater bliss could have befallen him, whereby to surmount all humane felicity, then to have seen you before his death. For so do you seem unto me above all other Princes in this world (be it spoken without displeasing of any other) the most accomplished in all graces and perfections both of mind and body, as being divinely endowed with a certain fatal and wonderful Fortune: by the good encounter whereof, not only all the land of Albany may vaunt itself, to be in surety and security: but they shall also recover their first form and beauty, the ancient glory of their kingdom, the free liberty of their religion, and all the rights and privileges of the people which were lately dismembered from the Realm of Macedon, by the unlawful robbery of the Ottomans. For (to say nothing of those things, which from your infancy having made you continually to be envy, have purchased unto you heretofore, even amongst the Barbarians, an immortal name and glory) what can there be more magnificent than this victory, which (as we have heard and do believe) you have obtained with singular admiration in the utter overthrow and discomfiture of Haly Bassa, and so great and mighty troops of the Pagans? But now o Scanderbag, there offers itself unto you a subject of far greater glory, under the favour and blessing of God, who by his wonderful counsel and decree, hath reserved you in these so difficult and dangerous times for the safety and public good of Christendom: with a most fair and fit occasion to revenge upon the Sultan, all his wrongs and injuries both new and old: as well those done to your own person, as those against the estate and kingdom of Albany; and not only the domestical and civil miseries of your own country, but the public calamities also, and those opprobrious disgraces done against the Christian religion now oppressed, (I will not say extinguished,) if so be that upon the point, and in this extremity of our affairs, not yet altogether desperate and without hope, you will secure us with your victorious Forces. Hereunto do all the princes of Hungary, and of Poland, and all good men invite you. julian the Cardinal of Saint Angel entreateth you, and so many Catholic and devout men at arms Christians, who are here with us long since ready in arms and well appointed, no other thing do we attend then your ensigns. This will be a sure mean at this time (if you refuse not this fit opportunity which God now so graciously sendeth us) to vanquish our common and troublesome enemy, and wholly to determine this war: to chase and drive away the Turks, and to dispossess them of Europe, so long time by them occupied and wrongfully usurped. I need not then (as I take it) use any kind of persuasion unto you in this cause and quarrel, the defence whereof doth purchase us safety, light, and liberty. Contrariwise being abandoned, I will not forehalsen that which may come of it. We Christians 
O that a●● Christiant would well payze and consider these words.  have been too too slack and backward in doing our devoir to help and secure each other. The flame hath now well near consumed all of us: yet have none in the mean time been advised or persuaded, that this fire would pass on and come near unto themselves. What doth the estate of the Greeks' represent unto us, and the condition of the Triballians, and last of all mine own losses▪ What Iliad can recount unto us all the mischiefs we have endured, and those which do daily menace us? So many brave and valiant Princes the bulwark and defence of Hungary which we do lose from time to time aswell in puissant armies consumed and brought to nothing, and with one and the same fatal chance of war almost wholly extinguished? In such sort, that in this Realm from hence forward, there is neither family, wife, nor matron, exempted from bearing a part in this grievous and lamentable calamity. All this and worse by far do Christian Princes hear of, and yet, the miserable estate and condition of their Allies can nothing move any one of them: but thus do they suffer us on all parts to be exposed to the rage and fury of the common enemies, as if we were an offering to be sacrificed to all perils and dangers; Only Eugenius the chief Pastor of the Church, and Philip Duke of Burgundy are to be excepted, who have not rejected nor refused the burden of our afflicted and miserable Fortune. The one hath sent hither his legate the Cardinal of Saint Angel, with notable and puissant succours: and the Duke of Burgoyne with his Army at sea, having adventured as far as Gallipoly, doth valiantly hinder the passage of the Turks into Europe. One other hope there is not now far from us: and that is, the succours whereof we are so desirous; the which we do require of you, being moved thereunto, partly by your valour so well known and notorious, and partly also in regard of the imminent peril, and the hazard of the common affairs, which presseth us all in general. And albeit we are not ignorant of the discommodities which may befall you in this expedition: we pray you notwithstanding that they may not withhold and keep you back, assuring you, that as it cannot be but to your great honour, so the benefit of this your present desert, shall not be bestowed on persons of an ungrate and thankless spirit. But that which you shall at this time begin and undertake for our preservation and dignity: we will from henceforth and evermore continue for your glory, and for the increase of your greatness. God have you in his keeping.  
From Bude our Capitol and chief city the fourth day of july. 1443.  
By this time had Haly Bassa brought back the relics of his defeated army unto 
H●ly Bassa returneth to Amurath.  Amurath: howbeit that the news of his desaster oftentimes reiterated, had made way before him. Some say that he was sharply reproved by the Ottoman, who objected unto him by way of reproach, that it was not likely that so puissant an army could have been almost wholly ruinated without some great and notable cowardice, or some counsel rash and timorous. Sometimes he would exclaim and say, that his army was betrayed▪ sometimes he would allege, that either it was surprised by the negligence of the General, or that in coming to the encounter, they had given the advantage of the place unto the enemy: whereof it proceeded that so great a desaster and misfortune had fallen upon his people. Now albeit Haly Bassa could not deny, but he had been overreached and prevented by our ambushments, the which might have deceived any man, were he never so politic, subtle, and circumspect, yet did he excuse himself nevertheless, calling his soldiers to witness, that there was nothing in him to be reprehended, but the variable and inconstant chance and lot of Arms: and that there wanted neither good order, nor discipline, nor the advantage of place, nor the opportunity of charging at a fit and convenient time▪ Finally that neither the soldiers did fail their Captain, nor the Captain their soldiers. But if it would please his Majesty, to permit him once more to attempt and make trial of his Fortune; he would make him to see, that he had a devise and stratagem, by which he would bring it to pass, that this prosperity of Scanderbag should prove doleful and lamentable. The vain promises of the Bassa did soon move the Sultan, who being now more animated then ever, was willing that in any case new forces should speedily be provided, if the other Bassas and councillors, especially Caly Bassa, making him to change his advise, had not showed him: That another war of greater difficulty and consequence did fall upon his shoulders, that the enterprise of Epire might with safety, either be deferred or omitted, but so could not the tumults of Hungary, but that it behoved him carefully to attend and look unto them.  
In the midst of these affairs, the letters of King Vladislaus being brought to Scanderbag, were a special mean and occasion to move and induce him to give him aid and succours. For a more honest cause and fit occasion of war, could not 
Scanderbag calleth a council of the Albanois to consult upon the sending of succours to the king of Hungary.  have been found then was the same ministered at that time. This notwithstanding, for that he would determine nothing without the advise of those with whoseayde he was to serve himself upon all occasions: having called together his chieftains, he would that the king's letters should be read openly in full assembly of a general council. And there was not any one who did disallow of that war, for that the excessive greatness of the Ottoman Empire increasing from day today, did animate every one with the spurs of wrath and indignation: and did solicit their minds, almost trembling and quaking for fear of more grievous inconveniences: and did ad movish all the world of the unfortunate condition of the Christians, and of the former fortune sometimes invincible of the Hungarians, the which if Amurath should once cast to the ground, every man did propound and set before his eyes, both in public and in private a final desolation; considering that there was no where to be found any puissance more sufficient, or better able to sustain the feeble and weak estate of Christendom for any long season, nor which could with continual wars and endless hostility, repress the Turkish malice, whom the insolency and pride of so many victories, had made to be their deadly and extream● enemy. Moreover, the hope of the Epirots was so augmented by the happy success of that victory lately befallen them; that they went every where saying and promising unto themselves, that they should find the like fortune: especially seeing they changed not their Chief, nor their enemy, but the place of the war only. To conclude, all of them did affirm, that it behoved them, and they ought to adventure the loss of their lives for the gaining and getting unto themselves, so great and puissant a king to be their friend in this troublesome season, against the inconstancy of fortune, and so many humane accidents. Wherefore it was concluded without contradiction, that succours should be sent him, but as touching the number of the men of war, and the forces of those succours, they could not so soon be accorded and agreed: and this difference continued amongst them till the dark of the evening came upon them. Many opinions being laid down on the one side and the other touching this point, some agreed upon eight thousand, others upon five, and the most part offered fewer, showing that there was no reason to disfurnish the Province of men, the war being on all sides kindled, and the enemy (it might be) yet boiling in despite upon the confines of Macedony, and that they ought not to think, because the Bassa had been lately beaten, that therefore the war was ended and determined: but rather it wanted so much that the Turkish forces were thereby weakened, or their courage diminished; that on the contrary, he was by reason thereof much more inflamed and incensed. Some also made a doubt, and it was long debated with great diversity of opinions, whether Scanderbag himself should march thither in person, or whether they should only send aid and succours unto the king, for that without the infinite discommodity of the proceed and affairs of Scanderbag, and his estate not yet thoroughly settled and confirmed, he could not well be absent, nor leave the care and administration of the same: that his presence (if need were) in time of peace or of war, would be of great consequence and moment, considering that the people of Albany would acknowledge no other sovereign to command over them: that all things, he being in place and presence, would succeed well, and flourish by his advise and counsel: But he being absent, it could not be otherwise then a case most pitiful, to see the deformity that would ensue within the country, by the negligence and security both of the citizens, and of others of all estates and qualities, who for grief and sorrow which they should conceive at his departure, would suffer the vigour and liveliness of their spirits to vanish and to relent.  
The Prince of Albany, albeit he had not determined any way to alter or change his first resolution, yet because he would not seem to disdain or to make little reckoning of the love and good will of his subjects (whom he could not upon the difficulties of that voyage openly contradict) nor yet to repugn against their offer of so small numbers of soldiers, for fear lest he should seem willing to draw them on by force to a strange war, and to be the cause of new perils and dangers unto them, he judged it no less convenient for the common profit, then for his own in particular to be silent, and to use little or no speech in the matter. But the vehemency and earnestness of Paul Ducagin (whose speech was worthy and well beseeming so excellent a prince) did soon cut off all these disputes and diversities of opinions: and did in an instant appease all these difficulties, that so troubled their minds, thus speaking unto them.  
It may be (worthy Princes Albanois) that you attend and expect in great devotion, 
Oration of ●aul Ducagin, touching the number of the succours to be sent into Hungary.  what kind of style and speech, I do now mean to use unto you, and unto which of your opinions I will incline and join myself. But I assure you, there is no such matter as you think of, for that I see not that you have laid down or expounded any thing which is correspondent to the greatness and Majesty, either of Scanderbag, or of the name of the Albanois. Pardon me though I say so (for in general counsels this hath ever been allowed as a special privilege, for each man to speak freely and at liberty, and to be heard quietly and patiently.) And therefore if it be lawful for me now to discourse upon these your consultations of the war of Hungary: much more willingly would I hearken unto those who would resolutely dislike of sending any succours at all unto the King: and would rather decree and ordain (and that not unadvisedly) that the ruin and destruction of our neighbours, and the perilous estate of strangers were not to be preferred nor regarded before our domestical mischiefs, and our own proper necessities. For is there (I pray you) any thing so ridiculous, as to hear you to count some upon eight, some upon five thousand soldiers, and some upon fewer, to uphold the weight and burden of such a war and so important, as if you were to think that a King so puissant and mighty, would demand out of the whole country of Epire so small a number, in the extremity, and (as it were) the last trial of his Fortune? Shall Scanderbag be so meanly accompanied into the midst of the Varnian fields, where all men in general do attend and wish for him? Shall so many Princes and great Lords of Hungary, and of the Christian Army, see your chief and sovereign (whose glorious renown is now dispersed and gone into all parts before him) shall he I say be seen marching before a handful of men, no otherwise then as one accompanied with so many thieves and robbers? Admit (which God defend) that he should happen to be overthrown and vanquished, well and justly might the enemy mock and jest at the mishap of his discomfiture, much more his own subjects, in that he would adventure to conduct into a foreign country, and into an other man's dominions so small a number of men as would scant be in safety within their own home and dwellings. Contrariwise, if he should overcome and get the victory, little praise and less profit would come of it. Some others there be, who with a devise all new and not heard of, would that forces should be sent to the King for his succour, but they would not that Scanderbag should bowdge, that forsooth a regard should be had of his Citizens, or of the unruly multitude, who would hardly be brought to receive or admit the command of any second or inferior person. This is the point (my masters) wherein consisteth all our difference: either that absolutely (as I have said) we do refuse to send the King any succours, or else that you change your advise and opinion. What shall we send these triumphant succours unto the Hungarians without Scanderbag, whose only name will yield them more succour, then if all of us were with them and he absent? whom they especially do invite, and whom all of them do demand and seek after? Let us send them then a gods name, if any be disposed to go without him. Cannot your Citizens live one day in rest and quiet without Scanderbag, and will you that the soldier being in arms, should follow the adventure of foreign service without his Captain? Do you think that our houses and our country shall be in danger without his assistance? and shall the soldier find himself safe and secure in a strange country and a far off, being separated and far removed from his accustomed Chieftain and General? What is then to be done? On the one side your forces do hate and abhor to go into Hungary without their Scanderbag: and on the other side, the love of your country, and the desire of your fellow Citizens doth restrain and withhold you. For my part my advise is, that a speedy levy be made as great and as puissant as may be, that we lose not the occasion of this war proposed and laid before us: and during the other affairs and businesses of the Ottoman, let us not doubt the estate of our own country. Furthermore, who is he that will not promise and assure himself of an undoubted victory, by the issue of this encounter? Unless it be some one whom his timorous spirit misled and abused, doth terrify and hinder from being resolute? As touching Scanderbag, there is not any one of you but will confess, that it is more easy for you to find a man to govern you in peace, and to administer justice, then to conduct and lead soldiers marching with their Arms. But to the intent you may not think that in this discourse, I bring you nothing but great and glorious words: Behold here am I, who do offer myself with five thousand men to the war of Hungary: and (if need be) do vow and consecrate my life for the service of jesus Christ, principally, and next for the glory and reputation of all of you: and for Scanderbag his honour, name and dignity.  
This round and sharp Oration of Ducagin, and the liberal offer of his pains and labour, together with the great authority which the man had with all the Princes of Epire, and with Scanderbag especially, did soon work a change and alteration in their minds and opinions. Scanderbag himself was the first that approved his devise, and after he had recounted and numbered up his merits and worthy acts in the whole course of his life before past: he said, that there was not any one besides him in all the company, that had spoken rightly, and for the reputation of them in general. And he did often times repeat it, that most happy and fortunate should the estate of Albany be, if it had many such men of like devotion. This Paul (as we have 
Praises and commendation of Paul● Ducagin.  said) was one of the most puissant and noblest Princes of Epire: and amongst other his virtuous conditions, he was most singularly commended for a certain true, unfeigned, and perfect zeal in religion, and was held in high account and estimate amongst all men: being descended out of that honourable family, from which very many most famous and warlike Captains had been descended: and especially Nicholas, 
Nicholas son of Paul Ducagin, his valour and progress. Peneropole, ●r Persera.  son of the said Paul, who far surpassed and excelled all his forefathers and ancestors in the honour and renown of Arms. Of this man there is yet at this day extant and remaining in Peneropole (a town of Thrace by the inhabitants called Persera) a notable monument or mark of his excellent virtue, and of the strength of his arm (if I may so term it) immortal. And that is the relics or pieces of an enemy's target, the which in a certain fight of late (whereof the memory is yet but new and fresh) he did with one only blow of his Cymitary cut quite in sunder from the one side thereof to the other; that the hand of the Barbarian holding it then in fight, was so maimed, as from thence forward he was never able to use it any more in the wars. I take it not altogether impertinent if I have here a little digressed from 
Digression.  the intent of our history: to the intent that both so honourable a father may be the more commended in so worthy a son, and that an act so rare and memorable, might not utterly be forgotten, nor altogether swallowed up in the devouring gulf of oblivion and ungrateful for getfulnesse.  
The whole power and care of ordering the expedition into Hungary was absolutely referred and committed unto Scanderbag: that he should do and ordain all things as himself should think to be best and most convenient both for his own honour, and for the well far and credit of the nation and name of Albany. To the intent therefore he might no longer delay the ardent desire of Vladislaus in so urgent necessity of his affairs, before that he published the levy or muster of any companies, he speedily dispatched away the King's messenger, and willing him to hasten with all speed possible, he gave him letters to this effect.  
To Vladislaus king of Hungary and of Poland, Scanderbag Prince of the Epirots wisheth health and prosperity.  
Most invincible King, your letters I have received with no less joy than contentment: 
Letters of Scanderbag in answer to Vladislaus king of Hungary.  the tenor whereof having caused publicly to be rehearsed in a full and general assembly of my Captains and Chieftains, there is not any one of them but with most voluntary and liberal hearts have advised us to embrace this so fit and opportune an occasion of so just a war by you offered unto us. And every man doth frankly and freely affirm, both openly and in private, that nothing could have happened unto them by the Divine bounty, more agreeable and acceptable, then that they might by some notable service testify their grateful and thankful minds, and bind unto them so excellent a Prince, as also to give so fit succours unto the estate of Christendom. I am exceeding glad, and do take singular contentment in this laudable devotion and forwardness of mine own people, both in regard of yourself, and in the behalf of the common and public cause: in that our men of war, and all other my subjects of all estates and degrees (without any persuasion used on my part) do show themselves so cheerfully and courageously minded in defence of the faith and Christian religion, and so well affectioned towards your Majesty. And to speak the very truth, who is he (if he be not hateful both to God and men) if there were no question neither of religion nor of common danger: that would notwithstanding refuse a war so just and so lawful? and for such a king, by whom alone we may and aught all of us to acknowledge, that we Christians do not only reign and possess our estates, but we live, we breath, and enjoy the liberty of our speech? Who would not willingly take arms, and even rush into manifest and certain danger for the people of Hungary, by whom the public estate of Christendom hath been in all ages mightily supported and defended with so many traveles, and so much bloodshed? Who from the very cradle (as it were) and their first beginnings, have been continual enemies to our enemies, and have vowed themselves for the majesty and dignity of the name and profession of Christianity? Would it had pleased God (most mighty and redoubted Vladislaus) that it had been in my power to have brought unto you such forces towards this honourable enterprise, as might have been answerable to the greatness of my courage, and good affection. It might then perhaps so fall out, that Europe should not any longer continue oppressed in this ignominious estate, whereunto it is now reduced by this wicked Amurath. Neither should the fields of Varna and Basilia so often fume and smoke with the blood of the Hungarians: neither should all the corners and quarters of Macedony be so filled with the blood of the Epirots: both which peoples have been made as the only sacrifices of others sins and offences. We are even now all of us at the very 
Note.  point of extreme danger utterly like to perish, whilst every one thinketh that he is borne for himself only and alone. But why do I in vain burst forth into these bootless and unprofitable complaints and lamentations? Assuredly I do not think my own power altogether so weak and feeble, neither do I believe (if it shall please God that our forces may once meet and join together in so happy a war) that the name and estate of Christianity shall have any cause to sorrow or to be aggrieved in the event and issue of our fortune. For besides those fifteen thousand soldiers, which lately discomfited Haly Bassa on the borders of Macedon: my determination is to add other fifteen thousand unto them: with all which forces, as soon as I may conveniently, I will begin to march and take my journey, being ready to follow your ensigns to all events whatsoever. So God preserve you in all prosperity.  
From Croy the third of August. 1443.  
These letters being dispatched away to the King, Scanderbag applied and bend all his mind and study for the levying of forces. First of all, those companies which had 
An army levied by Scanderbag for the aid of the king of Hungary.  fought against Haly Bassa, he caused to be made strong with new supplies, not suffering any one of them to absent himself from this voyage: And he was fully determined not to use any idle and unprofitable persons in this journey, but such only as should be willing and resolutely minded. Then having sent public Commissioners throughout the Province to that effect, he had soon raised and enroled to the number of ten thousand more. Paul Ducagin did most largely make proof by the effect and by his deeds, of the good mind and affection which he had before in the assembly, made show of by his speeches. For coming to present himself to Scanderbag, even with the foremost, besides his own person, he brought with him also, five thousand all chosen and picked men, and singularly well appointed. Immedialy hereupon all domestical matters being set in order, and the affairs of the Province well provided for: Castriot having taken a view and muster of his whole Army, and having disposed of the several companies, and divided his regiments as it seemed best unto him, he distributed and bestowed all the particular places of charge and office, and appointed unto them fit and able Captains and officers, as if the war of Hungary had even then been begun, in that hour and very instant. Afterwards public prayers and general processions being made for the victory: never did the people of Epire (who were always more inclined to arms then to religion) so importune the divine majesty with their prayers and supplications, as they did at that time for the happy return of their soldiers, who were then to march out of their own country. All things both divine and human being thus well ordered & disposed, the soldiers now drawn from their native home, did take unto them a new kind of courage; and their minds and imaginations were continually devising upon no other thing, neither had they ought else before their eyes, but the war of Hungary: neither did they carry the show and countenance of any other then of such men as had been even lately accustomed and exercised to imbrue themselves in the blood of their enemies.  
Thus with great and exceeding joy had they advanced their ensigns even to the 
Scanderbag marching with his army towards Hungary, is hindered by the Despot of Misia.  frontiers of Misia, when that either cruel Fortune, or the immortal and secret order and decree of the heavenly powers, or (which is most likely) the indignity & hatefulness of the sins and wickedness of the Christians, which seemed now to approach near to receive their deserved punishment from the divine majesty, did raise & stir up the disloyalty and perjury of one wretched person, to trouble & break the course of these glorious attempts: causing both perpetual matter of lamentation to the Hungarians, and a most memorable loss and calamity to the estate & wealth of Christendom. This was George Whoruich (of whom we have made so often mention) at that 
George Despot of Misia his description.  time called and commonly named the Lord or Despot of Servia: a man (if such graces and accomplements had any way furthered his virtues and good behaviour) of corporal beauty, and of an excellent majesty and countenance most gracious & venerable: and one that in eloquence and gravity of speech was most rare & admirable, and not inferior to any of his time, descended of a noble and ancient family, and very aged and well grown in years. As concerning his faith and religion (that we may not in this also omit his impiety) he was one that did altogether neglect and contemn it: for being a very Atheist, and having his pernicious mind devoid of all piety, fear, 
His irreligion, atheism and impiety.  and reverence of the Deity, he did equally and alike contemn and deride both the precepts of Christianity, and the traditions of Mahomet. On a time (long after the battle of Varna) when this old Prince, being at least ninety years of age, and flying from the face and presence of Mahomet, did happen to come into Hungary, to desire their aid and succours against the Turks, he chanced to fall in company with a notable zealous preacher Friar john Capistran of the order of S. Francis, unto whom (after he 
Friar john Capistran.  had heard him make many excellent and holy discourses touching his revolt and apostasy from the faith of Christ, it is reported, that he made him this answer; That sooner & more easily he could be persuaded to hang himself, then to abjure those traditions (though he were now past ninety years of age) which he had received from his forefathers: giving us thereby to understand how dangerous a thing it is, to make a mock and jest of religion, and of the Son of God, and to follow after perverse and false opinions, when they shall once grow to have gotten an habit within us. For the Despot in this persuasion retiring himself from the presence of the Friar, was heard oftentimes to reiterate and repeat these words. That he had rather his subjects should call him a Prince miserable and unfortunate, than an old and aged dotard. This man then now at this time did mightily cleave unto the Turk, and favoured his quarrel against the Christians, both in regard of his daughter Gathagusina (whom he had married unto Amurath) as also because of the hatred which he bore unto the Hungarians, but especially to john Huniades the Despot of Transiluania, by whose aid & assistance (as we have before declared in the enlargement and liberty of Scanderbag) at such time as he was succoured against the Sultan, & restored into his kingdom, he took it in ill part, that certain towns and places of Ver●ia, which had been granted unto Huniades in recompense of his virtue and desert, were not restored and redelivered unto him. For this cause understanding of the preparations made for the war of Hungary, and of the coming of Scanderbag, who approached near his borders: he stopped up all the ways and passages, and debarred him from entering within his dominions. Castriot did assay, but all in vain, by his Ambassadors sent to the Despot, to 
Ambassadors sent from Scanderbag to the Despot of Servia, to persuade him to grant him passage thorough his country.  admonish him of the wrong and injury which he offered him: and he entreated him in friendly sort, That he might not be the first which should charge him with ill dealing, who had given him no cause of offence and injury: that he would not of his friend and neighbour, purchase him for his enemy, and draw upon himself the arms both of all Hungary and Epire. That he would not suffer and procure by his means and occasion only, so great a loss and mischief to all Christendom, which might swallow up both himself & his estate and Empire. For albeit in regard of his daughter, he did so cleave and adhere unto Amurath, yet he should not thereby hope and expect for any other then certain loss & assured damage: having had good proof & experience both of the infidelity and perjury of his son in law, & of the great pleasures & benefits which the Hungarians on the other part had often times done him.  
These persuasions nothing prevailing in a mind so depraved and corrupted, and the Prince of Epire now perceiving that he was out of all hope to get passage by any other means then by the sword, he fully resolved with himself to take that course: notwithstanding that both it displeased him highly, & that he held it a matter of some danger and difficulty to begin the wars so near his own home, and to hazard his forces at that time to the travel of arms, which he had thought to have reserved whole, fresh and sound, and to have made proof and trial of them against the royal army of a more worthy and stronger enemy.  
Whilst the Albanian army thus incensed through discontentment, did spend their 
Vladislaus marcheth with his army against the Turks.  time upon the borders of Misia in the midst of infinite inconveniences and discommodities: and whilst the journey of Scanderbag was delayed rather then hindered by the disloyalty of that Apostata the Despot: (for there is no doubt, but he could at length have gotten passage, though not without some damage and loss of his forces.) Vladislaus in the mean time, both encouraged by the letters received from Scanderbag, & provoked also with an assured hope and conceit of the honour and success of future victory: or rather being drawn on by a certain fatal necessity, whereunto he was predestinate: such was the particular destiny of them all, and Fortune (not contented nor satisfied with so many deadly & mortal spectacles) did now invite these men who of late had been preserved, and had yet scarce breathed themselves, from their forepast miseries, to the danger of more lamentable and fatal perils; Vladislaus I say and the army of the Christians, having marched through Valachia, and passed over the Danow, 
Valachia. Danow or the river of Danubia.  were now come to Varna, with an intent & purpose to conjoin & unite their forces, to those which were at Sea, and so to pass on with easy journeys and ensigns displayed into Romania. The country of Varna (which did swarm with such numbers of enemies shortly after, & long afore hand was infamous through the ruin of many mighty armies, and was a place always as hateful and odious even to the bravest soldiers) is a goodly champion & plain valley, situated on the other side of the confines of Misia 
Description of Varna near to the mountain Hemus. Mar Maggiore, or the great sea: once named Pontus Euxiniu●. Galata. Macropolis.  upon the sea: called Maggiore, or the greater sea, four days journey from Andrinople, in a straight gulf between two points or promontories, upon the one of which is seated Galata, and upon the other Macropolis. The bottom of that valley on the right hand is inhabited with husbandmen in several small villages or hamlets slenderly peopled and frequented. On the left hand where Galata standeth, is a great marsh at the foot of the hills extending forth her still standing waters, even to the other valley near at hand, which bendeth towards the Occident.  
Amurath being advertised of these troubles towards, was not any whit discouraged, 
Amurath marcheth against the Christians.  but having lively repulsed the Caramanian, and reassured his country of Anatolia, he made no doubt nor difficulty of any thing, but only how he might transport his army over the sea, by reason that the fleet of the bishop of Rome and the Duke of Burgundy, did take from him all hope of passage: in such sort that 
Infidelity and not able avarice of the Christians helping the Turks to pass into Europe, at the straight of Hellespont.  he made no great haste to march against the Christians, till such time as certain Merchants Genoese (if it be true that is reported) did free and deliver him from that care in consideration of a great reward promised and agreed upon to be given them. For at a certain narrow 
* Which being of old named Bosphorus Thracius, is about 8. miles & a half above Constantinople.  straight of the sea (between the two seas of Maggiore and Propontide, dividing Asia from Europe) was the Turkish army transported out of Asia, they that passed them over, taking for each man his passage a ducat. There were numbered to be about a hundred thousand, all which were gathered and collected out of Asia, because the Sultan had a vehement suspicion of the faith, both of the Greeks' and his other subjects within Europe. After his army was once transported, he marched on with speed and celerity so incredible, that within seven days he came to pitch his tents within four miles of the Christians camp, near to the 
Varna or Dionisiopolis.  city of Varna, named by the ancients, Dionisiopolis.  
The sudden and unexpected news of the approach of Amurath with so great and mighty a puissance, made the Christians to keep good watch & ward throughout their host, and in all the quarters of their camp: every man being commanded to make himself ready to the battle. Vladislaus in the mean time, and the other Princes his confederates entering into council, did consult upon the several occurrences of their affairs, debating upon many and divers matters which were propounded of no small weight and consequence: but the conclusion was, that they would hazard the fortune of the field, in case that Amurath would accept the battle. The whole charge 
jancus or john Hunyades lieutenans General of the Christian army.  of the army, and the ordering and marshalling of the several squadrons and troops was committed to Hunyades to dispose of it as he saw cause: in the execution whereof he made show both of his best devoir and endeavour, and of all the skill and experience which he had of a long time purchased by the practice, pursuit, and managing 
Orders observed by Hunyades in placing the battles of the Christians at Varna.  of arms. For he so placed and ordered his army, that behind them and at their backs, they had the mountains to defend them; the one of the flanks was guarded with the marish above mentioned, and the other was fortified and defended with chariots chained and bound together. The Turks were the first that began the fight, the which having continued for a while; the vanguard of the Turkish army 
The battle of Varna between Vladislaus king of Hungary, and Amurath the great Turk.  was received so courageously, and pressed with such fury by the Christians, that (as if the victory had been already gotten by them) the same was soon disordered and put to flight, and pursued more than two miles off: in so much that Amurath himself had been driven to shift for his own safety, if the two Bishops of Varadia and Strigonia (who were better skilled in their Portuisse then practised in arms) had not disbanded themselves unadvisedly, and forsaken the 
Bishops of Varadia & Strigonia by their folly, hinder the victory of the Christians.  place assigned them, only for the chase of the enemy on that side where they were broken: which was the occasion that a great and fresh troup of Turkish archers on horseback, charging in flank on that side which they had abandoned and left undefended, did find an easy entry in upon them: and they greatly troubled the ranks of our footmen, with a shower and tempest (as it were) of their shot and arrows, which they powered upon them thick and thin. Hunyades with his Null running speedily thither, presently upon his arrival changed the fortune of the fight which continued for a long time doubtful and uncertain. Afterwards (having his eye open on all parts and to all occasions) wheresoever he saw his own forces to have the worst, he succoured the left wing: which as then also was sore encumbered, and was not able to sustain and endure the shock of the enemy: but he notwithstanding still upheld and maintained them in good point. Yet would he not hinder but that Amurath in the mean time, found the leisure & opportunity to re-ally himself, and by the encouragement of Haly Bassa he made head with his squadron of janissaries, and renewed the peril of the encounter. Hunyades was in great doubt & fear of his young king, whose fiery and haughty courage did give him great cause to suspect some hazard and misadventure by his rashness and temerity. And indeed it fell out that the unfortunate Prince of an hardy and invincible 
Vladislaus his overgreat hardiness or rashness.  courage, had broken in upon the ranks of the janissaries, fight and beating with the men at arms, upon the troops of horse, which served for the guard of Amurath his person. Great was the number both of men and horses which were there laid on the ground: some of them being slain, and others having their legs cut off or maimed. In so much, that they could not any longer march upon the plain ground, but they were constrained to make themselves way upon the heaps of dead bodies: each pressing and rushing upon others so eagerly and fiercely, that a man would have judged it rather a mere rage and fury, than any ardent and vehement desire of victory, that animated them on in this conflict. The janissaries stoutly sustained the force and violence of the Hungarians which were in company with their king, yet did he himself in the end break in amongst them, and they most politicly received him into the midst of their battalion, whereof it ensued; That being held either as dead, or taken prisoner, at the same instant that the Turks were now turning their backs, and ready to fly away: the Christians also on the other side, as having left their king did begin to abandon the place, and in steed of fight, fell to plain flying. In this manner both the one party and the other, began to give place to their enemy: in so much that each of them was ignorant of their own good success and advantage in so sudden and variable an inclination of their fortune.  
Upon these alterations john Hunyades seeing the Christians in disarray, and most fearfully and shamefully to forsake their ranks, he made himself way through the midst and thickest of the press: and being come to the place where Vladislaus then 
Hunyades persuadeth Vladislaus to retire and to prevent an utter overthrow.  was, he showed him the disorder, the affray, and confusion of the Christians, he cried and called unto him, he requested and entreated him to turn bridle and to yield unto the present mischance, and not to hazard all to utter mischief, and to the misfortune of an entire discomfiture: that there was as yet great good hope of the victory, and that it attended and stayed for him, considering that the loss on his side was so small and of so little account, that it appeared in a manner, as none at all: and that therefore it were good he did retire himself within his Chariots and trenches with his men safe and sound as they were, ere they were altogether scattered and dispersed. For the loss of his life alone, would not only hazard and endanger his own realms & dominions, but the state of all Europe, and the whole body of Christendom. All these persuasions and reasons notwithstanding, the king still thrusting himself most undiscreetly into the midst of his enemies, after a sharp & furious conflict (his horse being wounded & hought) he was in the end overthrown to the ground 
Vladislaus king of Hungary slain by the Turks.  and so slain in the company of many of his Nobles both Hungarians & Polonians. Hunyades for a time held good, and made resistance, endeavouring and assaying divers times, to have rescued the king's body, but all was in vain. For the head being cut off, and fastened upon the end of a lance: the Christians upon sight thereof, being on all parts terrified and abashed, did seek by main flight to purchase the security of their own persons: excepting certain Null with whom their Chief and leader 
Huniades his flight and imprisonment by the Despot of Servia.  Huniades (seeing that he could not stand against the huge multitudes of the Infidels) took part also with the rest in the retreat: Holding it no disgrace after the decease of the king, that some should remain to revenge the ignominy of this overthrow, and to extinguish the memory of so dishonourable a defeat. And therefore as well as he could, he saved himself, taking his course after the sun set towards the coasts and confines of Servia: where he was stayed and made prisoner, and most shamefully put in irons by the Despot, being restrained of his liberty till such time as those towns, whereunto he pretended a right, were first yielded and restored unto him. The Cardinal julian (the author and procurer of the breach of peace which had been sworn between the Turks and the Christians) made there also his last end: howbeit 
* Callimachus. julian the Cardinal his miserable end and slaughter.  some writ, that he was slain by his own men through the hatred which they bore him: for being the occasion of that calamity by the breach of faith and perjury committed at his only instance and procurement. And that being so slain, he was spoiled and left naked, having suffered many reproaches as he was giving up the ghost, for his ill and wicked counsel in procuring of this war. The two 
Bishops of Varadia & Strigonia drowned in the mud.  Bishops were likewise drowned in the mud, as they fled into the next marshes. Thus you see the event and success of this journey, so famous and memorable, which cost the Conqueror greater loss & bloodshed, than it did to the party conquered. Some also do report, that Amurath after he had escaped this danger, did show himself 
Victory of the Turks with great loss and bloodshed.  much more sad and pensive than he was usually accustomed: and being therefore blamed by his servants, he made them this answer; I would be loath, quoth he, often to gain in this manner. In that place where the battle was fought, and the dead body of the king found, Amurath caused a mighty pillar to be erected, with an inscription for a monument of his victory: and at this day are yet to be seen diverse mounts and little hills, made with the bones of those who were there slain and buried, which doth argue that the slaughter was great and wonderful: which fell out on the day and feast of Saint Martin, the eleventh of November, in the year of our redemption. 1443.  
This battle is somewhat otherwise described by Pope Pius the second, nevertheless we in this place have followed Callimachus, who hath set it down with a most excellent and good grace, and without any partiality. This is most certain and apparent, that the Christians even to this day, may find good and sufficient cause to be discontented with the Despot of Misia, for keeping the bands & army of Scanderbag from being present at that battle, by reason of his faithlessness and disloyalty. For it could not be but the good devoir and prows of so many thousands of resolute fight men would have done much, & the only valour of Hunyades seconded with the sufficiency and good fortune of Scanderbag, how could it but have wrought some notable & singular effect? And what could have hindered them, but that they would have borne a great stroke in the happy event & good success of that battle? What sight or spectacle more famous and notable could any man have seen in any age, than a battle fought against the enemies of Christendom, and directed by two so glorious and renowned Chieftains? Both of them were most hardy and valiant soldiers, 
Comparison of Hunyades and Scanderbag.  and most expert and accomplished Captains, of wonderful great force and singular strength of their bodies, and equal and alike in greatness of courage. Howbeit more fortunate was the latter, being one that had fortune always more favourable unto him, as appeared afterwards in the whole course of his life. Hunyades was more aged and stricken in years: Scanderbag much younger and less exercised at that time in arms. And albeit he had not been in so many conflicts and fought fields, yet had he continually good and happy success: being as fortunate in private combats between man and man, as in the main fight of plain and set battles. Both of them were very acceptable and agreeable to the minds and good liking of their soldiers, but Scanderbag was of a more pleasant conceit and disposition. The one did seldom or never exchange the service either of the Null or Hungarians: the other was much delighted, and did often serve himself of the Italians in his conquests: taking a singular pleasure in the use of their arms, and in their counsel and advise. Huniades never knew other enemies than the Turks: Scanderbag in the war of Italy when he restored the liberty of the kingdom of Naples, in the aid of Ferdinand king of Naples, did purchase to himself no less glory and reputation, than he did by his often triumphs obtained against the barbarous infidels.  
This fame and report of the overthrow and discomfiture of the Christians, being every where dispersed, and Scanderbag being certified (whilst he was yet remaining in the limits of Servia) of the grievous calamity and defait of the Hungarians; took on as if he would have died for very conceit and grief of that misfortune: and having a long while bethought himself, and casting upon many matters in his mind, he resolved at length to turn bridle, and to take his way to his own country. Nevertheless, to the intent his just grief might not remain altogether unrevenged, nor the mischievous wickedness of the Despot rest unpunished; with his army all incensed 
Scanderbag spoileth the Despots country in revenge of his treachery. Les appanages.  and enraged, he suddenly broke in upon his country: and overrunning and spoiling it in most hostile manner: he made it feel the three extremities of sword, fire and blood: which are commonly called & accounted the maintenance & nutriment of the wars. As he was returning into Epire, infinite numbers of Hungarians and Polonians, who had escaped from the slaughter at Varna (according as their flight and good fortune guided them) came to seek him in great troops and companies. 
Hungarians flying from the slaughter ●● Varna, relieved by Scanderbag. Ragusa.  To all of them he gave good and friendly entertainment, and (according to the extremity of their misfortune and calamity) having furnished them with provision both of money and victuals for many days: he provided them also of shipping to carry them to Ragusa, from whence they took their journey to their own home and dwelling place.  
The end of the second Book.   

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
AMurath incensed against Scanderbag by the exclamations of the Despot, resolveth to war upon him: but first seeketh to undermine him by treachery and offers of peace and amity which Scanderbag rejecteth. Ferisee Bassa is sent against Scanderbag, and is defeated: Mustapha Bassa is sent against Scanderbag, and is likewise overcome. The murder of Lech Zacharie Prince of Dayna in Epyre. The cause of the war between Scanderbag and the Venetians. Mustapha is sent again with another army into Epire: Dayna is besieged by Scanderbag. The Venetians levy an army for the relief of Dayna. The battle of Drynon between Scanderbag and the Venetians. Scanderbag repaireth and fortifieth Balese with a garrison, and maketh Amese his Nephew Governor of the fortress: Amese thinking to surprise the city of Drivasta is assailed by the Dryvastines and put to flight.  
THE army of the Hungarians being overthrown and scattered, neither did Amurath reap any great profit or advantage 
1444.  of this victory, neither did he prosecute his good fortune, which then seemed to smile upon him, insomuch that it seemed the success of this battle did rather abate then increase his courage: and so many losses received one after an other did restrain him (albeit he had the victory) from being desirous of any further wars. And this was the cause that no question was made, nor any thing at all done touching the affairs of Epire, which had been expressly put off and deferred to the intent the Turk might be eased of that care, and not find himself charged nor disturbed with a double burden of troubles and vexation. But the new and often advertisements which came partly from the Despot, and in part from the frontiers of Macedon: did break off this their rest and disposition to quietness, and yielding new matter of wrath and anger, it did inflame and set on fire their courages, which were before laid asleep, and had seemed to have forgotten and trodden under foot all former outrages and injuries. For reports came from all parts, that the enemy's forces 
Complaint of the Turks of Macedon to Amurath against Scanderbag.  and the army of Scanderbag had spoiled and destroyed all things, and that there was not any thing left in the whole country unwasted, not the very fields which had been laboured and tilled, but that both houses, towns, and all the country throughout, were either destroyed by the sword, or consumed by fire; and that all the peasants and inhabitants were slain and murdered, except such as their hasty and speedy flight had preserved from their fury. That the army of the Christians (over and above diverse sudden roads and light incursions) had now twice freely and unrevenged with ensigns displayed, and in full troops ranged over the whole country, so charged and loaden with pillage and with the goods of the inhabitants; that with the very money which would be made of that booty only, Castriot might well maintain and hold wars with Ottoman for a long season: that the affairs of the Christians did daily flourish more and more: that their husbandmen did live at ease, never hindered nor disturbed from their labour and tillage: that they had plenty and abundance of all things. Contrariwise, that themselves (besides the fear of the enemy which did daily oppress them) were in great danger & doubt of an extreme famine, which did already threaten them, and was ready and imminent upon them by reason that they had been let and hindered by so many roads and invasions, from the manuring and sowing of their ground.  
The Despot likewise filled the Turkish court with his complaints, and demanded 
Complaint of George Despot to Amurath against Scanderbag.  the aid and succours of his son in law, affirming, that even then when the Ottoman affairs were almost desperate, his devoir and industry was not wanting, but that he had repulsed and borne off their dangers with his proper damage, and the blood of his own subjects, at that time when it was scant in the power of the gods themselves to provide a remedy, for that mischief which was imminent and ready to fall upon them: yet that he with the body of his own estate and kingdom, had preserved the Turkish Empire from destruction, and that he sitting still, had borne and sustained the whole forces of the Epirots. And for fear lest they should have joined themselves with the Hungarians (who attended and expected them on the other side of Mysia) he had opposed the bodies of his people, as a bulwark and rampire against Scanderbag: and by means thereof had drawn upon himself the violence of a long and dangerous war, to the great & notable prejudice of his poor subjects. That he should consider with himself in what estate the affairs of the Turk had now been, if by his diligence (and whilst himself was busied in the war of Hungary) he had not diverted and kept back the troops of such an enemy, seeing that Vladislaus alone with his own army only, had made his victory so difficult and bloody. That now by showing himself to have compassion of the Turkish fortune, he had drawn upon himself (besides the hatred and ancient rancour & malice of the Hungarians) the armies of Scanderbag and all the residue also of his neighbours, enduring and bearing without cause, a most injurious and undeserved punishment: being but a bad reward and recompense, for so great and notable a benefit: that it seemed most likely, that Scanderbag and not Amurath did triumph of the battle of Varna and the war of Hungary: considering the manner of his dealings, and how that with huge and fell troops he did enterprise upon the borders & fountains, sometimes of the one, sometimes of the other, in such sort that nought else was to be seen, but all the shows, signs, and tokens of bloody war, and hostility every where and in all parts of the country. In brief, that he being seated in the midst between the Hungarians & the Epyrots, (both of them most fierce and warlike Nations) should not be able to stand, or resist against their force and violence, if his son in law did not take care and provide for his security, whom in his distressed and most dangerous estate he had prevented with the merit of so notable and good service.  
The greenness both of those in the province of Macedon, and the fresh remembrance of the Despot his good deserts were of great force and efficacy, and did much move all men; and they were universally of this opinion, and did affirm it openly, that now was the safest and the fittest time, and it was most needful and necessary to abate and pull down the strength and puissance of Scanderbag: for fear lest by his roads made upon the plain country, and by the often molestation of the towns and villages, he might seek occasion to usurp upon Macedony, and to make himself Lord and Master of that province: that his malicious mind and the rage and fury of his stomach, did sufficiently show itself of late, in that he had in a manner wholly disfurnished and disarmed his own dominions, and left them without any defence or garrison, only to join himself to Vladislaus with his greatest force and puissance, and with an intent thereby, to abolish and extinguish the memory of the Turkish name and Empire: that if this his fierceness were not speedily repressed, there was no doubt, but he would soon solicit and procure all the puissance and power of the Christians, to join against them. Upon these considerations, the Sultan was fully resolved to make wars upon Scanderbag, and did think forthwith and 
War determined against Scanderbag  speedily to have gathered his forces, and have levied an army: but forasmuch as the greater part of his better men had been slain and consumed in the war of Hungary, and the misfortune of Haly Bassa did as yet continue fresh in his remembrance, and did put him in mind of that difcomfiture: beside that he being now old and grown in years, was desirous to pass and spend the remainder of his life in rest and quietness; he bethought himself of a devise and invention, not so strange and new, as vain and foolish: whereby he supposed, that as he had with notable art and cunning, and with singular deceit and falsehood, found good and happy success, to deceive and beguile others; so he might likewise overreach and entrap him whom by open violence and force of arms he could not conquer, nor bring under. In my judgement it shall seem neither strange nor unpleasant to the minds of those that shall peruse it, if I add in this place, the manner and style of the letters sent from Ottoman, by which he endeavoured to entice and allure the mind of Scanderbag, and to try him how to turn and wind him on all sides.  
Amurath Ottoman, sovereign of the Turks and Emperor of the Orient: 
Letters of Amurath to Scanderbag.  to Scanderbag his most ingrate foster son, neither wisheth health, nor sendeth greeting.  
All the honours and benefits, wherewith I could adorn, and raise thee to greatness in my court, so long as thou wert with me, I never made spare of them, but bestowed them bountifully upon thee (o Scanderbag) of all men living the most ungrateful. I want fit words and terms to speak unto thee: such is the multitude of thy crimes & disloialties, wherewith thou hast offended my majesty, and wounded my very soul, that I know not well what kind of speech to use unto thee, to thee I say, who wert my domestical and household servant: for neither will any rough or sharp languages mollify thy hard hearted courage, (whose nature is so fierce and arrogant) neither dost thou deserve any gracious words or kindness of speech: who hast mightily exceeded and excelled in all kind of fierceness and beastiallitie. And (that thou mightest omit no occasion to make thee hateful and odious unto me) thou hast grown to that madness, that thou didst cast aside all care of thine own benefit, and the safety of thy citizens, in comparison of that love and affection which thou didst carry to the Hungarians, who were lately armed against me. I could be content to let pass in silence other matters, and not to touch and handle those wounds which thou hast made, if so be my mind might be once persuaded to forget them, or that so many deceits, or such notable examples of an ingrateful part did deserve to be concealed: nevertheless, I hold it necessary at length (though perhaps somewhat too late) in some sort to admonish thee, and to lay open before thee thy ill deserts, so far lest the fury of this thy pride and arrogancy do suddenly carry thee away headlong to ruin and destruction, together with thy unhappy and unfortunate kingdom. And then thou wouldst be willing to make confession of this the obstinacy and error, at such time as thou shalt not have left unto thee any help or remedy of thy affairs, being once brought to the exigent and extremity of a most desperate estate. We have hitherto enough & too much endured these outrages, and too too much hast thou provoked the Ottoman Empire with thy great and intolerable injuries: and yet have I showed myself too patiented in suffering and tolerating so many wrongs and mischiefs. Dost thou think that thou shalt be acquitted of that thy treachery wherewith thou betrayd'st my army in Hungary? dost thou imagine that thou shalt go unpunished for the withdrawing of so many towns from my obeisance in Epire, and for so many of my garrisons which thou hast caused to be slain and murdered? dost thou suppose that the other thy misdeeds lately done and perpetrated, shall go free and unchastized? as the army of Haly Bassa destroyed, so many invasions and fierings of my territories, and the tumult of the war of Hungary, which to the uttermost of thy ability, even of late, thou didst further and set forward: besides the spoiling of my father in law his dominions, because he would not suffer thee to have a passage through his Country? I would thou wouldst once at the last remember thyself most wicked wretch, and not continue any longer in expecting what willbe the end and issue of this my displeasure and just indignation. Take heed that these slight enlargements of thy prosperity, do not so animate and encourage thy disordinate appetite, and draw thee on with foolish desire to that pass, that thy fortune (being hereafter made much more miserable) do move even those that hate thee (my self especially) to the pity and compassion of thy hard and wretched estate. If there be lest any courtesy or humanity in thy desperate and graceless mind, remember thyself yet at the last, of the bountiful benefits which thou hast received of me, and give me no longer occasion to repent me that I have bestowed them so unthankfully. Although it be an unseemly and uncivil part to object unto any man the good & liberality that hath been showed him; yet is it a token of too too great ingratitude so soon and easily to forget the merit of forepassed benefits: wherefore I cannot but be sorrowful for thy forrune (o Scanderbag,) and take pity upon thy unhappy estate. For setting apart the safety of thy soul (whereof as a man past all hope, and utterly given over of the Physician, thou takest no care nor makest any account or reckoning) not yet to speak any thing of thy contempt of the laws of Mahomet, and of the small estimat which thou makest of this divine Prophet: was there any one thing of all those vain & blind delights, wherein the thoughts of men do take a pleasure, which I have not most bountifully yielded unto thee, who art now carried away with the base and vile regard of thy poor and sorry kingdom? Hadst thou not plenty of armour, horses, great and huge trains of slaves, abundance of gold, silver and superfluity of all other things, which do commonly allure and entice all estates and ages to affect them? Didst thou ever want any fit or continual occasions to exercise thy virtue, or to advance thee to the glory of great estates, and places of charge, either in peace or war? or to any kind of honours which were fit and agreeable to thy years? In sum, who, in all my courts, was a greater favourite, and more in my grace then thyself? was there either stranger or natural subject, who amongst my most inward and secret friends was more pleasing and acceptable unto me? How carefully and diligently did I provide to have thee nourished and brought (up from the time thou wert first brought unto me) in knowledge and learning, in good manners and discipline? & how willingly and continually did I advance the forwardness of thy virtue, which I saw to grow and increase daily? sometimes by recompenses and rewards, sometimes by all possible means of praise and commendation? And as for the honour and renown of arms (than the which nothing is to be accounted or held more honourable or commendable,) therein I made thee so glorious, that in all kind of services whatsoever, neither did I take notice of any soldier in regard of thee, neither did I seem to set by any of my Captains in comparison of the grace and honour which I did unto thee. For all these my merits and good deserts, thou (o Scanderbag) hast now at length well rewarded me: having showed thyself to be such a one, that it seemeth I have not exalted the man I took thee for: but that I have nourished a plague and pestilence within mine own house and family. But be it that the love of thy native country did wound thy soul, and solicit thee to do as thou hast done; if thou hadst required me to restore the same unto thee, dost thou think that I would have denied it unto thee, seeing that so often and undemaunded (if thou list to remember it) I did freely and voluntarily make offer of the same unto thee? But thou notwithstanding hadst rather to have it of thyself by thy own misdeeds and iniquity, then as a benefit received from me, or as a gift proceeding from my bounty. Keep it therefore still in the name of God: neither shall I be discontented therewithal, and I protest unto thee (so great is my clemency towards all those that have been in any sort familiarly known unto me) that I do now freely pardon all former faults and offences, not for any merit of thine own (which is just none at all) but I do it because even in the midst of this public hatred and dislike, it pleaseth me to call to mind both the manifold benefits which thou hast received from me, and that first faith and loyalty which I did once find in thee, when thou wert with me: for that of longer time and continuance was the good service which thou didst me, than the offences wherewith thou hast wronged me. Both Croy, and the state of thy father (although thou hast seized upon them by fraud and treachery) do I permit thee to enjoy frankly; on this condition, that thou do voluntarily resigue or restore those other towns of Epire, wherein thou hast no right nor interest, and which do in equity appertain unto me, who have heretofore purchased them by the fortune of wars, and by mine own virtue. Besides that thou do presently and without delay repossess my father in law of all the goods of the Misians as far as may be, and what is wanting to supply and make good with money: and that from henceforth (during thy life) thou hold it no less crime than felony, to offer any violence, either to him or to any other whom we repute to be our friends: or by any manner of means whatsoever to grace, aid, or comfort our enemies; in so doing, thou mayest for ever shun and avoid the malice and hatred of the Turks, and so shalt thou have my good grace and favour neither more nor less, than thou hast heretofore and in time past, if so be thou hadst not rather (though then all in vain) to seek place for repentance, when thou hast been beaten with the rod of thine own misery, and when thine own presumption and audacious obstinacy shall have drawn me thither in person to take the revenge thereof in a most merciless and implacable manner. Thou knowest well the puissance of my forces, and thou art not ignorant of the force & strength of mine army. Thou hast before thine eyes a notable example of the calamity of Hungary, and therefore needest not further admonishment. For a conclusion, whatsoever is thy determination I would at the least that thou writ unto me. Thou mayst have conference with Airadin 
Airadin. ●. gent for Amurath with Scanderbag.  our agent (a man both secret & faithful) and of whom thou shalt understand the residue of that which I would not commit to writing. Farewell, if thou be well advised:  
from Andrinople the 15. of june, and of the generation of jesus, 1444.  
Scanderbag gave no credit to these vain and fruitless letters, but both they and he 
Subjects of Scanderbag willing to have peace with the Turks.  that sent them were equally set at nought & neglected. Notwithstanding some there were of opinion, that this devise of Amurath was without any fraud or guile, and they did ascribe it to a certain kind of fear and necessity, alleging that the Sultan had been induced to make these offers and conditions of peace for doubt of the war of Hungary, and through the unweldines of his age, which was then grown very great. Moreover that the tender age of his son Mahomet, being as yet unfit and unsufficient for the charge and burden of the Empire, did give unto the father great cause carefully to bethink himself of the future estate of his child, measuring the forces of Scanderbag, by the late slaughter of Haly Bassa; and being as much feared and terrified, by reason of the singular faith and fidelity which he saw so many people in Albany bear unto him, and the good will of the Christians which did daily increase towards him: that in the mean time nevertheless, he did but dissemble and make an outward show, whilst with a feigned kind of fear, he demanded of Scanderbag the restitution of those towns, and a part of Epire, and the reparation of the wrongs which had been offered to his confederates: that he did set down so many conditions without reason or equity, to the intent he might obtain such as were reasonable and commodious: and that there was no doubt but he would be contented to accept of such a peace, and to yield unto such terms of submission, as Castriot himself would set down, and prescribe unto him, without that he would make any further question, either of the loss of Epire, or of the wars of Misia, so that the Albanois could be content to abstain from arms, and to assure him of peace and quietness. Wherefore, to make peace with Ottoman upon these terms, and to conclude an abstinence from war for a time; could not but be greatly for their honour and advantage, and the rather, for that himself was the first, that did motion and invite them to a parley: that therefore it would not be otherwise, but that many and great commodities would thereby redound to all the inhabitants of that province: that the accidents and issues of war are very doubtful: and it was a point of small wisdom: neither were they well advised who would prefer troubles before rest and quietness: neither ought any man to ground the course and success of his good fortune, upon the first beginnings of his good hap and prosperity: that the Hungarians had more often and more happily fought with the Turks, than had the Albanians: yet being now overwhelmed with their late misfortune, they might in vain frame their complaints 
Sentence.  and record their unspeakable damages and losses: that therefore it was far better by some act and show of courtesy and humanity, to make a friend of an enemy: then to incense him more and more by disdaining and refusing the peace which he proffered them so frankly.  
These discourses being thus debated in the presence of Scanderbag (albeit in part 
Scanderbag excepteth against the messenger and peace of Amurath  they had some appearance of truth) yet did he presently impugn & contradict them: seeming to bewail and complain against the folly of the Epirots, that they only of all the nations of the world (to their own excessive damage) should be the last that would take notice of the wiles & deceits of Ottoman: that it was a strange thing, that the vain, idle, and impertinent letters of Amurath should meet and encounter with a belief and credulity far more vain and sottish, & should purchase any credit or faith among them: or that the wits of his people could be so dull and senseless as to think that Airadin (being a Spy and Intelligencer) should be reputed as one sent unto them in the name and credit of an ambassador. Besides, admit there were no danger nor deceit in this matter, but that all things were according as Amurath had written, yet what lightness and inconstancy were this, to give faith and credit to their enemy rather than to their own acts, and the estate of their own affairs? And that the fortune of an other rather than their own, should make them to change their counsels and determinations concerning the peace & the wars: true it is (quoth he) that Amurath is in the declining of his life, and that the Turks at the battle of Varna have received a mortal & deadly blow. Besides that other accidents do invite the Barbarians to desire rest and quietness: but what should these things give any occasion to the Albanians, either to abate or to lose their courage, or to receive such conditions of peace, as an enemy whom they had vanquished should dare to present unto them who were the vanquishers? Neither was it any thing to be regarded that they imagined that some of those conditions might be allowed and other some rejected: for they could not any way accept of peace but it would be most ignominious, neither could they so warely or circumspectly handle the matter, but that the Sultan would soon perceive both the fearfulness of their minds and the difference of their means: but admit that peace were made, and let it be imagined that Amurath would sit still and be glad of quietness, till the tumults, now growing upon the late overthrow of the Hungarians, were thoroughly appeased: and till such time as he had quenched the flame, that was now beginning to be kindled: it might be till then the Epirots should enjoy the benefit of that peace, notwithstanding afterwards there was no other likelihood, but that he would turn the whole violence of the wars, upon their necks, and with his full forces would seek to oppress them, when they should in vain object unto him the violating of the articles of agreement concluded between them. Neither was the age of Amurath so impotent and decrepit, that it would make him utterly unapt and unable for the wars. For it was the counsel and wisdom 
Sentence.  of a General, which ought to be respected, not his bodily strength & puissance: and the prudence of the leaders was a matter in all ages more usually to be redoubted, than the promptness of the hand, or rash temerity and foolish hardiness in using of the sword. That in his weak and feeble body, did remain a spirit, sound, quick and watchful to all advantages & opportunities, & a hart full fraught with mortal hate & extreme malice. And though that Ottoman himself would not be dealing with them, yet it could not be but they should find enemies. He forgot not also to show them, that small and short could be the profit of that peace which they should make with one so old, and who was now drawing to his last end, that the fierce and haughty courage and the restless mind of his son Mahomet would aim and attempt greater matters: so that they should be sure of peace, when war was most for their profit: & they should not fail of war when they would be glad of rest and quietness, by means whereof that which they should do, should not be for the benefit and good of the Epirotes, but for the profit and advantage of the Turks. What reason therefore had they to desire peace, seeing that the victory was even already in their hands, and that the enemy himself did seem to avouch no less, but openly to confess it: wherefore then should they not follow the prosperous wind, and pleasant gale of their good fortune, and enjoy the occasion which was so freely offered them, whereof, if the opportunity should once slide away or be let pass: in vain would they repent hereafter that they had not laid better hold upon it, that it was a shame for them now to speak of composition: when the wounds lately received in the battle of Haly Bassa were not yet cured, that they should first recover the Seat of their ancestors, and assure the liberty of so many peoples their Subjects: that then they should find the opportunity to accord, either by propounding or accepting honest and honourable conditions of peace and composition, is it possible, that the remembrance of the discomfiture of Vladislaus should give them so notable an impression of fear, and terror that such an accident and chance of war should alienate the minds of the Epirotes from that war more than the Hungarians, who had sustained that overthrow, for the report went amongst the common people, that Huniades did burn in a vehement desire to revenge the loss and ignominy of the battle at Varna: and that he did secretly plot and devise the means to raise a new army.  
Upon these reasons alleged, all men were wonderfully encouraged, and in this 
Subjects of Scanderbag resolved to hold wars with Amurath.  as in all other matters, they were obedient unto Scanderbag: his people also were very much aggreived, & repent them that they had opened their mouths in that matter which was not to his liking, all being unwilling that he should have any conceit, that they in any wise, or in any matter concerning his service would refuse his advise and counsel, which they had ever followed in the field and in the Campe. Whereupon the Prince of Albania having first of all called the Turkish Ambassador to his presence, he held him in a long discourse, sometimes apart, and sometimes in full assemblies of his subjects: by a long narration of his losses and damages, both public and private: and complaining himself greatly of the disloyalty and perjury of Amurath. And thus having graciously entertained and bountifully feasted him for five days, with a cheerful and glad countenance, full of confidence and assurance, for fear lest he (which was sent for a spy) should conjecture or imagine any kind or apprehension of fear: he led him in his own company, and showed him all the rampires, and fortifications, and all the courts of guard of his men of war, giving him also a sight of the form and manner of his camp, and then returned him with an answer in writing to this effect.  
George Castriot, otherwise Scanderbag, the Champion of jesus Christ, and Prince of the Epirots, to Ottoman Prince of the Turks, sendeth health.  
The time was, wherein (as thou writest) thyself didst once surmount me in 
Letters of Scanderbag to Amurath.  number and multitude of benefits: but now will I vanquish thee in modesty and temperancy of speech: for I hold nothing more base and servile, than not to abstain (even against a deadly enemy) from lewd speeches and dishonest terms. For this cause 
Sentence.  I have both seen and entertained thy messenger, and have received thy message in all good and friendly manner: and to speak the truth, thy letters have given me cause and matter of laughter, rather than of wrath or anger: considering that even in the beginning and entry of the preamble, thou adventurest to tax me of so great ingratitude and infidelity, and yet presently after seeming to be moved with a more tender kind of affection, thou allegest unto me, the loss and perdition of my soul, whereas thyself being a most vehement and obstinate defender of an inverterate and grounded error, art wholly ignorant of the wretched end and destiny that doth attend thee: from that matter, without observing any rights of war, or good form of proceeding, most unadvisedly and imprudently (I will not say impudently) as a vanquisher to one vanquished thou dost propound and set me down many conditions of peace, and so strange, that hardly can any free ears endure to give them the hearing. Assuredly Amurath, although so outrageous speeches might arm the most patiented man living to return the like again, yet will I impute part of them to thy aged years, and 
Sentence.  to thy natural disposition, (seeing it is a property incident to old men to be lavish of their tongues) and the residue will I attribute to thy grief & discontentment, which it is very difficult and hard to moderate: but especially I am content to suffer it, because it is no part of my meaning or deliberation to contend with thee in vain disputes and reproaches, but by just arms and with the courage of true enmity. Notwithstanding to what purpose, I pray thee, o Ottoman, dost thou take on so both before God and man, as though that I had given thee & not thou to me the first offence. Dost thou count this to be infidelity, that I revolted from following of thee, being compelled thereunto by necessity? dost thou object this for a crime and reproach unto me, that I recovered my Country by virtue and industry? But go to, let it be so, neither do I greatly care to be held guilty of this trespass: the benefits also showed me, which thou so at large and so orderly dost reckon up, I myself could be very well content to remember them: were it not that the knowledge thereof doth draw with it the dolorous remembrance of an infinite number of great and grievous mischiefs and calamities, the which, if the one should be compared and recompensed with the other, assuredly the greatness of the deserts and merits would soon be buried and overwhelmed under a greater heap of the mischiefs and misdeeds. But I had rather shame should make me blush to hear thyself (as thou dost recount them,) then that I should be driven to rehearse or to recite them. Yet one thing there is, which (who soever knoweth it) cannot but wonder and greatly marvel at, and that is, how either I could have the power to suffer and endure them, or thou the heart never to be satiate or satisfied, in doing of so many cruelties, and in the continual and daily practices of such mortal and deadly hatred. My father's kingdom most wrongfully and injuriously hast thou detained from me: my brethren hast thou caused to be murdered most cruelly: and myself (not doubting or suspecting any such matter) didst thou of late most wickedly vow and destinate to the death: and yet for all this dost thou (O Amurath) think it strange, that my mind, (being even then not unmindful of liberty) hath sought out some means to escape and wind itself out of so hard bondage and subjection? How long didst thou think that I would have endured thy so insolent and proud government? Yet did I for a long time suffer many things, neither did I at any time refuse the yoke in thy service. All my life time did I expose myself to all perils and dangers both public and private, both of mine own disposition willingly, and at thy commandment, to show my obedience and duty unto thee: every day did I hear speeches dispersed concerning thee, and amongst my friends and familiars, I heard no other talk ordinarily, then of thy snares and trappe● laid for me: and yet was I persuaded for a long time, that all thy words and deeds were free both from fraud, malice, and treason, till such time as thy wicked and bloody counsels and devices did discover themselves most apparently. Then began I for the time to dissemble also: carrying a watchful care and regard continually upon thy subtleties and policies, till I might find some honest and convenient mean to enfranchise my liberty. Thou hast not thereby any cause to be aggrieved or to complain, seeing, that (as the saying is) thou art wounded with thine own weapon: yet are these but trifles (O Amurath) in respect of those things which the hope and desire of my heart hath conceived, and doth aim at. Leave off therefore henceforth these thy sharp threats and menaces, and desist from objecting unto us so often the lamentable mishap and misfortune of the Hungarians. Each man (good Sir) hath his own courage, and each one his own nature. As for us, whatsoever fortune it shall please God to send us, we will take and bear it patiently. In the mean while, neither will we take any counsel of our enemy of that we have to do, neither will we seek or entreat for peace from thee: but relying upon the divine favour and clemency, we will endeavour to triumph over thee, with a most glorious and triumphant victory.  
Adieu: From our Camp the twelfth of julie. 1444.  
Ottoman having perused the contents of Scanderbag his letters, and learning of Ayraden by word of mouth the rest of his cogitations and deliberations, was nothing well pleased neither with the one nor with the other: but on the contrary, the fierce and liberal speech of the man, and his wonderful trust and confidence (which he knew did not proceed of nothing) did engender in him mighty fear and terror, rather than sharpen his anger and displeasure which he had formerly conceived: and he took it as a manifest presage and augury of the difficulty of the war of Albany. Notwithstanding, that he might not bewray unto his people any appearance of fear or cowardice, it is reported that in smiling wise (oftentimes stroking of his 
Amurath his scornful and despiteful speeches upon the receipt of Scanderbag his letters.  beard with his hand) he should utter these speeches: Thou dost covet (most unhappy and unfortunate wretch) thou dost covet some memorable and famous kind of death, and thou shalt have it (believe me) thou shalt have it, we ourselves will see thy obsequies performed. And without expecting thy commandment (most mighty king of the Albanians) we will honour and reverence thy funerals with our presence, lest that hereafter being in hell, thou do complain that thy end was ignoble and dishonourable. All this notwithstanding, the imaginations and thoughts of the Sultan were very uncertain and irresolute in the midst of these difficulties. For the rumours which arose daily from the part of Huniades, and the often messages of the unfaithful Despot of Misia, that pernicious old wretch, who was now infamous through his double treasons, and by the envious destinies was reserved, even till that time, for so many miseries and calamities to the Christians: these considerations (I say) did transport and carry away his mind else where, and did hinder and trouble him from bending all his forces, and turning the weight and burden of the whole war upon the kingdom of Epire. Mean while nevertheless, to the intent the late injury offered him by the contempt and refusal of his friendship and confederacy, might not rest without some present kind of punishment: he concluded that if he did nothing else, yet he would trouble and molest the peace and quietness of Scanderbag, though he were not able utterly to abolish it. To this effect he imagined that he had a fit and convenient opportunity by the negligence of the Christians, who (as he heard) were grown very careless and secure, through their manifold good fortunes and happy success in the wars, and that Scanderbag having dismissed his army, did keep the field with his horsemen only; who did daily and carelessly range abroad far from their Camp, here and there dispersed and scattered for desire of prey and pillage. 
Ferisey sent against Scanderbag by Amurath.  For this cause he caused Ferisey to be sent for, who was one of his Bassas, a man of a stirring and fierce disposition, and of a quick and ready spirit. To him he gave in charge nine thousand horse, all chosen and picked men, and having heaped upon him many great and large promises, in case he returned with victory (as he wished and desired) he commanded him to enter into Epire, with all the speed and secrecy that might be, that his coming might be felt before it was perceived by the enemy. The reason that made Ottoman at that time to send no greater forces, was either for fear that delay and protracting of time might work their damage and disadvantage, or that the rumour of his coming being blown abroad and divulged, might awaken the Christians, and give them time and leisure, both to advise themselves, and to eschew the peril▪ by addressing and preparing new ambushmentes, as the event afterwards made manifest, to frustrate and disappoint the trains of him that was a master in such arts and subtleties.  
But whilst that I do so confidently set down all these matters touching the 
Variety of opinions touching Amurath his profession of a religious life.  counsels of Amurath, both concerning his manner of managing foreign wars, and the administration of his estate, I doubt not but many will marvel at this my judgement and opinion in that it is repugnant and contrary to others. And it may be they will be inquisitive to know, what should make me so to differ and vary from the common opinion, seeing that it is a matter yet fresh in memory, and many also have committed no less to writing, justifying the same to all posterity: That Amurath in his latter days, immediately upon the battle of Varna, meditating and lamenting, sometimes upon the miseries and inconveniences of Princes, and sometimes upon the temerity and inconstancy of Fortune, after he had ordered 
Haly Bassa governor of Mahomet the son of Amurath.  his domestical affairs, and appointed Holy Bassa for governor to his eldest son Mahomet, he presently deprived himself of his Crown and Empire, and leaving Andrinople, and the care of all public matters, and retaining with him but a very small number▪ as the companions of his counsel) he retired himself into Asia where he vowed and professed a religious and a godly life, according to the superstition of his forefathers. Neither did he forsake that kind of life, till such time as the Despotte of Transiluania, namely Huniades, was come before Sophia: and that the cries and daily exclamations of the people, did revoke him▪ alleging that Mahomet by reason of his young and tender years, was not able to support and bear the heavy burden and charge of the estate, and that the credit and authority of Holy Bassa, was not of such force in the Camp, as might make the soldiers to obey and respect him. Certainly I cannot but marvel from whence this erro● should proceed, especially in an Act happening so late, and within the time of our remembrance. I will not adventure to condemn those grave, wise, and learned Authors, of rashness and temerity, nor to convince them of untruth and falsehood: yet this one thing I dare avouch for certainty, and maintain it of mine own knowledge, that the letters of Amurath above written, were sent from Andrinople, the chief seat of the Ottoman Empire, under the name and title of Amurath, and that both Ferisey and many other Chieftains did attempt upon the country of Epire, by his commandment and appointment, after that he had in vain sought for peace of Scanderbag.  
But this error proceedeth not from thence, for in the order and account of the times, will not be found any confusion or disagreement, if we should grant that these things did pass, before that ever Amurath did give over and renounce his Empire. But herein my mind cannot be thoroughly satisfied, to see that the death of the Sultan should be so unadvisedly translated from Epire into Asia. For in deed, there is nothing more contrary to the truth, and there was never any one heard of, that durst maintain or allow the contrary, but that the siege of Croie did make an end 
Amurath made his last end before Croy  of his aged years, and all ages ensuing will give the honour of the death of Ottoman, unto Scanderbag, as being consumed and extinct through pure conceit and melancholy, and through impatiency of grief: for that he could not prevail against Croie. But the discretion and good judgement of the Reader, will easily find out these particularities, and the probability of the whole truth of those matters, by the diligent computation and conference of the times.  
But return we again to Ferisey, who in great secrecy was entered into the Frontiers 
Ferisey cometh into Epire.  of Macedony, and did in vain promise unto himself the reward and honour of the victory, which he had before conceived in his mind, puffed up with so great and a vain hope. And therefore standing very carefully upon his guard, he marched on, approaching daily nearer the enemy, in manner and countenance rather of a Robber, then of a true and just warrior. And yet could not he for all that prevent the news of his arrival. For Scanderbag being admonished of all things by the Garrisons, that were disposed in diverse and sundry places, or (as others writ) by a spy, coming from the Court of the Sultan, suddenly (as a man that went ever furnished and appointed to all casualties and accidents of war) taking the occasion of time and place. He first of all seized upon a certain straight and narrow valley named 
The valley of Mocrea.  Mocrea, (which was the only place where the Turkish Captain was able to pass) and he disposed it full of soldiers, all hardy men and well resolved. The Bassa began now to approach, and the huge thickness of the dust raised by the treading and trampling of their horses, did evidently discover that the enemy was near at hand. Our men keeping their stand, did attend with no less silence the discovery of the enemy, till such time as they saw them entered into the hollow valleys, and environed with high and craggy rocks full of woods, and that they were entangled on all sides in the 
Battle of Mocrea against Ferisey.  thick and huge forests. Then issuing out upon them with great fury & violence, suddenly and unexpected, they presented themselves to the enemy. There were of footmen about the number of one thousand five hundred, besides two thousand horse at the least. But these were reserved to a further and better piece of service. The Turks (who had enough to do, and were sufficiently beaten with the discommodities and disaduauntages of the place) were on all sides assailed, both before, behind, and in flank, by the Infantry, who killed and slew them at their pleasures. They notwithstanding not forsaking their ranks, but defending themselves with great hardiness, as long as there was any hope of victory, did stoutly continue in the same place, where the enemy had first charged them. But the horses did rather hurt and hinder then benefit or secure their masters, and were in the end the loss and overthrow of the riders. For (being as men besieged) they received and took more wounds by far, than they could give or inflict upon their enemies. And yet when as all appearance and likelihood of escaping this danger was clean taken from them, even than did they show themselves more valiant and hardy then ever: & they maintained the fight with the greater obstinacy, almost all of them keeping the selfsame place to the very death, where they had once set footing and taken possession, whilst they were alive: Some few only being excepted, whom either the shameful desire of life, or a more urgent resolution taken upon the place (for they scorned to die such a kind of death, the desire whereof was more foolish and contemptible, then honest or commendable) did make them to humble themselves on their knees, and to lay down their arms, which made the conquerors to save their lives and take them to mercy. There were of them taken prisoners 760. but of those which were slain, the number was much greater. Thus the Barbarians making hast to the prey, became themselves to be an easy prey to their 
Victory of Scanderbag against Ferisey.  enemies giving unto the Christians a joyful testimony of their misconceited & false imagined victory. Ferisey seeing the vanguard of his own army enclosed & surprised, and the enemy busily fleshing themselves in their slaughter, & plying themselves upon this occasion, as having gotten a fit subject for their glory, he turned bridle with the residue of his troops, and being smally mindful, either of his Prince's instructions, or of his own natural fierceness, he was utterly unwilling in so sudden and vnloked for an accident, and in a place of such disadvantage, to make any further trial (to his cost perhaps) of a worse Fortune: doubting both the danger and the number of the enemies to be greater than he supposed. He therefore turned his back to the Christians, and in his retire he cried out aloft, that it was more commendable in an expert 
Sentence.  Captain to save some, then to lose all, especially in such a place where (even as dumb beasts) they must give their throats to the cutting. True it is that there be some, who writ, that he was slain in the fight by the hands of Scanderbag. But the horsemen of the Albanois, did not suffer their retreat to be altogether without bloodshed, but keeping continually in the tail of them as they fled, they did kill many of them which straggled and stayed behind, and they pressed upon them hard, pursuing them continually, till such time as they grew to be somewhat wearied, and deprived rather of strength, then of will and appetite to chase and follow them. These matters being thus dispatched, and the Turks put to flight, without any great hurt of his own companies, Scanderbag with all those troops which he had with him, did invade the territory of the enemy, filling and satisfying the desires of the soldiers with the sweet contentment of prey and pillage.  
The misfortune of Ferisey was seconded with the like desaster & mishap of Mustapha, no less unhappy & unfortunate. For the Ottoman understanding of the rough entertainment given by the Albanois to his forces, & that their flight was not only profitable, but more than needful, and that their fortune (in this case after they had been enforced to take that opportunity) had deserved no just cause of blame or reprehension, to be laid upon them: he having his mind marvelously troubled and perplexed, and being utterly impatient of all rest and quietness) night and day, imagined and cast with himself touching Scanderbag, bending all his counsels and the uttermost of his despite and malice, how he might work his ruin and destruction. Besides, his thoughts affected nothing more (he being utterly ignorant of his own mishap) than one day to see the fields of Epire, where he did hope to find some matter to execute his long wished and desired revenge of so many outrages and injuries both of old and lately committed: in such sort, that some secret force and operation of the heavens, did seem to draw on the fate of his old age, which (of it own nature) was fearful faint and timorous: 
Sentence. Old age naturally saint and timorous.  but the troubles which were reported to be as then imminent from the Hungarians, did not permit and suffer him, freely as then to discharge his rage and choler against the Epirots. The glorious old fellow with the like humour of wrath and malice, did not for bear to reproach and menace Huniades, saying, that this was not the first time, that the tumults and troubles of Hungary, had saved and preserved the state of Albany: nevertheless, because he could not suffer nor endure the blood of his soldiers so lately shed, nor that the bodies of so many valiant warriors, should lie on the earth without any revenge, and especially because he was persuaded that the profitable example of the former, might keep others hereafter from the like surprise, & learn them to be wiser: and for that the troops of Ferisey seemed to have been vanquished, not by any prowess of the Christians, but only by the disadvantage of the place: he committed the care of this business into the hands of Mustapha, of whom afterwards 
Mustapha sent against Scanderbag with an Army of 15000. Turks.  he did often, (but not with any great good success) serve himself in those quarters. Him he commanded to make a supply, and to fill up the companies of Ferisey, and to increase their numbers with a new strength of 6000. horse, he enjoined him moreover, and expressly charged him in any case not to enter neither more nor less into the straits and passages of Epire, where the enemy held himself in ambushment, and where the peril was most to be redoubted, and that upon no occasion, nor for the hope of any good success whatsoever, he should not hazard himself to the fight or force of the enemy: but that without any more ado, he should only waste and spoil their borders, and to hold himself contented with this glory, that the trees and the fields of the Albanois, had in some sort felt the force and violence of his victorious and conquering sword: and that their country was burnt, wasted, and consumed by the fire. These and such like goodly admonitions, did the Sultan give to Mustapha, as though a man could prescribe unto the hearers, what they had to do when their armours are once put upon their backs. Notwithstanding when the time came that this should be put in execution, the careful diligence of the Captain did not let pass or neglect any one point of this charge which had been given him: but as occasion served, he added to the same many good respects, after he came to consider the nature of the country, and to have a view of the situation of the place. For scarcely had he displayed his ensigns within the confines of the christians, but for bearing to march on with his Camp at large, through the open field, he first of all sent forth three hundred horse to beat over the plain champion, and to discover far and near all the passages, and to sound the coverts and secret places which might serve for ambushment; enjoining them, that if they saw any likelihood of danger from the enemy, they should speedily retire themselves to the body of their forces, or else drawing them on by little and little, they should suffer them to press and follow hard upon them, till they were trained near to the place appointed for their retreat. In so doing they should be sure to deal safely, and they might hap to entrap the wily fox, being enticed so smoothly to the snare: both for that his forces being the weaker, they should have no cause to fear and redoubt them, and because they had little reason to think, that albeit his numbers were at the greatest, yet in so sudden an occasion, he should be able to stir abroad with any great store of forces. Now when these skoutes had well and diligently surveyed all quarters, and had upon their return made report, that all was safe and sure; the Captain Turk retaining with himself 
Mustapha enskonseth his army in the borders of Macedony.  four thousand horse, enskonsed and fortified the place (where he meant to abide) in form of a Camp, both with large rampires and trenches, and with men of an hardy and good courage, partly thereby to assure the pillage, and partly to prevent and withstand all the hazards and chances of variable and unconstant Fortune. A certain small height or mount of ground rising, and mounting itself in manner of a little hill, did make their fort somewhat the more defensible, and less accessible for the enemy. Having taken this order for his camp, he placed some for secret sentinelles and watches upon the tops of certain high mountains, with certain tokens & signals to give notice of the coming of the enemy. This done, the rest of his horsemen he licenced to the spoil, abandoning the country to their greedy avarice & cruelty, which by their continual bloody roads and invasions, brought all things to incredible ruin and destruction. But he had first given them in charge, that whosoever did not at the first sound of the trumpet, and when the retreat should be sounded, presently retire himself within the camp, he should be reputed as an enemy. Now was that goodly and pleasant country harried, spoiled, and laid waste: now were the trees and plants rooted up and destroyed, by the rage and sword of the Barbarians: the meadows & pastures did seem (as it were) to bewail and lament: & the flames of the towns and villages (which were openly seen fired and burning every where on all sides, did seem to cry and call for some to work their revenge. All the seed corn in the ground being beaten down and trodden under foot, with the trampling of their horses, (for it was in Autumn) the innocent and harmless earth did now make show, that it should defraud the poor and unfortunate labourer of his pains and travel. Nothing was left free or untouched which the sword or fire could consume or destroy: of movables & cattles of small value, and little reckonning which belonged to the poor people, there was good store and plenty to be found, but of men and inhabitants very few or none: by reason that the enemies were their next neighbours, small was the number of them that remained in the country villages, and the most part of them with their wives, children, & all their families, and with the chief & choicest of their substance, were shifted and fled away into the next walled towns, and strong fenced holds.  
In the midst of these exploits, whilst the fierce Barbarians (injurious & odious even to God himself) licentiously and without any great profit, doth follow and pursue this manner and kind of conquest, and whilst he spendeth and consumeth his time & labour in coursing up & down here and there for the desire & covetise of gain and commodity, Castriot in the mean time, howbeit he was somewhat with the latest informed of this invasion, with 4000 horse, & 1000 foot, was now arrived to the valley 
Scanderbag marcheth against Mustapha, with an army of 5000. men.  of Mocrea, and his soldiers with great joy and gladness were entered within these valleys so well known unto them, and which were as yet wet & moisty with the blood of the Turks. There (whilst every one of them is going up and down, secretly viewing his old and wont lodging, and whilst the watchful and careful mind of their General resting in suspense and as it were in uncertainty, is devising with himself what may betide in those places so solitary and full of silence: behold even in that instant a certain Epirot, a man of great courage and worthy of better fortune (being then newly escaped from the enemy, and marked with many great wounds, with the blood yet running down warm in great abundance, every man being abashed at the sight) came and suddenly cast himself at the feet of Scanderbag, imploring his aid and help: and with a brave and cheerful countenance he encouraged 
The speeches of a peasant wounded by the Turks unto Scanderbag.  the standers by, and thus incensed them, saying; That the fields were desolate, all things being turned topsey tur●ey by the Turks: who being scattered and dispersed in all parts here and there about purchase and pillage, did dream of nothing but their prey and booty: and that without any great pain or danger, they might make all of them in particular to yield an account and reckoning of their journey so unadvisedly undertaken. At the first Castriot seemed to be somewhat cheered concerning his counsels and determinations, by reason that these tidings seemed to give fit occasion and opportunity for his affairs: but after that he had more particularly inquired of the peasant touching the estate of all things: how the Camp of the enemy was seated, and in what manner he carried himself: then extolling and praising the prudence of Mustapha, he began to admire him: and from thenceforth he judged that it would stand him upon, from that time forward to be better advised, and to look unto himself and his affairs more nearly and narrowly. hereupon being not willing to attempt any thing rashly, calling his army round about him, and standing in the midst so as he might well be heard of them all, he spoke unto them in this fashion.  
I was wont (my companions and copartners in Arms) to give counsel, and to 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers, consulting with them upon the manner how to assail Mustapha.  set down the course and order of our affairs: but now it standeth both you and me upon, to take counsel together touching the state of our matters, and the manner of our proceed against the enemy: and this every one of you will easily acknowledge, if you do but look into the event of matters: the which (in case where reason is not of sufficient force) is the chief master and director. We were given to understand, that the Turks as robbers and freebooters without any order or conduct, without any regard, did wander up and down the fields, flying hither and thither, as men that did fear any thing more than our coming. For this cause by my persuasion and procurement, & under my conduct, here are you come with this honourable intent and purpose, to invade and set upon them with your forces: it is not needful that I tell you what new counsels and directions the happy & opportune coming of this man hath brought us: you have heard himself recount, what the enemy doth, & how they do demean themselves. One thing there is which no man can deny, if you consider the purpose and drift of Mustapha, both in the fashion of his encamping and in the fortification and defence thereof with men well armed & appointed: you shall soon understand that he carrieth not towards you the countenance nor mind of a robber, as (it may be) you supposed, but of a most advised & wary enemy. For this cause in my opinion it is requisite, that you carry yourselves more considerately with a better deliberation against your enemies, than (it seemeth) you were determined. Let us leave them alone that are abroad on foraging, lest that in offering occasion to their Captain to issue out of his trenches, who looketh for no better advantage, we do give them the opportunity of an easy victory against us: for whilst we out of order, dispersed, and in disarray, shall think to pursue them as they be scattered and disordered, it is to be feared lest we (being double charged by the enemy) be overthrown by them, and without all remedy cut in pieces: it is better that we issue forth all at once, with our whole puissance, and that we break in upon the rampires of their fortress: the which if our valour and resolution (as it is accustomed) shall happen to carry, or if we may put their General to flight, or may get his head (he being slain) to present and make show thereof to the rest of the Barbarians to appall them (which God almight for his mercy grant us) there is no doubt, but without any danger, you shall (to your endless honour) attain to your desire in each of these respects. For, the residue of these freebooters (some of them being excluded and separated from the succours of their companions, and others of them being on all sides besieged by your forces) they will be at your mercy, either alive or dead, as yourselves shall please to dispose of them. But in any case (my good soldiers) take you heed that the filthy avarice & desire of pillage 
Good & necessary counsel in time of service. Sentence.  do not carry you away in the sacking and spoil of the camp: for many are the examples, that with great shame and dishonour this hateful humour and affection of covetousness hath oftentimes taken away the victories out of the hands of the victors, & hath given it to the enemy, when they have been quite overthrown & discomfited.  
This counsel of the General was universally liked and allowed, and it was put in execution and followed with the consent of all the soldiers. The troops therefore being marshaled and ordered according to the Art and skill of arms, they were drawn forth of the secret and close valleys into the open and plain fields, & they did now discover themselves to the wards & scouts of the Turks: who from the tops of the mountains, by the fires mounting up on high, did give notice of their coming to those within the fortress. Then was heard the sound & noise of the trumpets, to the great grief of those men of arms, who were dispersed abroad in the champion, and were busied in spoiling and pilling of the country. Many of them retired upon the summons, and were received within the trenches, before that our men could get near them, and others as they were making hast to enter, were sore troubled and terrified. The noise and cry of the enemy's soldiers, sounding and fearing them, with the name of Scanderbag. Many (whom the sudden and speedy coming of the Albanois, did find without at the entry of the Fort) were excluded and shut out. And being overcharged with the spoil and prey of the country, they found themselves likewise charged with their enemies. On all sides was the assault given to the trenches, and at 
Scanderbag assaileth the Turks within their fort and trenches.  the first charge (in a manner) their carriages and baggage, which they had made as a Barricado to their fort, and the Targatiers that guarded the place, were overthrown and cast down, with an exceeding great noise and confusion, both of those that were excluded, & of our men, who strived pell mel to enter with them. All of them made way indifferently and alike, and all places were full of enemies mixed together. The press was so great, and the place so strait, that there was no use of darts nor yet of shot. The fight was more hand to hand, and they found it more advantage to use the sword, and certain Mases of iron (a short kind of weapon which the Turks did often use in battle.) It was a strange kind of fight, to see the Turks fight with their swords in one hand, and their fatal booty in the other. So greedy is that people of catching 
Covetousness naturally in the Turks.  & proling of any thing whatsoever. The Christian's increasing still in fury and fierceness, did eagerly press upon them more and more, and without intermission, did on all parts put them to utterance, filling the whole place with fear and slaughter, till such time as Mustapha (who kept in the safest place of his Camp, and did perform rather the part of an encourager than of a soldier) seeing no hope of safety left by arms, and being constrained to yield to his misfortune, he shifted himself from the danger 
Victory of Scanderbag against Mustapha.  by the swiftness of his horse, at one of the ports of his camp which was farthest off from his enemies. Immediately hereupon the conflict began to be more moderate and less cruel, with less slaughter & bloodshed, by reason that some casting away their weapons did submit themselves to the Christians, & the residue partaking in the necessity of their Captain, did shift for their lives with quick spurring of their horses. Many (whom the earnest desire of their profit had drawn far from their fort) misdoubting the ill success of their companions, by the cries and noise of the enemy, which they heard a far off, did endeavour to save themselves by flying: but there was scant any one of them that escaped: for diverse great troops of archers lay in wait upon the passages, who annoying them with the abundance of their arrows, did by that means discharge their anger upon them. Some hold that the whole power of the Turks (excepting Mustapha and a few of the principal, who were best mounted) was slain in that battle. But in my opinion they come nighest to the troth, who writ, that there were slain about 5000. men, but a far lesser number taken prisoners, which amounted not at the most to above 300. and the most of them mightily disfigured or maimed by their many and grievous wounds: because that the soldiers being incredibly incensed upon the sight of the pillage gotten from their fellows, and the extreme spoil & desolation of their country, were carried away & moved to use the greater fury and cruelty towards them. Of the victors there were wanting but 20. horsemen, and 50. foot, who were rather overrun with the horses then slain by the sword of the enemy. Thus the Albanois being now possessed of the camp, the ensigns, the baggage, & the carriages of their enemies, they invaded also and overrun their territories: where, with a prize and booty more assured and of better certainty, they recompensed that loss & damage which had been received by the Turks, with a greater usury and advantage.  
About the same time that these things were so happily achieved against the infidels, 
Lech or Luke Zacharie Lord of the town of Dayna upon the river of Drinon in Albany.  it is reported that Lech Zacharie (of whom we have before made some mention) was unfortunately murdered by Lech Ducagin the son of Paul. This man was a parsonage who made himself famous through the happy and prosperous success of his wicked actions, yet borne of a father who was a good man, and most virtuous. Other reason I find none of his secret hatred and malice, nor any occasion of his conspiracy against him, but only a damnable desire of Empire and dominion: a sweet yet mischievous 
Desire of dominion a disease naturally growing in men▪ Sentence▪ Lech Zacharie murdered.  malady, naturally grounded and rooted in the minds of mortal men. For these two Princes being next neighbours each to other, and Ducagin perceiving the other to be without issue, & having no hope of any lawful heirs, he thought belike that the succession of his estate, would easily fall & escheat to him that could first and soon seize upon it: whereupon he both deprived him of his life, and at the same instant he injuriously usurped a great part of his signiory. Yet could he not absolutely & fully accomplish his devilish intent, which he had so wickedly begun and attempted. For the Daynians (who inhabited the capital town & chief fortress of that country) by their consent, faith and fidelity (the only mean wherein they could make show thereof) did testify their love and affection which they bore to their Prince. And whereas the Lady Bossa the mother of him that was slain, being very old and aged, was not a little pensive and sorrowful in that she had survived her son, they defended 
He meaneth the Governor of Scutary or Scodra.  her estate with great loyalty, till such time as she (induced thereunto by the counsel and practise of others, and by the persuasion of her friends) or imagining that the infirmity of her aged years, and the weak spirit of a woman was not sufficient to go through with so great a charge▪ especially the state of her affairs being so troublesome and tumultuous: she conveyed herself to* Scutary or Scodra, and resigned both her 
The antiquity named it Chalcedon, afterwards Scodra, now Scutarie.  self and the surplus of her estate which was left her, into the hands and power of the common weal of Venice, casting upon them the charge and whole burden of all the quarrels and contention which was like to ensue and grow between them and the neighbour Princes and Signors about the right of her dominions.  
See now how fortune prepared herself to make Scanderbag famous & renowned on the one side by the arms and forces of Italy, in that she bred a jar between him and the Venetians: and on the other side by Mystapha, who in the presence of Amurath as an upright judge (although envious against his enemy) with a great discourse and abundance of good words (both to cover his own misfortune, & to excuse the fault of his companions) did highly extol the invincible prowess of this parsonage, and his incomparable experience in the Art military: oftentimes repeating that it was needful to provide other manner of forces, and with a more mighty kind of war to 
Mustapha excuseth his overthrow unto Amurath.  tame his fury and fierceness: that this was not the way to sound the mind, & to try the stirring thoughts of Scanderbag by such roads and invasions, and by the spoiling and wasting of the fields: that these were means rather to incense and animate the hearts of the Albanois (who were a nation of a brave nature, and of a high courage:) that these ambushments and wiles of war were not to prevail against him that was his crafts-master in such subtleties, but that they would always redound to their ruin & confusion: and more than that, by the course and custom of so many daily victories, by little and little they should engender a contempt of the name & majesty of Ottoman among the Christians: that (in his opinion) the best way was either altogether to abstain & give over from making war upon him, or else, to frame themselves to follow the wars with so full resolution, that they might at once and without any more a do, vanquish and subdue this enemy, and so make a final end & conclusion of the war of Albany.  
These reasons and allegations of the Bassa (though the Sultan did take small pleasure in the praises of his adversary) could not seem to proceed of pusillanimity or want of courage, seeing he had before his eyes the like misfortunes of all those, whom he had at any time sent and employed against Castriot. Sometimes Haly Bassa, and sometimes Ferisey (who of all others was lest faulty) did put him in mind of their calamities, more singular and notorious, & they did excuse unto their Prince Amurath, the unfortunate virtue of Mustapha. Wherefore he also changing his mind (a common & usual thing 
Sentence. Adverse fortune maketh men weary of wars.  that the crosses of Fortune and adversity doth soon cause men to wax weary of wars) concluded to give himself some rest from this toilsome exercise of arms, and from thenceforth no more to feed the enemy with the blood of his subjects, but determined to surcease from war, till such time as himself, poor old man who seemed to threaten more danger with his beak then with his talents, guided and led on by his sinister & unhappy destiny, went thither in person to seek the end of that glory, which he vainly promised to himself, and the fruit of that victory which he had most idly conceived 
Mustapha sent with another army against Scanderbag for the defence of the Turkish confines.  in his thoughts. Yet did he in the mean time command Mustapha to levy new forces and sent him again into Epire, but with express charge, not to overrun nor endamage the enemy's country, nor upon any occasion whatsoever to assail Castriot, but only to guard his subjects and his frontiers from all molestations and incursions, & without any care taken for the purchase of conquest or victory, to contain himself within his limits, and not be drawn forth to any service whatsoever. And surely we must needs think, that God did wonderfully provide for the good and welfare of Castriot, in that he inspired the mind of so mighty and redoubted an enemy, with such a thought and 
War between Scanderbag & the Venetians.  resolution, even at that time, when he was entered into a new war against the Venetians.  
The coming of Mustapha and the news of the massacres of the prince of Dayna, being reported at one & the same instant to Scanderbag, made him diversly distracted in his thoughts and cogitations, and did greatly perplex his mind. Notwithstanding the Barbarian (with whom it was an ordinary matter to be vanquished) did not so much trouble him, but the horrible accident of that Prince his singular friend: and his end no less cruel than lamentable, did so oppress his heart with grief, that it was thought it would go near to kill him. Besides this, his sorrow was much aggravated when he heard of the determination of the Lady Bossa, and that the Venetians had undertaken her cause, and made it their own proper quarrel: for true it was, that the governors of the places next adjoining had fortified all of them, & principally the town of Dayna, with strong and great garrisons. Behold here now the occasion of their dissension, 
The causes of the war between Scanderbag and the Venetians.  and the original of the quarrel: the Prince of Epire found himself aggrieved with the Venetians, in that they would seem to pretend any right to the state of him that was dead, & would challenge it unto themselves, seeing that the resignation which the mother had made unto them was of no force, concerning those goods which her son in his life time had ordained to be left unto him: and there was no reason, that the rash wilfulness of the mother, should be any lawful prejudice or make void the intent and meaning of the son. For it was evident & apparent, that there was a former compact passed between him & Zachary, that he that was the survivor of them twain, should be the others successor, and enjoy his dominions: & this their agreement was confirmed by a solemn oath between them: what the right of law was in that case, either for the one or the other, I leave to the lawyers to debate it, & true it may be, that the divine power by the fortune of the war did equally divide their controversy. But here in the mean time may also good Christianlike minds see the fruits & effects of ambition and avarice. In this doubtful state of his affairs, Scanderbag being more careful now then ever, did continually keep near the forces of Mustapha, and coursing up & down every where with a very small numbar: (sometimes by adventuring himself too far, and sometimes by feigning of flight, and by retiring of his colours in disorder) in vain did he seek to provoke the wily General of the Turks to issue forth to the fight, the which (to his cost) he had once made proof of. But now seeing that he refused the combat, whereby he was out of all hope either of doing of any exploit, or of any means to surprise or cirumvent him: he there left all those forces which he had with him upon the borders of the enemy, to prevent all new occasions of tumults, and to repress the insolency of the Turks: & himself bending all his thoughts to the preparation of the war of Daina, with a very small company attending him, took his journey presently towards Croy. There (knowing that the deciding of this debate was not likely to be otherwise then by force of arms) he speedily commanded a public levy of soldiers: and himself riding all over the province with some of his most notable & ancientest Captains, for the raising of men, he assembled a mighty army. And then without any delay (before that those of Daina should have the leisure to provide 
The siege of Daina.  themselves of corn) he compassed their city with his forces round about, girding them in with a strong and strait siege, and omitting nothing that was to be done (sometimes by gentle persuasions, sometimes by rough entreaty) he employed all his study and endeavours, to solicit them within to yield themselves to his devotion: for he was in great doubt, lest if this opportunity of seizing upon the town did slip from him, the news thereof flying in the mean time to Venice, would animate and stir up the Senators of that city more earnestly to take upon them the defence thereof, & send thither fresh succours and stronger forces out of Italy. He refrained notwithstanding from the spoiling of the country (which is commonly the first mischief that followeth upon the siege of any place) for doubt, lest the minds of the Danians being more eagerly bend, should be made the more constant and resolute to continue faithful to the enemy: neither did he assay with artillery to batter their walls, nor to force the town by Escalados or assaults: but only debarring the inhabitants from all manner of renewing & refreshing themselves with victuals or munitions, he threatened them with the danger of famine, which was not far from them, and with the discommodity of a long & tedious siege: by means whereof (when they should hereafter be constrained to submit themselves unto him, than all too late imploring his mercy and compassion) they should feel all these extremities, which the just rigour of a conqueror should impose upon them. The 
The Venetians provide for the relief of Dayna against Scanderbag.  Governors of those provinces which were subject to the Venetians, & the Captains of the towns near adjoining being advertised of the state of the besieged, gave notice to the Signiory of Venice, and having commission returned unto them with no less speed & celerity, they levied suddenly in great haste soldiers of all sorts, both Albanois and Italians (with all which kind of people the next garrisons were ordinarily stuffed by the order of the Venetians) and with these they marched on with full purpose 
Lech Dusman & Peter Span against Scanderbag.  to succour the Dainians. These troops were greatly aided and augmented by the coming of two persons, by nation Albanois, Lech Dusman, & Peter Span or Spaniard. These men had sworn and promised to Scanderbag their continual service & devoit against the Turks, and they never failed him: but the confederacy and amity which they had contracted for a long time before with the Signiory of Venice (by reason that they were near neighbours to Drivasta, and some other places of the Venetian jurisdiction, 
Drivasta.  besides the bond of innumerable benefits received from their estate in times past) did now bind them to their assistance, and were the occasion of their preparations to do them service. Scanderbag was no whit abashed at the difficulty and greatness of this war, but did receive these news with great joy and gladness, and without any further delay divided his forces, which exceeded the number of 14000. men: he appointed to employ against his enemy only 7000. horse, and 2000 foot. The resisidue (having provided for all occasions) he left to hold the siege before Dayna. The which (notwithstanding the rumour of the enemies approach) he determined notto leave or to abandon. Thus the undaunted Chiefrain by his singular prudence, having separated his forces into 3. parts, did thereby occasion his adversaries, through a vain & foolish kind of hope, to triumph over him, and to grow the more in heart and courage against them. For the Daynians seeing Castriot to be absent, did think now that they were no longer besieged, for their courts of guard at the ports, were not so strong as was usual, but they grew to be neglected, the walls were not so well manned: and oftentimes might the soldiers of the enemy without, jointly with the citizens within, have entered into their gates which were diverse times left open. To be brief, they growing, in a manner careless of all things, only the imminent danger of famine did seem to perplex them, which neither was to be contemned by their audacity, nor avoided by their valour and magnanimity. Notwithstanding the honour & reputation of their faith which they had once passed & promised, did assure their courages, & did bind them to endure the rigour of all difficulties. Besides the advertisements touching their confederates (who advanced themselves with great journeys to mitigate these mischiefs & to deliver them from this misery) did greatly comfort their afflicted spirits, & made them to conceive an assured hope of deliverance. Moreover persuading themselves that Castriot was not able to make head against so great a puissance, they did look every hour in great care and expectation to see some messenger, and to hear some certain news of the victory (which in their opinion they did promise unto their own fancies.) So is 
Sentence.  it for the most part with all men, who (the more power they do in their minds attribute unto fortune) with so much the more devotion are they obedient unto her.  
You need not doubt but that Mustapha was exceedingly joyous of these troubles & tumults in Epire, and by reason of the absence of Scanderbag, his courage which was before abated, did now begin to return & to be revived, & a certain secret oblivion of his former misfortune, had now abolished the remembrance thereof out of his mind. Feign would he have assailed the garrison there left upon the borders, and willingly would he have made a sacrifice to the just wrath of his Prince, and to his own ambition of those soldiers, whom he supposed to be weakened by the absence of their Chieftain, and the rest of their companions. He had an infinite desire to be made a partner with the Venetians in this glory and triumph over his deadly enemy: and he was more intentive to the present advantage and opportunity, then mindful of the charge and commandment of his Sovereign. But on the other side, the severity of Ottoman, and the sundry examples of others, (whose disobedience had been most grievously punished) did withhold & stay his doubtful and variable mind. Last of all, though he were partly persuaded that the Sultan would not disallow his resolution, grounded upon so good an opportunity, yet he took this to be the surest way, that men should rather deem him negligent, by the command and direction of his lord and master: then fortunate, by his own pride and temerity.  
In the midst of all these tumults, whilst the host of the Venetians being assembled at scutary, did there consume the time in the provision of things necessary, Scanderbag had passed over the river of Drynon with his army (which was an evident sign of his hardiness and assurance) and preventing the counsels of his adversaries, he marched on resolutely to encounter them even within the bowels of their own dominions, 
Scanderbag marcheth against the Venetian ar●ie.  and as a man may say, upon their own dung hill. The Venetian could not endure this bravado, but dislodging incontinently with his army, he passed on to affront him presently: now did the cries of the soldiers, and the rebounding sound of the drums & trumpets on either side bewray the approach and coming of the enemy. Then did every man take a good courage to himself: & cheerfully did they make show of their fierce and courageous stomachs. The very eyes of the soldiers seemed to flame with fury, & on either side was heard a mighty noise (an argument of their wrath and choler). Then were prayers, vows, and shows of devotion in the mouths of the leaders, & also of the soldiers, and every man showed himself a good Christian and recommended himself unto God. Either part did hold their arms to be just & lawful, and each did assure themselves that they were in the right, & that they had the better cause & quarrel. The intent of every of them was only to repulse the injury, and all of them seemed to have like reason for the war: the Prince of Albany, to recover the possession of the town, detained from him contrary to all right and equity: and the others to defend and protect them, who had chosen them for their protectors. The former were encouraged through their merits & deserts in so many valiant acts & exploits daily achieved upon the Barbarians, & through the remembrance of their honour & renown lately gotten upon Mustapha: the latter though they were well provided for all things needful for a greater war, and though they might (not without good cause) promise unto themselves the hope of victory, yet (if they should happen to have the worst) they were not for all that such as would be dismayed or stoop to the fortune of the enemy: for every man knew the unuanquished power of the Venetians, & that they were able continually to supply new & greater forces to maintain the quarrel, & to bring the war to a better issue: in such sort that this enterprise of Dayna was like to be the confusion of the Duke of Albany. Yet did the hard & miserable estate of the besieged, greatly perplex them, because they were certified that there remained a strong power before the city. By this time were the armies come in sight, and now did approach the day of good or ill fortune to the one side or the other: immediately there followed a strange & sudden silence in both armies, each of them resting themselves with great quietness. The ensigns being fastened on the earth, the Marshals did presently make choice of a fit place to encamp in, where both the soldier might lodge most at his ease, and the leaders (by their often exhortations) might confirm those which were resolute, & encourage others who were not fully resolved. The government of the Venetian army was committed to Daniel jurich of Sebenca, a man of an assured experience and practise in deeds of arms (the common people call 
Daniel jurich he was Voivada, or governor of scutary.  him the Voyvada:) he hau●●g appointed every man to his place, and having prepared all things ready to the combat, thus began to speak unto his soldiers.  
Such is the folly and temerity of men, that they think all things to be lawful for 
The oration of jurich General of the Venetian army. Sentence.  them, when their thoughts are once tickled with the prosperous success & increase of their fortune. Hereof it proceedeth, that the mind having no power to command itself, & being altogether impatient of her present prosperity, & wandering sometimes here, & sometimes there, it troubleth the common rest of others, & for her own pleasure doth move & procure wars: till such time as in the end by a miserable & wretched issue, it receiveth the just chastisement of her vain conceit & imagination. An example hereof (my good friends) is here represented unto us in this our enemy, no less proud than presumptuous: who by his unhappy audacity & his excessive fortune is now grown to this point, that he dareth to raise war upon war, and to molest those Princes of whom (if he will consider the benefits he hath received) there is not any one thing, excepting his temerity, but he may attribute it unto them wholly. But the good hap of his affairs hath now so perverted his senses, that it behoveth us not only at this time to take arms publicly, but in private also to hate him mortally. Behold & turn aside your eyes to the pitiful estate of the Dainians, to the intent the just wrath of their injury, & the honest care of your friends, may animate your courage. You ye citizens of scutary, have many of your children, many of your brethren, many of your kinsmen, friends & allies both slavonians & Italians (all of them hardy & good soldiers) enclosed & shut up within that garrison, where being mewed up by disloyalty of the enemy, & being brought to the uttermost point of all extremities: they have no other hope remaining, but only in your valour & virtue. Long time have they attended you in sorrow, in suspense, in great care & expectation: longing & looking aloft from off their walls, that either your powers should now restore them to their liberty: or else having lost all hope of comfort, they must be enforced shamefully to submit themselves, & to leave their lives to the mercy of Castriot, & under the view of his pride, who is so insolent & unmerciful in his victory, as his like is no where to be found, as one who having been of a long time nourished up among the Barbarians, doth excel in all barbarousness & inhumanity. For (to omit other matters) can there be any greater temerity than this? can there be any folly more notable then by so lewd an example to debar men from the liberty of protecting of others in the right of their own goods & possessions? And by means thereof most wickedly to purchase to himself all that he can seize upon, & under this vain pretence of I know not what compact & agreement, to excuse his greedy desire of command: abrogating by this means, and taking away from men all the rights of their liberty? His ambitious mind is enraged that the Venetians should be preferred before him by the Dainians: & he impugneth the voluntary mind of the mother in the disposition of the heritage of her own son deceased: but you may see how the malady & infirmity of his own mind, and the vehemency of his despite hath so blinded and inveigled him, that being transported with envy, he runneth headlong to his own destruction: for he could not endure to put off the care of this war, till such time, as (having chased away this enemy the Turk, who is daily at his doors) he might have been the better able to unite all his forces & to have come with all his whole power to execute his hatred against the Venetians: neither hath he been so well advised as to join battle against us with any great forces, though it be in sight of the town besieged. But he (this expert warrior) hath separated his forces here and there, showing himself therein a more upright judge to you, then to himself, & to further your cause more than his own. And whilst that the siege of Dayna on the one side, & the care & doubt of Mustapha on the other, doth not suffer his mind to enjoy any rest or quietness, he hath reserved this army not as a fit enemy able to encounter with you, but as a sacrifice rather to be slaughtered by you. Wherefore seeing you are so many brave warriors, against an handful of robbers: go to them, and charge them valiantly & cease not till you have utterly overthrown them. Let your valour & prows enforce their foolish & vainglorious hearts, either by love or by constraint to acknowledge & confess, that themselves are guilty of the injustice of this war, which they have undertaken so injuriously. And these being once chastised for their folly, you shall not need to take any further care, nor to redoubt those their forces which are remaining before Dayna. For then, pursuing the good success of this battle, we may at one and the same instant prevent their purpose by going to charge them first, and they within issuing out upon their backs, shall enclose and hedge them in on all sides, by means whereof we shall finish and bring to an end, a most notable piece of service, and exceedingly famous.  
The oration of the king of Epire was more mild and not so sharp and invective, neither was it so replenished with ill speeches tending to the disgrace of others, but (as some say) it was near to this effect that followeth.  
Whether the cause of this present war be just or not, it is not now time (my good 
The oration of Scanderbag to his army.  friends quoth he) to make any question, seeing we are come armed into the field, neither is that now to be debated on, when we are in view of the enemy: considering especially, that myself was the man that made you to take arms, with whom you never yet had just cause to be aggrieved, either for refusing any war that was lawful, or for seeking any quarrels which were unlawful & unjust. But seeing it is so; that in all human affairs nothing doth more torment the conscience of good men, nor is more curiously respected by men of war before they come to fight with their enemy, them to inquire the justice of the quarrel, & that they may be resolved whether they shall not contend with God, aswell as men: for my part (my good citizens) I am content therefore that if any of you do think that my motion, in the undertaking of this war, be to be condemned of rashness or temerity, or if you do think me to be too greedy and desirous of new wars & troubles: I shall be well pleased I say, neither will I hinder it, if presently you truss up baggage, and that we return every man to his home. For I am not he that would train you by force to hazard your persons I know not wherefore: neither do I desire, in this troublesome estate of my affairs and chiefest tumults of Epire, of an obstinate mind to seek new quarrels and causes of contention with the signory of Venice. If therefore my attempt and purpose be exempted & free from blame, and the causes of this war do seem unto you just and necessary: then is it your part also, and none but you have reason (as being interested in the cause) to effect by your virtue and courageous perseverance, that the happy end & event do show and testify your arms to be accompanied with right and equity. For nothing can be more reproachful to him that is nobly minded, neither can any thing be more repugnant to the dignity and majesty of a Prince, then to suffer by timorousness and pusilanimity, his right to be usurped by an other: and to hold (as a man would say) his finger under his girdle, when he knoweth his right is not to be had, but by force of arms. There is none of you but knoweth the hearty amity and the inward conversation which was ever between me and the Signior Lech Zacharie, whose death (being no less cruel than grievous) hath stirred on all parts so many troubles, and that he and I (induced thereunto by other mutual affection) did with one consent, set down this as a law inviolable, that which soever of us two should first decease without issue, should be seized (by the compact and the right of suruivorship) of the other his heritage & dominions. Now the Venetians have gotten his lands, and I am left heir only of his tears to lament the iniquity of his fortune. Did not I by this agreement hazard the renouncing of my own patrimony, if my accident (as the danger of death is common to all men) had taken me first away out of this life? I have no reason therefore, neither am I determined to give over the war, except (God being against me) I be put to the worst, or that I be invested in the quiet possession of Dayna: for none but fools can blame me for this war, whereunto so good reason, & so honest a cause doth persuade me. Let no man marvel to see me in arms against Christians, against the Venetians, against my next neighbours, seeing they have given me so just an occasion, & themselves have in a manner, put the weapons into my hands. True it is, we do with a straight siege press the town & country of our own kinsmen, of our own blood & alliance; but yet we do it not with so ill an intention as they imagine, neither are we lead thereunto, either upon a greedy desire of command & Empire, or delight of murder and bloodshed: but only to wring that city out of the hands of our adversary, and to draw the ungrateful inhabitants (at the least) to a confession & acknowledgement of their error and obstinacy. We are come to fight with the enemy, who hath first provoked us by divers acts of hostility. Resolve you therefore in your courage with an assured & honest resolution to maintain your honour and reputation. It may seem that the sovereignty of Dayna being propounded for the reward of the conqueror should give sufficient & ample occasion to take arms: but let not (I pray you) any such conceit enter into your thoughts, for these are commonly the baits to allure ambitious minds, & they are enticements of the base popular & vulgar sort. The only desire of praise and commendation is sufficient to animate & stir on those which are valiant: and yet if you obtain this days victory, all shall be yours without controversy. For the enemy being chased away, and the besieged seeing their hope to be frustrate which they had in their companions, & being pressed with extreme famine, they will soon open their gates to receive you in as conquerors. As touching the victory, I need not say any thing unto you, who have always accustomed to be victors: if they against whom you are now to make proof of your valour be a new enemy, so is it a new kind of glory that doth now attend you. Do the Venetians surpass you in number? be it: the honour which you have purchased in so many battles, where you have always been the lesser number, hath ever heretofore made you famous: the free and gentle heart doth disdain to overcome when every man's devoir cannot be seen, & where he can not purchase particular praise and commendation: again, what advantage have they in that their number is greater than ours? Seeing as there is amongst them diversity of languages, variety of habits, & a different use in arms: so is there as great diversity and disagreement in their minds and courages: and as their army is compounded of many and sundry Nations, as slavonians, Italians, Albaneezes: so are they diverse in fashions, and with a confused kind of ignorance follow under one and the same colours: their cry and noise in the fight will be of diverse and sundry sounds, and much less available will be the encouragements of their leaders. March on therefore (my good soldiers) and in the very entry and beginning of the battle, valiantly do you beat back, repulse, and disperse these enemies, who are better disposed to the flight, then to fight: and see that you do now renew by the honour of this days journey, the glorious renown of so many trophies and victories which you have heretofore gotten and obtained upon the Turks. Nevertheless I would not that you should carry yourselves towards these as against other enemies: but rather that you use more moderation and less choler, and that being inclined to mercy and clemency, you do labour rather to have them all prisoners, then to have them slaughtered in the fields. In any case do you not, either through intemperate fury of war, or the heat of your anger and indignation, pollute and defile your victorious hands with the blood of those, who shall yield and render themselves to your mercies. For it is not with Barbarous, fierce, and savage Nations that we have now to deal, but with Christians, against whom we are to contend according to the rights and laws of arms, with equity and justice, and only to repulse injustice, and to live in rest and quietness.  
The great modesty that Scanderbag made show of in this his speech, did the more 
The affection of the soldiers of Scanderbag after his oration.  vehemently animate the minds of his soldiers, and made them the more affectionate unto him: for that (being a matter rare and seldom seen) he did in the same bewray himself to be both respective of their good, and no less careful for the enemy. For this cause, flocking about their Prince, they praised & applauded his counsel, each of them affirming: that they were ready to make proof of their resolution, and to offer themselves to all hazard and fortune of battle, not for the defence only, but for the increase also and augmentation of his renown and glory: that the arms of the Venetians were not so to be redoubted: that their opinion in attributing much unto them, should make them in the mean while, to forget their own duty and devoir: that if the dishonour and ignominy, offered by the Danians, should by their faintness and slothfulness remain unpunished, the injury would be common to all his subjects: and that it was not for their honour now to be discouraged, in the midst of so great broils, and at this time wherien they were busied and surcharged with the weight and burden of a double war: that men should not be able to do any thing worthy of honour and commendation, if every idle consultation, should restrain and suppress the vehemency of their courages: and if they should examine every particular with a kind of blockish and slothful deliberation, that the hardy man and he that is valiant aught to adventure himself, and to march on resolutely, and to bear off all dangers with head and shoulders: and that it becometh not him to look into matters with too much curiosity, to augment his own fear, nor by a strict examination of things, to interpret and reveal unto men, those mischiefs which are hidden from them: that many high and difficult affairs have been surmounted and overcome by the fury of the resolute soldier, and by the fierceness of his courage once stirred and inflamed: whereas a mind free and quietly disposed would not dare to adventure upon them; that a man ought also to rely and cast his care wholly upon God, who assisteth continually in the war that party whose cause and quarrel is just and rightful. And nevertheless if their safety did only depend upon their own valour, yet the state of Albany should be sufficiently defended & protected, only by the faith & mutual amity of her own peoples. Moreover that Amurath was withheld & kept doing by the war of Hungary, & that they knew the power & puissance of the Venetians to be great: but withal they were not ignorant, that the Italians, the farther they are drawn from home, the more slowly do they march on, & proceed the more unwillingly. These with many such like speeches were uttered confusedly amongst the whole troop of soldiers according to every man's disposition: with this intent and purpose also, that their Prince (hearing their devices) might take the better notice of their good wills and affection, and might show them the better countenance: he (praising and extolling the affection of every of them) speaking aloud unto them in manner of jesting and merriment, smiling he told them, that nature was much to blame in that she had not placed these noble and generous spirits of the Albanois, in a higher and better fortune.  
This done, Castriot caused his soldiers to go and refresh themselves: and then having taken some repast, and all matters being thoroughly provided for, about midday, with a mind cheerful and confident, he drew forth his troops into the field. The archers and others which were lightly armed, he placed in the front before the ensigns: 
Order of the army of the Albanoys.  then (with the corslets and those whose arms were more weighty) he made the two wings, appointing unto each of them 2000 horse: to Tanusee was given the middle battle, wherein likewise amongst the men at arms were mingled certain foot men. As touching the rearward or for any supplies, he took no care at all, because he had determined to make it known that he accounted the victory sure his own: and that the enemy was much more easy to be vanquished, than the Venetians did seem to make show of, either by the assurance of their countenances or by their fury and forwardness at the first charge. As little regard did he take to the guarding of his camp, for he left the same all empty, and with so few to defend it, that hardly could he have held it against the meanest company of any thieves or robbers. This so resolute an assurance of this Chieftain could not have been exempted from the blame of temerity, were it not that he had appointed the strength and force of his retreat in those companies which held the siege before Dayna: for if contrary to his expectation he had seen the enemy to have had the better, his purpose was to retire thither to that camp, because neither the number of his soldiers, nor the situation and nature of the place, did profit him to fortify his own camp: yet in my judgement was this a counsel far unworthy of the wisdom and the prudent invention of so great a Captain: seeing that if his troops had happened to have been broken, their flight in this manner had been much more dangerous and pernicious, than their courage and obstinacy in the fight could have wrought their assurance. For the Venetians being victorious and pursuing them in the tail, and the passage of the river Drynon being made more difficult in so great an affray, and so confused a tumult, must needs have destroyed and swallowed the most of them that remained: wherefore the truth is, and we must needs confess, that the opinion of his own virtue not accustomed to be vanquished, did make him to place his hope in himself only. The Venetians 
Order of the army of the Venetians.  in the same manner likewise did affront their ensigns with their pikes, who were Italians, and their wings they disposed in the same order as did the Albanians. Daniel himself took the charge of the right wing, which he environed with a strong guard, or garrison of slavonians, of which he had made choice of purpose. Certain men at arms Italians were placed in the head, and in the rearward of this battalion. Colla Humoy of scutary, who was the second man, and next to the 
Colla Humoy.  General in this army, had the leading of the left wing, and being accompanied with his own citizens, did make head against Moses and his soldiers the Dybrians. Andrew his brother and Simon Volcathagne had the guiding of the middle 
Volcathagne.  battle. In brief, all the ranks were filled indifferently with soldiers of sundry sorts, serving rather for an hindrance and impediment, then for any defence or good assurance. The Venetians were little less than thirteen thousand men, and 
The battle between the Venetians and Scanderbag.  with this number was this battle fought. The fight was begun by their pikemen, who at their first encounter were repulsed by the archers: but when they once came to approach and join near each to other, and that the use of their arrows did serve to little purpose: the Targatyers, covering themselves with their targets and the residue of those which were light armed, came to the sword and fought with the enemy hand to hand. In the mean time Scanderbag covering the Archers with his troop of horses, and causing them a little to retire themselves, gave them the means to use again their bows more conveniently. The Pike men for that they were safely armed with good and strong corselets, had adventured themselves the more hardly, and came to assault the enemy the more cruelly, whereby they put their fellows in good hope of victory. There began the wings to join on both sides with high & mighty cries, which madethe very air to resound again: The Albanois exceeded the other in number and goodness of their horse, yet was the place indifferent to them both, and no more for the vantage of the one, then of the other: for the place where this field was fought, was in the midst of a goodly large plain and champion, and near adjoining to the river of Drynon. The Venetians being for a while equal to the enemy rather in forces then in courage, did for a long time maintain the fight about their General with variable and doubtful fortune, till such time as the Prince of Albany and certain horse with him, charging them in the midst did break through the battle, by means whereof (many being wounded and great numbers of them being dispersed and disordered) all hope of the victory had been taken from the Venetians, had it not been for the Illirians: who rallying themselves on all sides, and trouping together in gross (as the agility and quickness of that nation is singular) they made head again against the enemy, and with a greater strength did reassure the corpse du guard of the Venetian General, valiantly keeping of the enemy; yet, so as they seemed rather to stand upon their defence then any way to offend their adversary. The main battles on both sides stood still all this while and kept their ground, seeming rather to take a view then to intermeddle in the fight, so long as the wings or points being in fight did with doubtful event encounter each other. But assoon as Tophia saw the right wing of the enemy hardly bestead, (he taking courage by the former example of Scanderbag) with a troop of his best horsemen, and part of the infantry, presently charged upon the midst of the left wing of the enemy, bringing them also into a new fear and confusion. For the Illirians (who were placed in the front to bear the shock of the enemy,) were not able to endure the charge, but made presently to the right wing, and there stood upon their own defence, betraying their companions on the one side, whom they had forsaken: and on the other side, they brought by their coming the greater difficulty unto Scanderbag, who was there striving and enforcing himself to break through the corpse du Guard of the Illirians. The like also did their footmen after their departure, for being not able to make their party good against the Albanois horsemen; they scattered themselves here and there, and having their best assurance in their legs, they made them the means of their safety: which was the occasion also that the horsemen of scutary, (being left naked & open to the enemy) saw themselves suddenly disabled & broken by the Albanois: for both their leaders and many others were taken prisoners, who being abandoned and forsaken of their footmen, and despairing of safety by having any farther recourse to arms, did yield themselves to the disposition of Scanderbag his soldiers: this made the other companies also greatly to fear, lest that Scanderbag having once broken through that battle of the Illirians) which he had already charged, should afterward charge also the back of the wings, and so enclosing them on all sides might press them the more furiously.  
But the success of the vanquishers fell not out according to the fearful imagination of the vanquished (so mightily doth prosperity oftentimes dull the minds of men.) For the leaders when they saw themselves to have this advantage, took no greater regard of any other thing, but held themselves contented, that they could present unto their soldiers, as it were in show and triumph, their enemies bounden and captive. Castriot likewise not regarding the common soldiers, but disdaining as it were the blood of the inferior and private sort, did wholly enforce himself to enterprise upon the General, but a great and strong troop of horse did hinder him from approaching near him, and by that means disappointed him of his purpose. The fight thus continuing on all hands, Moses (who had charged upon the left wing of the Venetian army, where they of scutary served) did draw all men to the regard and beholding of the fight on that side. Great was their labour and their danger: for either party showing themselves both stout and invincible, did maintain the fight eagerly and courageously; and they did so uncessantly contend each to force other, as though the fortune of the fight had depended upon them only. It seemed that they were not very unequally matched, and in that respect they fought for a long time with like advantage, and hardly could it be discerned whether party had the better. But at length the strength and force of the Dybrians seeming to be weakened with faintness and weariness, and both themselves and their horses being well nigh tired with continual fight, as men vanquished willingly they would have given over, and they were almost ready to leave the battle, had it not been for Moses their Colonel, who sharply reprehending them, even as they began to recuile, did sometimes blame their faintness and weariness, and sometimes did accuse them of fear and cowardice: and being thus in point of being almost vanquished, he taught them how to vanquish and to be victors over their enemies, crying out in this manner unto them.  
What a shame is this (my friends?) how lewd and foul an example is this of your 
Encouragement of Moses to his soldiers.  unwonted fear and timorousness? Is it possible that the Dibrians can forsake their ranks and places assigned them, as long as they be living? or can they be content to lose their honour and glory purchased by arms, and to give it to their enemies? where are those soldiers which discomfited the forces of Haly Bassa? who tamed the pride of Ferisey, & abated the puissance of Mustapha? and who with the spoils of the Turks, have enriched the houses of the Albanois? Where is now the fierceness of your haughty and proud courages? where be those your looks which were so full of threats and menaces within your camp? where be those your promises of victory and triumph? is this the way to recover Dayna to Scanderbag? is this the way for you to prepare your entry into the town which you have besieged? what, did you never prove the virtue and valour of any enemy till now? have you not found them any where else to be stout and valiant, and did you never see the sword brandizing in any place but here only? Behold how your fellows and companions are on all sides victorious, and they do already in each quarter of the field, recount the fruits of their valour and hardiness. Tanusee (having taken their Captains and carried them bound into the camp) hath either dispersed, or utterly defeated and destroyed the middle battle of the enemy: see (I pray you) how Scanderbag having broken the strength and body of the Sclavonian troops, doth now pass away the time in binding them together like beasts, and taking of them prisoners: only we here on our side have nothing but fear and terror, and the memory of our flight, most shameful and dishonourable.  
The soldiers seeing themselves so sharply reproved and rebuked by Moses, took hart to themselves, and their courages were so inflamed with a most ardent desire to repair their fault, that a man would have judged them not to have been the same men, but that both horse and men had been changed even in an instant. The conflict being then renewed, the fortune of the fight grew likewise to be changed, and the Scutarians by little and little began to be repulsed, yet did they for a while hold good, by means rather of their multitude and great number, then through any hardiness or greatness of courage. At the last Humoy conjecturing (by the former speeches of his enemy) his brother's misfortune (the grief whereof, through very impatiency, made him scarce able to hold his weapons) forgot his companions and went (though all too late) to secure his brother, where striking into the midst of his enemies: in so doing he both assured the victory to the Dibrian, and left also unto the posterity an evident testimony, how needful and requisite it is for a chief or General 
Sentence.  to keep amongst his troops: and how greatly it importeth the good order and safety of his companies to enjoy the benefit of his presence: for no sooner was he departed from his charge, but they were suddenly dispersed on all sides, turning their backs to the blows & fury of their enemies. Likewise on the other side, the General of the Venetians being now forsaken and left destitute of the strength of his corpse dugarde: yet holding still good, and keeping his troops close & in order (more through pure shame, then for any strength or puissance that he had:) he sustained the force of the enemy, and maintained the fight continually. But when he once perceived that his soldiers were on all sides put to a doubtless flight, and that all of them made default alike: himself also setting spurs to his horse for company, (lest he should be made a partner with the others in their misfortunes) provided by speedy flight for 
The victory of Scanderbag over the Venetians.  his own safety. Scanderbag all at leisure pursued those that were scattered over the fields, because that the long and continual travel of his soldiers did greatly detain and hinder them, by reason the battle had been fought with that obstinacy, and held out to that extremity, that they were hardly able to have continued fight any longer: yet as weary as they were, they did not for all that suffer their flight to be free and without any disturbance: for Scanderbag had publicly commanded, that all the ensigns should pursue after them, and follow the chase even to the gates of scutary. It may be that this great Captain being led on both with anger and with glory, did hold it a goodly matter, that these enemies (who stood in infinite and thick numbers upon the walls, should now see him and his army to be the conquerors. In many places did they light upon the tail or rearward of those that fled, and a great number of such as made the least speed, came into the hands of those that followed them: for they were commanded not to kill any of them when they were once come very near and within the view of the town: then making a stand with their army in order, they continued there a long time with their colours waving all aloft in the wind: hereupon, the victors assembling themselves in troops not far from their companies thus arranged, with high cries and exceeding signs of joy; they presented their prisoners before the eyes of the townsmen, who were wondefully sad and pensive at this misfortune and affliction, concerning them so near, both in public, and particular. On the one side, the grievous sight and miserable condition of their friends and allies, did suggest unto them new pricks of war and despite; on the other side their late loss did confound and abate their courages: and furthermore, the care of the Captives (which stayed and withheld them, did keep them from attempting or doing any thing against the enemy, for doubt lest it should incense the vanquishers to use the prisoners with more extremity.  
After that Scanderbag had permitted his soldiers (all at their pleasures) to rejoice themselves in the honour of their victory: he caused to sound a march (for the day was then well near spent) and every man prepared himself to the retreat, & took their way to the siege before Dayna: but vain was the hope and conceit of Scanderbag, in that he thought the inhabitants would have opened their ports and received him forthwith, as his subjects, and have submitted themselves under the laws and conditions that it should please him to impose upon them: for albeit the sudden discomfiture of their friends and confederates, and the necessity of victuals, increasing daily within the town, did redouble both the grief and the care of the Daynians, by reason that the companies of Albanois, left before the place expressly for that intent and purpose, had hindered them from foraging or making any other provision: yet did they not conceive any one dishonourable thought within their hearts, for the redemption of themselves from so many mischiefs and wants which oppressed them. But even in the midst of these extremities, providing and disposing all things with notable constancy and singular good discretion; they began more sparingly then they had accustomed, to share out the munition and victuals unto the soldiers, allowing either of them so much only as should suffice to sustain their faithful souls, and (as the saying is) might hold body & soul together. As for the aged persons there was no order taken for them, because it was supposed such persons should not want any means, wherewithal to help themselves, either by the natural strength and situation of the place, or by their fidelity which was of all other the most assured rampire.  
Now when Castriot had joined his victorious troops, to those which lay before the town, he pained himself (but in vain) to represent unto their grieved hearts, the motions of vain fear. With great shows and ostentation, with many reproaches and high cries, he caused the ensigns and colours gained from the enemy, to be showed unto them: great numbers of captives sad and sorrowful, were led round about the town, with their eyes cast down to the ground, for shame that they should be seen in that plight by their allies and friends, (who stood in thick troops upon the walls, and who at so hideous a sight did shed abundance of tears.) For there were many among the captives, who were of kin and nearly allied to the besieged, as may be easily perceived by that which hath been before recited. Now Scanderbag knowing that his persuasions were of no force nor efficacy towards men so thoroughly resolved: he began to treat with them for the yielding of the town, and with a certain kind of confidence all assured, he demanded that the garrison of the Venetians might be yielded into his hands: but his rash demand had a notable answer, 
The liberal and free answer of the Danians to Scanderbag.  well beseeming the virtue of frank and free citizens: telling him, that he should desist from terrifying their ears and their eyes with such sights and menaces: that their faith was not grounded upon so light a foundation, as that they would measure themselves rather by a new accident of cross and perverse fortune, then by the ancient habit of their minds and dispositions: that they had all of them determined (if they could not otherwise do) to leave unto their good Princes, an eternal testimony of their unfortunate faith, by the witness of their dismembered bodies: and that neither the love nor affection which they did bear to their own, nor the captivity of their confederates was such, that they should hope thereby, to extort from them any such action of piety, which might tend to their stain and ignominy, and such, as the prisoners themselves (if they were put to the question) would not require to be used towards them. Moreover, that they were in good hope that their Seigniours the Venetians, would not suffer either the bonds & captivity of the one to be perpetual, or the siege of the other to be of any long continuance: that he should take this their example as a true proof and ensignement, that the faith of any people ought not to 
Sentence.  change and turn with the wind, nor to follow the instable and unconstant fortune of Princes.  
It was a wonderful sign and token of liberality and natural clemency in Scanderbag, in that (seeing his reasons and demands so neglected and rejected by the Burgesses 
Scanderbag his courtesy and magnanimity to the Venetian captives.  of Dayna, and all hope taken away to obtain the town, by reason of this their obstinacy) yet he showed not any kind of discontentment (as the most part of Princes are naturally inclined) neither had he recourse to any terms of wrath or fury, or desire of revenge, and least of all did he exercise any cruelty upon the prisoners, whereas he might have used them as himself had listed: but contrariwise he commanded presently that they should be unbound, and having graciously entreated and cheered them, he set them at liberty, and sent them away to their own houses. It may be that this politic and sage Captain did this of purpose, which his intent though it be not to be allowed, yet the device and invention is much to be commended: for that being notable any other way to subdue the walls of the Danians, he might at leastwise vanquish them by this courtesy and humanity; and might gain those by gracious usage, whom neither rigour nor force could any way remove from their determination and purpose. Two only of the prisoners, men of the chiefest 
Andrew Humoi, Simon Volcathagne prisoners to Scanderbag.  mark and quality, named Andrew and Volcathagne he detained still with him, as certain pledges of the league and amity like to ensue shortly, and as sureties (though in vain) to prevent the fierceness of the Scutarians. These men were kept under good guard within the fortress of Petralba, where they were both respectively and bountifully received and entertained  
These things being thus achieved, he had a new devise in his head to bring the town under his subjection: to the intent therefore, the thing which he so affectionately desired, might be brought to some good end and perfection, he enterprised an action, whereby he might with more facility and commodity not only further & advance the siege of Dayna, but the means of the whole war between him & the Venetians.  
There was sometimes a town named Baleze, of which as then there was nothing 
Baleze.  remaining but a small show & the ruins only: it had been somewhat renowned, not for that it was founded by any man of name or memory, but only for the antiquity thereof: it was seated at the foot of the mount Sardonicke (which the common people 
The mount Sardonikor Marra●ay. Surscod●a.  of the country call Marranay,) near about it is a certain country called Surscodra distant from Scutarie twelve miles, from Drivasta five: and fifteen from Dayna. Scanderbag was determined to re-edify and repair that place which had of old been ruinated by the Barbarians, and (as some say) by that scourge of God Attila. This same place being fortified and defended with a good garrison and some other forces, he was of the opinion, that he might by the benefit thereof, more freely annoy the Venetian territory, and keep the besieged from having any relief or succours, by reason, that the enemy should be busied on all parts with so many occasions: for this purpose he caused it at one instant to be renewed, partly with walls, and parley 
Baleze re-edified and fortified by Scanderbag.  with palisadoes and other fortifications of timber work; and having founded it in manner of a town, and furnished it with men: he appointed Amese his nephew, and Marin Span or Spaniard, (a person by birth of Albany, & a man of approved prudence 
Amese and Marin Span. Governors of Baleze.  and fidelity) to have the oversight of the work, and to see it brought unto perfection. This done, he repassed the same day over the river Drinon, to prosecute the siege of Dayna, which for no occasion of time or other affairs, he would suffer in no case to be intermitted.  
The fortifications and walls of the new fortress being finished, and many bulwarks being raised within it as seemed most expedient, Amese being a young man and impatient of rest (both his own peculiar reputation, and the fresh renown of his uncles virtue, animating his youthful mind hereunto) because he had somewhat happily made certain roads and light invasions upon the plain country, he imagined that he should be as fortunate in all other matters of greater weight and importance. And therefore he cast in his mind, with a full resolution to surprise Drivasta, which was a town there near adjoining: this made him that from thence forward he had 
Drivasta.  no other thought daily then to make ready his company, though he disfurnished 
Amese purposeth to surprise Drivasta.  the new fortress of the garrison, for he thought that his commendation should by this act be the more augmented, if (before any succour were sent from his uncle, and ere that he knew any news thereof) he might suddenly send unto him the marks of so notable an exploit, by the spoils of the town once conquered and subdued: and that it would be a secret argument that his uncles valour were now in the wane, and did as it were, wax old under the walls of Dayna: so fond did the boiling heat of this young man's courage puff him up with hope, vainly promising unto himself all the favours of fortune. But Marin (whose industry Scanderbag had made choice of, and had made equal with the other, for the surer preservation of the new fortress, having therein joined most unfortunately, the prudence of the one with the temerity of the other) Marin (I say) being an old and expert soldier, by reason of his long practice in matters military, and being more venerable for his age: fearing, that if openly he did withstand the wilfulness of this youth, there might grow secret dislike and enmity between them (a most pestilent mischief in the administration of any affairs.) For this cause he thought that he would in the very beginning break off this enterpriese, by alienating of the devotion of the soldiers from him secretly, and by that means would disappoint him of his purpose: but afterwards when he saw that the affections of them all in common, and that the inordinate license of the soldier did incline more to the other party, he resolved in the end to speak his mind openly & freely in the presence of all the whole company, to the intent himself might be discharged from that default which was likely (by another man's counsel) to succeed unhappily: and therefore (as the speech is) in these or the like terms, he gave him this admonition.  
Certainly Amese; Scanderbag hath left thee here a greater cross unto me then the 
Marin Span his speech to Amese.  Venetians our enemies▪ for now that we have other matters to look unto, by reason of the heat of this war throughout all the country: I am constrained and driven to a new strife and contention, causing some secret hate or dislike between us, because that thou art grown to have a vehement suspicion lest I (of a desire to contradict thee or through the jealousy of thy youthful glory and reputation,) do seem to dissuade thee from this thy enterprise. But why do I impute any fault unto myself, seeing both God and men will sufficiently acquit me, for that this my counsel in this case and concerning this accident, either (being neglected) seemeth not to have been wanting, or (being followed and allowed) cannot well be reprehended? The loss will surely be thine own and no man's else, for in this action (whatsoever thy intent be) it is not the city of Drivasta, but thyself and thy uncle, that thou goest to assail: thou dost but hasten to abridge the days of thy own friends and fellow citizens, and to bathe the enemy's ground with the blood of thy soldiers. Have we to this end repaired this new town? have we fortified it with such strong companies, and with a garrison of so many brave men, to the end it should be so suddenly disarmed and disfurnished of her forces? and while we foolishly seek after others, our own fortress should be left and delivered as a prey unto our enemies, who expect and attend for nothing else? Say that this place were not to be regarded, yet is there any of you that will think that towns will be surprised with so small a number of souldieres, who would scarcely suffice to defend them? especially the town of Drivasta, which (as it is large and populous▪) so (for in this respect we may commend our enemy it is likewise excellently well provided both of arms and of men courageous and valiant. If I be not deceived both you and the enemy do expect one and the same thing. First their old men and other of the weak and unable multitude, from the battlements of their walls, will make a jest at your foolish preparations, and at your vain devices in seeking thus to take their city. And then their young men, who (being fierce and lusty) do desire nothing so much as to come to fight with you, issuing forth of the town, will force us to leave the assault, and will chase us away with shame and ignominy, or else leaving their ports open to receive us, suddenly and unadvised they will surprise and set upon us, and so revenge the late loss of their companions, and the injuries of the Scutarians. Then will other towns take courage unto them, and those who are now overcome and vanquished, will become to grow hardy, and nothing at all to redoubt us. Lay aside therefore (I pray thee Amese whilst all things are well and whole) this your pernicious forwardness and audacity: and do not cause the reverent and honourable name ofthy uncle, by so great an indignity to be disgraced & rend asunder, by the mouths of those that are his adversaries and ill willers. Stay a while, and attend till that God favour thee, in presenting thee some other matter of more abundant and greater glory, and with greater safety and security. Then will I be the foremost man, not to persuade thee only, but to cause thee to take arms, and will also accompany thee. No man will be unwilling to follow those ensigns which are fortunate. Restrain therefore the broiling heat of this thy courage (though it be hard to be restrained) learn of thy ancients, first thyself to bear the yoke, which thou desirest to impose upon thy enemy. For youth being uncapable of good counsel, (let me speak 
Sentence.  freely what I think) is oftentimes as hurtful unto itself, as unto those which are his enemies. It is rather to be drawn then to beled to any thing, & of all the burdens that are laid upon men, the unadvised wilfulness of youth is the most dangerous. Wars are to be managed by counsel and good advise, and let the wisest Captain carry himself in all his actions, never so sagely and advisedly, yet hardly and with great difficulty doth Fortune answer his deserts, or succeed accordingly.  
The grave and prudent speeches of this parsonage, were sufficient to have changed the mind of this young soldier. But because in the hastiness of his own temerity, and the rashness of his own counsels, he had already ordained and provided all things which were expedient and necessary for that enterprise; it seemed unto him a matter of more dishonour, to give over (by discretion) the attempt which he had undertaken, then (with misfortune) to put the same in execution. He rejected therefore this wholesome and sound admonition, and preferring the worst before the best, he held it less shame and disgrace, to follow his own humour (though it were to his loss and hindrance) then by reforming himself upon the admonition of an other, to take that choice which might be for his benefit and advantage. Besides the credit which he had purchased with the companies, and the readiness of the common soldiers obedient to his command did animate his foolish desires, and did withhold his doubtful ears from hearkening unto any good advertisements. To that therefore which Marin Spaniard had persuaded so advisedly, first of all he replied with great insolency, that his uncle had 
Answer of Amese to Marin Span.  left either of them with like power, commandment, and authority: that he was not appointed there to govern himself either in peace or war, at the liking and arbitrement of another: that he should look to his own companies: and that for his part, it was in him to command his soldiers at his own will and pleasure. Notwithstanding within a little while after, when his choler was a little cooled by speaking, and that the vehement and immoderate passion of his mind, was somewhat settled and abated, then began his tongue to be much more modest, and his speeches grew more mild and gracious. For he told his colleague & companion, that he would willingly approve and allow of his opinion, were it not that the affairs of Baleze and Drivasta might both at once be directed and ordered, & that neither of them would hinder and disturb the other: that their forces were sufficient both to guard the one and to carry the other: and that he did not so inconsiderately undertake this attempt, but that he very well knew what he did: that he would surprise them of Drivasta suddenly and unprovided: that he should find the youth of the town out of arms, the gates ungarded, and the walls without sentinels: besides that, there were many of the inhabitants which (if they were summoned to yield) would gladly hearken unto him. But admit that all things do fall out more difficult than he expected, that then he meant not to be so obstinate as to make there any long abode, to the prejudice of his soldiers. And in saying this he took Maryn by the hand, praying him to be of good courage, and to hopewell of his success. Thus having recommended his affairs unto God, he displayed his ensigns, and so marched cheerfully onward. Of those which remained behind 
Amese marcheth to surprise Drivasta  with Marin for the guard of Baleze, they were scant fully 2000, not that any man was enforced to accompany them in that journey, but because that the Albanois were more exercised in labour and travel, then in lying idle and at rest: and the soldiers had no kind of war more agreeable, and familiar unto them, than the assaulting and surprising of towns and holds.  
Now albeit Amese did hasten on with all possible celerity, and did conceal his attempt as much as might be, yet could he not prevent the news of his coming. For the Drivastines being advertised of his approach, (as men that could soon descry any such purpose) and at the very beginning of the war of Dayna, did ordinarily keep and maintain great courts of guard in certain places about their town, and a great number of men, purposely to watch in arms: they were notwithstanding at the first greatly astonished, and mounting upon their walls, they made preparation of all such things as were requisite to repulse the enemy, bringing from all parts stones and such other munitions, which were fit to be thrown down upon them and to annoy them. But afterwards when they had a sight of the enemy, as they drew near the town, they grew suddenly to be both better encouraged and less careful; contemning both the smallness of their numbers, and their Captain all alike. Notwithstanding the good countenance which they made, did nothing at all appall or diminish the confidence of the young Chieftain, but he summoned them within the town (in the name of Scanderbag) with many fair offers and promises, to render the same unto him. But being rudely repulsed and with many sharp terms rejected: (he resting as yet in suspense and doubtful, and being withal carried away with choler and indignation) retired himself about a mile and a half from the town, where all in vain, according to the variable and diverse opinions of his soldiers, he beat his brains, devising by what means he might bring the town to reason, seeing he had no ordinance wherewithal to batter them. Thus did he seem both to consult and to besiege the town, all at one time. In the mean time to assure his troops from a surprise, but principally from towards scutary, he placed skoutes and watches round about the place where he was encamped.  
Whilst these things were thus in doing: the Drivastines with a worthy and very commendable care did bethink themselves, how to free their town from the doubt of this siege, & their conclusion was (whatsoever became thereof) to hazard the combat, before the enemy should attempt to force their walls and rampires. The author of this their resolution was Andrew Angel, one of the chiefest men of account within their town, noble by his own worthy acts, and well known by the honour which he had gotten by his long practice in arms. This man (having ranged his men in good order ofbattel at the lower gate of the city, which lieth on the west towards the plain, & the walls of the city being well manned, and the ports strongly guarded, before that he sallied forth upon the enemies) he began to encourage them with this language.  
If ever quoth he (my good soldiers) it were needless and superfluous to encourage 
The Oratic● of Andrew Angel to the Drivastines.  men that are valiant and magnanimous, now is the time: and this is the day wherein I see your coming hither so readily and cheerfully, doth make show thereof most apparently: considering that every one of you, leaving the presence & company of his father, mother, and wife, and the embracementes of his tender infants, doth offer himself here so willingly without any persuasions or entreaty. Now seeing our fortune by so notable a spectacle hath brought us to this, that we are driven to combat both before and for our walls, will not you (my good companions & most loving citizens) imitate the example of your ancestors, and maintain the welfare of your town, your country, your houses, your temples, and your altars? To what end should I recount unto you the manifold triumphs which they gained upon their enemies, & which you yourselves have yet fresh in your memory? Let it suffice of a great many to recite a few, seeing the shortness of the time will not permit any long discourse. I remember well that I have heard it reported by my forefathers, how Barach a Turkish Captain 
Drivastines' their valiant exploits against their enemies.  in the reign of Amurath the first, with 20000. horsemen, invading this our territory in the beginning of the war, did make this demand unto our citizens, That the keys of the town should be delivered him, upon such conditions as he would propound unto them. But they not willing to submit themselves upon such terms: and he falling to the burning of the country, and destroying of the fruits with fire & sword, the people (I say) of Drivasta came upon them in full troops as they were here & there dispersed; in such sort that (many of them being left engaged dead in the fields, and many of them being made prisoners) they enforced the residue to betake themselves to flight: and having by this means obtained a notable victory, they returned into the town rich and triumphant. What should I tell you of Steven surnamed Herceck, Duke of Bosina, who in like manner being entered within our limits, with an army of five and twenty thousand, under pretence of the like expedition; first summoned the town to yield unto him: but our brave Drivastines, by their stout and lofty refusal, put him in such rage and fury: that he presently sent forth his troops to overrun the country, and make havoc of all things? But what did our citizens? they went to encounter him with a good company both of horse and foot, they charged him with great fury, they broke and discomfited him, and they pursued after him in chase so greedily, that besides a great slaughter of the enemies, and many ensigns gained, they returned triumphant and loaden with prey and booty into the town: honouring their country by the preservation of their liberty and themselves, in their glory and reputation. March we on therefore (my good friends) and let ourselves be the messengers to our senseless enemies, of that answer which our town sendeth them with so great virtue and resolution. Let us take from these few stragglers or robbers their vain and foolish hope of winning of towns with such weak forces and so ill accompanied. What think you of the stout resistance of Dayna, before which Scanderbag himself with so great an army, hath for so long a time been busied? Will not this be a wonderful touch of reproach and infamy unto all of you, that his nephew should have a Commission so basely to surprise us with so small forces, the which will be scant able within a while to defend their own fortress? Behold their puissance and strength is nothing, not able to make any resistance: their discipline is small or none at all: and their General is a man of no experience. Whatsoever was of any reckoning or respect in all their army, all that hath Scanderbag himself before Dayna: as for this minion, only his own unpatiency ofrest and quietness hath brought him hither, and he hath none with him, but the very scum and dregs of his camp, and a mingle mangle of the most rascal sort of all their soldiers.  
This short speech did so animate the Drivastines, that all of them at once began to 
Drivastines' sally forth of Drivasta against Amese.  make a noise, and with a loud voice they willed him to lead them on against the enemy. Then began the trumpets to sound, and with great cries and clamours, they issued forth of the town, and the others (who were upon the walls) going & coming each in their several charges, with the like noise from aloft, did increase the bruit of the alarm. The hue and cry of this tumult coming so suddenly and unprovided, whereas the Amesen troops doubted no such matter: struck great terror into their court of guard: but afterwards when they perceived so many armed men to discover themselves on all parties, and that the Drivastines with like fury, did make right towards them (where they were encamped) they wished Amese speedily to mount on horseback, with a troop of those who were in best readiness, and with whom, making head directly against the enemy, he might for a time put them to a stand, and hold them in skirmish, till such time as the residue of the companies (who were scattered here and there over the country) and those also who were within their trenches, (being altogether united & arranged in order of battle) might issue forth with their ensigns displayed into the field, and be incorporate with the residue all in one But the sage conduct of the expert Chieftain on the adverse part, troubled the untimely counsel of this young novice, and apprentice in the art Military: For he having divided 
Conflict between the Drivastines and Amese.  his troops into three parts, sent away speedily certain Italians (who were entertained to be there in garrison continually) and part also of the horsemen to invade the camp on the upper side thereof. The rest of his ho●se (being for the most part archers and peasants) he sent to shut up the passages of their camp, and to keep them from entering, both to hold out and exclude the one, and to surprise and intercept the other. Himself with the third troup making head against Amese, did at the first onset overthrow his battalion and put them clean from all resistance: and the Chieftain himself being disfurnished of his guard, and in great astonishment, was enforced to the flight: notwithstanding, making himself way through the squadron of Archers, he saved himself amidst the open fields with the rest of his companions. Then began the cry to be renewed on all parts, and on the one side the discomfiture of their captain, and on the other side the sudden approach of the enemy, did take away from the guards all means to rally themselves together, and to renew the fight. Finally, the forces of the enemy being rejoined and united, they made towards the Fort, where (after long debate) the advantage fell to the Drivastines: and all things inclining to favour them, the Amesens did abandon the defence of their trenches, and on diverse sides flying and fight all at once, they retired themselves into the plain. Angel made no reckonning to pursue them, nor to sack their camp: but thinking he had done enough in depriving them of the victory, caused to sound a retreat, and led back his compapany with great rejoicing into the city: But the joy of this good and happy encounter did not long continue to the inhabitants. For Amese having gathered his soldiers together from their flight, and thinking upon this discomfiture (the shame whereof was greater than the loss) and seeing himself frustrate of all hope to gain Drivasta, he 
Amese spoileth the country about Drivasta.  turned the impatiency of his anger else where, not sparing any thing whatsoever could be found, either for increase or recreation, but both the houses were burnt and ruinated, and all sorts of trees and plants were cut down and destroyed. Nothing was left untouched, except a few Olive trees, (the abundance and fertility of the which, doth make that town to have great traffic, and to be much esteemed:) all these spoilings and ruins notwithstanding, and for that Amese spoilt (a good ways off from their Ports) the Drivastines though their hardiness had once succeeded happily) yet would not they again be drawn into the fields, fearing that if they should range abroad too far, their return might be hindered, or they might fall into some ambuscado, and so should they give an account for their too too great forwardness, and their overmuch hardiness might cost some of them full dearly.  
I hold it not amiss here to lay down in some sort the description of the town of 
The Town of Drivasta.  Drivasta, not much renowned neither for her foundation, nor for her antiquity, albeit the credulous error of the inhabitants doth most obstinately attribute the original thereof to the Romans, alleging that they were the first founders of the same. Herein do they most glory, in that they affirm themselves to be a Colony of the Romans, and they do precisely maintain, that from thence they had their descent and original. For my part, I suppose that the humour of these men, so desirous of glory, is rather to be pardoned, then that their opinion is any way to be credited. For neither are there any testimonies of good authority to ratify this persuasion, neither are there any monuments to confirm it. The like fortune also hath Antibara, a town of very good 
Antibara.  account in these our days within the said country, and (not without cause) doth it complain of the ungrateful silence of the ancients. Notwithstanding the seat of Drivasta (in my judgement) seemeth not unworthy (if reason may persuade us) to have a Colony there erected, both in regard of the pleasantness of the place, and of the abundance and commodity of all things, which may allure men to inhabit or manure it. For the territory of that city is most fertile and fruitful, yielding all things which man's life in reason can wish for. On every side there are great store of springs and 
Situation of Drivasta.  fountains, arising and descending with a pleasant noise from the hills adjoining, which by nature are so orderly mounted, as if they had been disposed by artificial workmanship: and most wonderfully do they adorn and beautify the plain country. The air (on what side soever you turn your eyes) is exceedingly healthful, and it doth season and temper all things, so as it maketh them to prosper singularly. The City is seated upon the descent of a mountain, bending towards the South, and extending towards the plain (where it is watered with a brook called Clire) which may more justly be termed by the name of a river, by reason that the streams thereof do never fail, for any drought or distemperature of the summer whatsoever. The circuit of the walls and trenches is above two miles in compass. The fortress or castle (being seated upon the top of a mountain) by nature and by art is most defensible: it both commandeth and defendeth the city. From scutary it is distant 8. miles, and from Motry 27. This town having been razed by the Gallo grecians in the declining estate of the Roman Empire, was re-edified & restored by Helena, a most christian Princess descended 
Helena the wife of Negmana king of the Misians.  of the blood royal of the house of France, and who was espoused to Simeon Nemagna, king of the Misians and slavonians. This Lady being very devout & virtuous, did restore (besides this) many other towns near adjoining, which had been likewise ruinated in that country. She builded also both in Epire and Sclavonie, many Covents, Monasteries and religious houses, & endowed them with great livings and possessions, as is manifestly to be seen, by the marbles engraven with such testimonies, besides other monuments and memorable marks of her bountiful and princely deeds. But return we to our purpose.  
The choler of Amese being fully discharged upon the plain country of the Drivastines (which he had made in a manner desolate) he had no desire to return any more to Baleze, because being ashamed of his adventure, he was loath (after the trial of his mishap, and the proof of his imprudency and temerity) to come in his presence, to whom he had refused to give ear, when time and place served. And he now repent (though all too late) that he had contemned his good counsel. He turned therefore another way, & marched with his companies directly towards Dayna: shunning most unadvisedly the reprehension of his fellow Marin, to endure the displeasure far more dangerous, and the frowning countenance of his uncle, whom he had most grievously incensed. For Scanderbag having had tidings brought him by some, dwelling near the same place, how all things had passed, assoon as he knew of his coming, he sent for him to his presence, and openly in the sight of all his companies (which was hardly digested of the young gentleman) in extreme choler he convinced him as 
Scanderbag reproveth Amese for his temerity.  guilty of all the fault that had been committed. He accused him (and as his debtor) he challenged him, demanding of him the innocent blood of his companions, which he had caused to be shed through his folly, terming him with a loud voice both rash and arrogant, that without any commission from him had played so foolish a part. He objected unto him moreover, that at his departure from Baleze, he commanded him no such matter. That he ought to have taken & interpreted his silence, as a manifest prohibition & an apparent argument, that his will was not to have any such proceed. Afterwards when he had examined the soldiers which were present at that service, and was by their report certified that the matter was altogether concluded and executed without the advise & consent of his companion, his fury grew then to be much more vehement, and his mind being full of wrath and indignation, he persisted in this severity, saying: that it grieved him so much the more, because, besides the temerity of the act, he had added a more grievous and inhuman fault, in destroying by a most miserable example, the fields of the citizens, & in using cruelty with sword and fire against their trees and buildings. But Amese as one confounded (having not any thing to answer for his excuse) replied not a word: but stood still silent, only turning himself a little aside to his companions: good God (quoth he) there is nothing more 
Speeches of Amese upon the reproach of his uncle.  infamous than a man that is vanquished: for he must on the one side, accept to endure the insolency and triumph of his enemies: and on the other, the fearful countenance and wrathful visage of his friends. Hereupon the whole companies assembling themselves about Scanderbag, did humbly entreat him to mitigate his wrath, and to pardon him his displeasure: alleging, that the youth of his nephew was enough chastised, and his misfortune was sufficiently aggravated with the bitter speeches he had given him, and that themselves (as well as other) were culpable of the same offence. By means of these intercessions made by his soldiers, was their General soon entreated and pacified: so familiar and courteous was his nature and disposition.  
The end of the third Book.   

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
SCanderbeg leaving Amese to continue the siege before Dayna, goeth himself against Mustapha. The citizens of scutary raze the fort of Baleze, which is forsaken by the Epirots. Mustapha marcheth against Scanderbag. The combat of Paul Manessey an Epirot with Caragusa a Turk. The battle of Oronichea between Scanderbag and Mustapha, wherein the Turks are vanquished and Mustapha is taken prisoner. Peace concluded between the Venetians and Scanderbag, whereupon he breaketh up his siege before Dayna. Amurath resolveth to go in person against Scanderbag, who maketh provisions to resist him. An army of Turks sent into Epire to besiege Sfetigrade, unto whom Scanderbag giveth an overthrow by a notable stratagem. Amurath himself cometh to the siege of Sfetigrade.  
Whilst the Christians were thus stirring and troubling each other by civil tumults, rather than by true and proper wars: and whilst Scanderbag all idle, did consume his time, and (as it were) wax old before the walls of Dayna, Amurath being fully informed of all things in particular, both by Mustapha (who had of a long time been very desirous to try the fortune of battle) as also by the common fame and report: his brains were continually beating and devising upon diverse counsels. One while would he commend the opportunity, seeming so fit and excellent for the utter confusion of his adversary: another while, he would admire at his invincible fortune and prosperity. And here withal (which was a special point that kept his unresolute thoughts in ambiguity and suspense) he doubted least these enmities of the Christians were but faint and colourable quarrels, and that their tumults were but feigned and disguised. Thus whilst this Prince in the uncertainty of his thoughts and penury of counsel, doth continue carefully discoursing and debating of matters, still conjecturing one thing by another, by little and little the occasion slipped out of his hands, by reason that the anger and discontentment of the Venetians became to be somewhat mitigated and assuaged: yet the often and frequent importunities and persuasions of Mustapha, (who sought nothing but fight and wars, in hope to deface and abolish the shame of his former overthrow) did mightily provoke the Ottoman, and draw him finely on to betake himself to most unfortunate and pernicious arms, wherefore the Sultan having highly commended the affection and good will of his Bassa, he sent unto him speedily a messenger with letters, the tenor whereof was as followeth.  
The war Mustapha, which thou dost so earnestly demand, now from henceforth 
The letters of Amurath to Mustapha.  we do freely grant it thee: if those reports be true which are brought us concerning the tumults of the Venetians. Thy virtue and thy valour shall win thee honour and reputation upon this enemy: yet see thou be well advised and carry thyself discreetly, and let not a light belief and vain credulity cause thee to take arms, which afterwards, when thou dost least think, thou shalt be enforced to lay aside with shame and dishonour. Peradventure it is but an appearance of a counterfeit and deceitful war, which is now between the Christians: and thou mayest be deceived by their dissembled contentions. Look unto it, and consider this, that (as the common saying is) there is no quarrel so short, as that of the father against the child. We (who are absent) can not give counsel to one present, nor yet do we approve a fond desire of fight without good cause and inducement, which may move thee thereunto. It is thou, that oughtest to have an eye, and to discuss by thyself particularly before thou take arms, all that which after (when thou hast taken arms) is to be put in execution. Thou hast good store of soldiers fresh and resolute, and thy enemy is partly wearied with pains and travel, and partly weakened with his many battles. The rest we refer to thy sufficiency and discretion, for we will not hinder thee from enterprising any thing, which shall seem unto thee to be for our honour and advantage.  
After that Mustapha had obtained leave of Amurath to begin the water, provision being made of all things for his Camp: he conceived in himself a wonderful courage, thinking by one only piece of service, to end and determine all the toil and travel of the whole wars: and from thence forth he did not (after the fashion and manner of those which deal closely and cunningly) conceal his preparations: but openly and apparently bearing himself both in countenance and behaviour as an open enemy he, seemed to be the man that durst and would hazard the fortune of a battle in any place where the Albanois would offer and present it unto him. In the mean while the garrison which was left upon the confines of Macedon, had sent word in post hast to Castriot before Dayna, informing him particularly of the whole case as it stood, and making known unto him the whole estate of their affairs. Whereupon this Prince in a good resolution (as an expert soldier, that used no less celerity then cunning in all his actions) presently dispatched away an other fresh post: by whom he charged them that in any case, they should not give the Bassa any occasion or opportunity to come to fight with them, but retiring their troops sometimes to the thickets and woods upon the mountains where they might be secure of the enemy; and sometimes under colour of a timorous and fearful flight, they should abuse him, and by little and little protract the adventure and hazard of fight: till such time as himself (being arrived thither with his companies,) should give order for all things, what soever should be needful to accomplish their desire and purpose: and that then they should not fail, speedily and assoon as they perceived him to draw near, to join themselves in one with his train and to follow him: to the intent, that where himself should be in person, there also might be the ensigns, the squadrons, and the whole force and strength of the Campe. This done (albeit it grieved him greatly to see himself withdrawn from the of siege Dayna) calling Amese (his friend and faithful companion in all dangers and perils) unto him, he gave him in charge to have a careful eye unto the siege: and he spoke unto the young man not only by way of counsel, but also by entreaty: praying him not to alter any thing in his absence, nor in any wise to make any attempt against the besieged, having been sufficiently warned and instructed by his own former disgrace. And he willed him not to bowdge nor stir a foot from before the walls, but so to govern himself, that they within the town, might not either make any provision of victuals, either have any means to refresh themselves. Hereupon (out of the army which he had there, and which by this means was greatly diminished) he made choice of five hundred horse, and a thousand five hundred foot of the best and most picked soldiers, with which he purposed to strengthen the old garrison, against the new emotions of the Turks. These soldiers which had the foil at Dryvasta, were commanded and enforced to stay at the siege under the government of their young Governor, which grieved them at the very hearts: for each of them desired, and all of them in general did instantly request the Prince, that he would permit them to make amends of their former default, by some virtuous act of fresh mark and memory: and by the purchase of some new honour, to abolish the remembrance of their late dishonour. Notwithstanding not any of them had their request granted, both by reason of the present estate of his affairs, which dissuaded him from taking all his forces with him: and also for that he could not in this case gratify some of them without a certain discord and discontentment of the residue: and because there was not any of them but did esteem himself to have as much valour as any one of his companions, he took none with him but the very chief and strength of all his army: namely the old soldiers, and such as were best hardened, or most able to endure in arms: for well knew this most expert Chieftain, what difference there is, betwixt the besieging of the walls of a town, where men lying encamped idle with their hands in their bosoms, do only wait by time to enforce and bring a place to reason: and the seeking in open field, near at hand, and in the face of the enemy by the fury of fight and mortal blows, to purchase honour and glory, not easily to be gained or without great difficulty.  
Scanderbag was scant dislodged from before Dayna, but the Scrutarians, being fully 
The Scutari●s go against Baleze.  informed both of the stirring of the Turks, and of their deliberation, as also of the departure of the Albanois, they assembled their troops with all possible diligence, and with great provision of artillery for the seizing of Baleze: for they considered, that as long as the garrison of Albany was not removed thence, nor that place cleared from their enemies, they should have perpetual war within their own territory, & not be able to breathe themselves from their roads and invasions. Upon this occasion, neither more nor less, then as a company of hungry wolves, almost starved for want of food, which perceiving the negligence and absence of the shepherds, do rush without fear upon the fearful flock, and do disperse & dismember the poor sheep being ill guarded: In like manner the Scrutarians, having been at all times very vigilant & attentive, and now having intelligence of the departure of Scanderbag, that he was far removed, being called to another war of great importance: suddenly with all their forces and provisions, they made haste towards Baleze, and there began the revenge of the injuries and griefs, which they had endured: little had it wanted but the garrison had 
Marin Spa● forsaketh Baleze.  been surprised, if it had with obstinacy attended the coming of the enemy. But as soon as Marin had discovered that they went to bring the Canon against the place: trussing up their baggage, both he and all his soldiers conveyed themselves secretly to Dayna, leaving nothing but their bare and empty nest, and the naked Rampires: for the Scrutarians (who by this time had passed and gotten over the brook of Clyre, and were not above two miles from Baleze: where they neither saw nor encountered any thing, but a solitary and wild country, hearing neither voice nor rumour of any persons, nor seeing any token or appearance of watch or guards upon the walls. This so new and strange a case, and this great silence, seeming to them very suspicious, did at the first show, make them fearful and full of horror: but afterwards, certain of their company being sent forth to discover the enemy, and having brought word back, that they were departed thence: their whole army approached the fort without any fear. The sight of the place so solitary, and the dislodging of the garrison did mightily displease those, which were of great and haughty courages, seeing that there was nothing but the poor walls for them to bend their forces against, and the Town only, without any living creature in it. Above all others, Humoy (of whom we have before spoken) was in a great rage and choler: by reason of the excessive desire which he had by some like match and good hap, to be revenged for his brother's captivity, (for the truth is,) it vexed him extremely, that he could by no means obtain his deliverance of Scanderbag. And it may be that he went thither (as amity and friendship doth make the minds of men very vigilant) to the intent at the surprising of this place, he might get into his hands, some pledge and ransom of good worth, thereby to make an exchange for the person of his brother, who was detained prisoner. On all sides did the soldiers clime and leap over the walls, for the razing and overthrow of the which their ordinance was not needful to do them any use or service. For the stones cleaving but slenderly together by reason that the mortar was in a 
Baleze razed by the Scutarians.  manner new and lately laid, and being beaten down with bars of iron, and torn up without any great labour, they did easily enough tumble down of themselves alone: in a small space therefore was all overthrown and ruinated. The rest which was made of wood, pallizadoes, and other such like defences, were not long able to continue against the fire, which was put unto them, and did altogether consume them: the soldiers cabbines and all other fortifications likewise were trodden under foot and laid even with the ground. Thus the Scutarians of an over hasty desire to satisfy their hatred and malicious minds, by a dead kind of revenge, left that town most deformed and hideous to look unto: in doing whereof they were the cause but of their own damage and greater grief and calamity, in making it the subject of future revenge to their enemy. There were some of the company, whose counsel was, that they should march with their forces before Dayna, both to chase the enemy from the siege, and to try the fortune of battle, seeing that all things seemed to incline to them, and to promise them victory, Scanderbag being absent from his army. But the small number of their forces made them that they durst not do it: besides some others there were, who would not in any case agree to hazard and adventure any further, than the General and governor of scutary had given them in charge and commandment. Wherefore they turned their ensigns and retired their troops home towards scutary, without having done any thing worthy of glory or commendation, either by the purchase of any booty or prisoners, or by the slaughter of any of their enemies.  
On the other side Maryn having brought his garrison back to Dayna, did revive in Amese a grief to see the misfortune and shame be fallen to them in public, and yet privately he did even smile through a kind of contentment, which he took in his own particular mishap: in that he seemed not only and alone, thus shamefully to be foiled and repulsed by the Dryvastines, but that his colleague and copartner was enforced to become also a companion with him in the like grief and misfortune: the conceit whereof made this young Prince in the open view and hearing of his soldiers, to speak unto them in this manner.  
This is well (quoth he my friends and fellows in arms.) Let us still be pitiful, 
The complaint of Amese.  let us still be merciful and compassionate towards our enemies, till such time as this foolish pity and unadvised clemency, have utterly ruinated and confounded even ourselves: let us (to our own destruction) let lose the bands of the Scutarians, and set at liberty our prisoners, to the intent they may afterwards against us and our lives, more freely execute their outrage and cruelty. What may my uncle think when he shall see the deformed shape of this Town, and her walls dismantelled and overthrown by those, whom he having of late taken prisoners in the fields and near the banks of the river Drynon, did so courteously and graciously in the open view and sight of each man restore to liberty, and send home free without ransom to their own country, to the intent they should now a new take arms against him, and renew the old fierceness and rancour of their hearts? Go too then, let us pardon the Drivastines, let us forbear to touch or invade their territory, whilst that we ourselves do find all kind of hostility executed against our persons. We are now come to this pass, that whilst we carry ourselves with such clemency, and are so prove to pardon our enemies, we do animate and stir up the arms of all the world against us: and breaking the bonds, wherein other are tied, we do bring the yoke of bondage upon our own necks: this entreaty ought the enemy to find, when he is at our mercy: That as we ought not to exclude all show of pity and compassion from them, so should we not be transported so far to pity them as to be more pitiful than standeth with reason: wherein can any man find himself justly agreened with us, if we use that which right and the law of arms doth permit us? There is no man can lawfully account or call those cruel, with whom he standeth upon terms of like enmity, and between whom there is equal contention both of life and death.  
Thus on the one side did matters pass on with complaints, and murmurings. On 
The proceed of the war, between Mustapha and Scanderbag.  the other side Mustapha having sent forth his soldiers into the country, did not suffer the Garrison of Scanderbag to be at rest, but by their continual and daily roads and invasions which they made upon them, they did more and more terrify them. For the Albanois shunning the fight continually, did stand upon their defence, sometimes relying upon the strength of their trenches and fortified places, rather than upon their valour and force of arms. And sometimes sallying forth in small troops, and feigning a flight, they (by a kind of mocking and scorning of the enemy) did entertain him and gain time upon him. Wherefore Mustapha perceiving, that all his endeavours were in vain, and that there was small hope to oppress the Garrison, he had no desire, to make any attempt against their fort, and as unwilling was he to pursue them in their flight for fear of ambuscadoes and such like policies, which were usual and familiar with his enemy. Only with good advise he ordained and provided good guards and sentinelles, and employed the residue of his strength and forces to waste and spoil the country near adjoining unto him; till such time as being informed of the coming of the Prince of Albany, he retired the whole strength and force of his army, and went to encamp himself within little less than two miles of the enemy. The place which they made choice of 
Oronochea.  for the battle, is called Oronochea, and is in the upper Dibria, upon a certain fair plain, yet of no great breadth, and about six miles from Croie. Scanderbag with his fresh and new forces, were likewise entered into the Camp of the Epirots, where he was no sooner arrived, but he caused proclamation to be made by the sound of Trumpet, that no person should issue forth nor departed thence, without especial leave and licence: and immediately he set every man a work about the fortifying of the Camp: Mustapha in the mean while on his part not stirring nor moving any whit at all. On both sides therefore all was quiet and peaceable: by means whereof the Albanois having sufficiently ordered their affairs, and having strengthened their armed forces, with strong and well defenced rampires: they began to fortify likewise the fortress with arms, men, and soldiers: and Scanderbag making a general view and muster of his companies to know the number of his men, and the certainty of his forces: the old bands were three thousand and five hundred horse, and six hundred foot strong. For albeit Castriot had left there, little less than five thousand men at his departure (when he went to make preparation for the war against the Venetians:) yet afterwards he drew forth a great many of them upon divers special reasons and good considerations: the whole number therefore of their forces being reckoned and accounted then present, were near 
The number of Scanderbegs forces against Mustapha.  about six thousand fight men, with whom he purposed to affront the forces of Mustapha and to hazard the fortune of that glorious triumph, and yet were not all of them employed: for the vigilancy and circumspect providence of this politic chieftain, would not permit that his fort should remain naked and empty without defence (what soever chance should betide him) but he ordained 300. chosen men for the 
Order of Scanderbag his army against Mustapha.  guard and custody of the same. His army very advisedly and upon good consideration did he divide into wings: the fore front of the which, consisted altogether of horsemen, whom he made the chief force and strength of both the battalions, placing in each of them a thousand and five hundred horse, for fear and doubt least his footmen, (being unable to endure and bear the charge of the enemy's horse,) should at the first onset be disordered and overthrown: and this was the cause that he placed but very few of them in the back of his two wings: the greatest part of his infantry (being reserved in the middle battle, which was likewise covered and supported with five hundred horse, to the intent the battle, being not troubled and disordered at the very first encounter, on all parts, both on the one side and on the other,) the horsemen should make head against the horse of the enemy.  
Whilst the Prince of Epire with the strength and body of his army, thus ordered and arranged, did contain his soldiers in great silence, and not stirring his ensigns, but attending the dismarch and setting forward of the enemy: Behold a 
The combat of Paul Manessey and Caragusa.  certain Turk, disbanding and severing himself from the rest of his company, (whose name was Caragusa) presented himself in the middle space of the field, which lay between the two armies, and gave a sign of defiance challenging some one of them to the combat: from thence advancing himself near to the ranks of the Christians, with a high and lofty voice, he called for the most hardy and adventurous person in all their company, to assay himself against him body to body. At the first there was a general silence, and no man gave him a word, but every one stood mute, as men who were, no less doubtful to refuse the challenge for fear of shame and disgrace: then to accept the combat, the hazard whereof was so dangerous: but Paul Manessey (who was known to be a very ready horseman, and an excellent man at Arms) did not any longer tolerate these bravadoes of the Barbarian against his nation and countrymen: all the companies seeming to cast their regard upon him and to attend no other thing, as if he especially were the man, whom this challenge did concern, and to whom the fortune of this fight did belong and appertain: He therefore advancing himself roundly and in great fierceness, with a joyful countenance went to seek out Scanderbag, to know his mind and good pleasure in the matter: of whom he was both very highly commended: and his courage and good hope very much & vehemently augmented and animated by means of those good speeches which Scanderbag gave him: for he willed him in a good hour and under the true conduct of the 
Paul Manessey encouraged by Scanderbag to the combat.  great God to march on, both to purchase to himself particular praise and commendation, besides immortal fame unto his memory: as also by the good and fortunate encounter of this so haughty and memorable an act, to begin and lead the way unto his companions to a glorious and happy victory, leaving a worthy precedent for them to imitate, and which the whole army in general could not but follow with great joy and gladness, upon the happy presage of his new gained honour and reputation. Hereupon those of his own cornet flocking on all parts round about him, began to praise, to extol and commend him, as if he had already gotten the victory. Then he making no longer stay, (but only whilst he was arming & furnishing himself with such things as were necessary and ordinary for the fight) suddenly mounted on horseback, and forthwith galloping into the open and plain field, and addressing himself towards the barbarian, (which there attended him) he called unto him, and with an high voice, and words well fitting and beseeming an enemy, he willed him to prepare and make him ready to the combat. The Turk bade him stay a little, only to give him the hearing of a word or two, which he delivered in this manner.  
The victory between us, our valour and our fortune will decide and determine: 
Speeches of Caragusa to Paul Manessey.  but as touching the laws of the victory, for that we ourselves are to take some order: If so be the destinies have ordained thee this day to have the honour of my loss and overthrow, I will not refuse (being overcome by right of arms) but thou shalt freely dispose both of my slaughtered carcase, and of these my spoils: in like case, if it happen that thou be vanquished and dost fall under mine hand, I will that the like right be done to me, to dispose of thy body at my pleasure. And this let our Generals ratify and confirm, for fear lest either in the heat and fury of our fight, or after the deciding and adjudging of the combat, some tumult and uproar do arise between our battles, in favour of the part of one of us. Hereunto Paul gave him this answer: That for his part he did allow of the law and condition of the combat, 
Answer of Paul Manessey to Caragusa.  which he (as it seemed) fearfully did demand to be observed. For where the spirit resolute and full of courage doth once yield to the others fortune, all the residue by order of law and good right aught to be at the pleasure of the conqueror. That he should therefore fight securely and without fear: that he needed not to doubt of any other enemy besides him, whose body (if it once became ghost less under his hand) should there also remain to be disposed of, at his free pleasure and election. And albeit himself could be content to bequeath the unprofitable relics of his dead carcase amongst his fellow soldiers, to bewail and lament his misfortune: that yet Scanderbag would not suffer that those members (which had showed themselves so faint and sluggish in the combat as to be vanquished) should be brought back and received into his camp.  
The audacious reply of this cavalier, and the slight regard and account which he seemed to make of his life, did so appall and astonish the Barbarian, that it made him in a manner to repent himself that ever he provoked him. Immediately the sum of their agreement being confirmed and ratified by the Chieftains, and the two combatantes left alone in the midst of the field: every man had his eyes fixed upon them. Those who were present at that fight, being diversely affected with doubt and hope, did stand & abide ravished with a marvelous care concerning the success and event of the combat: for in show and taulenesse the two champions were near alike. Both were of a mean stature, and of equal years and age, neither of them being of a slothful or heavy constitution, nor yet of too youthful or overhot and hasty a disposition. Each of their arms were alike: first their lances and their shields, which were barred all over the midst with bars of steel: by their sides they had cemeteries after the Turkish fashion, and great & heavy maces of iron: their bodies were armed with curasses, and their heads with helmets. Over their armour they had very rich cassocks made of silk, shining very bright & glistering: the which, albeit they did no way profit or further them to the victory, yet did they add a kind of grace and ornament unto them. Both of them being thus appointed, and either of them bewraying a kind of fierceness and cruelty both in their countenance and courage, they took the field each opposite against other, then setting spurs to their horses, and fetching a strong career (with their lances in the rest to encounter each other) the Christian knight running at the head of the Paynim, struck him above and over his shield 
Paul Manessey killeth Caragusain combat.  into the right eye, and pierced the same quite through: with which wound, he tumbling from his saddle to the ground, the other dismounting speedily, disarmed his dead carcase, & cut the head from his body: and thus loaden with the spoils of his slain enemy, he quickly mounted again on horseback to return to his fellow soldiers, who breaking forth on all sides out of their ranks where they stood embattled, with exceeding joy and gratulations did conduct him towards their General. Scanderbag having received him with many gracious speeches and infinite praises and commendations, 
He is rewarded by Scanderbag.  even there in the fields and in the presence of the whole army, did reward him with a rich cote of arms of gold tissue, and with a great demesne and livelihood in token of his virtue. Then for that the time did urge him to begin the battle and to commit the hazard of the fight to the greatness of his fortune: he thought it good to encourage his soldiers, and thus he spoke unto them.  
If the glorious acts and deeds of arms, do any thing move the courages of men 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers.  who are valiant and hardy: I do think (my good soldiers) that every one of you is sufficiently animated by this excellent testimony of virtue in a particular private person: and the rather for that it seemeth the heavens could not have afforded you a more notable example before your eyes, nor have given you a better occasion to spur and to provoke you, than this happy beginning and these first fruits of victory, which is sufficient both to encourage you to a more brave and settled resolution, and to abate and dismay the courage of our enemies. Go you to therefore and pass on hardly in this path of honour, which hath been trodden out unto you: and by a commendable kind of emulation, do you imitate the act of your fellow in arms, whose hands you may see yet smoking with the blood of that infidel. The careful regard & diligence of your companion hath vowed itself for you, hath vowed itself for the victory: his valiant and puissant arm hath offered up a sacrifice for you, that you likewise without any bloodshed at all should follow after him in the like, and (by the favour of God) should march over their bodies which are dedicated to destruction by your hands, and so you may enjoy the spoils which are promised to your valour and deserts. Let us therefore give the onset, and charge presently upon the enemy: he was the first to challenge you out of your ranks, let us be the first to challenge him with our whole battle. Let us force him into the field which seemeth to be fatal unto him, whilst that fear and grief have deprived him of all strength, and whilst that a general astonishment doth press the hearts and minds of their people with a most sad and sorrowful silence.  
Assoon as he had thus spoken (their bodies having been before refreshed) about the seventh hour he caused the trumpet to sound, and in the very instant he marched forward in battle array. Behold a notable and wonderful kind of hardiness in this man: mark well his resolution most worthy of an invincible virtue, and deserving to be admired of all posterity. This Chieftain (the only fine soldier of his time) with so small a troop of men, bravely disdaining the great forces and mighty puissance of his enemy, durst in open and plain field with army against army, adventure the hazard of so great and doubtful a battle: not seeking by the help or furtherance of any political invention, or of any martial devise and stratagem, to overreach and cirumvent his enemy he had the courage and audacity to be the first that should forego his trenches, and putting himself upon the field, to give the bravado to so strong an enemy: whom (as if he had been unready or unwilling to come on, or as one ready to fly away) he seemed to force and compel forth to the conflict. In this manner with a marvelous clamour and mighty cry (made by his soldiers) he now began to advance himself towards the fort of the enemy: but that Mustapha came forth to meet and encounter him, at first with a squadron 
The battle between Mustapha and Scanderbag.  tumultuously assembled, and afterwards with all his forces. But like as in fear and terror they did set forward, so were they assoon and easily repulsed at the very first onset, and scarce were they all come forth of their trenches, and placed in good order of battle, but that many of them suddenly betaking themselves to flight, did flock back again in troops, making haste to get within their fort, most basely and cowardly seeking to fence and warrant their lives with the strength of their fortress and rampires. Which thing being perceived by the Turkish general, and that neither the ensigns nor the soldiers did keep their stand, nor any order; to the intent he might the better encourage them by the regard and example of his own forwardness, he cried unto them to follow him, and where they should see him to make way, there the ensigns should follow and come after him. And therewithal bearing himself close with his lance in the rest, he broached his horse with his spurs, and with head and shoulders gave in upon the front of the enemy with a full & firm resolution, either to carry away the victory unto Amurath his lord and master, or else to sell his life dearly. Many of his leaders and captains followed him, and a good number of his own battalion: and the residue also being ashamed to leave their Chieftain in time of need, by little and little came to join with him, and opposed themselves to the force and violence of the Christians: so that in diverse and sundriie places gathering and trouping together, they did maintain the fight to the uttermost of their powers. Thus on all sides were the battles reenforced, and the fight began speedily to be renewed, yet was there not any appearance of the change and variety of fortune both to the one party and to the other (as is commonly seen in such fights) but always and on all parts a like, were the infidels without any hope of victory, the Christians ever surmounting them by the continual increase and proceed of their good fortune: so firmly had the success of the two first champions from the very beginning, wrought and confirmed the fortune of both the armies, and had engraven in the mind of each man such an impression of hope or terror, that it made them either fearful or adventurous. Moses from his side, sometimes advancing & setting forward with his horse, and sometimes bringing on his footmen against the Turkish ensigns, did so disorder them, that he easily broke in upon them with great force & violence. They on the contrary side, who were opposed against him being vanquished, rather by a certain fatal destiny, then by any valour & prows of the Christians, and being scant able to shun & avoid the blows and wounds which were given them did seem as men in bonds & already vanquished, rather than fit to bind and vanquish others. Paul Manessey fight in the middle battle bestirred himself notably, leaving after him wheresoever he went a marvelous slaughter of the circumcised. By this time were their ranks broken on all sides, neither horsemen nor footmen continuing in fight, or keeping their place in battle array: but all being confused and mingled one with another, and the greater part well near, of the Turks having their horses slain by the footmen Albanois, with their lances in their hands, came to serve as footmen also: but on the one side, their bodies being unaccustomed and not used to fight on foot: and on the other part the discommodity of their armour being great, did much endamage and hinder them. And by reason that their own forces did more & more decrease and diminish, they imagined that our numbers did multiply and increase; nevertheless, being blinded with shame, they did still abide expecting and attending the success of their General, who on the other side was as busily occupied. For he (being accompanied or assisted with all the most notable & valiant men of his army, & having made head against the middle battle where Scanderbag himself remained) did think to have repaired the form and good hap of all the rest of the squadrons. Sometimes the presence of Paul Manessey did greatly urge them, for that by the glorious and honourable opinion, which they had in their champion lately slain, their fearful thoughts and cogitations, did measure all things in their enemy, to be greater than they made show of: sometimes again their hearts were incensed and inflamed with wrath, according as either the deformed image of their slain champion, or the shadow of his dead body unrevenged, did seem to appear before their eyes, and to present itself to their remembrance. Moreover the great rewards and recompenses (which was the greatest and chiefest invitement to prick them forward) proposed and promised by Mustapha to him that could kill this enemy (whom they hated grievously) did encourage his people to be the more desirous and forward to endanger themselves: 
Paul Manessey assailed by the Turks.  by means whereof, many being reallied and assembled in troops about Paul alone, they pressed upon him to the uttermost of their powers, and as men that cared not for any of the rest, him only did they aim and shoot at. There was not any one of them but did strive, even with the hazard of his own life, and with deadly wounds to purchase the precious reward of that head which was so highly prized. But the obstinate prowess of this Cavalier, caused the fond and foolish desire of the Turks, to turn to their own pernicious and extreme damage. For being well guarded with a troop of such as were most hardy and valiant, he was able enough to sustain their fury and violence, and to contemn their vain presumptions. At length perceiving a far off, that one of the Barbarians had disbanded himself from the rest of his troops, and was very hot and importunate upon those of his company, he turned himself towards him, without any word speaking: and having gotten near unto him, he discharged so full a blow with all his strength overthwart his head, and redoubled one or two strokes upon him, that he overthrew him headlong off his horse, making him to take the measure of his tomb upon the hard earth. When his champions saw him lie dead upon the ground, they began presently to turn the bridle, neither caring to revenge his death, nor to warrant his body from the outrage of the enemy. This made the Epirots (when they saw them to stand as it were in a study, and certain of them flying) to press upon them the more fiercely, and to charge them with the greater fury, giving them no time to breath, but handled them rudely, till having them in full chase, they left all the advantage & honour to the conquerors. Paul pursuing them still as they fled, did glean and take up some of them that made least speed, and with bitter and biting terms, he thus tauntingly exclaimed upon them. Whether fly you (said he) you 
Speeches of Paul Manessey to the Turks as they fled.  base companions, are you so forgetful of all good fellowship: hath not Caragusa here, neither brother, cousin, nor so much as a friend, amongst so many of you: who in honour of his corpse (that lieth here dead and disfigured) will vouchsafe to revenge him, which is the last good you can do him, being past all your aid and helping? Behold me: see me (I say) who do here now call upon you, and give you the defy, whom of late yourselves did first of all provoke, in hope of a wrong conceited glory. Abide, stay a while, take with you the bloody spoils of your companion, which so voluntarily I do proffer unto you.  
But the Turks (more mute and dumb than fishes) had mind of nothing but of speedy fight and running away: and with an infamous kind of silence, did neither approve nor reprove the taunts and reproachful speeches of the enemy. And thus within a while, having by little and little gotten the advantage and liberty of the open field, they did quickly vanish out of sight, so as hardly could they hear the sound or noise of those that chased them: only the archers did trouble them with great obstinacy: as for the rest of the troops, they abstained from pursuing them, because weariness and extremity of travel had dulled both the force and the spirits of the 
The dews of the Turks in their ensigns.  Christians. Notwithstanding having gathered up the ensigns & half moons, which lay every where dispersed over the field (for the Turks in their standards & ensigns do bear this for their devise) the souldiees with wonderful great joys making the air to resound, & with their pleasant clamours, and rude rhyming songs, did even strive and contend who should carry them to the tents of Scanderbag. For all had gone well on that side a good while before: and the Turks being either slain, did lie dispersed over the field in great heaps, or being reserved (according to the right of arms) with their hands fast pinioned behind their backs, did give evident and open testimony of their own bad devoir, and the clemency of their enemies. Mustapha 
Mustapha General of the Turks taken prisoner.  himself with twelve others likewise of the most principal and chiefest persons, were brought prisoners upon an Hungarian horse, in great pomp and triumph: to the intent he might be seen of all men, making the sight to be so much the more worthy and notable, and mitigating as it were, the misfortune of the other prisoners. For the pernicious humour of ambition, and a pestilent desire to purchase unto himself the greater glory, by the proof and trial of his resolution, had carried him furiously into the squadron of Scanderbag, where (being enclosed and destitute of all aid & defence of his soldiers, and of all the means, either to escape away free, or die honourably) the unfortunate Chieftain made choice to compound with the loss of all other things, yea and of his liberty also, for the safeguard and preservation of his life only.  
I can not say certainly, whether in all the time of the war held with Amurath, 
The victory of the Christians.  there were any exploit achieved more notable, or more favoured by the divine power then this: So worthily did this journey make show of every man his good courage and desert: never was there any leader nor any soldier, nor any other person of what degree soever, that did ever return more honourably charged with reputation and glory, either in public, or in private. The report is, that there were slain of the enemy 10000 And that there were taken only 82. prisoners, and 15. standards. This happy and fortunate overthrow, cost not the Albanois much bloodshed, for he lost (as they say) scarce 300. men. The camp of the enemy did greatly enrich the Christian soldiers, for that the Turks, who had sojourned certain months upon the marches & borders of the province, had gotten together & purchased good store of preie & booty: there were also found very goodly spoils upon them which were slain, and a notable number of good horses: but albeit the soldiers held themselves reasonably well satisfied with pillage, yet for all that, was not the wrathful and fiery courage of Scanderbag sufficiently appeased: but that immediately and assoon as he had refreshed his troops, that part of the day which remained, he spent and employed it in sacking and spoiling the territories of the enemy. And in this sort continuing the course of his late victory, setting fire on all things both far & near: that which could not be destroyed by the sword, was burnt and consumed by fire. Neither did the very meanest or worst sort of the soldiers, return from thence empty and without booty: for wheresoever they found any thing good and worth the taking, they forgot it not behind them. And beside, they brought away a wonderful many of beasts and cattle: so that, what with the weariness of their excessive travel, & what with the abundance of their booty (wherewith they were over charged) scarcely could they get home to their camp, before an hour within night. The residue of the night was spent in taking their rest, which they passed very still and in great quietness, without any bonfires, without any noise and clamours, or any other shows or tokens of their victory: and the reason was, for that the Prince of Epire showed himself more sad and pensive than he was accustomed, because of the news that Baleze was overthrown and razed. Therefore all those within the camp (who were any 
Scanderbag is pensive for the razing of Baleze.  thing discreetly and soberly disposed) framing their countenances altogether to sadness and melancholy, did conform themselves to the same humour jointly with him: sometimes confirming him with good and pleasing speeches, and sometimes raging with hatred and malice against the enemy. But the aggrieved thoughts & pensive imaginations of this Prince would admit no comfort nor accustomed rest so long and so often as he called to remembrance the outrage and ingratitude of the Scutarians, in regard of the benefits and clemency which they had tasted and received from him.  
Scanderbag therefore having appointed and left (according to his custom) two thousand horse, and a thousand foot for the guard of the frontiers: the next morning 
Scanderbag spoileth the territory of the Scutarians in revenge of the razing of Baleze.  by the break of day he departed with the residue of his forces; (taking with him both the prisoners, and wellneare all the best and choicest of the booty,) and so took his way to the siege of Dayna: where when he had learned by Marin Span more certainly and particularly how all things had passed, he made no longer abode, then whilst he renewed and repaired his troops: and then immediately and without delay with fresh forces (which carried with them the extreme loss and calamity of the inhabitants of scutary) he passed over the river of Drynon: and dispersing his horsemen over all the country; whatsoever he found tilled and sown in any place or quarter (for it was in the end of autumn,) all was destroyed, wasted and spoiled: the vineyards cut up close by the ground, and most of their trees that bare fruit were felled down: the peasants and rustics themselves were not saved from slaughter, but as many of them as were found to resist against the enemy, were put to the sword, and the residue were sacked and evil entreated. From thence turning his fury upon the other towns of the Venetian territory, he pursued them in such sort that they had good cause given them, to curse that rash exploit of the Scutarians against Baleze. Most of the inhabitants and all the forces which remained within the country did revolt and adjoin themselves and take part with Scanderbag, rather than they would taste of the rigour and discommodity of such ruins and destruction.  
Thus we see that Scanderbag did largely blame and reprehend the immoderate choler of his Nephew, but he could not acknowledge the infirmity of his own passion. He detested the indiscretion of a young courage, but he could not temperate and moderate his own anger and impatiency. The country being thus overcome, made desolate and brought under the dominion of a strange lord, he now also began to grow terrible to the towns and places of chief regard. Notwithstanding the extremity and rigour of the cold winter now beginning to approach, and the continual falling of the rain without ceasing, did drive him home again against his will, and made him retire into his tents to winter under the wont walls of Dayna. During these troubles and alterations, the governors of the Venetian province, and the magistrates of scutary, being by means hereof in marvelous distress and perplexity, (but especially in regard of these forces which were shut up within Dayna, whom they well knew to have been brought to the last point and extremity of want and necessity) dispatched letters to the Senate of Venice, containing the miserable estate of their confederates.  
About the same time there arrived into the camp, certain infidels with great and 
Mustapha & the other prisoners ransomed for 25000 Ducketes.  rich presents unto Scanderbag, for the ransom of his prisoners: and they agreed upon the payment of five and twenty thousand Ducats. Thereupon was Mustapha and all his companions delivered: and the Turks (having been bountifully feasted, and entertained very honourably, (as if all rancour and enmity had been utterly forgotten and laid aside:) had guides appointed them (such as were very skilful in all the passages of the country,) both for their safe conveyance and better assurance on the way against the violence of the Christians. The money levied and made by their delivery, was wholly distributed amongst the soldiers by Scanderbag: his desire being, that they should be made partakers of the reward, who had been partakers of the travels & danger of the war. All this while there was not any attempt made against the town by reason that the rigour of the cold and frosts, did not permit them thereunto. The defendants having abandoned the care and remembrance of all things, 
The constancy of the Daynians.  save of their faith and fidelity only, did abate nothing of their former wilfulness & obstinacy. Many and infinite discommodities had wasted and consumed their forces, but yet they reserved still one and the same mind and courage, and their spirits did seem daily to wax more lively and resolute though their bodies were greatly enfeebled and their strength much abated and diminished. Thus did a small Hamlet stay the force and violence of a most excellent and sovereign Chieftain: and he that was a conqueror invincible in so many famous battles, saw himself surmounted by the constancy of that place only. Yet did not the shame hereof, nevertheless any whit deter Scanderbag from pursuing his attempt: but he was the more resolutely determined to win them by famine if he could not otherwise bring them to reason. There were at this time certain secret speeches, and uncertain rumours amongst the common sort: that the Signiory of Venice was very willing 
A treaty of peace between Scanderbag & the Venetians.  and inclining to a peace, by reason whereof, Scanderbag bore himself more mildly and gracious towards the enemy: and in those roads and incursions which were made thenceforth upon the country, the Albanois did discharge their choler and malice with more gentleness and less extremity. Not many days were passed, but that news were brought of certain Ambassadors sent unto him by the order & direction of the Senate at Venice, to entreat a new agreement of peace and amity between them, and the time of their coming was hourly expected. Scanderbag therefore (according to the usage and custom of great personages) having sent the chief of his nobility with a great train to meet them, entertained them most honourably: and having feasted them in very sumptuous and bountiful manner, the 
Conditions of peace offered to Scanderbag.  next day he gave them full audience to deliver their charge and commission. The effect whereof was this, That the Prince of Epire should break up his camp before Dayna and withdraw his forces, because it had been once received into the guard and protection of the Venetian state: and that therefore the sovereignty and absolute jurisdiction of that town, should fully and peaceably rest and continue in their hands; that Scanderbag in lieu and counterchaunge thereof should have the whole right 
Busegiarpeni being a part of the Demesnes of scutary extending from the river Drynon towards scutary, and lying more conveniently for Scanderbag then the town of Dayna. Oration of Scanderbag unto the Venetian ambassadors upon the conclusion of peace between them.  and Signiory in a certain country, lying upon the river of Drinon, with all that circuit of land which was called Busegiarpeni. This condition of the peace was no sooner propounded, but it was presently accepted by the Albanois: and without any delay or refusal, he held himself well contented and satisfied with that which the Ambassadors had appointed unto him: wherefore the peace being concluded and agreed upon, and the assurance and all things else well and orderly dispatched; a general silence being commanded (for that this worthy and magnanimous prince did prepare himself to make some speech unto them, and to give them some notable show and token of his magnificence, liberality, he thus began to say unto them.  
My hearty wish and desire is, that that prince were yet living amongst us, whose death was the beginning and first occasion, both of my just grief, and of these wearisome wars which I have had with you: for whilst I sought to recover from you the possession of Dayna, stained with the blood of our Citizens, by the mishap of an unjust war: I would not at this time have seen this province of Christians and of our friends and allies to be overwhelmed with so many mischiefs: but I would have gloried in the observation of peace and amity inviolably with that most honourable and worthy Senate, the interruption and troubling whereof at this present, (happening upon so small, and trifling a cause) my hart will not of a long time but greatly grieve at. But this breach and debate grew upon another occasion: for your taking of arms is to be excused, in that the disloyalty of others by their sinister and perverse counsels, did easily estrange and alienate from me the hart and good affection of that * Lady, and most maliciously and with a certain affectation of flattery, did 
Bossa.  conceal that which was agreed between Lech and me, and were the authors that Dayna did yield itself into your protection. It was not you therefore with whom I found myself so much aggrieved, neither did I take arms to convince you of injustice, nor yet to impute any ambition or greedy desire of Empire unto the Venetians, whom as yet, no age did ever hear to have enterprised or authorised any war, that was unjust and against equity. But one thing there was which did not a little displease me, that you had less trust and affiance in me then was requisite: and whilst you gave care, and builded upon their tales and reports, you thought me to be ambitious, and to be led with a desire of trouble and contention. I therefore (seeing that right was not to be had but by arms only, did lay hold upon this occasion of the war, which was in a manner, cast upon me, and even as it were put into my hands. But now most gladly do I lay aside my weapons (God himself being willing to have it so) & more than that (if yourselves had not required it) even this territory which by the ordinance of the Senate you have given me in recompense of Dayna, and for the confirmation of this our league and amity, holding myself well satisfied only in the good will and frank offer of your Senate, and do willingly embrace the good will and friendship of those liberal and magnificent princes. As for any other thing I neither desire nor accept of: but (if occasion serve, and need be,) all this territory which I have, my whole estate, and my goods and substance, yea my very life, will I vow and consecrate for you, for your children, and for the majesty 
Peace proclaimed between the Venetiant and Scanderbag.  of your Empire.  
Scanderbag having finished his speech, took order that Heralds should be sent throughout all the Province, to publish unto the people the glad tidings and joyful news of this peace so much desired: the siege also was broken up and raised, and the sconces and other fortifications made during the siege were beaten down and razed: the soldiers in all mirth and joy (laying aside all hatred and malice both in public and in private) did friendly entertain and welcome those of the town, and did invite them into their tents and pavilions. Immediately also upon this treaty Andrew and Volcathagne, were delivered and permitted to go at large where they thought good: all other things which had been lately taken from the Scutarians and their neighbours: as villages, castles, fortresses and such like, they were rendered and redelivered to the ambassadors. The day following (after many triumphs, and many goodly shows (as the manner is publicly had and solemnised) the Ambassadors were dismissed, but not without many rich and sumptuous presents.  
Then Scanderbag being naturally of a lively and stirring disposition, (and being 
Scanderbag leaving the siege of Daina marcheth to the spoil of the Turkish territory.  impatient of rest, and not able to endure idleness) presently he led his troops to the Turkish frontiers: with intent to waste and spoil them, as he was usually accustomed: where gathering in one the old garrison and the rest of his companies, with both incorporated together, he seemed to have a good and fair army: in such sort that a man would have thought those forces sufficient, not only to pill and spoil the fields, but to enterprise, undertake and execute some great and notable good piece of service, so cheerfully and contentedly did each of them follow on, to receive the deserved pay and stipend of their long service and warfare. For in those days the soldiers did not expect nor demand any other wages of their General then what they could get and purchase upon the enemy by the sword and force of arms. Hereof it grew that the Princes (his neighbours) were wont (in way of mirth and jest) to call 
The Turkish territory Scanderbegs treasury.  the territory of the enemy, Scanderbag his treasury. Afterwards parting his host into three several troops, he entered on all sides upon the borders of the Sultan, where he spent two whole days in overrunning, pilling, and harrying of the country: the soldiers being their own pay masters for their pains, at the cost and charges of the inhabitants: who went not scotfree without the loss of their lives, except such as being baptised were become Christians: and to those also they left nothing, nor showed them any other favour, but gave them their lives and their liberty. After the fury of the sword, followed the rage of flame and fire; which being kindled in the houses, did deform and disfigure all things, and burned all into ashes in such sort that if the camp of Amurath had happened at that time to have come into Epire; there was no hope for it to have found any victuals to have maintained them, so much as one day, except they had carried and brought it with them. The earth therefore being left all bare, naked and empty, with the only show and marks of desolation: Scanderbag caused his ensigns to march homewards, & retired his army within his own confines. Then did he licence his soldiers to departed, and sent them home to their own houses, after he had highly praised & commended the diligence of every one of them, excepting the number of three thousand only; which (being the ordinary garrison appointed for the defence of the borders) did always continue there, and never removed from that place: himself with the residue of his citizens and his ordinary guard, did take the way directly towards Croy.  
Tidings being brought to the Venetians of the peace concluded in Epire, and of the bounty of the Prince of Albany, and the Ambassadors giving him high praise and commendation: the Senate conceived exceeding joy, and an incomparable gladness: for that their province (after so long and fierce a war) might from thenceforth take breath and rest themselves. Then being willing to honour the virtue and magnificence of that Prince, with some show and argument of their thankful hearts, in a general counsel of all the citizens and gentlemen of that estate, by a common and public 
Scanderbag & huposteritie made free of the city of Venice, and appointed governor and lieutenant general of the Venetian territories in Epire. Amurath consulteth with his counsel concerning the war against Scanderbag.  consent, he and his posterity were created citizens of Venice, and enroled in the number of the most noble families of their city and common wealth: besides (by the universal good liking of all the Senate) he was appointed sole governor and lieutenant General, for their common wealth in those quarters: and letters were forthwith sent away to that effect, with diverse very rich and princely presents.  
All this while there was nothing spoken of the Turks, neither was it heard that they made any roads or ordinary invasions, or that they attempted any thing upon the Epirots. For the rude discomfiture and overthrow of Mustapha had so terrified and abated their courage, that Amurath durst not stir any further against the Duke of Albany, fearing by such like enterprises (as he had formerly and usually assailed him) he should rather augment and strengthen his forces, then be able either to break or to diminish them: seeing that so many and so great armies, (which even till then had entered Epire for the invasion of Scanderbag) were for the most part either destroyed, and left dead upon the fields: or else shamefully discomfited and put to flight, or being brought into servitude and captivity, did serve but as laughing slockes for their enemies to triumph over, and a fit matter for the increase of their glory and reputation. Supposing therefore that to be once revenged of these disgraces it was requisite to make far greater preparations, and to march against him with another manner of puissance, he spent whole hours and days in diverse consultations, still prolonging the occasion of that great honour which he had vainly conceived, and promised to himself by such a journey. But the report of the peace made with the Venetians, and the spoiling of his Provinces, and so many discomfitures, one happening in the neck of another, coming to his ears, his heart being before mightily addicted and inclined to war, was now much more incensed and more sharply pricked forward. Wherefore the old man (being thus full of care and thoughts) before he would decree any thing for the levying of soldiers; caused certain who were nearest his person to be sent for (whom they call Viziers, and are those of his privy council) to 
Viziers the councillors of the great Turk  whom, as one mad for very anger, and full of fury and choler, he discovered in the end, the secret and long conceived hatred of his hart in these terms.  
Hitherto (most worthy and trusty councillors) we have both well nourished & 
Orat on of Amurath to his councillors for the war to be undertaken against Scanderbag  much augmented the prosperous temerity of this fugitive: and being occupied with the urgent necessity of the war of Hungary, we have so long deferred the due punishment of this our hate full enemy, that by the multitude of outrages and contumelious abuses, he hath freely and without chastisement, incensed the majesty of the Ottoman Empire; such as neither my ears can endure to hear reported, nor my eyes can abide the sight of. His fierce and furious madness, (I shame to speak it) is increased so far and is grown to that pass, that he dareth with all his forces, to be aforehand with us, in assaulting us: and openly to condemn us of faintness and want of courage. What availeth it here to recount unto you the misfortune of Haly Bassa? and the like mischances of so many other Captains and leaders? we need go no further to take a view and conjecture of the image of our estate, but only by the miserable province of Macedon, which (as I understand) by continual roads, invasions and burnings is brought to that extremity, that from henceforth we have little hope left to see therein any marks or tokens that it is our province, but filled rather and replenished with our enemies: for even of late did he enter it with an army levied of purpose, spending whole days in the spoiling and dispeopling of the country. How long shall we endure the attempts of this wicked and seditious wretch? shall we suffer him so long till we ourselves be fettered, and that he put irons upon our own legs: it is high time that we suppress his pernicious endeavours; for fear least by our negligence, this fire do increase: and then all too late (which my mind misgiveth me) we do begin to frame our complaints, and seek remedy all in vain: considering that an enemy being once contemned and neglected, of a small and mean beginning many times doth amplify and enlarge his forces, and lifteth up his 
Sentence.  head to the ruin of his adversary. All things (my masters) do invite you to the wars,, and do seem to minister the means unto you: for if there were no other reason to induce us thereunto, yet nevertheless, the only regard and lamentable aspect of the miseries and calamities of our subjects, were not that alone sufficient to solicit the courages of men brave and valiant? The daily captivities and imprisonments of so many our friends, the smoke of our towns and villages on all sides fired and burnt (which do even call and cry in themselves for a revenge) would they not make us even to blush for very shame if we should suffer them? Have we so often heretofore restrained and repressed the rage of the Hungarians? have we by continual and memorable defaits, left Greece mourning in her own sorrows & laments? have we broken the forces of so many mighty and redoubted potentates & brought them even to nought? and shall we now suffer (through a timorous kind of pusillanimity) these troubles and tumults of Epire, to gather strength and to increase upon us? shall we yet endure to see that province (which of late was tributary unto us) now to stand in contention and to brave us by arms? what? hath the land of Albany so suddenly of late engendered another sort of Epirots? and is it possible that a new & unaccustomed kind of enemy should issue forth unexpected against us? I am determined once again, to make trial if this nation be so fierce and untameable: and if the hardy and haughty courage of their obstinate and proud Prince can be brought under the accustomed yoke of their subjection. We must not from henceforth stand upon points of subtlety and vain policies; nor must we any more seek to surprise this enemy by ambushments: neither doth the time now serve (by the diversity of the Leaders and Chieftains and by ordinary troops one after another) to fill their hateful soil with the blood of our soldiers: for we see that one and the same kind of misfortune doth follow both our leaders and our armies: and whereas we made choice of them to do us service, they have served to endamage rather ourselves than our enemies. Shall we commit another army to Haly Bassa, or Ferisey, who besides the wounds and the deformed relics of their own forces, have brought us not so much as one standard or ensign of the enemies? Shall we follow the unfortunate advise and counsels of Mustapha: and minister pay unto the Christians, and ease their charge in the maintaining of their forces: while he is carried only with a desire to extinguish and free the infamy of his bonds and imprisonment? We have been so often vanquished, taken prisoners, ransomed: and in brief so often beaten and discomfited, that we have reason from henceforth to abhor, and to be ashamed of our own estate and condition: we must now therefore take upon us the charge of this war, with our best means and the utter most of our endeavours. It behoveth us to undertake it with such forces, to employ so great a puissance, and to march into Epire with so mighty an host; that the country may be scant able to contain it, nor yet to sustain the force and violence of our army. By this means without any loss or bloodshed, shall we purge and cleanse all the country: and by a notable discomfiture of our enemies (being either expelled and chased quite away, or utterliesubdued and vanquished) we shall re-establish those towns in their ancient form and fashion: which by the disloyalty of this fierce nation, hath been withheld from us: or if the perverse obstinacy and obdurate stubborness of this people (as it is likely & usual with them) upon a rash and desperate resolution, and of an inconsiderate desire to defend their Prince, do betake themselves to arms: we will then utterly destroy these wretched souls (who do even long for their deserved punishment) and with a singular revenge (which we have so long desired) we will recompense them for the old wrongs and injuries which they have done us, both in public and in private. It is your duties (valiant and worthy men) to undertake this war, not as you were wont to do against the Hungarians, or other enemies: but with a far greater wrath and indignation, as against those which are your slaves and fugitives, and who (being most mischievously affected against you) have now made show of their insolent and hateful minds, which for a long time lay close concealed and dissembled.  
To this effect tended the clamour and continual speeches of this Orator, who full 
Amurath resulued in person to war upon S●an lerb●●, maketh preparations to that effect.  of rage and choler, did insinuate nothing else into the ears of his people: and they again very attentively did hearken unto him, approving this his invention for the war of Epyre. And (being undoubtedly persuaded that it could not but fall out answerable to the honour and dignity of his greatness) all of them with one voice and consent did agree that preparation should be speedily made, with all possible diligence for this journey: lest, failing to make their provisions in time and season, they might (through delay and negligence) lose the occasion and opportunity of the spring. For the winter beginning now to wax more mild, the tops of the mountains covered with snow, began to show forth and to be discovered. Immediately therefore, and without any delay, commissions were directed, and proclamations made throughout all the Provinces and Nations under the Turkish obeisance, and throughout all the Realms of his allies and confederates, and to such cities and towns by name, as the Sultan thought conuenient● that they should furnish him with so many thousand of horse and foot to be ready with all speed, and to repair unto him to Andrinople: for as yet had not Greece lost the feat of her noble and famous Emperors at Constantinople, neither had she at that time cause to mourn and lament their doleful funerals; happening afterwards at such time as they came to be buried and thrown down under the yoke and subjection of the miscreants. The rumour of these preparations and huge provisions brought with it great fear and terror to the neighbour nations and adjoining towns of the Christians: who being surprised with notable astonishment, were in wonderful great doubt, where and upon what place the 
Secrecy of the Turk in concealing his counsels.  burden of this war, and the extreme puissance of so great forces would power forth and execute their bloody effects. For hardly was any man able to conjecture of the secret counsels of Amurath: not his own inward and most private favourites, except certain of his councillors, in whom (as we have said) the Ottoman had a special trust and assurance: for fear lest the enemies, being thereof advertised, might provide themselves both of counsel and means to repulse the violence of his attempts. This putteth me in remembrance how in that first expedition of the Turks against scutary, the Barbarians were discovered and seen before our walls in a manner before we heard any thing of their arrival. But in truth it is a policy very ordinary and usual with this warlike nation; to give out a lying and false rumour of some vain tumult and attempt one way; whilst they do bend their forces, & convert the whole 
The policy of the Turks to oppress the Christians.  puissance of their redoubted arms another way: to the intent they may the more easily surprise & oppress those, who (being lest advised) are carried away with a vain kind of light belief and pernicious credulity. But the fame and suspicion of these preparations caused a general alarm and tumult on all parts: on the one side the Hungarians mistrusting the infidelity of their perpetual adversary, began to betake them to their arms which they had found so unfortunate: and to raise their forces which were sore weakened by so many discomfitures and overthrows. On the other side, the Greeks' being in extreme distress, and having their spirits dispersed and divided, by reason of their private domestical dissensions: yet did they take a good heart and courage unto them, for the defence and maintenance of the poor and weak relics of their declining and decaying Empire.  
Notwithstanding Amurath could not any way deceive or overreach Scanderbag, 
Scanderbag maketh provisson of resistance against the Turks.  who by long practice and experience, being well acquainted with the dissimulations of that Monarchy, had all his cunning sleights and disguisementes at his finger's ends. Nevertheless, some say that he had also intelligence thereof from some who were near the Turk, and his special favourits, by the discovery of certain secret messengers, who albeit they could not report it in any certainty, yet did the Albanois easily believe it. And one principal thing that made him the rather to credit it, was the extraordinary idleness and unaccustomed rest of Ottoman, because even to that day, he had not sent any new forces, either to revenge the outrage done to Mustapha, nor for the security & defence of the limits and confines of his own country. Wherefore Castriot having laid aside the care of the private and civil affairs of his estate, and being nothing at all dismayed nor troubled in his mind for all that mighty and perilous tempest of war and uproar by the enemy, with a most ready and advised resolution, he provided and accomplished in very good order whatsoever any other Chieftain (were he never so prudent and expert) could have either foreseen or executed in the like case or accident. For he dispatched messengers out of hand with letters to all the Princes & nations his confederates amongst the Epirots; to the intent that both themselves might be ready in arms, & that they might arm others likewise, disposing them in fit & convenient places for the assurance of their towns and strong holds: both by good and strong garrisons and fortifications, and by the provision of victuals and munitions in good store and abundance more than ordinary. Because the hugeness of so great a multitude, and so infinite numbers, did threaten all of them with like ruin and destruction, and with desolation alike common unto all of them: for that Ottoman seemed to imagine not his confusion and overthrow alone, but the total subversion of the whole country of Epire. Himself (not sleeping nor being idle) after he had dispatched Moses & many others of his chiefest nobles, both to make a levy and muster of men, and to provide corn sufficient for the necessity of the time present, went from place to place, & in proper person, to visit and oversee all things, and sending forth daily new and often commandments, taking not any rest neither day nor night, till he had bereft the enemy of all fit matter & occasion, either of getting honour, or bringing damage upon him. And the better to compass it, he caused the greater part of the husbandmen, and the common sort of the people, who were unfit for the field, (together with their families & all that they had) to retire themselves into the walled towns. But all those which were men of any strength or ability, & were of age fit to bear arms, he retained to employ them in diverse services of the wars. Neither did he forget the garrison of Macedony: but they, and many other great troops (assembled from all parts) and day by day repairing to Croy, when they came to be incorporated & joined in one, made a fair and goodly army. It remained now that he should part his companies, and appoint them 
Scanderbag ordereth his forces against the invasion of the Turks.  to their several charges. First therefore he reserved for his own regiment 10000 men, of those whose service he had lately used in the war of Venice, and at Chronichea, for with them he was assured, he might make head against the Barbarians, according as the opportunity of the place should minister means unto him. To the old garrison of Croy (besides the number of citizens) he added 1300. soldiers, all Epirots and men of approved valour, which made the Croians also to furnish themselves with all sorts of armour and munitions, serving for the defence of their walls and the repulse of the enemy, but especially it increased their courages, and the greatness of their stomachs, which were faithfully devoted to the preservation of their liberty. The same time therefore that the garrison was brought into the town, was the feeble sex of women 
Scanderbag removeth old persons, women & children out of the city.  and children drawn forth without the walls, and none suffered to stay within, but the youth of the town only, and such as were fit for the wars. And yet were not they interrupted nor confounded with the basest of the popular sort, in whose hearts and courages, commonly the lively sparks of honour and of liberty, did not enter and penetrate soon or easily. Thus did Scanderbag with good & grave advise and deliberation provide for the importance of his affairs, because that city was the chiefest place, and (as it were) the key of all his Realm, and the surest fortress to stay the courses & attempts of the Turks: and upon which depended the whole strength, the hope and the preservation of the residue of the state of Albany. But here might it be doubted, whether it 
Question. If better that women and children should be excluded or retained in a town besieged?  were better done, thus to take away the wives and children from the sight of the citizens, or to have suffered them to continue there still, considering that their presence and countenances full of grief, the sight of their tears, and the hearing of their lamentations, the misery and fear of their servitude, and the infamy of bonds and imprisonment threatened unto them, are of far greater moment and of more force, beyond all comparison to animate & to encourage men, than the bare remembrance of them away and absent. But it may be notwithstanding, that old and expert warriors, did hold it more expedient, and a matter of more certainty and assurance that they should be absent. For albeit in the eye of the regardants, this encouragement be in truth proper & convenient in the midst of their travels and perils, to make them hazard their lives liberally and without fear: so is it of no small force and efficacy to make the enemy more hard and obstinate, by reason that the unmeasurable desire of the prey (which they hope for) doth drive and carry on the soldier with a more settled resolution, and doth inflame much more ardently the courages of the Barbarians to give the charge & to pursue it: making them to adventure more fiercely, even in despite of wounds, and to expose themselves more furiously to the violence of the sword: whereas (on the contrary) they go on more coldly and temperately, when they see nothing within the place, but the force and strength of men stout and resolute, when they shall see upon the walls, none but such as have their hands thirsting greedily after blood, and whose bodies are even vowed and destinate to die without all care or regard of life.  
It was a pitiful spectacle to behold this mournful multitude of the Croians, when they were to departed the town, and to forsake their own houses & habitations, every where was to be heard nothing but complaints and lamentations of women. There was no house, street, nor corner of the town exempted or free from grief & sorrow: the market place did resound with diversity of cries, some rebuking & some blaming their friends for their grieving at their departure, others inviting and procuring them to tears and exclamations. But the most notable mark and show of the public misfortune and doleful affliction was to be seen at the temples and in the Churches, for there was a most marvelous concourse of people of all sorts and conditions. Infinite were the vows and devout prayers and supplications, intermingled with abundance 
A notable description of the lamentation of the Croians upon their departure out of the city.  of tears & lamentations, which were poured forth before the Altars. And that which made the sight of this miserable calamity to be the more hideous and terrible, was a custom which this nation had in doing outrage to themselves, by tearing their faces and beating their breasts most pitifully. The like passion and vehemency of grief did appear in the grave women & ancient matrons, who (besides the deforming of their villages) thought it a most pleasant thing to imitate the sorowfulness of the others. Nothing was held shameful, nothing was accounted too much or excessive in this accident: but she was reputed to have deserved most praise and commendation, whose discomfort was deemed to be most evident and apparent. There wanted not some also, who (according to the use and nature of mortal men, though not without singular impiety and wickedness) did exclaim upon the divine power, attributing to God the cause of their grief and misfortune. At the length when their sorrow (somewhat eased with their tears) began in part to be mitigated and appeased: the mothers (addressing their speeches to their sons) with oft repetitions would command them many things, ever and among embracing them and kissing them. Sometimes they would put them in remembrance of the good offices and kind entreaty with which they had used them in their infancy, and of the mutual love and affection which they had deserved in recompense of their kindness: and sometimes would they show their aged locks, and their Venerable white hairs. All of them were in one case and used like speeches: the wives showing their sucking babes unto their husbands, did deplore & bewail that from thenceforth they should remain in their dwellings in case of orphans, and in pitiful estate of widowhood. The aged fathers (as men confounded) and altogether silent for very grief, and being in a wonderful great care & perplexity for the life of their sons, durst not by speaking unto them, neither animate nor prick forward their valiant hearts, who were of themselves sufficiently fierce & courageous. Neither durst they dissuade them from the travels and dangers of arms, nor from their devoir & perseverance in their several charges & duties, for doubt lest they should be thought to prefer their affection to their children, before the love and duty which they did owe unto their country. But a general commandment being come from the Prince, that the town should be discharged of this burdensome company: & that they which were in arms, should repair every man to his charge, (telling them that in heaping up of vain plaints, and by their private consultations, they did but spend & trifle away the time:) hereupon began the sorrow to be renewed, their cries and their tears began a fresh, neither more nor less, then as if they had already seen the enemy to ransack and spoil all things, to draw and drag away their husbands, their fathers, and their mothers into cruel bondage: to raze and break down their walls, and to violate, pollute, and profane their Churches, and all holy and sacred mysteries. Hardly could the multitude be drawn from that which they had once embraced, and every one would have remained as the companion of his friend's danger, and the partner of his fortune: notwithstanding, seeing that the criers and other officers of the Prince, did now press and importune them to departed, (then taking their leave with their last kisses and embracements) all of them at length, each after other, with sighs and groans, left the sight of that which they held most dear: and still casting back their eyes towards the city walls, they set forward on their way without any care or regard, where they set their foot, or which way they went. It is said that they were transported into the towns of Epire, that lay upon the sea side, and in other places and cities under the obeisance of the Venetians, and other their confederates: where likewise an innumerable multitude of husbandmen and labourers were retired, with their cattle, beasts, and movables, to the intent the enemy should find nothing to prey upon, whereby he might be relieved or helped.  
After that the multitude was sent away, and that this trouble and tumult within 
Scanderbag provideth victuals, armour and munition for the war●.  the town was ceased, Scanderbag spent the rest of the day in dealing with the victuallers and merchants of corn, and other munitions, in appointing public garners for grain, and distributing unto every soldier by the poll, victuals to serve him for a whole year. Besides, he gave away a great quantity of weapons, and an infinite number of targets, to the intent by this his bounty and largesse, he might prevent and assure the faith and devotion of his soldiers: telling them (as he delivered the same) that he gave them with intent that they should keep them continually to themselves: or (which he held more commendable) that they should employ them against their enemies. Thus did he ordain & take order for all things, and by sundry gifts and presents did he bind and allure unto himself the good will and affection of every one. The 
Vranocontes governor of Croy.  day following sending for Vranocontes an Epirot by birth, and by him lately appointed governor of Croy (a man whom he highly loved and favoured, both for the merit of his ancestors, and for the proof & testimony of his own virtue) with him he debated concerning many things: and a long time inquiring and demanding of him, what he thought of the siege of Croy, and of the wiles and cunning sleights of the Turks. Their conference being ended, he came forth into the market place, and there in the midst of his armed forces, with a high and loud voice (appealing to the faith & loyalty of them all in general, and enjoining them to be have themselves well and manfully) he recommended 
Encoragement of Scanderbag to the Croians, who instructeth them how to demean themselves against, the Turks.  unto them the protection and safety of the city, & assuring each of them both of reward and recompense, in case they were faithful and loyal, and of condign punishment if he found them treacherous and disloyal. He admonished them cheerfully to be have themselves in discharge of their duties, and the defence of the town: and that with a settled and obstinate resolution, they should repel the enemy from approaching near them: and not to suffer themselves in any case to have any conference or communication with the adversary, nor to listen, or to have their ears open to any persuasions they should use. That the Ottoman by such devices would lie in wait, & under colour of a mortal and pernicious peace, would deceive them by such illusions and persuasions, if they did not look well to themselves, or if he found them any thing willing to lean unto him, or credulous to believe him. Contrariwise if he found them courageously affected, and their ears deaf and stopped up against his vain flatteries and allurements: his first assays being frustrate and disappointed, his misfortune would make him in time to truss up baggage, and departed confounded and utterly ashamed; except it did so fall out, that (as one desperate and void of hope) he were carried away with a furious desire to see the end and ruin of his own people: and by a rash & unadvised hope (to satisfy the malice of his wrathful courage) he would cast himself headlong into the manifest and evident danger of destruction. That their town was so notably defensible, and so exceedingly strong by the natural site thereof, that the very place alone (though the citizens should in a manner sit still with their hands bound behind them) would easily contemn & set at nought all the violence that could be attempted against 
The strong si●tuation of the city of Croy.  it. Then what can I say more (quoth he) to admonish you? or wherefore should I solicit or animate those any longer, whose valour and fidelity being so often tried and approved, is well known almost throughout the whole world? in such sort, that were it, you had never given me any proof & trial, nor left me any testimony of your constancy, yet nevertheless I should think it greater reason, that my citizens should deceive me, then that I should any way distrust their fidelity.  
Scanderbag having finished these exhortations to those of Croy, he took his leave of 
Scanderbag issued from Croy to the Campe.  all the company, & issued presently out of the city. At his departure, infinite people, and in a manner the whole city did conduct and attend him, till he was passed without the Port: the which being shut up with all speed and diligence, he came to the rest of his 
Moses joineth with Scanderbag with his Regiment.  forces which lay encamped in a fair plain, in the open view and sight of the town. And immediately after he had scoured the fields, he sounded to horse, and caused his camp to march, the which had not gone far, but he met with Moses, who came unto him accompanied with a goodly regiment of his own and very well appointed. He was newly returned from Sfetigrade, the which being seated upon the Turkish frontiers, 
Sfetigrade fortified by Moses  was cause of great doubt and care to Scanderbag: but the Dibrian had taken order for the fortification and defence thereof, and had assured it with all things requisite, both with men, munition, victuals, and certain bulwarks according as he thought needful and convenient. And he had removed out of that place also all those, the weakness and imbecility of whose age or sex, might work any impeachment or hindrance to the 
Peter Perlat governor of Sfetigrade.  safety of the town. The government of the place he committed to Peter Perlat, a grave and wise captain, and one that was well experienced in arms and martial affairs. But that which at the beginning was held to be most for the surety of the town, and seemed to be ordered with best advise and discretion, did discover itself in the end by the event and issue, to be the loss and destruction of that garrison: for that it consisted almost wholly of Dibrians: of which our Moses had expressly made choice out of all the forces of Albany, as of the chiefest and best soldiers among all the peoples of Epire. Scanderbag did like so well of his devise, that he commended him greatly, & then having so well fortified, and so abundantly furnished this place, he delivered unto him certain other companies (which he had there in a readiness, and were provided for the stuffing and filling of all the fortresses within the province) sending both him and divers others of his Princes and chief captains, to see all places provided for, with such forces, as should be thought needful & necessary. So that there was not almost any, but had his particular charge and employment; to the intent each one doing his devoir with all diligence, there might not ensue any danger by delay or negligence. He himself with a small company of horse, galloped to the gates of Sfetigrade: for he was in greater care and torment for that city only, than any man can express or would imagine, as if by some secret inspiration, he had foreseen the misfortune that was to come upon it. Wherefore the better to strengthen the courages of them of that garrison, and to make them acquainted, and to arm them against the trains and cunning practices of Amurath, (which he feared and doubted as much or more than his open forces;) he entered into the midst of the town, where the soldiers were thickest and in greatest numbers, and there in the presence of many of the chiefest and most notable men of mark, (who stood round about him) he used these or the like speeches unto them.  
If you would have wished (you men and citizens of Sfetigrade) for a fit occasion to 
The oration of Castriot unto the citizens of Sfetigrade.  eternize your faith and fidelity, and by some memorable & singular example to make show of your loyalty, and to preserve the remembrance thereof everlasting & perpetual: God (infinitely good and omnipotent) could not have presented you at this time with a better nor fit subject & opportunity then this, that hath now called you to arms, and which hath caused you to take your weapons into your hands. In the former wars we fought for victory, for glory, for the reputation of our realm and country: but now we are to fight for the pulique safety of the common liberty, & for the walls and preservation of this your city and country: in defence whereof, it behoveth you to strive with your uttermost forces and endeavours, lest the infinite praises and commendations, and that excellent honour and glory, which you have happily deserved and purchased by arms under my conduct, be now stained and blemished with great shame and ignomy. The better and greater part of our good fortune consisteth in your virtue, because the first attempt of Amurath presently upon his entry into Epire, & the first fury of the Barbarians (my self will be the man who shall first acquaint you with this danger) will be addressed against you and your city: to the intent, that the surest fence & bulwark of the province being beaten down and razed, he may the more freely lead on his forces into the heart of the country, which by this means will be the more exposed to the violence of his fury. The first fruits therefore of this war, doth stay and attend for you. Wherefore if there be any valour remaining in your hearts, and if the minds of men so brave and valiant be any thing careful or mindful of liberty, you may easily tame and abate the proud attempts of the enemy, and you may soon ruinat, and vanquish these arrogant and haughty stomachs. According to your carriage and behaviour will the Ottoman begin to conceive either fear and discomfort, or hope and good heart. If he find you so stout and full of courage, as I do now see you to be furious and resolute, he will be in doubt lest he be encountered in all other places, with a greater violence and much more forcible and dangerous. So shall you teach him to forbear and abstain from the other cities of Epire, & to reserve himself to more easy exploits: making him unwilling to press you with any long siege: or else (if his age make him so wilful & so unadvisedly obstinate, as to seek to force you) his troops (I doubt not) 
The strength of Sfetigrade  shall wax grey headed ere they depart. For such is the natural situation of this place, that it need not fear nor make account of any adversary how fierce & furious soever. Resolve yourselves therefore (my good citizens:) and by the firmness of your determinations, and the constancy of your faith, do you purchase unto yourselves and your country this immortal victory. Upon the success of your virtue and prowess, (I do repeat it willingly) doth depend the faith and constancy of the rest of the people of Albany. All men have their eyes fixed upon you, either to commend you or condemn you, or to follow and imitate your virtue. What need I use any further speeches? that which is wanting, I had rather you (most worthy Dibrians) should meditate with yourselves, then that in advertising you with over much care and curiosity, I might seem by many words to have conceived some secret doubt and mistrust of your faith and loyalty.  
The same time that Castriot with his forces here and there assembled from all parts 
Amurath leavieth a mighty army against Scanderbag.  of Epire, was making towards Croy, to take order for the safety and assurance of that city: the Turkish army which had been levied in Asia, was transported into Europe, and by long iorneiss was arrived at Andrinople, their numbers not exceeding 40000. For whensoever the Sultan had any war in Europe, the most part of his forces were usually levied in those quarters near the same place: both for that the soldiers of those parts are better acquainted & accustomed with the manners of the Christians in their wars, and also for that their preparations may be there made more commodiously, & with greater celerity, as being at home and in his own country.  
Whilst the Ottoman forces did on all parts daily take head together, and that Amurath 
Amurath consulteth with his Bassas for the manner of the proceed of the wars against Scanderbag.  had almost ended his great preparations, and had assembled a great and mighty puissance, he called a counsel of his Bassas and most expert Chiefetains, in the which they propounded and debated upon diverse means and manners for the commencement and beginning of the war. Some held opinion that without any temporising or further dalliance, it were necessary to send before into Epire a running camp of horsemen (whom they call Alcanzi or Achimzi,) and whom we may well resemble to 
Alcanzi, adventurers without pay.  our adventurers, (a most cruel and brutish kind of people, and given extremely to robbing and stealing.) And that these, as an outrageous tempest coming upon them suddenly, and surprising them at unawares, with notable violence should destroy, confound, and turn all up side down: and that the enemy (not carrying themselves very wary and circumspect) but under colour of feigned fight, being deluded and deceived by these troops, should be drawn forth to the fight, in such sort, that his majesty following near at hand (in proper person) with the gross of his whole army, might the more easily and entirely oppress and vanquish them. Others were ofa contrary advise, persuading him in any case to forbear by such means to provoke, and incite the enemy: for fear either of giving occasion to the Christians to provide themselves of things necessary for so long and tedious a war, or lest they themselves might run headlong first of all into their trains and counterwayes: that the late slaughters sustained by others had sufficiently taught them. Besides that they had intelligence (which was now every where and commonly reported) that the whole province of Albany, being thoroughly provided and prepared, was already in arms, their towns strongly fortified, and their fortresses garnished with soldiers for their defence, and with other preparatives in good quantity: and that all places both passages and straits were purposely possessed and full of soldiers: that Scanderbag with the residue of his troops did daily ride up and down visiting the province, and searching and viewing the thickettes and secret corners of the woodds and forests, to the intent he might once again conveniently and according to his mind lodge in them his happy and fortunate ambushments: that it was a most pernicious thing to imagine to prevail against so cautelous and wary an enemy by warring in that manner: that they ought rather to take an other course of better assurance, and which the issue and event might not yet once again reprove and condemn, as it had done in times past. For what should let (said they) but that all of them might miscarry under the sword of the Albanois before that the same succours ofa camp so heavily charged should be able to retain them. Wherefore to prevent the Christians that they should not by the blood and slaughter of their people, presate unto themselves any good fortune in this war, they held it better to march on with their whole army all at once, to the intent they might at length deliver the Empire of Ottoman, from the labour and burden of this troublesome war. Neither of these opinions was allowed, but a third (indifferent between both) carried a way the matter, as being more fit and commodious for the quality of that time, and for the honour and reputation of such an enterprise. It was concluded therefore that the third part or little less of the whole army, should advance forward before the residue, supposing that that number would suffice, not only to repel, and keep the enemy from going forward (but if need were) to set upon them: and that by their sudden coming, they should be able both to disturb the course of the enemy's affairs and purpose, and consequently to prepare a free passage for the army royal of his Majesty.  
According to this conclusion, there were immediately chosen & sent away 40000. 
Amurath sendeth part of his army before to besiege Sfetygrade.  light horsemen, whose ordinary arms were sword & target, & lance, a plate of mail and a mace of iron. Their commission was to march on directly, the next and shortest way towards Sfetigrade, and there to begin the siege of that place, according as they amongst themselves should advise and deliberate. Amurath after his counsel was ended, commanded the residue of his army to be mustered, and to be ranged in order of battle. Infinite almost was the number of the leaders and commanders, for 
The order and division of the Turk his army. Flambur. Saniacke a Colonel of horsemen. Timariot a horseman. Subassides a leader of horsemen.  ordinarily their trouppes are divided into divers Regiments, or charges, which they call Flamburats or Saniacks, and are governments of provinces, under whom do march the Timariot, which properly are those which have a yearly fee or stipend allowed them. And every Flambur hath under him also many Subassides or chiefs of companies, who are of a higher regard and account, and have a larger stipend than the Timariot: and according to their qualities are allowed either a greater or less number of horsemen under their charge. The foot bands likewise both of Asia and Europe have their order certain, and are distributed into several companies under their Captains. In like manner the auxiliary forces, or extraordinary succours (which in time of war are commonly decreed, and sent to the Grand Signior) were not of any mean or small number. Besides there were a great multitude of voluntary men (as in all expeditions commonly there is no want of such.) After all these followed about three thousand men, all of them banqueroute and indebted, or for some misdeed and forfeiture razed and cassierd out of the Prince his pay, with a great number also of other youthful and lusty gallants all which live in hope and expectation, and do seek by some notable and valiant act, either to abolish their former disgrace and ignominy, & to be restored to their former estate & degree: or else to deserve of their King and Emperor some new reward, or some military pay and stipend. The tent or pavilion of the sovereign is continually guarded by more than 7000. armed men, where of some were on horseback and are named Spachi, Sulastari 
Spachi. Sulastari. Vlufagi. janissari.  and Vlufagi. The others (who are called janissaries & may be properly accounted of the Sultan his family) are all footmen & like to the Macedonian phalange, or squadron of pikemen amongst the ancient Macedonians. These were newly instituted & raised by Amurath, a most warlike and martial kind of men picked and chosen of purpose: and them he commonly reserved for the last refuge in fight, and for the security and defence of his person: & by the valour of these, both he and his successors have obtained so many great & mighty conquests, & subdued all the levant. Besides all these, for the greater show & ostentation of his forces, there marched with them a most wonderful & marvelous multitude ofslaves & base persons unarmed: whom he had brought together & joined to his army, to terrify rather than to employ them against the enemy: and to the intent also that these being offered to the sword & butchered (as a flock of sheep appointed to the slaughter) might so weary and weaken the enemy by overlabouring 
A Turkish stratagems.  themselves in killing of them, as they might have the better hand, & more easily prevail against them: which is one of the greatest and most notable stratagems that the Turks do account of amongst the whole number of their martial policies. Two principal chiefs had the conducting of this army whom they call Beillerbiez 
Beillerbey.  as a man should say Lords of Lords (one of them being the chief commander of Asia, the other in Europe.) It would be tedious to the reader, if I should undertake to recount and enrol every particular by name: it shall suffice therefore for this matter, briefly in this place to have set down some certainty concerning the sum and whole number of this army, wherein also (aswell as in other points) there is some variance & contradiction which may in some sort diminish the credit & truth of the thing in the opinion of such men as do approve nothing, but that which is sure and certain. For some 
The number of the Turks forces.  there be who affirm, that the great Turk had in his camp 150000. fight men: namely 90000. horsemen & 60000. footmen. Others say, he had but 120000. in all, deducting from the horse 20000. & from the foot 10000 For my part I hold it not much material, whether of these 2. opinions we cleave unto, & yet in my judgement the greater number seemeth more likely, if we will make it answerable to the wonderful preparations which were so long time forethought on, & in providing: and yet true it is, that this army was not so exactly ordered, nor the discipline thereof so straightly regarded, as it was usually when the Turkish monarch marched into the field, & purposed to fight a battle: where commonly the true value & virtue doth lively show itself. For all the endeavours & all the preparations did tend & were ordained for the besieging of towns, & the battering of walls, rather than for any services in the plain & open fields.  
After that Scanderbag had confirmed the courages of the Sfetygradians, and assured 
Scanderbag visiteth and encourageth all parts within his province.  the estate of their affairs, so far as he thought it expedient: he removed from thence to other places of his dominion: and visiting all the province with singular vigilancy and quickness of spirit, he did prick forward & inflame the faithful hearts of his subjects, sometimes by commending them, sometimes by presents and gifts, and sometimes by the shows and representation of the horror and hugeness of the danger imminent. Moses in the mean time had fortified all places with strong garrisons, with provisions of corn, armour, & other munitions sufficient, to abide any fortune & extremity of war. Wherefore the care of all these matters being now laid aside: Scanderbag with all speed went to his army not far from Croy, where they were commanded to attend his return. The Dibrian with his company did overtake him on the way, and then joining their forces together in one, with great joy and comfort they resorted to the Campe. Scarce had they any leisure to speak unto the soldiers, or to the Captains, but that there came sudden and strange news: and messengers from all parts arriving one after an other, bringing these fearful and sorrowful tidings: That the enemy was come already, that the country was on all sides of a light fire, and 
The Turks invade Epire.  that all things were in a miserable estate and confusion. They certified him (as fear maketh men credulous) and yet were they uncertain of it, that Amurath himself was there in person, and had already filled and covered with arms, men, and horses, both the mountains and valleys, and the champion and plain countries: and they instantly prayed their Prince, to provide for the surety of his troops, and of his person especially: and not of a pernicious and over much hardiness to attend in plain field at the first coming, the furious violence of so puissant an enemy: that he would retire his soldiers into some place of a notable height & inaccessible, from whence he might behold the usage of the enemy, and so to devise and resolve upon some sure course, which should be most for his profit and commodity.  
These speeches did not much move Scanderbag, neither could these persuasions 
Scanderbag with 5000. men against the enemy.  make him dislodge from that place, whereof he had once made choice to encamp in: nevertheless when he perceived and understood that his scouts did on all sides return unto him with more than posting speed: and their reports did agree all in one, save that they differed in the number and quantity of the enemy's forces, of which they conjectured diversly, (for the Turks were not yet seen nor discovered altogether: neither were they descended all of them into the plains: neither were their Batallions so united and ordered, that a true and certain estimat could be made of their just numbers:) Castriot thereupon choosing out of his whole army, 4000 horse, and 1000 foot, whom he commanded to follow him and dislodging as secretly as he could, from thence drew directly towards Sfetigrade, where he knew that the enemies were to encamp themselves. It was in the dawning of the morning in the twilight, that the soldiers had the sign given them to set forward. The day following notwithstanding, when it was scarce the third hour of the night, they came to encamp within seven miles of Sfetigrade, between which town and Croy, were little less than 60. miles. There Scanderbag having chosen a place sure and commodious for his company, caused it to be entrenched round about, making it by that means more strong and defensible. Afterwards having distributed both horse and foot into the several quarters of the camp, he commanded to set the watch and to place the courts of guard, and then secretly to search out what places were fit to serve for ambuscadoes: mean while he forbade all of them in general to make any fires within the trenches. All things being thus disposed and set in order, and every man being commanded to use silence: he (taking with him Moses & Tanuese de Thopy) went to survey 
Scanderbag goeth to survey the camp and countenance of the enemy.  and consider upon the form and situation of the camp and countenance of the enemy: and with great secrecy, sometimes through the thickets of the forests, sometimes by the secret passages of the valleys, he gained the top of a certain mountain directly opposite against Sfetigrade, from the height whereof, having diligently noted and surveyed all things by fair day light, he took his way very quickly back again into his own Campe. The execution hereof was not without marvelous contrariety of opinions, for seeing the barbarians were encamped under the walls of the Town, and were possessed both of the mountains adjoining and of the fields underneath them: the chief leaders did not see any great likelihood or appearance 
Scanderbag cos●lteth upon the manner of assailing the enemy.  (without some notable loss of their men) how to execute any thing with good success, because the danger was manifest and imminent, that so small a number charged with so great a puissance sometimes in the plain, and sometimes in the descent of the mountains, should easily be broken & overthrown. They doubted also (which was a cause necessarily constraining them for that time to abstain from all reason of fight) lest the residue of the royal troops, coming upon them suddenly and unprovided, they should be all entangled, enclosed and shut up in the midst of them: and for the same reason they held it as perilous to call the garrison forth to help them. It was held therefore more expedient and a course of more certainty and safety to separate & divide (if it were possible) by their ordinary sleights the power & forces of the adversary: and being once sundered & divided to draw them into places of greatest disadvantage. Nothing was done notwithstanding for that day, because the night (coming upon them) did prcuent their determination: only there were sent forth certain scouts on all sides both far & near, to discover the approach of Amurath, and that the enemy should lay no ambushments to entrap them. The moiety of that night was allowed them to take their rest, the residue was employed in divers actions & affairs, for that the Prince of Albany (changing his first lodging) went to encamp somewhat nearer the town, so that he was not now above 5. miles from the enemy: supposing & hoping that (being once enticed forth to fight) the nearer he was to them the more easily they might be overthrown. Wherefore after that every man had sufficiently rested himself & taken some repast: & all of them being ready at hand with store of such things as were needful & requisite, first those places which were fit for ambushments, he filled with able and lusty men: and the thickets and bushes he environed on all sides with store of soldiers, of which number such as served on foot, were placed in the wings and steep of the mountains not easy to be approached, or in the thick of the woods and bushes: himself taking his place among the horsemen, kept at the foot & bottom of the mountains all along the plain, and in the crooks and turnings of the valleys.  
This done, he called unto him Moses & Musache de Angelina (a gentleman of special mark, & one of the chiefest among the horsemen) whom having exhorted with many good and friendly speeches, he sent accompanied with 30. others (all young men both 
A notable stratagem of S●anderbeg practised against the Turks.  hardy and courageous) willing them to allure forth the enemy out of their trenches, and to draw them within the danger of his trains and ambuscadoes. You must not think that Scanderbag did forget to make choice of his company out of the most worthy & sufficient of all his bands both the men & their horses: beside they were disguised in the apparel & furniture of simple soldiers, lest that their military habit (being any thing rich and sumptuous) should discover their attempt, which he had an especial desire to keep secret. There was scant any of the soldiers but had an other horse laden with corn, to drive before him, to the intent they should be taken for foragers indeed, who returned from gathering it abroad. And that nothing might be wanting for the advantage of this martial policy & to beguile the enemy, they were enjoined to bend towards the town by such ways as were least used & frequented, & on that side where the mountain was free, and not guarded by the enemy: & that they should make show as though they meant that way to enter into Sfetigrade. These leaders (being very expert & of a quick & excellent conceit) did not omit any thing of that which was commanded them: and the soldiers also with singular obedience & resolution did follow them most cheerfully, not doubting any danger that might befall them: Upon the dawning of the day, and by that time that the stars began to grow out 
Moses and others sent to draw the Turks forth to fight.  of sight by the break of the morning, they were now come within little more than a mile of the tents of the enemy: at such time as the Turks sentinels having discovered them from aloft, began first by signs showed in the air, & then by their often cries & clamours to bewray them. They nothing troubled not abashed with their noise, did only hasten their pace somewhat faster: (for as yet, neither needed they to fear any danger from the enemy, neither would their flight have been to any purpose.) At the length one of the Turkish squadrons being wakened by the sentinels, & yet (by reason of their sleep being in some doubt) taking their weapons in their hand, they advanced themselves forward & began to rush upon them, supposing them to be shepherds, or peasants laden with corn. The Albanois disdaining the small number that came to assault them, prepared themselves with more courage than reason, to receive them: notwithstanding upon their first approach, reculing a little back, they turned their backs, feigning themselves to be afraid. The Barbarians conjecturing their fear by their flight, pursued after them with great speed and charged them behind in most rude & furious manner. Then they all at once stopping their horses, turned about, and making head against them (with their sword drawn,) they went on and drew near to encounter them (as being enforced by necessity either to incurt the last extremity of danger;) or else by opposing their bodies and turning their faces to make resistance and to repulse the violence with which they were so eagerly pursued: for that whilst they held on this their dissembled flight, they were in manifest danger, their enemy's horses even breathing close at their backs: yet were not the Turks any whit abashed for all this, but covering themselves with their large targets, and measuring the enemy by their habit only, they approached them, and were the first that gave the onset 
A shirmish between certain Turks and Epirots.  against them. One of them borne in Asia, being of a mighty stature and wonderful strong made, marched before his fellows with a heavy mace of iron, the which after he had oftentimes whirled about with his right hand to give it the more force, with a mighty cry and clamour, and with an incredible violence, he threw it overthwart the whole troop of the Albanois: the which (being close knit and joined together) albeit they sustained no harm thereby, yet could they not avoid the force of the blow coming against them so violently and rudely. For being carried with a marvelous force into the midst of the troop, a young Dibrian took and bore the blow upon his target: and therewithal the others following their fellow, the fight was begun each assailing other with his Courtelax. The number of the combatants being almost equal & their arms not much unlike, it was a very goodly and pleasant sight, and it gave good grace unto the combat. For the Turks were no better armed then the Christians, by reason they made such haste out of their trenches, and did in a manner contemn their e-enemies. The weapons wherewith they were armed, was but a cimitary and a shield. In one point only the Infidels had the disadvantage, and that was, that the very choice and best men at arms, and the flower of the youth of Albany was there in place, where as their company on the contrary were intermingled with people of no reckoning & men of valour both together: for that according as the skoutes had raised them confusedly and in tumult, so did they issue forth both one & other to the fight. This was the occasion that even in the very first fury of the encounter, their fortune did appear to be far inferior. For the Asian (in whom consisted the strength of the rest) being slain by the hand of Moses, the others were suprized with an incredible fear, despairing not only of the victory, but also of their life & safety, if they had not speedily some succours from the camp. Wherefore by little & little retiring themselves, in the end they began 
The Turks put to flight.  to show their backs: and (with change of fortune) by a most shameful flight, forsook the field in the which but a little before, they had so hotly and fiercely pursued others. Albanois gave them liberty to fly where they would, without giving them any ill words, or in show of their victory making any cry after the vanquished, but gathering themselves soberly near unto their captains, without any regard had, either of the bodies or of the spoils of those which were slain, they returned to their beasts of carriage: & (as men that desired, but to save themselves) they made haste to drive them the way from whence they came. Their audacity and courage was greatly augmented through fortunate success of this encounter, yet did they defer all their joy, till such time as they had accomplished a happy conclusion of the enterprise which they had undertaken. It chanced that one of their company well known amongst his fellows, through his manifold good deserts in the wars, found himself to be grievously wounded: in somuch that his continual complaints, and the impatiency of his pain proceeding of his wound, did greatly trouble the contentment of all the rest, and did not a little discomfort his companions: for one of the Turks with his sword had thrust him through the left shoulder so as he had not sufficient strength, either to carry his arms, or to guide his own horse. Moses took great compassion of his grief, and dismounting from horseback, he took him down with his own hands, and set him up behind one of the soldiers, to whose charge he committed him, willing him to have a care that he did not fall from behind him, because if he galloped his horse, his hands were not able to sustain him: and that he should make haste with all speed possible to carry him to the Camp, to the intent before any other alarm or tumult were raised by the enemy, he might be gotten within the tents amongst his companions: as for the rest of his fellows, they were all sound, and not one of them besides him, returned hurt from the medley: Of the Circumsized there were five slain and eight wounded, few to count of, but yet many in regard of their small number.  
By that time that the horse (whereon the two soldiers were mounted) had carried 
The Turks camp in a tumult upon the discomfiting of their fellows.  them quite out of sight, there was heard a marvelous cry and noise in the Camp of Amurath: for those which had been wounded, at their return filled all with their plaints and exclamations, and showing their deformed and unmeasurable wounds, they set all the host of the enemy in a tumult and a rage: especially such as were of any affinity to those that were slain. Wherefore (not respecting any command made to the contrary) they disbanded themselves on all sides from their ensigns without any chief, without order and all discretion, according as their anger and desire of revenge inflamed them: but proclamation being made over the whole army, by the commandment of their commander, that no man should stir or budge, every man retired: then they arranged themselves in order of battle before his tents, there attending his pleasure. Their General did greatly doubt the accustomed sleights and trains of the Christians: suspecting that under pretence of foraging, some notable deceit and guileful policy might be lurking: and the rather, for that the strange largeness of the wounds of his soldiers, did plainly argue that it was not the arm of any base or rascal persons, nor the sword of country clowns that could give such strokes and cruel blows. He determined therefore to take out of his whole army four thousand horse, such as were most fierce and venturous: to the intent the fewness & small number of his people might not still cause them to return with shame and disgrace: them he enjoined both to scatter those foragers, and to put them from their horses: and then with diligent search to range throughout all the mountains, hills, valleys, woods and secret places to discover the ambushments of the Albanois.  
Near about the time of these directions, the soldier whom the Dibrian had sent with his hurt companion was arrived in presence of Scanderbag, and having delivered his charge to some of his fellows, who came to meet him, and willing them to have a care to the curing of his wounds; himself ran up and down in the sight of the soldiers, as one almost out of his wits: and calling many by their names he cried with a loud voice, Arm arm, the enemy is coming, all their camp is in arms, 
Alarm in the camp of Scanderbag.  they have taken their alarm: and (pointing with his finger) he showed them the dust, as an argument of their coming. At the first, Scanderbag was somewhat moved & abashed, fearing lest his people had miscarried, for of all the troop he saw but two only returned, and both of them (as it were) shamefully flying: the one of them also half dead, imbrued and polluted with the warm blood that yet issued from his wounds: and the other by the foolish cry and exclamation which he made, did show himself full of fear and ill assured. But after he understood by him how all things had passed; his sorrow being turned into laughter, and his care into boldness & confidence, he willed his men to be all of good courage, and that every one should be in a readiness with his horse & armour. By this time had our Sentinels (which were placed 
Turks pursus Moses and hit company.  upon the height of the mountains) discovered Moses and the Turks coming after him, over the plain champion, even ready to fall into their ambuscado, and to be delivered to the sword of the Epirots. For at the first our men made no great haste, but road on, driving their beasts fair and easily, bending their course sometimes here, sometimes there, and rather attending for them, then flying from them: but as soon as they perceived a far off, that the Infidels were issued forth of their trenches: then leaving both their sacks & their carriage, they prepared themselves to a round and speedy flight. Wherefore having posted over the plain in a moment, they got to a hill which (on the North side being opposite unto a certain valley) did cover the centre and bottom thereof, where our men lay close, and covertly encamped: and before they were overtaken with the danger, or that the enemy could press too near upon them, they did secretly convey themselves among their fellows, both they and their horses so spent and out of breath with their continual coursing and travel, that it made show they had fled in good earnest. The enemy perceiving that they were in a moment gotten out of sight, & thinking (because they were so suddenly slipped away from the top of the mountain) that they were hidden in the bottom of the valley. They followed directly after them without any fear or consideration. But as they came near unto the place, to the intent they might more easily environ and enclose them, both on the one side & on the other, all scattered & out of order, they prepared themselves, some to gain the top of the hill, and others by some means or other to enter into the valley. But at their arrival notwithstanding, hearing a great neighing of many horses, they began to be astonished, & to stand still, without speaking a word, but using silence for a season, till such time as the noise of the horses being more certainly discovered, and growing more sensible to be heard, did manifestly discover the ambuscado of the enemy. Then did all things seem greater unto them by sight of the eye, than they had imagined by the ear: and the uncertainty of the danger being interpreted (as is usual) according to the greatness of their fear, did easily persuade this people (thus amazed & terrified) to betake themselves to present and speedy flight. As 
Turks fall into the Ambuscado of the Epirots.  they were ready to break & make away, Scanderbag (commanding the trumpets speedily to sound, & putting them in a wonderful fear as not expecting any such thing) made head against them, & went to charge them on the right hand, Tanusee on the left hand; & the footmen from a fit out of those ragged & woddy places of the mountains, where they lay in ambush descending suddenly upon them, all at one instant, with great fury did beat them down & overthrow them: nevertheless they did abide, surprised rather with a kind of admiration & astonishment, then of any certain resolution to endure the fight. But when they saw that necessity did enforce them, & that the fury 
Conflict between the Turks and the Epirots.  of the Christians did urge them to do their best: then setting spurs to their horses, with singular fierceness they got possession of the mountain: where first lifting up their lances, & casting them against the enemy (as if they had been darts) for that the uprightness of the place, the unevennes of the ground, & being withal very steep, did not suffer them otherwise to help themselves with those weapons: they kept the soldiers for a time from coming near them. But Peic Manuel being gotten upon the hill on 
Peic Manuel.  the other side, with a company of footmen (of which 200. were archers, & as many crossbows) did soon beat them off the place & drove them down with more than good speed. Beneath were they beset on all sides with our forces, & above them did the intolerable violence of the shot so gall them, that there was scarce any free place for the miserable wretches to get forth. In this extremity, drawing forth their Cimitaries & dividing themselves into two troops, desperately they rushed upon their enemies, & (as men that had closed their eyes against all perils) with a greater slaughter of their companies they opposed themselves to the blows & swords of the enemy. But it was no difficult matter for the greater to beat back the lesser number: & for men fresh & sound, to put them to the retreat who were weary & sore traveled: especially in the right side, where Scanderbag himself with a gross troop, both of horse & foot armed with pikes did stand in manner of a wall or strong bulwark. This was an occasion that the Turks did altogether resolve themselves to try the uttermost of their valour: & therefore joining themselves close together in one strong squadron, they gave in upon the left side, and with an equal & desperate kind of fury, they made themselves way with their swords, even through the midst of our battalion: and thus purchasing themselves a passage with great loss & bloodshed, the remnant fight & flying all at once, provided for their own safety. Then began a sudden confusion, and the Albanois forsaking both their ranks & the keeping of the mountain, (every man forgetting all other matters) took care only to pursue the vanquished, & made haste to the execution, labouring by all means possible to make the others also in their fight copartners of the like mortal calamity & bloody slaughter. In that tumult (when they sought to issue through the enemy) more were beaten down & overthrown, by their own weight & the arms of their fellows, then by the power of the adversary. Notwithstanding there escaped of them little less than 2000 the residue remained behind for a gage, and their carcases (whilst they were yet panting) being despoiled, were left naked upon 
The victory of the Epirots against 4000 Turk's before Sfetigrade.  the ground, in those very places where their destiny had laid them. Of those that fled about 80. were taken prisoners, the residue were not pursued above 20. paces or little more, because of the sudden retreat sounded by command of Scanderbag, who contented himself with this victory: alleging that if he should suffer his soldiers to fulfil their own desires to the extremity upon their enemies, there was great danger lest he should pay dearly for this prosperity. There were won from the barbarians 3. Ensigns or Cornets (for more had they not brought with than). The horses of those which were slain being full 1000 or better, did greatly augment & enrich the booty: the residue were killed in the fight. Of the vanquishers, were 22. only wanting, & about 15. wounded.  
Thus did the Prince of Albany by a notable prey & victory reward & recompense the loss of his corn, upon the bringing whereof into the camp of the Turks, lying before the town, every one of them made great joy & triumph, expecting hourly that these victuallers should have been led thither tied & bound to their appointed punishment, & to have been offered as a sacrifice to the unhappy ghosts of those 5. who were first slain. But when they saw afterwards contrary to their imagination, the massacre and hideous show & deformity of so great & goodly a company: of pure despite and vain indignation conceived, they made great lamentation, and through extreme sorrow 
The grief and trouble of the Turkish camp upon the overthrow of their forces.  they stood for a time (as men enchanted and amazed) not without marvelous fear & trembling of all the army, and doubting least the Christians animated with this prosperous adventure, should come on with the like success, to force them within their camp. For they suspected that the numbers of our men were much greater, & that all the Province had been in arms before them. Their chiefest care therefore was to set a good and strong watch over all the army, and carefully to arrange every company in order of battle, near the tents of their several commanders, and to environ them round about: and accordingly the bands were parted into their places. Their horses were kept standing with their bridles on, as if they had been assured that the enemy would have visited them immediately. But the Albanois was otherwise determined, neither did this victory cause him to be the more high minded, nor yet made him any thing the more lofty: but he redoubted as much the enemy, as they stood in fear & doubt of him: & he did look every hour that they should attempt somewhat upon him, to abolish the dishonour of their last overthrow: and especially for that the report ran firm & constant how the army royal was at hand. This made Scanderbag to look to his business more carefully, & therefore the first thing he did, was (assoon as it grew dark night) quietly to truss up baggage & to departed, encamping 5. miles farther from the enemy. The next day before sun rising, he sent Tanusee towards Croy, with 50. horsemen & each of them a varlet, both to hasten away those forces, which he had left there with George Streese, and to have the guiding of that convoy which was sent for the conveyance of the horses and other pillage lately gotten from the enemy, into other places within the Province, where he willed they should be transported for their more safety and security. In 7. days space was all this ordered & dispatched, and the whole troops united and incorporated. And yet about two days before the arrival of these supplies to the camp, there came in sight 5000. Turks vaunt couriers of the army royal: and a three hours within night they pitched their tents before Sfetygrade. The day following, about the shutting of the evening, thither also came Amurath himself in person, with the rest of his army and all his carriage.  
It was in the year of our redemption 1449. and the 9 year after that Scanderbag 
Amurath cometh to the siege of Sfetigrade. 1449.  had recovered his estate, & upon the 14. day of May: (a time wherein the corn beginning to grow ripe, and the meadows full of grass, did yield abundance of food and forage to camps lying in the fields:) the Barbarians do usually & willingly observe that season as most fit for the wars, especially in foreign expeditions. This was it also that moved the Ottoman expressly to forbid his soldiers to waste or spoil any thing within the enemy's country, nor to tread down their corn, to the intent when it should grow ripe & be ready to reap, it might serve for the provision of his army. The Ottoman at his arrival before Sfetygrade did make a glorious show & ostentation of all his forces before the town: and this he seemed to do not without any reason, but upon good consideration & advise, both because it is the custom of that Nation, & to the intent he might by the sight thereof terrify the inhabitants. First of all, the squadrons of his footmen, & the Asappy were set in order: after them the horsemen, the Tymariots, 
Asappi, footmen commanded upon the Provinces at three ducats a month.  the Subassys, the Saniackes and other Chieftains every one in their place marching before him, went in this order round about the walls, making great triumph with military cries & loud clamours, which were seconded also with the thundering & cracking noise of the artillery & great ordinance. This done, they went to provide their lodging, & fastening their ensigns on the ground, pitched their tents in divers places. The greatest part of the infantry and common soldiers, were encamped at the foot the neighbour woods near adjoining the town, for fear of some ambushmentes which might be laid behind them. Afterwards by a postery gate named the Dibran, he admitted the ambassadors into the town. The Bassa only with three soldiers 
Ambassadors of Amurath admitted into Sfetygrade, deliver their message in an open council.  and two of his servants, were received in, and they were conducted through the midst of the market place into the Church of the virgin Marie, where (the council being appointed to be held) none but the ancients and the principal of the town were called or assembled: for all the younger sort were excluded, lest that any mutiny should arise among them. The Turks Ambassador pretending that it was his part to speak, because he had procured the parley: at the very first, enforced himself by a number of flattering and enticing speeches to purchase credit with the citizens, and to gain their favour and good liking. He began with the examples of many cities and Nations, discoursing in all points so well and eloquently, that you could not have reprehended him in any thing, save only (the more to terrify them) he extolled beyond all measure & humane capacity, the power and puissance of the king his master. Perlat made him answer saying, That he had eloquently 
The worthy answer of Perlat to the, Turkish Ambassador.  and excellently well pleaded this matter, had it not been to such men whose courages were resolutely determined, and whose hearts were vowed to the maintenance of their liberty. That all of them could be well and willingly content to yield to his demands, if either the bootless threats and menaces of Ottoman and their enemies, could prevail with their courageous hearts: or that the command or Signiory of Scanderbag were grievous and irksome unto them. But neither could they charge him for his part with any misdeed or ill desert, neither did they know wherein Amurath had benefited them, whereby they should be drawn to prefer a stranger before a citizen, an enemy before a friend, or an Infidel before a Christian. That the Sultan should do, assay, and enterprise what he could by arms: that he should by the sword seek to terrify the defendants: that he should not spare to batter their walls. In brief, that he should first of all make a massacre of their bodies, and lay their dead carcases in huge heaps, to see if the inhabitants terrified and feared with this spectacle, would then come unto him upon their knees, and prostrate themselves at his feet, to grant them these conditions of peace and composition. That for the present he held it a thing infamous and merely ridiculous, to abase and submit their hearts to so great an indignity: before such time as they had seen the ensigns of the enemy to make proof of their valour against their walls and bulwarks: before the soldiers had presented them with any skirmish: before they saw any signs of lamentations, of wounds, or of bloodshed among their own people: and before such time as they did perceive, either the frame of their walls disjointed, or their town despoiled, and made naked of her flankers and defences. That Amurath should do much better to quite himself of the daily cares and unquietness of the wars, to take his way back again to Andrinople, to raise his siege from before the town, and to spend the residue and end of his life and aged years, quietly at home, and not any longer to provoke and incense by his arms, a people who is fatal unto him: and whose faith and excellent fidelity in the conservation of their liberty, and whose singular affection and devotion to their lords both in public and in private, he had often tried and approved with so much bloodshed, and the ruin of his own soldiers and subjects. That he for his part, as long as his life lasted, would never forsake or abandon the devoir and duty of his faith once sworn unto his Prince: nor the town which he had committed to his custody and protection. That he held it sufficient and ample recompense, and reputed it honour enough for him, if he did either survive to see his country safe and preserved, or (if it should happen to come to ruin and destruction) then should the strength of his right arm never cease to seek the revenge of the public liberty, till such time (as keeping company among the dead bodies of his friends) his innocent soul did pass and departed away to the liberty of a better country.  
This his answer and the assembly did finish both at once: for the great men and magistrates of the town there present, all with one voice and with infinite commendations, 
The Turk his messengers return in rain from the town.  (extolling the speech of the Governor) did generally approve it, and concluded on it accordingly. The Turk his messengers holding it but lost time to use any further speeches unto such deaf ears: and seeing the assembly broken up and dissolved, they issued out of the temple: the Governor followed after them, accompanied with those of his company. And (because it was near dinner time) after he had feasted and entertained them daintily with great magnificence and sumptuously, conveying them to the town gate; he there dismissed them, and they returned to their camp.  
The assurance and gravity of the Sfetigradians, together with the prudence of their Commander being understood by the Ottoman did not a little move him. The like did the abundance of all good provisions marked within the town by the Ambassadors: for it abounded in such plenty, that they had not only to suffice for their necessity, but even with excess and superfluity. And Perlat had caused them purposely to make show thereof throughout the streets, in the view and sight of the Barbarians: 
Policy of Perlat.  to the intent that relation being made thereof afterwards to the grand Senior, it might take from him all hope to gain the town by long perseverance of the siege or by the discommodity of hunger and famine. The Sultan therefore being mightily inflamed with anger and spite, that so small and vile a castle, so paltry a hamlet, and a handful (as it were) of robbers there enclosed, should dare to prescribe laws unto him for the war: and to take upon them to counsel him in his affairs, and specially for that by an usual proverb (as it were) they termed themselves fatal and unconquered: and perceiving now by these speeches, that there was no other means and remedy for him to tame them, but only by the rigour and extremity of arms: he caused presently to be assembled within his own tent his Bassas, his councillors, & all other persons who were of any degree and reputation in war, to devise secretly with them upon the best & fittest means to assault the place: and having heard their several opinions propounded in the council, he debated and discoursed long and at large concerning the same: and thereupon order was immediately taken by his command (for the parting and distributing both to one and other) of diverse things which seemed needful and requisite to that service. The rest of the preparations, and the assault of the town, was put off and deferred to the day following, because the greatest part of the day was near passed and spent.  
The end of the fourth Book.   

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
SFetigrade is battered, and assaulted by the Turks. Scanderbag giveth a Canuazado to the Turkish camp, making a great slaughter of the Infidels. Amurath appointeth Feribassa with an army to resist the invasions of Scanderbag, for the safety of his camp. The battle between Feribassa and Scanderbag, and their private combat, wherein Feribassa is slain by Scanderbag, and the Turks defeated. Amurath practiseth the winning of Sfetygrade by treason, which he effecteth by a strange accident. The garrison of the Dibrians upon a superstitious conceit, yield the town to Amurath, who having fortified Sfetigrade, leaveth Epire, and returneth to Andrinople.  
THE arrival of the Turkish Emperor, and the report of his huge and mighty army, had already filled with fear and terror all the people of Epire, especially the Princes and Potentates next adjoining, who were in great doubt and care lest that so insolent & redoubtable an enemy (having once swallowed up this town already besieged) should bring the others afterwards to the same estate and condition, and reduce them to the tenor of the like calamity. Wherefore accordingly as it was resolved in their secret assemblies and consultations, albeit they had before provided for most things requisite, both for the stuffing of their holds with strong garrisons, & for the guard of the straits & passages for their country: they sent notwithstanding from all parts Ambassadors to Scanderbag entreating him not to suffer Amurath any longer to vex and tyrannize over the towns of Albania at his pleasure, and with such impunity. For if by any mishap the proud tyrant should happen to have his will of Sfetigrade, it was most certain that taking the same as a happy presage of his victory, and as a bait of his fierceness and cruelty, he would not leave till he had brought them all under the same yoke, and to endure the like fortune: and yet they wished him in the mean while to have a care and good regard, not to attempt alone, and with so few men the forces of the enemy, nor so weakly accompanied to provoke them to the fight, 
The Princes of Epire offer Scanderbag their aid and furtheran e for the repulse of the Turk.  whose camp was so unmeasurable great and mighty: because that could not be but with the singular inconvenience and greater peril of them all in general. They offered him likewise arms, horsemen, munition, and whatsoever else should serve their turn, for the removing of such a flood and deluge before that it should endanger all of them to be overwhelmed with the rage thereof. That they thought themselves sufficiently defended and in safety, if they could at this time free & acquit him from the greatness of that peril: upon whom did depend both the peaceable and quiet possession of their signiories and empire, and the preservation of them all in general: as also the whole strength and assured stay of all the province, and the perpetual glory of the Albanois.  
The Ambassadors thus charged with these instructions, and many other particular testimonies of the ready and perfect good will and affections of the confederates, took their way directly to the mountains of Sfetigrade, where they knew that the Prince of Albany had pitched his camp, albeit he were at that time absent. For assoon as ever the troops of the Ottoman were arrived in Epire; and that the bruit of so great a puissance, and so new an accident had filled the ears and minds of every man with fear and terror: Scanderbag (accompanied only with Tanusee, and George 
Scanderbag secretly disguised goeth about visiting & comforting all the places of his province.  Streese, and ten other chosen men of his guard: and (appareled as he was wont) with the simple cassock of a common soldier, had secretly conveyed himself from his army to go and visit those towns of the province which were nighest to the danger; and to confirm and strengthen them in their faith and obeisance, who were any thing dismayed or discomforted, knowing well, (that in so new and fresh a case of danger, the minds of men would be marvelously cast down and appalled, by reason of so strange a commotion, and by the rumours (though for the most part false) increasing daily: and that therefore he might greatly remedy the perplexity & timorousness of their counsels and imaginations: and those which should in any sort staggar and be ready to fall away, might be confirmed and re-established in their ancient vigour and courage, and in the accustomed constancy of their faith and loyalty. Of all this which he had so purposed and conceived, he forgot not, nor left any thing vnaccomplished. For beginning at Croie (as the chiefest place of his realm and his chiefest care) he sent for Vranocontes to come unto him to the city gate with a 
Scanderbag encourageth Vranocontes & the Croians.  certain number of soldiers, and all the principal citizens (for he would not that any man should enter within the town) and there he enforced himself with a kind of superfluous care (according to the brief instance and hasty occasion of the time) by the discourse of many things to incite them, and (as a man might say) to spur them forward in their devoir. But he received from the Governor a notable answer: the recital whereof (as well beseeming and worthy of his sound faith and loyalty) I see no reason why we should omit: or by an ungrateful kind of silence, to defraud so great and honourable a person of his deserved praise and commendation. For at the 
Answer of Vranocontes to Scanderbag.  first blush showing himself as one full of indignation & discontentment for his coming thither, he thus spoke unto him.  
It had been much better at this instant (o Scanderbag) if the Croians had seen Amurath himself, and the show of that his glorious and excellent army (which thou tellest us of) then to see thee here as thou art at this present: for this is certain that as thy speech is nothing pleasing nor agreeable unto us, neither in general nor in particular: so is thy coming at this time no less grievous and discontenting unto us. For what could the sight or the hearing of the enemy have done, either more to have troubled the minds of men that are courageous, or to have worse offended the hearts of those that are fierce and generous? We are now at that point, and such is our love and devotion towards thee, and to the dignity of the estate of Albany: that as long as these troubles shall continue within this province: and as long as Amurath shall prevail or have any authority with his armed forces in Epire: it shallbe more pleasing, and far more acceptable unto us beyond comparison, to see the face & countenance of the enemy, then to have thy presence and company: because thou bringest us nothing but secret plaints and doubtful fears, as though we were inclining to a revolt, or that we were like to prove disloyal, whereas the presence of our enemy could not but minister unto us good and fit matter to merit praise and commendation, and might yield some notable and worthy experience of our fidelity, and be a perpetual occasion for the purchase of renown and glory.  
Castriot knew not what to say here against, but only to purge and excuse himself: telling him that he came not thither to use any exhortations unto them, but only to advertise them how all things stood. And thereupon after he had embraced the Governor, he took his leave both of him and of his soldiers, and so passed onwardly to other places: where finding all things according to his desire, he left them as he found them: and retiring towards his army, he came to his camp somewhat before day, being extremely weary through the long travel of his journey. Yet assoon as he perceived that the Ambassadors of the league did there attend him, he had scarcely 
Ambassadors from the Princes of Epire to Scanderbag, offering him aid against the Turks.  taken time to refresh himself, but that he gave them audience in the full and open assembly of his Captains and other the principal persons of his camp, willing them freely to make known the sum of their Ambassade which they had in charge. The which being declared and heard, Scanderbag by the common advise of all in general, both highly commended the willing minds of their Lords and masters: and gave them great thanks for their good affections, and especially for that they showed themselves to have, the safety and reputation both of his person and of the country of Epire in such care and recommendation. As touching the succours which they offered 
Answer of Scanderbag to the Ambassadors of the Albanian Princes.  him, his answer was: That they should be of good courage, that his intent was not for that time to use any greater forces against the enemy, nor (all things being as yet in good case) to disarm the flanks of his confederates: but he would wish them in the mean while to be ready prepared, and to have a good eye to the Ottoman: for that it was very difficult to discover the enterprises and counsels of one so treacherous and disloial: that assoon as good occasion were offered him to enterprise any thing, he would not fail speedily and beyond their expectation, with such forces as he had to invade him: & when the necessity of his affairs should exact it, or that the importance of a greater danger, or the occasion of a set battle did require it: that then he would use their aid and ready succours as far forward as his own forces. These things thus dispatched, the tables were covered after the soldiers fashion: and after that they had refreshed themselves, and had been honourably rewarded with great presents: about the ninth hour of the morning they were licenced to departed.  
Whilst that matters did thus pass on by consultations: and that Scanderbag rather with words than deeds did seem to invade the Turkish Prince; the other began the battery against Sfetigrade, which though it had been long deferred, yet 
Sfetigrade battered by the Turks.  was it fully concluded & agreed on. He placed therefore two pieces of artillery of exceeding greatness (for he had brought no more with him) upon a certain high place directly against the town, where the walls were most open and discovered. Three whole days together did the thundering of the cannon continue; by which time having made a large and wide breach, the Sultan imagined presently, that his ensigns the next morning would have cleared the breach: and (by reason that it was of a great largeness) both the flankers, and the wall being on all sides beaten down and overthrown, he was fully persuaded, and did in a manner promise to himself: that his soldiers might easily enter the town: and that (notwithstanding any resistance or devise which the defendants should use against them) they should not be able to hold them out, but that they would get the possession of the place. Of all this, Scanderbag had notice the same night by his espials, and by such as were appointed to keep the watch in several places thereabouts: and therefore giving a near conjecture of the secret intent and purpose of Amurath: he was at the first in some doubt and mistrust, lest they within the town being pressed with the exceeding multitudes of the assailants should not be able and of sufficient power to repulse them: besides that the ruin of the wall on that side, did augment this his fear and suspicion. Wherefore after he had debated many matters in his mind, he concluded at length, that he would divert and take upon himself some part of the peril and of their labours: & that he would somewhat ease the besieged of their travels. About midnight therefore (taking with 
Scanderbag approacheth nearer to the Turkish camp.  him victuals for one day only and no more, and leaving all the rest of the baggage in his camp) he went to entrench himself within five miles of the enemy, in the same place where he had last laid his ambuscado. But he sent before him, two of the chiefest of his nobility Musache, and Gnirize de Vladrenne (men of a notable and singular conceit and subtlety) to take a view of the camp of the enemy, and to mark what course they would take in the assault: he himself in the mean time abode there still without any noise, till such time as they returned, that he might then resolve upon his proceed accordingly.  
About the seventh hour in the morning was the return of these gentlemen to their General: and at the same time, the Asappi and janissaries (men that contemned and regarded no perils) were brought forth of their trenches: and being armed of purpose with a notable resolution, they marched up the mountain. The horsemen for all that they could do, were not able to get above some three steps above the bottom and foot of the hill, by reason of the steepness and roughness of the place: 
Sfetygrade assaulted.  and therefore standing there aloof, and shooting with their arrows towards them, they did rather fear then repel the defendants at the breach, whilst the rascal multitude and vile and base sort of the Turks, were drawn on to present themselves to the first fury of the Christians: to the intent that they being tired and wearied with the kill of these slaves and rascals: and the citizens being otherwise occupied and drawn away with escaladoes, from the defence of the places assigned to their custody, 
A stratagem usual amongst the Turks.  the others might afterwards find the less resistance, and with the geater ease make themselves masters of the rampires, which by this means might be disfurnished of all defence. This was it that was attempted on that side where the violence of the cannon had made the breach. But the sudden mounting of the place being of itself naturally upright and steep rising, did easily beat back the assailants; who at each stroke that was given them (were it never so little) were turned upside down by the defendants: who also had spent all the night in repairing and fortifying of the breach, by casting up a rampire or countermure in fashion of a platform: which they trimmed with planks, boards, and baskets made of osiers, and well supported and borne up with strong posts fastened round about, and with great heaps of stones: so that the very height and downfall of the place, did make their darts and other shot (being but weakly thrown and delivered) either to fly staggering and without any force: or to be beaten down backwardly upon those which pressed forward: who could scarcely find any stay or rest, or any plain or smooth place to get themselves footing, as they pressed to the assault, nor yet to stop and stay their bodies as they tumbled and rolled down when they had the repulse. On the other sides of the town, and especially towards the gates where the place was more plain and open, and where the rising and falling of the ground did seem more easy and pleasant for the soldiers; there the Asappi with their targets and pavishes were placed round about in the forefront: behind them were appointed two great and chosen squadrons of hargabussiers and crossbows who with the thick showers (as it were) of their quarrels and deadly bullets, might make them within to quit and abandon the defence of their walls: to the intent the janissaries, who followed after them, might the more easily carry the place, and make themselves masters of the town by the help of their scaling ladders: with the which they pressed forward so furiously, and with a countenance so resolute and obstinate, that forgetting all care and fear both of wounds, or yet of death: some of them whole and sound, others wounded and maimed in their approach to the walls, were now gotten up and had laid hold upon the top of the battelments. For on that side, the walls had not felt the devilish rage and fury of the Cannon: neither had they any other help or receipt (as it appeared) to carry the place but only by a scalado. But notwithstanding all this their labour and striving, by how much the higher they were gotten from the ground in scaling of the walls, so much the less force had they to keep their stand. For many of them being overborne with their proper weight, and the burden of their own heaviness, did tumble down to the ground with their heels upwards, and their ladders upon them, the same being broken with the overgreat weight of those that climbed on them. Others having their fingers cut off, were enforced to forego their hold: and so their weapons falling first out of their hands, themselves followed after, and their bodies tumbled likewise. But the chief and principal fury of the fight was with stones and such like, which being cast down from aloft with exceeding great noise and offence, did mightily both spoil and encumber the assailants, their armour, and all other their furniture. How beit though there fell continually innumerable with their heads downwards, yet was the number of the assailants nothing diminished, but still there came others fresh and lusty in the place of those which were wounded or wearied, who succeeding into their rooms, did still maintain the assault, rushing furiously over the carcases, and through the blood of those that lay dead, with a greater desire of revenge, then of any great hope to prevail: and without any apprehension or fear of death, and with an herrible noise and tumult, they made haste to seize on the battelments, and by their overmuch hastiness & striving to mount each before other (every one not being able to get up with the first) the one of them did (as it fell out) hinder and hurt the other. Concerning the besieged, as they had no want of arms and munition, so you may imagine that their force and strength did no way fail them: besides that, the place did greatly favour them in all points, and did seem to yield succour unto itself. Moreover they had certain pavishes and thick planks extended in the form of bucklers to keep off the shot and blows of the enemy, to the intent that the soldiers standing behind them close and in covert, might the better maintain the defence of the places assigned them: and every man might the more frankly employ himself to the discharge of his devoir and duty. Many of the Turks might have been taken alive, by reason that their ladders being exceeding long and high, their bodies were even above the tops of the walls: and some of them also having left their armour behind them were mounted up unarmed: because the weight thereof would have hindered them, if they had come otherwise to the assault. But no man had any mind or care of the living more than of the dead: for fear lest if in the heat and fury of the fight, they should have had any desire to reserve the enemies for their 
Turk's repulsed from the assault of Sfetigrade.  prisoners, or to covet after gain and booty, the town might have been foolishly lost by their negligence and avarice. This was in a manner the whole proof of the valour and devoir showed by the Barbarians in the first and second assault, from the which seeing themselves repulsed with shame and ignominy: and beginning now to perceive their bootless and vain assays, and their foolish desire how they ran headlong to seek their own deaths, every man coming to consider his proper wounds, and the streams of blood which ran down their bodies: then (their courages being somewhat abated) they began to mitigate their furious and beastly fierceness, their blows grew to be more faint: and they fought not with their wont stomach, their choler was well cooled, and they went not so hotly on to the assault, because by little and little their forces failed them: and (as it is commonly seen) men going continually upwards and mounting still aloft, do wax faint and weary, and do lose their breath in going. Notwithstanding the Bassas & other the royal leaders being at their backs, soliciting and encoraging them, sometimes with good words, and sometimes with rough speeches and menaces, did enforce them (weary as they were) to pass on against the enemy: and if any were ouerslow and lazy in their march, they would with blows drive and force them on, beating them with cudgels or bastinadoes in most cruel manner. Whereupon thus constrained, they went on again to the assault; & drawing on their fainting and wearied bodies against the enemy, they came to the walls almost tired: where they continued in fight, though to no great purpose, till by little & little growing to be spent, they yielded up their miserable ghosts in the sight of the Christians. Many of them (as their souls were departing from their bodies) being dragged away by the feet, their fellows (whilst they endeavoured by so charitable a deed to convey them to their tents & to save them from the fury of the citizens) providing for others better then for their own safety, were themselves mortally wounded from the walls: by means whereof they tumbled and fell upon their companions half dead & almost breathless: and were reduced to the same, if not to a worse plight & condition. The Sfetigradians the mean while aloft upon the walls making show by their loud clamours and pleasant jests, that they were the victors, did with open mouth mock & deride the assailants, which did not a little exasperate their grief, and renew the sorrow of their mischance.  
The Sultan himself being not able to endure this injury, nor to suffer it without revenge, 
Feribassa sent with a new supply to renué the assault.  sent a supply of 3000. men under the leading of Feribassa, who being one of his most sufficient captains, was greatly renowned for the great strength & dexterity of his body and of his mind: and he furnished him with an infinite number of scaling ladders and other warlike engines of all sorts. Immediately hereupon the noise grew to be appeased within the town, and their still silence arguing a new fear & doubt, did recall the soldier to a more difficult and harder piece of service, & to the beginning of a new labour. Wherefore both the spirits and the eyes of all men were intentive to receive, and to repel the assailants, and to trouble them in their proceeding, keeping them aloof from the walls at the beginning, with force of arrows, quarrels, arquebus, & all other kind of shot, whereby they might be hindered from making their approaches. But perceiving that notwithstanding all their devoir, they marched close on with their ensigns without all fear, and that they made roundly to the walls; they threw down upon them huge pieces of timber, and store of stones both small and great, besides artificial fires, as baskets and faggots anointed with oil and pitch, and so set on fire: in such sort that the Infidels being sore terrified with the fierceness of the fire, whilst some of them hasted to quench it, and others to avoid it, they could not present any great number of ladders against the wall: and of those which were set up, the most part were burnt and fired. During this contention and confused noise, their commander himself with part of his troops, somewhat removed from thence, having slain some of the defendants, had raised up ladders against that part of the wall, where fight eagerly & incensing his soldiers with often admonitions, he encoraged them to enter in on that side which was almost naked and void of defence. There wanted not in the soldier obedience nor readiness, nor in the common sort forwardness or courage: but of themselves they were sufficiently inflamed. For all of them pricked on with an exceeding fury, & almost enraged, as if the one of them had envied the other) they did strive to purchase the credit to be the first man that should enter: well knowing what high fortune and rewards, (besides the crown due unto him that first got upon the wall) were prepared for that man that could attain thereunto. But Perlat with a good number of Dibrians, running speedily to the place, and filling it with fresh men in stead ofthose which had been slain, did soon disappoint both the exhortations of the Turkish commander, and the endeavours of the soldiers. For bringing a whole shower and tempest (as it were) of shot upon them, both the assailants were by that means oppressed, and all their engines and other provisions were broken in sunder and dispersed. Thereupon began the cry to be renewed within the town, & the Infidels were repulsed with greater fear than danger: for but 30. were slain of that company, and about 18. of them wounded. Notwithstanding, they desisted not from pursuing the assault by all other means, till such time as they heard the retreat sounded: and yet was it only a mere obstinacy and a most wilful humour that made them so to persever: and shame rather than courage pressed them forwards on all parts: so that the Christians had good and sufficient leisure to refresh themselves.  
But the sudden coming of Scanderbag did soon after yield them some more advantage 
Scanderbag goeth to invade the camp of the Turk before Sfetigrade  to refresh them: for the approach of their friends 'gan now to be discovered, & the thickness of the dust with the great noise made through the trampling of their horses, did evidently bewray their coming to the eyes and ears of every man. The long stay of our men (for before their arrival the assault had continued more than 3. long hours) grew upon this occasion: because after many opinions debated in counsel, it had been advised as the surest and safest course, that the first onset to be given upon the enemy, should be protracted a while: till such time as the Turks having left their tents void & empty, should employ the forces of their whole camp against Sfetigrade, and that every man should be busied in his particular charge and duty, supposing that then would be the fittest time to make them yield an account of their expedition, and to quit the assault which they had undertaken. But the provident Ottoman was not found so negligent and sleeping, neither did this Emperor (being so wise and politic) show himself faulty in so gross an oversight & absurdity, as to make head with his chiefest strength against the town, and to leave his back bare & open in the mean time to the mercy of the Albanois. For the truth is, he had placed a strong & mighty court of guard about 500 paces from the walls: in the midst whereof himself stood environed 
Amurath his policy and great providence.  with his ordinary guard, both as a surueior and encourager of his people; and beside he had provided a strong battalion of young men purposely picked and chosen to the number of 15000. all horsemen, to whom he had given in charge to course up and down, and to discover all places, and on all parts, for fear lest some stur and tumult might be raised behind them at their backs. Now Scanderbag having gotten within 2. miles of the enemy with 7000. good horse, & 3000. foot, he had according to his custom, made a division of his companies, appointing Moses to lie in an ambuscado with all his footmen, and 2000 horse, to prevent the diverse inconveniences which might fortune to befall him. He himself with the rest of his horsemen, taking the wide and open champion, did march on with great fury and violence against the enemy, and with a great and notable cry before he came to the encounter, he added courage to the besieged, & discomforted the assailants. Therewithal the battalion royal 
Conflict of Scanderbag with the Turks.  of the Turkish horsemen, which (as I have said before) stood there ranged to that intent and purpose, with all speed went to meet him, and with a full career made head against them. The Albanois nothing abashed at their great multitude, but keeping close in good order of battle, went to the charge with such bravery, that at the very first onset, they beat them back and disordered them: and many of them being intermingled in fight together, did with their swords or cimitaries rudely and fiercely entertain each other. The Infidels holding good for a time, by reason of their numbers only, did within a while recuile all together, and casting away all shame by a fearful kind of flight, by little and little did seem to confess, that the Epirots were no men for them to deal withal. Whereof as soon as their Prince had knowledge, and seeing that he fought on all sides with so great misfortune and bad success, (as if God himself had been against him) he commanded presently to sound a retreat: and pointing with his finger to the small number of the Christians, he spoke thus unto his soldiers.  
What a shame and reproach is this (qd he?) what? hath so small a troop of thieves 
Speeches of Amurath reproaching his soldiers flying from Scanderbag.  and robbers had the power to make & see you turn your backs? Nay, I myself have seen it also, which (if you were men of any valour) would make you blush for very shame. What? have your enemies, even the Gods at their command? and do they carry victory with them in their bosoms? and have you nothing but your sword (and those unprofitable) and your hands dead and without life, and your bodies feeble and subject to the sword and injuries of your enemies? Behold how they do yet abide you and stir not a foot from you, wherefore stay you? Can you endure that a handful of such base & infamous persons, should present themselves as conquerors before your eyes, whom you are able to swallow up whole both horse and arms? Revenge your own blood (my soldiers,) and if the common reputation do any thing at all move you, revenge the deaths of your fellows and companions, at leastwise your own private wrongs and injuries.  
Upon these his speeches and exclamations, all of them suddenly turned their faces towards the enemy, & every man (leaving all other business) ran confusedly on all sides: and those also which were on the mountain descended to charge the Albanois. But the Prince of Epire would not attend them though they were almost breathless & out of order: but retiring speedily to the place provided for his surety, he kept the advantage which he had gotten in that encounter, without any loss except of one only, and 3. wounded: and so came & joined himself with Moses, holding that the only way for his safeguard from the enemy. Of the Turks there were slain some 60. or better, of which number (men say) that Scanderbag slew five of them with his own hands. The Barbarians did not pursue them far, because the Sultan doubted of some secret train or counterwaits: and the rather, for that he had some apparent sign of the other troops in the ambushment: wherefore he commanded them again to a second retreat. It was a notable sight to see how in one and the same instant, the Barbarians on the one part 
Garrison within Sfetigrade sally out upon the Turks.  did charge upon the Christians, and on the other part themselves were charged at the backs by those of Sfetigrade. The Turks scoffed at Scanderbag as he retired from the fight, and being not able to hurt him with their sword, they prosecuted him with taunts and villainous speeches. But Perlat on the other side was much more troublesome and despiteful unto them, and did more grievously importune their companions: for he not only angered them by the hearing of his quips and fine girding speeches, but he vexed them also with good store of blows at their backs both with pikes, shot, and other kind of weapons. For as soon as he perceived, that at the only name of Scanderbag, they gave over the assault, and descended a pace down the mountain, he (embracing the occasion offered him with a train of three hundredth men quick and well armed) issued out upon them with a great clamour, and playing upon them with his shot as thick as hail, he went on beating, kill, and chase them even to the foot of the mountain.  
Thus was that day most unfortunate to the Ottoman and all his enterprises, for that time fell out to be vain and unprofitable. The assault was broken off, the enemy was not seized upon, but without any loss vanished out of sight. The audacity of the defendants was augmented and increased, and the most part of the Turk his readiest and best soldiers, lay dead before the walls of Sfetigrade, besides the incredible havoc and spoil of his munitions and artillery, and other provisions for the assault. For the number of those which were slain in that journey, was reckoned to be full 
Number of Turks slain and hurt at the first assault of Sfetigrade.  three thousand: and more than four thousand hurt and wounded, and infinite engines and instruments for the war, were broken in pieces and consumed with fire. This victory cost the towns men the loss only offorty men: but of them that were wounded the number was very great: yet was there an inestimable quantity both of arms and other baggage found before the walls, and carried into the town, whilst the enemy was busied in the pursuit of Scanderbag, which was some amends for the loss and damage they had sustained. For that day the Turk gave no other attempt, but retiring himself from before Sfetigrade, he spent the whole night in sorrow and sadness, silent and melancholic. On the other side the Prince of Epire holding himself sufficiently contented with this good and happy success, in that this discomfiture and repulse of the enemy, did yield some time of respite to the besieged, he made no longer stay there, then whilst his soldiers must of necessity to breath themselves. But he immediately after returned to his first camp where he had left his baggage at his departure, and there his people refreshed themselves both with sleep and victuals. The next day early, the first thing he did, was, to send away messengers, who road post to carry the joyful news of the victory of Sfetigrade, both to Vranocontes, and to the other towns and peoples under his obeisance. He himself the day following with two hundred horse only, taking his way through the height of the mountains, went to take a view of the demeanour and countenance of the enemy. All things were there in quiet, and the town at good rest: by means whereof, being returned to his tents, he sojourned there two days longer, and the third day trussing up his baggage, he removed his camp into the upper Dibria, & there entrenched himself in a place strongly seated and well defended, about fifteen miles from Amurath. The principal cause that moved him so often to remove from one place to another, 
Stratagem of Scanderbag in often removing of his camp.  was (as I take it) either for fear lest the soldiers (abiding long in one place certain) might accustom themselves to overmuch idleness: or lest the enemy might thereby take some course and occasion, either by some draft laid, to surprise his person, or to guard himself the better from those trains which the enemy should prepare to entrap him.  
Amurath all this while being exceedingly malcontent for the unhappy event of this first assault, and badly digesting in his stomach the rude repulse sustained by 
Sfetigrade again battered.  them of Sfetigrade: after he had now sufficiently tormented his thoughts, with vain consultations, griefs, and complaints, once again he called together the ministers of his rage and vengeance, charging them diligently to consider of the site of the place, and on what side the town might be best invaded and offended. The place being once assigned, he appointed the ordinance to be planted against it, and then consumed three whole days in battering the town on that side, thinking to have dismanteled it by the the force of the Canon, but their labour was all in vain: for albeit on that part the flankers of the wall were beaten down, and though fortifications which had been made by hand, did tumble to the ground, yet the excellent and natural 
Sfetigrade, her natural strength and situation.  strength of the place, would not suffer it to be forced, neither by any violence or industry that could be used against it. For if it had been laid wholly open, and no man there to defend it, yet had it not been possible but with great difficulty, as (the saying is) by creeping both on hands and feet, for the most nimble and active persons to approach it, much less for men armed and carrying their furniture with them. So craggy, rough, & full of woods were the mountains, so raggedly & uneven did they stand, sundered each from other, with such variety of turnings and windings in and out, and so steep were their bottoms and downefals: that they made the town being seated upon them, both inaccessible and impregnable. And again on the other side where it seemed more assaultable, though the wall might easily of itself have been battered, and a breach made, yet right opposite against it, there presented itself a certain belly of ground, swelling (as it were) or rising up with a knob in form of a Boss, which running out from the back of the mountain, did so fitly cover and shadow the wall, that from the place where the enemy lay encamped, it was not possible to plant their cannon, nor to manage their artillery in any sort to offend them. But for that both the getting up at the first approach was very difficult, and because the town was too near a neighbour unto them, they did attempt it though often, yet in vain: for the besieged by their ordinary sallies (being helped with the favour of the place, did daily hinder them of their intent, breaking the engines all in pieces. And beside, with their Cannon shot and other artillery from the walls, they did in great safety and security disappoint the enemy of their purpose, and disturb the endeavours of the assailaunts. Thus on all sides was their labour lost, and there was no appearance or hope of any good success, which might encourage the aged Sultan to come to the end of his desires. Yet was he resolved to pursue the siege to the last point: and by 
Amurath resolveth to consume the garrison of Sfetigrade by often and light skirmishes.  often and continual skirmishes, to travel, toil, and weary out the defendants without ceasing: affirming, that this was the best and likeliest way to consume their forces, and to bring them to nothing: and that though the first days assault had cost him dearly, yet had not the Christians made any great good market, considering their small numbers, and that he both durst and would make further proof of that way, though not by the venture and hazard of a general battle, both because the enemy did by his continual and daily invasions and canuazadoes keep him in awe: and the remembrance of his late discomfiture and overthrow, did daily renew his sorrows. Thus were the towns men never assailed, but only by lose and light skirmishes: and the Ottoman forces did only watch and lie in wait for some good occasion, amidst their often incursions, suddenly and unprovided to surprise the city. Nevertheless they left not with their shot each to annoy other aloof and a far off: neither did they intermit or give over any of the other ordinary services accustomed and used in the siege of towns.  
Little or none at all was the damage and hurt sustained all this while, either on the one side or the other: neither was there any exploit done worthy of memory. There was no new assault given to the walls, neither were the scaling ladders any more used, till such time as certain janissaries, secretly gotten out of their camp, did perceive that there was one place of the town on the other side thereof, which being abandonned and undefended, the inhabitants thought not needful to be manned, by reason both of the height of the place, which was naturally defended, and in a manner inaccessible: and the knop of the hill being severed and divided, and 
Turks think to surprise Sfetigrade.  suddenly distoyned from the mountain. The matter being reported unto the Sultan, did make him exceedingly joyful and glad: and therefore liking well of the opportunity, he sent very many, some at one time, some at another, who by creeping having gotten up to the top, were now a sufficient number able to make a reasonable good troop or squadron. By good hap the governor himself went the round at that time, to oversee and view the rampires and fortifications: who being speedily advertised of the danger by the next Sentinel, and court of guard, went presently to the place, accompanied with a good number of chosen soldiers, and with great provision of munition both of shot and armour. And at the first he kept himself close, regarding and beholding the bold enterprise and adventure of the enemy: and he could not but greatly wonder at their hardy and audacious attempt, or rather at the great folly of this people, who durst so to hazard their lives, without all care or fear of danger. hereupon to the end he might use guile for guile and (as the saying is) cut them sops of the same loaf, and give them drink of the same cup, he held himself still and quiet behind the rampires, marking how every one of them was busily occupied at their work, with their ladders raised up against the walls, and some of them already mounted, and others yet climbing towards the top. Therewithal rushing forth against them with his only presence, he so terrified and amazed them, that leaving their armour and weapons, and many forsaking their companions (according as each man's fear did lead and advise him,) they began to fly before that any shot came to touch them. Many of them as they fled to save themselves, were oppressed and beaten down with stones: all the residue in a manner, were most miserably crushed and bruised with falling from their ladders, tumbling down headlong from the top to the bottom of the steep mountain: in such sort that their bodies were so strangely battered and disfigured, that at their return to the camp, they could not be known nor discerned by their own fellows, for that scant there appeared any show or shape of humane form to be seen in them. Of the defendants, not any one that had any hurt or damage. And during all that time, there was not heard in a manner, so much as one sigh within the town: for with very good advise and consideration all the day long they would spend their time towards the place where the battery had been made, and when the dark night came on, then would they fill up and repair the breach, with great store of earth, stones, and other stuff, strengthening it with faggots, posts, and such like.  
Whilst they did thus by light skirmishes and conflicts incense each other; & that the 
Scanderbag scoureth the country.  Turks did rather inflame the choler of the defendants, than any way discourage or appall them: Scanderbag accompanied with 2000 horse did scour over all the country, leaving no corner nor place unuisited, to see if he could any way find the opportunity to entrap the enemy, either as they went on foraging, or seeking for fresh water, or (which he was in hope of and might have happened) that he might meet with some of their companies, sent forth by the Sultan to overrun, sack, and waste the country: but he was ever deceived of his expectation, for I never heard, that either then or at any other time during the siege of Sfetigrade, any such thing was enterprised or undertaken by Amurath. Wherefore Scanderbag seeing that all his draughts did turn to smoke, and that he could find no fit matter, whereupon to discharge his choler, he returned to his camp more aggrieved than he went forth.  
It was now the two and twentieth of june, about two hours after noon, that Scanderbag (as one that had of a long time been kept fasting from the blood of the enemy which he so eagerly coveted) mounted again on horse back, and taking with him Tanuse and fifty other tall soldiers, he went about his ordinary and 
Scanderbag goeth to view the army and demeanour of the Turks before Sfetygrade.  wont task: namely to understand some news of the enemy. Now it happened as he beheld their Camp from aloof: that he found all still without any stir or noise, nothing being to be seen that carried any show or countenance of enemies, but the ensigns and standards only: the men lay wallowing all along under their tents, pell mel amongst their horses, (for it was at that time when the Sun being in Cancer, and in the extremity of heat did burn and broil their bodies most intolerably.) Castriot therefore seeing them in this plight, turned his face to them in his company, and with a smiling countenance (as the report goeth) spoke unto them in this manner.  
O what a goodly sight have we here my friends! See here the Emperor of the 
Speeches of Scanderbag to his soldiers touching the security of the Turkish army.  Orient, even Amurath the terror and fear of nations: see here this army the conquerors of the world, who have so often adorned & beautified their Barbarous houses with the spoils of Hungary, the treasures of Asia, and the wealth & riches of Morea: see (I say) how they now lie buried and overwhelmed with sleep, and overcome with sloth and grief, having been lately vanquished by the garrison of Sfetygrade, by a Town of so small force and estimate, that they seem to be in case rather of men besieged, then of such as besiege others. Hardly can any mind be satisfied with this sight, to see how filthy and unclean a show they make on all parts, resembling very beasts and brutish creatures. O that the great Princes of Christendom were here now present to behold them: I do not think, but do fully assure myself of it, that jointly with me they would shed tears when they should come to measure the indignity of their misfortune by the infamous estate, and by the vile habit, and base show of the vanquisher. For your parts (my good soldiers) as you cannot now behold this filthy spectacle proposed before your eyes, without the singular disdain and contempt of these base miscreants: so (I pray you) let the remembrance of this sight be so deeply engraven in your stomachs, and imprinted in the very bottom of your hearts: that they may continue still mindful of your liberty. Go to then, let us make haste while the day yet lasteth, and whilst the representation of this spectacle, remaineth fresh in our memory: let us return to our camp to take up our ensigns & to arm our companions, whilst our enemies thus laid along all at their ease, overcome with sleep & drowsiness, do offer themselves as a prey to our swords and do invite us and give us such opportunity to the cutting of their throats.  
This said, he pricked forward and being fully replenished both with hope and choler, he returned to his Camp, where without giving any respite unto his soldiers (scarce so much as a little to refresh themselves) and causing them to carry victuals for one day only and no more: with singular diligence he willed the ensigns to be displayed, and commanded all the companies to follow him with all celerity. For the guard and custody of the Camp, he left only forty soldiers: for the residue of those that stayed behind, were but vanlettes, and men of servile condition. A little before the Sun setting, the earth began to be covered with a dark mist, during the which, the Princ of Epire with a soft and easy pace was gotten near 
Scanderbag his order and policy in marching with his arm.  the Turkish army, but he ever had some horsemen continually riding and scouring the country before him, to survey and regard all places round about, and after their ordinary and accustomed manner of searching (by turning and winding, here and there on all parts, to sound every forest and dangerous place, lest there might have been laid some ambushment to surprise and beguile him, who was his craftes-maister in such trains and artificial sleights of policy. For this expert Chieftain, either was continually in fear and doubt, or else he did purposely feign and dissemble a kind of fear by a certain singular dexterity of his spirit, to the intent he might make his soldiers more wary, circumspect, and advised, and the more attentive to all accidents whatsoever. And this was the reason (as the report is) why he was wont 
Saying of Scanderbag.  commonly to have these speeches in his mouth. That many more excellent captains & triumphant armies, have been overcome & vanquished by surprises then in open and set battle: that he had rather fight against ten men resolutely, and openly being provided for them, then against two upon any uncertainty & suspicion either of place or any other inconvenience. Because that all things whatsoever which are doubtful are more suspicious and fearful, and upon asuddaine do seem more hard and difficult.  
When Scanderbag was come within a quarter of a league of the enemy, he made a stand, being not minded to advance his ensigns any farther, till he had first sent 
Moses with two other soldiers goeth as aspie into the camp of Amurath.  two soldiers (to whom he had promised a good sum of money) to the tents of Amurath to see and understand the doings of the enemy. Moses likewise voluntarily took upon him with a gallant and cheerful courage jointly with them to be an actor in the matter: for that he thought there was not any great confidence to be reposed in their skill and sufficiency. Immediately therefore leaving their horses (for that being on foot they might the moresafely deceive the Turks sentinels) he being disguise in a varlet's garment & a Sclavonian sword by his side went cheerfully on, and was soon out of sight, with both the other soldiers, who followed him without any fear at all. They in the camp when they saw that Moses did not spare to adventure himself in that enterprise, conceived a singular hope in the matter: nevertheless they still expected in great perplexity (by reason of the darkness of the night, which made them somewhat both in fear and doubt) what would be the end of this attempt, and to what service they should bedrawen, when this worthy spy should return to make report what he had seen. Neither did the Dibrian deceive them of their expectation, for I may justly speak it) he did not only compass all the trenches & fortifications of the infidels, to take a view & notice of every thing: but he went even through their inmost courts of guard, passing & searching the most secret places of their camp. I am not ignorant, that some have ascribed the proof of this hardy and audacious fact unto Standerbeg, of which for my part, nevertheless I will not rob nor deprive Moses: relying in this matter (though there be no great certainty thereof) upon the plurality of 
Scanderbag went as spy into the Turks camp lying at the siege of Croy.  opinions which do defend it: how beit that this was not the first time that Moses merited this commendation, neither was this peculiar to him alone. For it cannot be denied but that even Scanderbag did adventure himself to the like hazard (especially during the siege of Croy, with the like courage and good success, I will not say, counsel and good advise seeing in this case there is not any thing in a manner governed and guided 
General of an army not to be commended for adventuring his person over hardily. A rare thing to see fortune, and virtue in one man to be always joined together.  by reason, but by mere chance and fortune. And therefore I dare not much commend in a General of an army that valour or virtue which is careless & so prodigal of his life and safety. How beit fortune herself seemeth to have exempted Scanderbag from reproof and blame in this behalf: in that she did continually so accompany and second the endeavours & heroical conceits of this worthy parsonage, that it was a thing very seldom seen in that age, & it was a spectacle both rare & singular to see a happy issue & event still joined with counsel & wisdom, & that virtue should be so attended by fortune. But we shall have occasion elsewhere to entreat of this matter: let us now return to our camp with Moses: who being perceived a far off by the court of guard (for the moon was then at the full and did shine all night) they went to meet him and received him with infinite joy and gladness, and so conveyed him to the general. Then might you see the private and common sort of soldiers mingled pell mel with the nobles and chief commanders, all of them running in great desire to understand what he had seen, what he had learned, and what likehood he brought either offeare or hope. When it it was known that all was well, and that matters stood in good case, and this joyful news being dispersed & published to every one of them: Scanderbag knew that the wished hour did now approach for them to march on against the enemy: he bestirred himself therefore on all sides, and you might have seen him sometimes there amongst the ranks and squadrons of his armed soldiers, taking order, both for the men and their arms. Now disposing of some in the vanguard, and others in the rearward, each one to his charge. And there withal he encouraged them with many brave speeches and exhortations.  
Although (said he) my good friends and companions, both the present time and 
Oration of Scanderbag to his army being to give a canuazado to the Turkish camp.  all things in a manner round about, especially your valour and prowess so often manifested, may summon me now to be silent: yet the novelty of the course which we now take, and this unaccustomed fashion of fight, which now we are to begin (it may be) will give you cause to think, that my speeches are not needles nor impertinent considering that it behoveth you now at my command to yield some new testimony of your ancient virtue against the enemy in the darkness of the night, and not as heretofore you were wont, in set battle open and orderly ranged. This is the cause, that I do now freely speak unto you, and as instantly as possibly I may, I do pray and entreat you, I do exhort you, and I do require you, that even the night itself may show you to be mindful of your noble courage, & to be mindful of your honour & reputation which you have purchased and continued so many years. For now cannot I be either a beholder or encourager of the valour or of the sloth of any of you, only the moonlight shall be the witness of your valour, and your valour must animate and encourage you. Notwithstanding the success and issue also of this night's service will give an open testimony of your devoir, and myself willbe the particular judge of your several deserts, when I shall see your victorious hands bring me the bloody spoils of our dead enemies, their ensigns encountered and conquered before their trenches, and the heads cut off from the carcases of their slaughtered bodies.  
These and such like speeches did he use unto his soldiers, as it were in jest and merriment, admonishing them notwithstanding in any case to abstain from the pillage of their camp, lest in thinking to satisfy their vile & covetous humour, their booty might happen to prove fatal unto them, and be the occasion of their death and destruction: that nothing could be more precious, neither could fortune offer any thing of better value to the brave soldier then the throat of the enemy.  
This done, and having made their prayers and vows of all sorts unto God for the obtaining of victory, about the fourth hour of the night, he caused his ensigns to 
Scanderbag giveth a canuado to the Turkish camp.  march, but the clattering of their armour, and the neighing of the horses, did discover their coming to the skoutes, before that they came to the tents of the enemy: and they giving the alarm to their Captains, filled all parts with disorder, tumult, and confusion. Upon this so sudden and unexpected a noise, the tents of the Grand Signior himself were stricken with fear and terror, and the old man being soon awaked, as a man amazed and destitute of all counsel, did provide as well as he could upon so desperate an accident. But Scanderbag for all this, neither slacked his course nor abated his fury: and although he perceived by this tumult, that all the camp was in an alarm, and that the soldiers did run in and out to the guards, and passages of the camp, yet did he not diminish any part of his fury and fierceness formerly conceived, but with high cries and wonderful noise, he invaded their trenches and fortifications. The first quarter that was assailed, was where certain soldiers of Asia lay encamped, who being by chance the first that were encountered, had their tents and lodgings overthrown in an instant, and themselves as they stood upon their defence being partly slain & partly put to flight, did draw on the like fury and destruction upon others that succeeded in their rooms. For many who had taken arms in great haste & tumult, came to make head against the enemy, but being not able to make their party good, by reason they were unequal to our men both in number and in fierceness, they were quickly cut in pieces, or driven to forsake the place. From thence the Christians passing further on, they found divers tents and pavilions void and empty, which they caused to be fired, and the cords being cut in sunder, they left them thus overthrown in poor estate. Thus did Scanderbag a long time continue victorious without any loss or bloodshed of his men, till such time as a strong batallion of Turks being rallied and gotten close together, did come forth and advance forward from the hart and strength (as it were) of the Camp to repulse the shame and ignominy of this dishonour. Then began the fight to be doubtful and ambiguous, the place was covered with dead bodies, and died with much blood. For the General of the Albanois making head against them with a troop of harguebussiers and crossbows and all his companies of archers, and bearing them off bravely at the first encounter when they came to charge him: he gave them such a volley of shot both with bullet and artillery, and he handled them so rudely, that growing at the very beginning to be astonished, and the night redoubling their fear, they stood a while in a doubt whether they should press forward or return backward, nevertheless trusting to their number wherein they thought themselves the stronger (for there were more than 14000. fight men:) they resolved at length to try the extremity and last hazard, neither would the Albanois in any case quit the place which he had once set foot on: but marching still on with obstinacy & perseverance, he prepared himself both to give & to take blows with like hardiness & resolution. For albeit he could not pierce any further into the camp of the enemy (because the thickness of the press and multitude trouping close together) did hinder them: yet would he not for any danger whatsoever give over this occasion of so notable a victory. Wherefore joining close with the enemy, & setting foot to foot, sword to sword, & target to target, they came to encounter together man to man, and hand to hand, all of them taking good heed to keep themselves from entermingling with the enemy, for fear least in this confusion and in the dark, they should not be able, to discern their friends from their foes. And their fight did seem in show and resemblance to be in the nature of a particular combat, for so eager and furious was their fight, that they seemed like mad men, and so vehement was their hatred which they bore each other (not so much in public as in private) that every one did imagine the enemy then before him, to have been predestinate unto him, and therefore each man did his best and the uttermost of his endeavours to lay hold on the bloody spoils of his enemy.  
Now did it appear on all sides how notably the late oration of Scanderbag was fixed & imprinted in the memories of his soldiers, and what effect his particular precepts & instructions had wrought in their hearts: For on all sides the Circumcised yielding up their souls, did sigh and groan under the hands of the Christians, and their throats (as they were cut a sunder, did even crackle & make a noise through the abundance of blood which like streams, issued from them: so ardent a desire had every one of the Albanois to show unto his Prince the heads separated from the carcases) as the certain & evident pledges of their faith which they had given him, & the assured marks of their prows & virtue. But our men did not long enjoy this liberty of killing & massacring: because the Turks (seeing how their batallion was pressed & ill entreated) did now retire on all sides, both those which were whole, & those that were wounded, all together: and they conveyed themselves into the most secure and safest places of their camp even to the lodging of their Prince. By this time their whole army being drawn out of the several quarters of their camp, & orderly ranged) as the time & tumult would permit) they made towards the place of the combat, where purposing to have done their best against the Christians, their coming was not so furious and so violent as it was in vain and unprofitable, for they even upon the first flight of their enemies, being partly wearied and partly satisfied with the slaughter, were departed. And albeit they were scant a mile from thence, yet durst none of them be so hardy, as to follow after them for fear of ambushments. They remained therefore and abode still in that place, till such time as the morning light did discover the horrible butchery, and the sorrowful object of the dead bodies of their companions, which themselves did bewail with warm and bitter tears. It is generally agreed that there were slain 2000 and more than 500 hurt and wounded: for two and forty of the Christians 
Number of Turks slain in the canuazado.  which lay buried amongst the heaps of their dead enemies, whom afterwards being found (though their bodies were stone cold and their eyes pale (as in dead men is usual) & though their members stiff and cold had lost their use & ordinary functions by the departure of their happy souls) yet these miscreants nevertheless, through a vain desire of revenge most inhumanly tearing them in pieces, did endeavour to satisfy their rage and malice, upon the deaf and senseless trunks of their dead carcases.  
This mean while the Prince of Albany had gotten ground, and being passed clean out of sight and hearing of the enemy; he caused his army to make a stand in a certain 
The fair valley.  valley which the inhabitants call the fair valley, and was about five miles from Amurath. There did he make some stay, to the intent both to breathe his companies, and to set his troops in better order by the benefit of the day light, as also to provide for them that were wounded, whom visiting one by one, he did graciously comfort, and without any respect of the dignity of his estate, with a souldiourlike regard (as one that had been but a mean footman) himself did handle and look unto their wounds. All things being well and diligently ordered and disposed, he dislodged thence with his 
Scanderbag returneth to his Campe.  ensigns displayed, and came to his Camp about the eleventh hour of the day a little before noon. He had made the less speed, because the wounds of his soldiers did much hinder him: so likewise did the extremity of the heat, and the burdensome carriage of the prey and booty gotten from the enemy. Besides there was a great number of prisoners both good and bad: for whatsoever was found within the enemy's tents was taken and carried away. Amongst the rest of the pillage, there were 230. horses and seven ensigns: but the heads of the Turks, cut from their bodies, which the soldiers held and carried in their hands, as the notable marks of their private virtue, did singularly grace & beautify the fight of this triumph. And Scanderbag forgot not both with high praises, and rich presents and rewards, to honour all of them openly and in public. The prisoners were sent into the next towns there to abide, till such time as they were ransomed. The ensigns with certain movables and rich ornaments, were sent unto the Princes his associates: the rest of the spoils were granted and parted amongst the soldiers. After this for a while was the camp in good 
Scanderbag encampeth in Emathia.  rest and quietness, and they had leisure to repair their forces with new supplies. The third day being past, they removed with bag and baggage, and all their carriage into the plain country of Emathia, where they encamped.  
The wrath and anger of the Turkish Emperor did so far prevail with him, that the same being converted into rage and mere madness (both for the perverse misfortune and slaughter of his people, and through the deformed shape and aspect of his camp: and seeing no other mean nor matter of revenge, he disgorged the rage and fury of his heart (yet all in vain) against the besieged, and against the walls of their city. For 
Sfetygrade assaulted for 3. days together by the Bassa of Romania.  three days together did the Bassa of Romania, with a great and puissant preparation, enterprise upon them, and as often was he repulsed, and with notable great loss overthrown and beaten back. By means whereof, as the hardy and courageous fierceness of the defendants was increased more and more, so did a vehement indignation and broiling rage more and more torment the heart of the Sultan. And though his body were even wasted and worn out with age, yet the exceeding vigour of his spirit (surviving within him) did even revive and quicken itself a new, through the remembrance of the worthy exploits, and the notable deeds 
Speeches of Amurath to his soldiers: encouraging them to a new assault of Sfetygrade.  of arms which he had achieved in times past. He told his soldiers, that the events of war are divers, and that the unconstant humour of fortune doth not show itself in any thing whatsoever, moreunstable and variable, then in arms and martial matters: that all difficulties by deliberate obstinacy and continual study may be easily surmounted: that the strongest Towns and fortresses are but weak and feeble: that rampires and all fortifications are of no force nor of long resistance: In brief, that all things are easy to be compassed and effected, whereunto men do frame their minds, and intend their thoughts, and apply their continual traveles and endeavours. With these and such like speeches animating his people, and giving them therewithal large promises of huge and excessive rewards (such as he had never made the like to any since the time of his coming to the Empire) the appointed a new assault to begin the next day following.  
Nothing of all this was concealed or hidden from Scanderbag, but daily assoon as the Turk had decreed or determined upon anything: he was speedily advertised of it, both by espials which he had abroad of purpose, and also by the discovery and relation of the Paynims themselves, of whom many did daily fly unto him, 
Turks fly from Amurath to Scanderbag.  either for that they were weary of the Turkish tyranny & dominion, & did desire to follow that good fortune which seemed (as it were) to smile upon this Prince favoured by God himself: or (as it often happeneth) being drawn thereunto through the inconstancy of their own dispositions. More than this, the frank and liberal nature of the Epirot, and his admirable prudence did so ravish the hearts of all such as did repair unto him: that if any of them came unto him, with an ill and fraudulent intent, and with a purpose and resolution to deceive him, they would soon alter their minds: so suddenly would he vanquish them with the regard of his bounty and with this clemency and benignity. Now Scanderbag upon notice had of Amurath his determination, made no longer stay but till the return of Moses, whom he had sent to levy certain new men for the supply of those whom he had lost in the former services. The rest of his troops in the mean time stood ready ordered and ranged for the fight, as if they had been to charge and give battle presently, and as if the enemy had been in sight to encounter them.  
The day being come which Amurath had assigned for the assaulting of the Town, early in the morning the ensigns being brought close under the walls, and the alarm given, the assault began even by the break of day. On all sides where the Town was approchable was it environed round about, and all places were covered with armed forces. For the monarch of the Turks having published and made it known, that this assault should be the last that he would attempt: he laboured tooth & nail, and employed & bend all his forces & puissance against the defendants. And in the mean while to the intent he might prevent the sudden coming 
Feribassa appointed with an army to resist the invasions of Scanderbag, during the assault of Sfetygrade.  of Castriot from troubling (as he was wont) the course of his furious designs & endeavours, he gave unto Feribassa that brave warrior, (at his own instant & earnest request) an army of 12000. horse & foot, for the encountering of so dangerous an enemy, that making head and opposing himself, against the violence of his invasions, he might keep him still doing: so as his other troops might not be disturbed nor withdrawn from the Town, nor the assault discontinued. The sufficiency of this 
Feribassa his praises and commendations.  chieftain was great and notable: he was of a very good conceit, & advised, & full of courage, as one whom the continual practice of deeds of arms had brought to have the reputation of a most worthy soldier and an excellent Captain. Having received his charge and ordered his forces, he never ceased coursing up and down of all sides, and sending forth his scouts to discover even the most remote and farthest places from the camp: and in great impatiency both of choler and of rest, and as being grieved and discontented, that so fair an occasion of honour and commendation, should be so long delayed and detained from him, he did attend and expect the enemy with a singular desire and devotion: and did wish that he had even then been there before him. So mightily doth the immutable destiny of the heavens inveigle 
Sentence.  and blind our eyes, and the licentiousness of unaccustomed liberty, that it maketh us oftentimes more hardy and audacious then either in reason or necessity is requisite. And so was it with Ferybassa, who being an unskilful judge of his own strength and puissance, had long since determined to try himself in private and particular combat against Scanderbag, upon the first opportunity that he could get in the tumult of arms, and in the fury of the fight.  
By this time was a great part of the town beaten down, and certain of their fortifications 
Assault to Sfetigrade.  overthrown. The Turks likewise had filled the walls with ladders and with all sorts of weapons: but especially with long and great hooks did they assail and press upon them which stood upon the walls, whilst that others (though all in vain) did not cease, by hollow caves and mines digged through the earth, to have made themselves way into the town. There wanted not also some who cast balls of wildfire into diverse quarters of the city, (for as yet were not Mortyers in use, or not known at all:) but soon was the fire quenched by the inhabitants, who without sparing their lives, did carefully guard and defend the walls on all sides. But the chiefest stir and whole danger in a manner was towards the great gate, where the Mahometans by the help of a great number of ladders, and long planks and boards heaped together, had raised up (as it were) a certain tower or plotforme, by the which many might get up at once, and having once gotten good footing, they might afterwards aid themselves both with their shot and darts, to make the defendants to forego their places. The number of the enemies resorting thither did so increase continually (assoon as they saw this matter intended) as if they had now found the way to enter into the town. Some brought great and long beams both to strengthen and to enlarge this new building: others made them secret lodgings in covert close adjoining to the walls, and then brought diverse instruments, as pick eaxes, bars of iron, and such like, to dig and undermine the wall. They provided likewise store of arrows, darts, stones, and other flying weapons, by which they might oppress the defendants from the top of this their building. Now began the heat and fury of the assaylelantes on each side, in the other parts of the town by little and little to wax cold: and thither was drawn all the danger and violence of the conflict. Besides that the tumult and horrible cry of them without did make all things seem more fearful and terrible. Fear and despair mingled together, had mightily seized upon the hearts of the Christians, who were very busily occupied in the defence of this place; when they saw the matter brought to that issue and extremity, that the enemy could neither be removed, nor yet hindered from the obstinate pursuit of their endeavours. For by how much the more they were repulsed and beaten down and slain, by so much the more did their numbers still increase: and fresh men continually succeeding in their rooms, did by heaps mount upon the walls, not giving them any time of rest and breathing, or any intermission; in such sort that the defendants did not only now want weapons to repel them, but their force and strength began to fail them. Perceiving therefore that their resistance did smally avail them, and fearing the imminent danger lest the town on that side should be won by the enemy: they sent speedily to call the Governor. But the brute and terror running from one to an other, was already come to the ears of Perlat, and had summoned him to make hast thitherward: by means whereof those that were sent to call him, found him near at hand, and coming to the place withal possible speed and good diligence, and accompanied with a good troop of citizens. For all the people both old and young, being as men confounded and amazed, neither more nor less, then as if they had heard that the town had been already taken by the Turks: yet (being in suspense, and uncertain of the matter) they ran thither sighing and sorrowing, yet desirous to see the issue of this lamentable sight and spectacle. The presence of this hardy and stout Chieftain, did at the very first onset beat them off that were mounted upon the wall, and certain standards of the Turks, which were found raised upon the rampire, were quickly pulled away, and with great cry and clamours carried into the market place, to the intent the sight of this booty might encourage and hearten their companions, and free them from their former care. One thing yet remained of especial importance, and that was, to break in pieces and to beat down this massy heap of wood, and those great beams of timber which lay so near the wall: under the covert whereof (as we have said) the soldiers being lodged, did both undermine the foundations with pickeaxes and iron bars, and did furnish the assailants with diverse things needful for the assault. Besides the enemy yet standing firm aloft upon this tower, and pressing the defendants with a furious and eager fight, did hold them continually in alarm, and in small security. To remove this inconvenience, they got together many heaps of great and huge stones, which they caused to be rolled down upon this building, casting down also withal great quantity of oil, vinegar, and seething water, all of them boiling hot, which they continued so long, that with the force and violence thereof, and with the often strokes of the stones, and other things cast from aloft, both the planks of this tower, and the whole frame, by which the ladders were joined and held together, began at length to be broken, and to be laid even with the ground. In like case the other engines and instruments of the enemy, were broken and buried under the ruins of this frame: beside more than a hundredth common soldiers, and with them also two of their chief Captains, were crushed to death and smothered by the deadly fall of this building. The town being freed and delivered from this fear, the tampiors being newly repaired, and the walls furnished and guarded with fresh soldiers (for that there was scarce any one left either unslain or unwounded of those that were placed there at the first) the Governor with his train went speedily from thence to oppose himself elsewhere against other attempts of the enemy. For by this time the like debate and conflict was risen in other places, and the Turks did press so hard to get the advantage of the walls, that the town seemed to be in as hard an estate, and in as great a danger as before. Within a while after the Governor his departure, the Mahometans (which had been repulsed and beaten back from the assault, by the fresh supply of our men that came against them) having for a little while withdrawn themselves from the wall: assoon as they knew that the Governor was absent (imagining that the former heat of the Christians was somewhat abated) they began once again to go in hand with their former work, and to undertake the task which they had been forced to leave unfinished. Raising up therefore once again their beams of timber against the walls, which were yet fuming with the blood of their companions, they seemed to give the defendants a new representation of their forepast danger. But their last assays were no more fortunate than the former, by reason of the sudden arrival of Perlat, who with little labour overthrew this work but new begun: and the stuff being scarcely yet brought together for that intent and purpose, was quickly dispersed and cast to the ground.  
In the midst of these contentions and varieties of fortune at the assault, there presented itself another kind of fight, far more notable and more worthy to be regarded, the which was able to have withdrawn the thoughts, and to have stayed the hands both of the one side and the other, and to have made them (as if all arms had been laid apart, and all choler and rancour quite forgotten) not to pursue their attempt, but to stand still wholly attentive to the success of their companions. 
Scanderbag cometh to invade the Turkish camp  For now was the Prince of Epire approached near with his army, and (being come almost within six hundredth paces of the enemy) he was determined suddenly to break in upon their camp. On the other side, Ferybassa was ready provided to receive him with the forces which the Sultan had given him to that purpose. For he did not think that the Albanois had any other intention, but only by a faint and false alarm to hinder the assault that was begun, and to make the Turkish bands to retire from the walls even in the chiefest of their fury: wherefore to prevent him in this point, he made towards him, and would not suffer him 
The battle between Scanderbag and Feribassa.  to pass forward, till they had debated upon the matter. Scanderbag feigning a kind of fear, began softly to retire drawing on the enemy (who still followed him) some sevenscore paces farther: and then with all his forces, well ordered to the battle, marching again forwards directly against him, he charged him most furiously. The Turkish Captain (who had been ever desirous of battle) did not in any sort refuse him: but having seen the small number of the Christians, who were but nine thousand men, or little more, (for Scanderbag had left the residue of his troops, being but fifteen hundred at the most, with Musache, about a mile and a quarter off for the safeguard of the others, if any misfortune should betide them) he opposed against them all his footmen and four thousand horse, whom he placed in the front before them: and with these he made head against 
Stratagem of Feribassa to enclose Scanderbag.  the Albanois, and received them to the shock. The rest of his horsemen with a wily and fine stratagem, he caused secretly to withdraw themselves from the body of the army, and a far off to fetch a compass about, to the intent they might get behind the Albanois at their backs, and so, (having them enclosed and entangled on both sides) they might shut up the passage, and bereave them of all means and possibility to save themselves, and perhaps also take Scanderbag alive. But this old beaten and expert soldier did presently discover the devise: wherefore leaving Moses to maintain the fight of the middle battle, himself with a troop of horsemen most ready and resolute, setting spurs to his horse, turned aside to the right hand: where at the first sight, he stayed the course of the enemy that hastened to have enclosed him, and afterwards coming to handy strokes, and pressing rudely upon them, he made them give ground, and in the end to change their determination, and to look to their own safeguard. There were of the Turks more than four thousand horse, whereas the Albanois did not fully make two thousand. Nevertheless, for a while the hope of the victory rested indifferent on both parties, and their courages were equal, though their fortune were not alike, for that there fell a far greater number of the circumcised. Musache likewise (having been called forth by some of the Albanois) had now charged the Paynims on the left hand, and with all his forces kept the rest of them there employed. In this manner both the armies, being divided tripartite, did represent on the one side and the other, the form of three sundry fights and combats. Moses behaved himself wonderful advisedly, and seemed to use rather policy then force against the enemy. For neither would he give the bridle to the fury of his soldiers, nor would he adventure them to the hazard over hastily: till such time as he perceived that the two wings began to have some likelihood of good success, and had made an entrance to the victory: to the intent he might reserve the strength and vigour of his men fresh and lusty. Till than therefore he held the ranks of his battle firm and close joined together, and with a kind of subtlety seemed to temporize and to prolong the fortune of the fight, till the coming of his companions. This made Feribassa the more fierce and insolent, and to press upon them without any intermission: and oftentimes would he use to encourage and hearten on his soldiers with these and such like speeches.  
On, on, (my good soldiers) use the favour of the gods, take the benefit of the victory, whilst the swords of the Christians do stand (as it were) amazed, and whilst 
Encouragement of Feribassa to hu soldiers in the battle against Scanderbag.  their forces do grow faint. Go we on to seek out these heads which are vowed to the slaughter, and to cut in pieces their cursed bodies. See how they faint on all sides: scarce can we discern any tokens of enmity in our enemies, neither doth their countenance, nor their voice, nor their gesture make any show that they have a mind to stand up long against you. Or (it may be) that they do purposely delay the combat, and attend the coming of the night, because (as thieves and robbers) they are used to the night. It behoveth you to aid yourselves with the light, and you must keep them from this policy, and take that opportunity out of their hands, even now whilst we do exceed them in number, and do surpass them in valour. If we stay for the night, the lesser numbers will be equal to the greater, and the cowards will match the most valiant and hardy. But what do I blame these, or why do I press upon them, whose obstinacy will soon cease and vanish as the surges of the sea, when the tempest is gone and passed? We must cut off their head, and then the blood of the other (as it is but vile and base) so is it of no force nor resistance. Where is this wicked fugitive, the author of so many mischiefs? I myself alone will dispatch him of his life without the hazard of any of you, if it be my good hap to encounter him in the battle. And I will sacrifice the blood of this savage and wild beast, (whom so many thefts and robberies have made insolent) to the souls of our slain brethren, friends, and kinsfolks. I have (my friends) of a long time been of this mind, and this my desire is not of any sudden or new affection. It is long since that my thoughts did aim at this combat: and my spirit hath been ever inflamed to seek the punishment of this wretched, unhappy runagate. I will once make proof whether this my sword can cut well or not, whether that body of his be penetrable, or that it be fatal to those that encounter him. And I will see from whence he hath that corporal strength and vigour: and in what this happy warrior (whose fortune hath been of such long continuance) doth excel and surpass all others.  
In this manner did the Barbarian speak unto his soldiers, and then swelling with pride and fury (more than was befitting a General of an army) he went up & down 
Feribassa challengeth Scanderbag to the combat.  searching and seeking amidst the press, and casting his eyes on all sides to see if he could find out Scanderbag: and his mind being set on nothing else, he made signs with his hands and with his voice, still calling and demanding for Scanderbag. The soldiers were nothing discontented with the hearing of these vaunts: and albeit the prows and valour of the Christian Captain, did seem unto all of them to be invincible, yet did they attend nevertheless with great devotion (as the common sort is 
Sentence.  desirous of novelties) to see the success of so notable a spectacle. Besides they were in hope, that (the advantage of the fight and victory falling to the one or the other of them) it would be an occasion that the bloodiness of the fight would be the sooner determined, and their labour would be the more speedily at an end. Many of them notwithstanding, 
Ferybassa dissuaded from the combat by his own men.  whose minds were more intentive to higher matters, and who were respective of their honour, did dissuade Ferybassa from this combat (yet with gentle persuasions lest they should seem to have imputed cowardice unto him,) and they showed him (as well as they could,) that the trial of this combat, was no less perilous 
The office of a General to consult and to command rather than to fight.  than strange & without any precedent or good example: that the Generals of armies should not in their own persons make themselves the object of a sight, whereof they ought to be the beholders and the judges: that such contentions were proper unto soldiers, and were the offices of particular & private persons, that the charge of great Captains was to give counsel, and to command rather than to fight and to handle the sword: that if occasion were, there would be store enough of others found who would valiantly undertake this enterprise, rather than that he by this over hardy fierceness and immoderate desire of danger, should leave at six and seven, and commit to blind chance and fortune the honour of the victory, which they had in a manner sure and certain.  
Ferybassa having his ears shut to all these reasons and persuasions, and little or nothing regarding this good and wholesome counsel, with a mind & humour quite contrary, set spurs to his horse: and being attended with a strong squadron of horsemen, went to call for Scanderbag, and with a loud voice willed him to prepare himself to his defence. The king of Epire, albeit he had before heard almost the whole discourse 
Scanderbag prepareth himself to the combat with Ferybassa.  of his adversary: yet not remitting for all that the heat and fury of the battle already begun, but either dissembling, or in respect of his royal dignity disdaining him, he would scarce turn his face towards him. But when he saw the victory already inclining unto him, and that the barbarian did so press and importune him: then his fierceness being augmented with the new and happy success of that advantage, he refused not the challenge: but being all besprinkled and imbrued with the blood of his enemies, he went well accompanied to meet with Ferybassa. The fierce and austere countenance of the Epirot, whom the Mahometan had provoked to present himself there before him: the wings of his own legions being then in rout and disorder, and the loss of so many of his soldiers, might have sufficed to dissuade this rash and temerous Turk, and to have bethought himself better. The view and pitiful regard of his misfortune, aught to have terrified him & speedily to have suppressed all desire of entering into combat. Nevertheless whither it were the necessity of his destiny that did constrain him, or that the fear of shame & infamy did restrain him, he showed not any change of his first resolution, nor bewrayed any alteration of his courage. Now in an instant both the one part & the other ceased from fight, and the fury of the soldiers was stayed by their Generals, in such sort that between both the armies, there was not heard or perceived any noise nor any show of malice and enmity. 
Speeches of Scanderbag by his Nobles entreating him not to combat with Ferybassa  All things were still and quiet, except certain of the Lords & chief Captains of the Albanois, who invironning their Prince, did endeavour sometimes by prayers and petitions, and sometimes by their importunity to entreat him: that he would not meddle with the clamorous and railing beast: and they told him moreover, that his head only after he were slain, did appertain to their General, but that his slaughter belonged unto them & was their duty: that it should redound more to his honour and more advantage the estate of Albany for the Ottoman to see, that the soldiers of the Epirots were to be compared for their valour with the Captains and leaders of the Turks: and that there was no comparison between their Generals. Besides that it was not convenient, that so great a Prince should adventure the reputation and honour of so many honourable exploits, and the glory and renown purchased by so many years: in combating with one that was but a slave and bondman to Amurath. That it could be no increase or augmentation of honour or fame unto Scanderbag to overcome this barbarian, whereas Feribassa by this act might grow more triumphant and glorious, then by all the deeds and demerits of his life before past. All these persuasions notwithstanding, Scanderbag having highly commended and extolled their singular affection and good wills towards him, whilst he was preparing himself to the ioust: he thus replied unto them.  
God defend (quoth he my friends) that as long as this hand of mine can handle the sword, and as long as this body of mineretaineth his wont strength and vigour, 
Answer of Scanderbag to his Nobles, dissuading him from the combat with Feribassa.  that any of you should carry away from me the success of this adventure: the which (whatsoever it be) I refer to him that is the giver of all victory. Reserve therefore these your offices of good will to some other season when you shall see me aged and stricken in years, when my limbs begin to fail, and when I shall assure myself that my strength doth decay. At this time you ought to have a care, lest whilst you show yourselves too careful of my life, you do envy my honour and reputation. And what would the enemy say if (according to your request) I should yield you the hazard of this combat: but that my holding back and refusing of the fight were but a mere dissimulation of my cowardice, and a true confession of a fearful and faint heart, and that I durst not encounter him, nor were comparable unto him. For (to answer your objections) it is not amiss sometimes for a General of an army to undertake a combat as well as a private soldier. That glorious combat of Alexander the Great with Porus king of the Indians was it any diminishing to his honour and reputation? Did our ancestors ever discommend the fight that was between Pyrrhus and Pantachus? I will not here speak of the Marcelli, the Torquati, and the Corvinoes, who with the singular glory both of themselves and their citizens, have overcome their enemies that challenged them to the combat. These are the hands that must undertake this hazard: for me it is that the enemy calleth with so many menaces and bravadoes: to me it is that this cruel beast speaketh. I could do little if I should refuse him in such a matter, and he might think me very unkind if I should not satisfy his desire in so honest and reasonable a request. He is a man of sufficient worth to feel the weight of this my sword, whom Amurath thought so worthy to have the charge and command of so great an armic.  
This said, he sent presently one of his guard to tell the Barbarian that he should make ready to receive him: and immediately he presented himself upon the place assigned 
The combat between Scanderbag and Feribassa.  for the conflict, being conveyed thither with many acclamations and high clamours of his soldiers. The inequality of the combatants (the Turk not being comparable in valour to his enemy) and his short and speedy end, (for he was too too soon dispatched) did make the sight and spectacle less delightful, and made the combat less notable than otherwise it might have been. For at the first course and encounter with their lances, Feribassa being stricken through the face into the head tumbled down to the ground, and left both his life and his horse both at once. Scanderbag taking 
Feribassa slain by Scanderbag.  no regard either of his body or of his spoils, but returning presently to his company, willed them to renew the fight, and to invade the enemy a fresh. But the infidels being enraged, would not give them the leisure: for assoon as they saw their General laid on the ground, at the first they made towards his corpse with their troops close and firm together, thinking to have guarded his body from the outrage of the enemy, and to have dragged him away by the feet. But being not able to 
Victory of Scanderbag against the army of Feribassa.  effect it by reason that the Christians suddenly coming upon them, did hinder their attempt, they thought it better to withdraw themselves, and to carry the news of their misfortune unto their sovereign: and therefore turning their backs, they fled away with might & main, which the Albanois perceiving (who were come thither with a full resolution and good devotion to have charged them) many of them, especially the vauntcurrers fell to the chase, till such time as the retreat being sounded, caused them to return. Scanderbag joyous and glad of this victory, after he saw that all was quiet and that there was nothing to be seen but the footsteps of the enemy, and the earth washed with the blood of their cold carcases, presently sent the common soldiers to gather the pillage whilst himself with the residue of his best and bravest soldiers arranged in order of battle, stood upon his guard for fear of some commotion that might be made from the camp of the enemy.  
This overthrow and unhappy discomfiture being first reported, and afterwards 
Amurath fortifieth his camp against future invasions of his enemy.  perceived by the Sultan, did so overwhelm his heart with grief and sorrow intermingled with fear, that he stood mute for a long season as if he had been in a trance: for he saw himself so frustrate of his hope and expectation, as if all the powers of heaven had conspired against him. But the violence of his passion by little and little leaving him, he provided by reason of this accident, and took order for all matters so fully and in as good sort as any General (were he never so prudent and expert) could possibly have done. First therefore he placed soldiers on all sides, charging them diligently and carefully to espy the drifts and counsels of the enemy: then drawing down certain small pieces of artillery from before the town, he planted them towards that part of his camp where the towns men did most usually sally out upon him, and which was most subject to the injuries and invasions of the enemy. Moreover having augmented and restored the troops of Ferybassa with a supply of four 
Number of Turks slain in the battle between Scanderbag and Feribassa.  thousand men (for so many had been slain in the fight between him and Scanderbag) he appointed them for the defence of the trenches and fortifications of the camp, expressly charging and enjoining them, that no man should set his foot without the trenches to oppose himself against the Christians, till such time as they saw them entered within the camp: and that then they should make some barricado at the place, and playing upon them with the pieces (which were placed there of purpose) they should oppress them with the force and violence thereof, rather than with the hazarding of their bodies against them: supposing by this means, that both his soldiers should be the better preserved, & that so he might happen to recompense them both for his forepast and future losses sustained at all times in several conflicts. Thus did he make provision to prevent all inconveniences, so as the siege and assaulting of the town should not be any way interrupted. Notwithstanding the courage of the Mahometans was mightily decreased and diminished, their strength began to fail them, and the force of their blows seemed to wax faint and feeble, after they once saw that the fortune of the fight did succeed so unluckily against them, and that contrary to their hope and expectation, the favour of the field did seem to smile upon the adverse party: and principally for that the virtue and fortune peculiar to the prince of Epire, had gotten him the good will and liking of many even of their own company: especially them who measuring matters by their success and event, do variably frame and conform their faith accordingly. For I find it recorded, that the same day of the discomfiture of Ferybassa, more than fifty Turks left the service of Amurath, and came and yielded themselves to the Christians. The honour of this journey 
Turks flee to the Christians.  seemed to increase and (as it were) to yield a kind of nouriture to the forces and courage of the Sfetigradians: whereof they gave a large and bloody testimony to the assailants: who continuing more fresh and fierce then before, had made another assault against the town, notsuffering the besieged at any time to breath and rest themselves, till the dark of the night so long and earnestly desired, did separate and part them asunder, causing every man at the sound of the trumpet, to retire to his quarter sore wearied and wellneare tired with their extreme labour. This days journey cost 
Number of Turks slain at the 2. assault of Sfetigrade.  the grand Signior the lives of seven thousand soldiers at the least, an evident sign of his misfortune: and more returned hurt then whole from the assault. Of the defendants there wanted 70, besides ninety two wounded very dangerously, by means whereof their numbers daily diminishing, many of them grew to be troubled: fearing lest at length, the town being dissurnished of men to defend it, should be brought to that issue and extremity, as to yield to the will and pleasure of the enemy. This made them to apply all their study, care and endeavours more intentively than ever, to the repairing of their walls, to the building and raising of their rampires, platforms and Gabions: to the intent the soldier standing close and in covert, might the less adventure his body to the blows and shot of the enemy. One thing notwithstanding did greatly comfort and encourage them though they were shut up and sorely traveled: and that was: to see their Prince continue his good fortune and prosperity: and that the army of the infidels was so harried, weakened and beaten with so many slaughters and rough discomfitures, that it was greatly diminished and impaired.  
I come now to Scanderbag and his people, whom I left making their benefit all at pleasure of the victory which they had gotten, and gathering the spoils of the dead bodies before that the Ottoman troops descending from the mountain, did give over 
The return of Scanderbag to his camp.  the assault. This done, he retired himself with triumph for his double victory, to his camp, where he spent the rest of the night in singing of songs and other sports. The booty carried away was so marvelous, that the soldiers seemed not to care for it: but especially they had such plenty of horses, that there was not any of the soldiers in a manner, but had some given them. Many of them were given to the Princes near adjoining, with other rich and costly presents purchased from the enemy. Moreover there were infinite merchants which came purposely both from Italy and other Nations, who buying of them for ready money, or for exchange and barter of other merchandise, did daily rid and carry them out of the country.  
The whole Province of Epire began now to leave all fear, and to be secure from the terror of the Turkish army, and the Ottoman grew to be little redoubted, but rather contemned by all in general, now that they saw his forces so beaten, broken and discomfited: and even Scanderbag also was of the opinion, that Amurath would of himself raise his siege from before Sfetygrade, and trussing up his baggage, after so many calamities suffered and endured, would departed and not make any longer stay in the country. Nevertheless, he daily sent out spies and others to sound the counsels & secret deliberations of the Sultan: but yet for all that he could hear no news from the camp of the enemy. Wherefore as one that mortally hated idleness, he made 
Scanderbag goeth to discover upon the enemy.  choice of 2000 horse, & taking the way of the mountains, he went abroad to search and inquire in what estate all things stood, and he was in great perplexity, because he could not any way learn nor conjecture, what were the counsels & intent of the Ottoman, nor what course he was determined to take. If he could intercept any of the foragers or vassals of the Turk so it was, otherwise he was like to remain doubtful and in suspense as before: for either to invade his trenches, or to come openly to fight with him was but mere folly: neither was there any surety to be hoped for by any such course; because he feared the number of the Turkish forces whole and united, and the engines which lay covertly provided for the fortification of their camp: of the which he had had advertisement by those that were come unto him from the enemy. All this notwithstanding he coursed still up and down, sometimes here, sometimes there to show himself to his enemies, and upon the appearance and show of his small numbers, to draw him forth to fight, in hope of some good and happy exploit. But all these devices did little or nothing avail him; for that the Infidels (as if themselves had been besieged) did not stir a foot out of their trenches and rampires: by reason that the Sultan had pronounced the rigorous and terrible sentence of death, to be executed upon all those who should dare to adventure without licence, either to issue forth to fight, or to make any mention of fight with him. The Albanois seeing that matters did not fall out to his desire and expectation, returned to his camp full of care and discontentment, there to take further advise what course 
Scanderbag holdeth council for his proceed against the enemy.  was most convenient, both to deliver the town that was so straightly besieged, and to expel the enemy out of the country: considering he was not able to use open force against him, neither would he be brought to enterprise or adventure any thing rashly and unadvisedly. To solicit the potentates and towns of Epire his confedederates to take arms, and with them to adventure the fortune of the whole estate to the doubtful chance of battle, seemed a course of little or no safety. For, put the case he were assured of the victory, yet could not a matter of so great consequence and difficulty be effected but with much bloodshed of infinite of his people. Amongst many opinions propounded in council, this was laid down as the most safe and commendable, to continue the war according to their accustomed manner, and that be should suffer the power of the enemy, to vanish and waste away, and to grow into contempt: till being consumed and spent by their own secret discommodities and inconveniences, and his forces growing from day to day, to wax more faint and to decay, he should voluntarily desist from his attempt, and by his own losses and damages, might be driven to leave the province which he had so unfortunately invaded: that he had not (God be praised) any occasion to find himself aggrieved neither with the faith and loyalty of any person, nor yet with his own good fortune: and that touching those of Sfetigrade, there did appear so many & so notable signs and evidences of their good perseverance, that every man might hold himself contented, and his mind well satisfied. Besides that, the town was so well fortified and defended of all things needful for the besieged, that they had not only good store of necessaries for their ordinary usage, but more then enough though they should misspend and abuse them: and therefore, what course soever the Turk should take, either by abstaining along time from assaulting of their walls, or by giving the same new and often assaults, it should be to the ruin and confusion of his own people: or that whilst they should be most busily employed and troubled about the assault, they might easily approach with an army from the field, and so annoy or endanger them within their camp, that both on the one side and the other, they should reap nothing but shame and infamy even in the face and view of Amurath.  
These things did Scanderbag allege openly and in public, making a show in outward appearance, and carrying a countenance of great cheerfulness and assurance: but inwardly and in his hart, his mind was violently troubled and perplexed with diverse cares and pensive thoughts and imaginations: and he did divine of the counsels and practices of Amurath no otherwise then the issue and event of matters did afterwards make manifest. He was no less in doubt and fear of the sad and silent behaviour, and of the slothful and idle quietness of Amurath, then of his arms and all his forces: and he had reason: for he knew by long experience his natural disposition, and his subtle carriage and demeanour. He daily considered with himself also, that gifts 
Scanderbag in great perplexity for doubt of treason in Sfetigrade.  and large rewards, were able both to assail and to pervaile against any town or fortress. He knew that covetousness and the hunger of gold, having taken hold in men's hearts, did make them sacrilegious and irreligious, and worse than brute beasts and monsters. The conceit here of did easily persuade him to doubt and fear every thing, whose mind was full of jealousy and suspicion: for he was not ignorant, that the walls of many towns, and the bodies of many men who had contemned all danger of sword and armour, who were unconquerable by force, and against whom iron could not prevail, yet had been tempted and overcome by gold and silver. This was it that brought him into an exceeding fear, and an incredible mistrust: for his mind running and discoursing of diverse matters, he imagined it a matter very easy and likely, that in so great a multitude there might be found some one wretch or other of a wicked and mischievous disposition, who being blinded and inveigled with the inordinate desire of gain, might open his ear and be seduced to condescend to some infamous and vile conditions of treachery and infidelity. And this care did not torment him for Sfetigrade only, but for all the other towns likewise within his dominions: but principally for Croie: fearing lest some one of his subjects traitorously disposed, should have secret and private intelligence with the Ottoman, and should work him some mischief and misfortune. For this cause taking with him in company no more than Tanusee and Musache, and about thirty other beside them, and being disguised in the habit of a simple soldier, he employed all his possible diligence and industry to search out and inquire if he could hear of any thing attempted or managed to that effect.  
Thus you may see how the Prince of Albany on the one side, and the Sovereign of the Turks on the other side, each suspecting and redoubting other, and being tormented in their minds, had both of them their imaginations occupied with diverse thoughts and cogitations about the uncertain issue of their affairs. The Ottoman 
Amurath consulteth upon his proceed against Sferygrade.  keeping himself close within his trenches (as we have said) did spend all his time in discoursing and consulting upon diverse subtle plots and devices: for knowing that neither violence, nor menaces, nor a long and tedious siege, nor the often and continual assaults of his soldiers were sufficient to carry the town, but that the defendants did persever in their former constancy: he determined therefore to try his fortune another way, albeit there were some who counseled him to continue still in 
Counsellors of Amurath are in diverse opinions for his proceed against Sfetygrade.  pressing them with his forces, and to hold on his attempts against the town. Many also did advise him not to proceed any further against so many difficulties, but to bend all his forces to the destruction & spoil of the country, and to make the whole Province of Albany to feel the extremity of sword and fire, the two scourges of war: and to pursue the enemy, who being grown insolent and arrogant with so many victories, did seem to contemn all dangers, and did course here & there walking up and down the country at his pleasure, with a handful (as it were) of rascals and beggars: or else that leaving Sfetigrade, he should lead his army before Croit, where peradventure they might encounter some better fortune: and (it might be) that Scanderbag would shut up himself within that city, by means whereof they should have but one enemy only to make head against them. For they were easily persuaded, that he would not commit the guard and care of this place, being of such importance, to the faith and industry of any person but himself only. None of these considerations could sink into the mind of the Sultan to resolve upon: but contrariwise he rejected and contemned them, replying (and that with good reason) that these fashions 
Answer of Amurath to the reasons and advise of his Councillors.  of pilling and robbing the country, were but mockeries and childish toys: for that the fields did scarce afford wherewithal to satisfy the appetite of one only soldier, so carefully had Scanderbag provided against all inconveniences before their coming into that province. No less did he deride the foolish discourse of those, who counseled him to pursue the Epirot: telling them, that there was nothing more pernicious and dangerous, then of a foolish and vain curiosity to entangle themselves in those large forests and thick woods of Epire, being a fit covert for wild and savage beasts, where no man could come near them: but not for men endued with reason and discretion: and that the enemy himself would desire no better advantage against them. In like case, to remove his camp before Croy; he said, that were to run into new doubts and ambiguities, and to hazard themselves to fresh subtleties and alterations of fortune: and that it was certain they should there find the Croians far more stout & obstinate in their defence: that Croy had their peculiar and particular Gods as well as Sfetigrade: and do you think (said he) that there is any appearance or likelihood of reason, for us of a vain desire and mere fancy only, to proceed any further in making trial of their virtue and fortune, in a matter of so great weight and importance, which we (full little to our profit) have found to be so favourable unto them in matters of less consequence? and in the very beginning and (as it were) in the prime of their good fortune? shall we leave Sfetigrade unconquered at our backs being but in their borders? and shall we plunge at the first dash into the very hart and bottom of Albany, and into the bowels of their realm, and besiege Croy their capital and strongest city?  
In this manner did Amurath discourse with his councillors, neglecting and rejecting those counsels which they propounded, yet not finding any other course which could seem more plausible & expedient: so that all things remained still uncertain and unresolved. But this was it that most vexed him, on the one side fear of shame and reproach, and the vehement indignation of his mind disdaining beyond all measure to be repulsed, would not permit him to dislodge and break up his siege. On the other side his misfortune and extreme losses did dissuade him from making any farther attempt against the town. Thus did Amurath hang in suspense, still doubtful and unresolute, concealing his discontentmentes, and dissembling his extreme 
Amurath seeketh to corrupt those of Sfetigrade with gifts.  dolour. Yet because he would not lie idle and do nothing at all, by little and little he made way to find some opportunity, and he sought a farer off, to espy the means how to have some parley and conference with the Sfetigradians: which in the end having compassed, he endeavoured to allure and entice them with smooth and gracious speeches, which are fit enticements for variable and unconstant Epirotes: and (that 
Answer of the Citizens of Sfetigrade to the enticements of Amurath.  which doth most solicit the curious and unsatiable minds of men) he assayed by force of rich offers, great rewards, and large promises, to persuade them to open their gates unto him, and to receive in a garrison into the town. The Citizens gave him diverse answers, which came all to one issue and conclusion: that they saw no cause why they should consent to exchange their faith and fidelity, & to become corrupt and disloyal: nor to leave the love and favour of the Prince of Epire for the yoke and servitude of a stranger: that there was none of them all yet that could be content to make merchandise of that faith: that they were all of them bound unto their Prince with a most strict bond, and in a fraternity together, which they would continue whilst they had breath. All this notwithstanding the Sultan persisted still in hope: because having propounded such large offers, he had valued their dissoialtie at so high a price and so excessive a rate, that it was able to have corrupted the faith, and to have perverted the allegiance even of the most constant and best minded. Neither was he at 
Amurath corrupteth one of the garrison of Sfetigrade to betray the town.  the last deceived of his opinion, for the filthy and foul desire of gain prevailed with one of the garrison, a most wretched and desperate villain of all men living to be abhorred: who being corrupted by the large and perilous offers of Ottoman, did not care a button for the safety of his citizens, of his country, nor of his friends or kinsfolks, in respect of his own particular profit and commodity. This wretch because he would not be perceived by the watch and Sentinels of the town, sought a fit and convenient time to deceive them, and to confer secretly with certain spies of the grand Signior, with whom he bargained and concluded upon the price and reward that should be given him for betraying the town into their hands. But fortune did not immediately present him the means to compass his detestable and wicked enterprise: but (the guilt of his crime, and his own conscience making him timorous) he was doubtful to attempt any thing: lest his treason happening to be discovered, himself might be the first that by his own ruin and destruction should incur the danger of so execrable a conspiracy. To break down the barriers or portcallies, to force or break open the ports, and so receive in the enemy was a matter of great difficulty, and little certainty, because the place was so carefully guarded by the citizens. To practise with others, and to procure unto himself consorts and companions, by whose help he might in the nighttime raise an alarm in the town, cut the throats of the principal persons, and oppress the citizens being in fear and astonishment, & so to let in the Barbarians into the town, & to possess them of the place, was a matter of as great impossibility: because he knew that there was not any creature within the town, but had the very conceit of any such fact in horror and detestation: and he saw even by the countenance of each of them, that they were resolutely determined, either by a glorious victory to see their country preserved, or if it should be lost and vanquished, to end their lives honourably.  
The city by reason it was placed upon the mountains, and seated upon the top 
The cause and ground of the treason, bringing the loss of Sfetygrade.  of an exceeding high rock, was unprovided of the commodity both of fresh springs and of the river that ran near it. They had within but one only pit or well in the middle of the town, which long before that time had been digged and built by the diligence of their ancestors for the common use of the inhabitants, but principally for their necessity in time of wars that might afterwards befall them. The whole garrison (as we have before touched) consisted of soldiers that were Dibrians, who though they were a people subject to Scanderbag; yet were they not natural Albanians, 
Description of the Province of Dybria in Epyre.  neither in name nor in language. For this country of Dybria is divided into two parts, separated and severed by distinction of names as well as by their nature, for the inhabitants call the one of them High Dybria, and the other Base Dybria. This latter is all plain champion, and the whole level thereof is a rich and fertile ground, and yielding plenty of all things: this Dybria is inhabited by the Albanois or Epyrots 
Base Dybria inhabited by Epyrots.  a hardy and warlike Nation, by whose arms and valour Scanderbag did both augment and maintain his Empire, and achieved all his enterprises of greatest difficulty: in so much as he reputed and retained them as his last and chiefest succours and refuge in all perilous adventures of the wars against the puissance and power of Ottoman. During his whole life time he had from thence most valiant and excellent men as often as he thought good, who proved no less serviceable and profitable to the estate of Albany in all charges and honourable degrees of sufficient Captains and commanders, then of brave and valiant soldiers. The higher Dybria is mountainous, hilly, and full of woods, yet very fertile and cometh near to Macedon both in neighbourhood and resemblance of manners. The Bulgarians 
Tribullians' of Bulgarians, inhabitants of the upper Dibria, bordering upon Macedon. Tribullians or upper Dibrians hold of the Greek church.  or Tribullians do inhabit it, a nation fierce and addicted to the wars, and as dear were they unto Scanderbag as the other, both for the merits of their prowess, and of their singular faith and devotion. Notwithstanding, they do use the fashions and conditions rather of strangers, then of the Epirots: and in many of their customs they do in a manner abhor the usage and manner of the Albanois, by reason that they do retain the ceremonies of the Greeks, and do imitat them in many of their superstitions.  
Hence did this abominable traitor take the occasion of his damnable and wicked purpose, for he knew and was persuaded, that if the Dibrians should once see the carcase 
The manner of the treason causing the loss of Sfetigrade.  of any beast, drowned in the bottom of the well within the town, they would submit themselves to the extremest ruin and desolation, and admit any conditions of peace were they never so unjust and dishonest, rather than they would drink of that water. And accordingly as he imagined so it came to pass: for the same night, this wretch having polluted the water with the carrion of a dog which he threw into the well: the next morning the thing being perceived, the rumour thereof was in a moment dispersed abroad from one to another over all the town: whereupon there began a strange murmuring throughout all the streets of the city, to inquire who should be the author of so detestable an act: but being not to be found, the matter grew well near to a sedition. The Dibrians being discomforted as much as was possible, did extremely grieve to see themselves brought to that estate, exclaiming that they were 
The notable superstition of the Dibrians.  betrayed, and that they should shortly die as bruit beasts for pure thirst and want of drink. See the strangeness of the case, there was not so much as any one of them who had not rather make choice to be made slave to the Infidels, then to drink of this water. Some of them cried out a fit, that they ought to set fire on the town and to burn it to ashes, and so by a furious sally through the enemy to provide for their safety, or else to die valiantly. Nevertheless of all other mischiefs, they held it to be the least to fall to composition with the enemy. By little and little therefore their grief began to vanish, and the noise grew to be appeased on all parts. Thus for a matter of small moment and a very trifle, was the fierceness and courageous stomachs of the Dibrians abated, and their faith being now quite exiled, had left & forsaken their superstitious consciences. Now had the Infidels more easy access and liberty to repair unto them, and their ears began more graciously to incline to conference with the enemy, and now the soldiers in a general commotion, without all care and regard of their duty 
The Dibrians are determined to surrender the town to Amurath, because their water was polluted.  and devoir, did prepare themselves of their own accord to go unto Amurath, and to demand those shameful and ignominious conditions, which of late so gloriously they had refused and rejected. The number of the citizens was much lesser than the Dibrians, and therefore were far inferior unto them in force and puissance: by means whereof they were not of ability either to put them to the sword, or to expel the garrison out of the town. Besides, if they had been able to have cleared the town of them, yet were their own numbers so few and small, that they did not suffice to keep watch and ward upon the walls: notwithstanding (poor men) they murmured on all sides, sometimes exclaiming against their infidelity, sometimes accusing them of foolish and blind superstition, and charging even Scanderbag in his absence with their complaints, for that he had committed the care and safety of their lives, and of their city, into the hands of such unfaithful persons. Perlat being astonished at their scandal, and suspecting that this corruption of the water pretended, was but a mere fiction, and only invented by some whose minds were inclined to disloyalty, he did firmly believe, that there were some who had intelligence with the enemy. For this cause first he prohibited them to have any treaty or parley with the Turks without his privity and presence: and immediately repairing to the market place, and assembling the multitude together, in a general convocation thus he spoke unto them.  
What a God's name! was your faith and fidelity (o you Dibrians') so lightly grounded, 
Oration of Perlat governor of Sfetigrade to the Dibrians, dissuading them from yielding themselves to Ottoman.  that he (whatsoever he be that was guilty of this wicked act) a vile wretch hateful both to God and man, should have the power to corrupt your courages and your constancy, which have been known and tried in so many places and conflicts, as well as he hath polluted the water in your well? Out alas! it maketh me even beside myself, and I know not what to think, when I consider your pernicious consultations, and this sudden change of all things, that so slight and ridiculous a matter should be the occasion of so great an indignity and discontentment. Do you think it more honest to betray the country of your friends and confederates, and to deliver their wives, their children, their dwellings, their temples with all holy and sacred mysteries, into the hands of the Infidels, and to yield yourselves to so great treachery and infidelity, rather than to preserve the excellency of your courages, the purity of your hearts, and the glory of your faith, which hath been ever admired? and rather than you will defile your mouths with drinking of this water, be it (as yourselves term it) filthy and polluted? I see no cause (my good friends) why that should make you to think yourselves undone, unless some devil or fiend have bewitched and perverted your understanding. We are now come to this pass, that being more superstitious than is convenient, we care not to reject all regard of honesty, faith and piety: and do hold it better that the world should account and call us traitors, than men void of scruple and not superstitious. All men will laugh at us, the posterity will wonder at us, our enemies themselves will detest us, when they shall understand that so sottish and foolish a cause should make us change our faith and loyalty: that our minds should be so easily withdrawn to revolt and decline upon so vain and absurd an occasion to such notable disloyalty and treason. Nay there is no man but will think (I myself shall be of that mind also unless you draw me from that error) that it is the gifts and promises of the Barbarians which have gained and corrupted you, for the desire whereof you are now willing to pretend this excuse, and to forge this for a colour of your rebellion: by the very object whereof (whilst you endeavour to purge yourselves to the world from the guilt of that crime) you shall confirm and make manifest, even by your own confession in the judgement of each man, that you are faulty, and to be condemned for this hateful and unhappy fact. For what good reason can you yield, or what argument can you make of sufficient efficacy to persuade them, why you should so suddenly forget all remembrance of your honest devoir and duty, and all the benefits which Scanderbag hath bestowed upon you? Are these the presents which you give him (o you Dibrians?) Are these the testimonies of your constancy? Is this all that you own to the Sfetigradians your allies, who have used you so kindly? I am ashamed thus to speak to men that are reputed valiant. From henceforth let us look for no security and surety in men's affections, no integrity, no upright and sound dealing. If mankind be grown so careless of loyalty: if they be so delicate and curious: if the faith of men do depend upon so frivolous and vain occasions: what enemy is there so vile and contemptible, or of so small prudence or wisdom, but he may daily find out some invention to endamage his adversary, or that will leave any secret trains, devices or means unsought and untried, when he shall see that his fraud hath such likelihood of good success, and may so easily be compassed? In vain did our ancestors enclose their towns with walls: in vain did they build towers and castles upon the tops of high rocks and mountains: and in vain were garrisons invented for soldiers, if men be mutable and changeable with the times, if the faith of men be changeable according to the inconstancy of their occasions, if (as trees do with their leaves in winter and summer,) so men do still put off and put on new thoughts and affections. What would you have done (I pray) if the immoderate heat and distemperature of the season had altered or corrupted this water? Is it not still the same water that it was? O dangerous kind of faith! O the detestable inconstancy of men's minds! we devise and discourse concerning the safety and liberty of this town, as if the least and hasest thing of the world were now in question. Your duty were (o you Dibrians') after the last drop of your blood had been shed, to have left your bodies to be trailed by the fear half dead, out of the possession of this place: and not voluntarily, whole and sound to resign and give over the command of your glorious and good fortune. We ourselves (if I may speak it) do invite the enemy, we offer them our necks, we abrogate our own liberty: and because we will not defile our scrupulous mouths with a superstitious kind of drink, we will not stick to pollute all laws, and all rights both divine and humane. Have you not heard how Darius that proud and delicate king of the Persians, did not refuse to take a draft of muddy water at the hands of a slave which had taken it up (as they fled) in the high way amongst the dead carcases, and under the horses feet, at such time as being overcome by our country man the great Alexander, he fled before him shamefully after that memorable discomfiture? As brave and proud a Prince as he was he did not disdain it: but after he had taken and tasted it, he swore, that he never drunk more savourly: and that before that time, he never knew what it was to be thirsty. Thus did a draft of filthy water both keep him from being made captive to his enemy, prolonged his fortune, and preserved the life of a great and mighty King. What will you say to Caius Marius that famous General of the Romans'? how hath the antiquity recorded his sufferance of hunger, and thirst, at all times amidst the extreme heat of fight, and amidst his greatest labours and traveles in any service at the siege of towns or otherwise? And to let pass the constancy of the Saguntines; what think you of the city of Petilia amongst the Brutians in the time of Hannibal? did it not by an example of singular regard, and almost incredible, leave a rare testimony of their constancy and fidelity unto all posterity? And to the intent they might observe their faith inviolably, which they had given to the Romans', and for the defence of their bare and sore battered walls, they made no difficulty to live upon the flesh not only of dogs (which you abhor so greatly) but of all kinds of four footed creatures, and with the skins of swine, with roots, and with barks of trees? The most noble and renowned Athenian Themistocles, to the intent his ungrateful country might not sustain the blame of his death, drank (as it is reported) a cup of deadly poison. But perhaps you will say that the Sfetigradians are strangers to you, and that their city is none of your country: it was delivered to you to be defended, and therefore it is yours (o you Dibrians:) Scanderbag made choice of your faith and honesty before all others, to see to the safety of this place. The town which your Prince hath committed to your charge, it behoveth you to see it safe redelivered into his hands. Moderate therefore I beseech you, and lay aside these your desperate opinions, and do not you attribute that to force and necessity, which is indeed nothing else but a damnable and perverse counsel and resolution. For tell me true, (I pray you) what will you do in case the Ottoman will not accept of the composition to grant you your lives? would you then refuse this drink that you imagine to be so deadly? I am persuaded that all of you would drink it, ere you would do yourselves any outrage. But now because you are assured of your own safety, & you are not in danger to lose any thing but your faith, you are all of you touched & infected with one malady, and your thoughts do run a madding as men frantic and out of your wits. So little reckonning do you make of your faith: & of all other crimes, you hold it the least to be touched with the crime of perjury and disloyalty. I cannot (o you Dibrians') command nor moderate my affections, I cannot abstain from tears when I call to memory our good prince Scanderbag. Me thinks I see how graciously he spoke unto you, with what prayers & entreaties he recommended this town unto you at his departure, & how even in this place he implored with too much credulity, your devoir and loyalty. I do remember those clamours and loud cries, which all of you made with bravadoes and magnifical promises both openly and privately. Where are those your clamours now (o you Dibrians?) where is that fierceness of your courages? where are those hearts which you then vowed for your country? where is that audacity & careless contempt of life and death? I see here still the same men and the same arms: but the habit and disposition of their minds is clean altered. And this town being brought to a desperate point, I see all things in a miserable estate and condition. Imagine that your Prince standeth here before you in great anguish and grief for this your notable treason: what thoughts think you, will he, & all others entertain? what astonishment will there be throughout all the province? what will be the estate & condition of all Epire? seeing that from you doth proceed the root of all their misfortunes and calamities? o that you would present before your eyes, whilst you are yet able, the indignity of this fact, & that you would preserve yourselves for yourselves. Cease not to keep your allies and confederates in the possession of their country, do not leave to defend their liberty, & to maintain your own honour and reputation, which without any great pain or trouble you may yet easily preserve. Regard the piteous & grievous lamentations of these citizens, regard me, even myself, who (if you can abide to see it) do lie prostrate at your feet. Behold how all of them do offer their throats unto you, and I mine first of all. Behold here my naked breast (o you Dibrians') run it through, pierce it with your sword, take away my life it shall not grieve me: let my blood serve for drink unto you (if such drink do please you,) and if so be you cannot by any other means neither maintain your faith, nor defend this city.  
With many such reasons and persuasions did Perlat urge them, recommending unto them the life and liberty (if not of others) yet of themselves, and that they should regard their proper safety: and still he was in hope to have removed them from their strange and pernicious purpose. And in the end because he would know whether his speeches had any efficacy or working in their scrupulous thoughts: assoon as he had finished his Oration, he went presently towards the Well, having almost all the communality 
Perlat and the citizens of Sfetigrade, drunk of the polluted water, to draw the Dibrians to do the like, who refuse it.  at his heels, and in the presence of them all he drank a good draft of that water: the like also did the most part of the inhabitants. Whereupon it was presented likewise to certain of the captains, & chiefest persons of the garrisons: but neither good words, nor good deeds could prevail with those superstitious and curious stomachs.  
Scarcely can I without blushing, either believe it myself or deliver it to others for a matter of truth, that so light and ridiculous a cause should prevail with them in a case so weighty & important: and I make no doubt but that the posterity will take a greater pleasure rather to laugh at it, then to admire & wonder at this strange accident: and if they do give any credit to the strangeness of the case, yet will they hardly be persuaded, that so vain and frivolous a humour could have moved them thereunto. But they will judge rather that it was taken as a fit occasion by the soldiers, who being inclined to treachery and infidelity, had been before corrupted by the enemy. For my part having searched and inquired of all things with all possible diligence, I could never find any likelihood to verify this superstition: and therefore I need not make any difficulty to think them blame worthy, who have conceived of them so smisterly. My reason is, for that (as I suppose) there is nothing in the actions of mortal men so secret and hid, which could for so long a time have been unrevealed. And more than that, of all those who were so superstitiously addicted, there was not any one of them ever known to have yielded himself to Amurath: nor at any time was the estate of any one of them so enriched, whereby it might be presumed or conjectured, that they had any fraudulent intelligence or secret practising with the Infidels. Neither is it any marvel that the Dibrians being once intoxicated with this foolish scrupulosity, and being fallen into so frantic a humour, did commit such an error: seeing that they were not only given to be superstitious, but were always and yet are reputed for Heretics. For 
Here●ie and superstition near of kin each to other.  these two contagious maladies of superstition and heresy, are very near of kin the one to the other. For these people of Dibria do use the Sclavonian tongue, the which language being very large and ample, (as most notable authors do testify) is dispersed and dilated into many and divers sects. And that this is true may be seen, in that some of the slavonians do acknowledge the unity of the Church of Rome: as the Dalma●a●s, 
The Sclauoni● tongue very large and ample.  the Croatians, the Carnians, and the better part of the Polonians: others do adhere unto the errors and fantasies of the Greek Church, as the Triballians or Bulgarians, the Ruthenians, and a part of Limania. Others in the malady of their spirits, have forged unto themselves a particular opinion, as the Bohemians, the Moravians, and the Bosnians, who for the most part do follow the heresy of the Manichees. But wherefore do I make mention of these nations? seeing all Europe is at this day over whelmed with a multiplicity o●f●rious and cursed doctrines? For, ou● alas! within these few years, by the contagion and infection of neighbour nations, or rather by the overmuch negligence and slothfulness of the Prelates of the Church, and by the pernicious carelessness of Princes and secular magistrates (if it be not the enormities of our sins, that have set heaven against us:) all quarters & kingdoms of Europe have suffered themselves to be polluted with a multitude of these prodigious opinions of all sorts, which do now swarm and abound throughout all christendom. But I have wandered too far from my matter, we will now return to our doting and frantic Dibrians.  
The Governor was instant upon them sometimes with prayers, sometimes with promises of great gifts and rich offers, at the last, seeing all of them to be obdurate and hardened against his fruit loss persuasions, he framed and conformed his mind also to the exigence and necessity of the time. And having assembled together a certain number, part of them Dibrians, and part of the chief and principal of the citizens to deliberat upon the matter: they made a short conclusion (for the matter would not admit any long delay) and themselves did set down the conditions & covenants of their surrender, such as they thought would neither be injurious unto themselves, nor disagreeable unto the enemy. Namely, that the garrison should departed freely & in safety, with bag & baggage, that the citizens should have free choice either to remain in their former estate with in the town, or to departed at their pleasures. Touching the garrison nothing was altered by the grand Signior, but for the citizens he would not in any case condescend, that they should remain within the town. All the rest was accorded and a watch appointed in the suburbs. Immediately were the keys brought unto Amurath, 
Sfetigrade yielded to Amurath.  and the place was rendered up void and empty of all the inhabitants. Some of the citizens (who were deeply affectionate to their country, and loath to departed from the place of their nativity) did tarry still without the walls. But many of them who could not endure to live under the Infidels, leaving and abandoning all, went to seek out Scanderbag. The traitor who had corrupted the water stayed within the town, and remained with the enemy, where being known by them that practised with him to betray the town unto the Turk, they conveyed him presently to the tents of the Ottoman, with wonderful joy and great gladness. You need not doubt but he had good entertainment: for the Sultan honoured him infinitely, both with good words and notable 
The traitor who betrayed Sfetigrade, rewarded by the Turks.  rich presents, far exceeding the promises that had been made unto him, in recompense of his disloyalty and treason. For first he had 50000. aspres given him, and three robes or suits of apparel of excellent workmanship and very rich. Moreover he had so much land of inheritance and demeans assigned him, as the yearly revenues thereof did amount to 2000 crowns. But little joy had the traitor of those great benefits: for albeit he were thus magnificently rewarded with all these honours and riches in the open sight and knowledge of a multitude of people, and albeit he did daily receive a world of favours amongst the Barbarians: yet within a while after he was suddenly gone 
The end of treason.  and vanished, and was never more seen nor heard of▪ The report went, that he was secretly made away by Amurath, by some privy and deserved kind of punishment, because he durst not repose any trust or assurance in the nature and disposition of him, who by a filthy avarice had traitorously conspired against his country, against his confederates, and against his own blood and kinsfolks. Thus you may behold how this merchant was enriched by his merchandise: and a man may see by this so worthy 
Treas● loved by Princes yet traitors hated of them.  an example, that Princes and great men have treason in estimation, but they abhor the traitors, and have them in detestation.  
The garrison of Sfetigrade was suffered to departed free, and without hurt through the midst of the Turkish squadrons, which stood orderly ranged on each side as they passed between them. How beit that Mahomet the young Prince of the Turks a fierce and cruel youth, who (as the report goeth) did then follow the army of his father into Epire, upon a desire to see the war, and to purchase himself reputation, did instantly and vehemently urge and entreat Amurath, not to suffer them so to departed freely without any punishment. And he alleged, that it was but a vain curiosity to stand 
Speechees of Mahomet the young prince to his father, persuading him to violate his faith with them of Sfetigrade.  upon the observation of his faith, and that it would be to his eternal reproach and infamy; for that the Turks have not any doctrine more expressly delivered in their law, nor any precept more ancient in the religion of Mahomet, then to show themselves by all possible means mortal enemies to the Christians: and specially to them from whom he had received so many calamities and outrages by the slaughter of their legions, the kill of their Chieftains, and the pitiful wasting and destroying of their army: that the Sfetigradians ought to be chastised to terrify others, & were to be made an example unto those which should come after, to teach them not to persevere in such perverseness and obstinacy. For it is not (quoth he) the office of an excellent General, to carry a mind mutable and changeable according to the estate and fortune of the enemy, and to commiserat their tears and petitions: that it were well done to put them all to the sword, or to keep them in irons or strait imprisonment, till such time as they had order for their ransom.  
By these speeches did this arrogant and proud Prince sufficiently bewray his nature and disposition, declaring even in his youth and private estate, what manner of man he would prove one day when he came to riper years, and to the possession of the Empire. And the insolency & fierceness of his tender years, did already discover the filthiness of his avarice and cruelty. But the wicked and bloody counsel of the son could not prevail nor find any place in the prudent thoughts of the aged father: but sharply reproving him, it is said, that he thus replied unto him; That nothing 
Answer of Amurath to the speeches of his son Mahomet.  was more necessary and requisite amongst men, than the integrity of their faith, the which being once violated, it was not possible that either kingdoms, Empires, and estates or any society could stand or continue. That every Prince of a generous and noble mind, and of high renown (if his hope and courage do aim at honour and superiority, & to the compassing of great matters) this faith ought to be the one or the other, either in truth and effect, firm, sound, and inviolate, or at leastwise in outward appearance. For that is the only way and ready mean to procure and purchase the lone and good will of all persons: whereas perjury and cruelty do subvert both sceptres and crowns, both Towns and nations: and last of all they are not more pernicious to others then to the parties that use them: that men are conquered and won by the beneficence and liberality of those who desire to find them faithful and loyal, but that cruelty, hatred, and inhumanity do little profit a Prince towards his subjects. For when they see themselves governed and commanded by a proud and immoderate kind of puissance, they will not long endure the yoke of such dominion: that by clemency the hearts & affections of many are soon gained, and being once drawn to like, seldom or never will they abhor to endure that subjection which is so gracious gentle & tolerable. And to say the truth: wherein have the Sfetygradians offended? or what fault have they committed against the majesty of our Empire? They have defended their country, their wives, and their children: and if they have of themselves both prescribed such conditions, & have as faithfully observed them as the conqueror hath reason to rest contented with them: what can we farther object or demand of them?  
The Dibrians being removed out of Sfetygrade withal the other companies of the Christians: and a new garrison of twelve thousand janissaries being there established: 
Amurath fortifieth Sfetigrade.  Amurath bent all his care and endeavour to the repairing of the walls on that side, where the cannon had endamaged them. In the mean time Scanderbag being lately returned from surveying and visiting of all the country, was newly advertised of the misfortune of Sfetygrade, and of the infidelity of the Dibrians. This caused him to keep close within his tent in great silence, and full of despite and anger. Within a while came Perlat with that his infamous & dishonoured troop of soldiers. 
Perlat and the citizens of Sfetygrade their coming to Scanderbag.  Sad and pensive was their governor, but much more sorrowful were the citizens, & the tears trickled in abundance down alongst their cheeks, for grief and sorrow of their country now left desolate. The Dibrians likewise through the remorse of their fault (which was so notably shameful) casting their eyes down to the ground, 
Dibrians crave pardon of Scanderbag for yielding Sfetygrade to the Turk.  did imitate the sadness of their companions. But when they came in presence of their Prince, and had seen by the austerity and felnesse of his countenance, the vehemency of the indignation, which he seemed to have conceived in his heart; every one of them casting his arms to the ground, and taking their girdells from their wastes, and putting them about their necks, they fell prostrate at his feet, and with bitter tears besought him, to pardon their grievous and shameful act. What should this Prince do that was so merciful and gracious? To punish so many men, it was no easy matter, he saw no other occasion of their crime, but only the superstitious credulity of that nation: they did freely confess their fault openly in his presence with contrition and humility almost incredible. This could not but move and appease Scanderbag, 
Speech of Scanderbag to the Dibrians, whom he pardoneth.  for his anger being pacified, he turned himself towards them, telling them, that he gave them their lives in acknowledgement of their good devoir, and because they had behaved themselves valiantly in defence only of the walls of Sfetigrade. To the citizens according to the former estate of each of them, were lands, and possessions appointed, and to many of them he gave charges and honourable offices in the wars: neither did he deny any request in a manner to the Dibrians. Nevertheless, the shame of their late ignominy having so greatly disgraced them, did not permit them to abide long at the camp, all of them shunning the face of their companions.  
The virtue and constancy of Perlat during his government of Sfetygrade, did deserve sufficient praise and commendation both by the honourable testimony which 
Perlat his good deserts and praise for the defence of Sfetygrade.  Castriot gave him for his deserts, as also by the confirmation of the soldiers who served under him, yet it may be, that perhaps he merited more blame than commendation, and I might impute the fault and loss of the Town not to the infidelity of other, but rather to his small care or over licentious indulgence towards his soldiers: because in a season so dangerous he ought to have taken great heed, and to have been very careful not to suffer his soldiers to have conference and familiarity, nor to have permitted those of the Town so ordinarily to frequent the company of the infidels: by means of which their daily communications (the corruption of man is such and the desire of gold and silver so in satiable,) the soldier 
Perlat con enmended and rewarded by Scanderbag.  might easily be wrought to practise with the enemy. Nevertheless Scanderbag did publicly ratify and allow both his fidelity and all his actions, not only in plentiful speeches and often discourses, by word of mouth, but to his words, he added also deeds of no less value and estimation. For he recompensed him with a great sum of money, and certain fair horses, and with many other ornaments and rewards which he gave unto him, albeit Perlat was very loath to accept them. Thus was Perlat sent home to his own house with great increase of honour & reputation. This 
Perlat made an Abbot. Proto-sengeli Abbots in Epire. Perlat his integrity of life, his eloquence and learning.  parsonage being borne in Emathia was preferred to a spiritual dignity, (which they call Proto-sengeli:) & we commonly name them Abbots: he lead a marvelous strict & austere life, in singular continency and wonderful integrity: he was also very learned and passing eloquent: beside, the gravity of his years which accompanied his other virtues, did as much or more adorn and beautify all the rest of his perfections.  
These things thus concluded and finished, Scanderbag perceiving that the Sultan was busily employed in fortifying of Sfetygrade, and did wholly apply his mind to that work: he took with him five thousand horse, and hasted with all possible speed towards those parts with a purpose to interrupt and disturb him in his endeavours. But having stayed there, the space of two days coursing up and down, here and there through the woods, and over the high mountains, without finding any matter worthy the speaking of: he attended there, still watching some opportunity, in hope at the leastro surprise some of their foragers, or some of the enemy's scouts, or by some other means to endamage the enemy: nor did the soldiers return altogether without booty. For (as it is usual in any great army,) there were taken many men and horses as they ranged carelessly abroad in the country.  
Now after that Amurath had sufficiently repaired the walls of Sfetygrade according 
Amurath determineth to leave Epire & to return to Andrynople.  to the shortness of the time: and that the place was furnished and stored with corn and other provisions for one whole year (as though his mind did foretell him that it was like to be besieged:) he resolutely determined and concluded with himself to retire his forces out of Epire, and to return into his own country. Touching the cause of his so speedy departure, many are the fables & lies which have been commonly bruited abroad, yet without any certainctie, whilst that each one would seem by conjectures to search out and to set down the counsels and determinations 
The cause of Amurath his sudden departure out of Epyre.  of Ottoman. Some impute his sudden discamping to the tumults of Hungary: others to the troubles of Greece, and some to those of Persia. Many do hold that the losses and damages received in Albany, and the divers travels and difficulties of this war did chase him so soon out of that province: with an intent nevertheless to return thither again with more puissant and fresh forces, & to plant his camp before Croy, because that city did seem to require greater means, and more redoubtable forces to terrify them. For my part I am content to approve both the one & the other of these opinions, as having all of them some show and appearance of truth. Notwithstanding the last seemeth most likely and probable being ratified and confirmed by the issue and event, which is a witness infallible and without reproof: or perhaps it were not amiss to say, that the hour and time limited and appointed to this aged Ottoman by the destinies was not yet come, and as the Poets fain lieentiously:  

The sisters had not spun, nor fully ended  
The fatal thread whereon his life depended.   
But whatsoever was the cause of his return, the last of july he commanded 
Amurath with his army departeth out of Epire.  to truffe up bag and baggage, and that the carriages and part of his horsemen should go on before. The next day at the sun rising (having first in the night time fired their lodgings, and some other furniture of their Camp) himself marched after the others, with the residue of the army who with excessive joy did make an exceeding noise, both by their loud cries and clamours, and by the sound of their ordinance and cannons, which they made to roar with often shooting off at their departure. The Turkish monarch did ever use in times past, 
The manner of march observed by Amurath with his camp.  and so did he then take his place in the midst of all his batallions, where being mounted upon a white horse, and environed round about with his armed jannissaries, he needed not to be afraid of any tumult or peril. For in the vaungarde the Beglerbey of Asia, and in the rearward the Bassa of Romania (both being in good order of battle) did assure and guard the middle battle in which himself marched. They that writ of this expedition do in a manner all of them agree, that Amurath returned out of Epire with fewer men than he brought with 
Number of Turks lost in the journey of Amurath into Epire.  him at his coming by thirty thousand, having lost fully so many in that action. Besides that, a great part of his provisions for the assault, and also many of his ensigns were spoiled and taken by the Christians, which he never carried away again with him. But all these losses and hinderances did Scanderbag enlarge with the ignominy of a new slaughter: and he renewed the misfortune of their estate with a fresh calamity. For upon this return of the Sultan, the Albanois having intelligence given him where he lay encamped, that the enemy did dislodge, he put himself on 
Scanderbag pursueth the army of the Turks.  the way to pursue them with all his army, which was 8000. horse, and 3000. foot, and lively pressing them in the rearward, without any intermission, he held on still killing and destroying them: and he gave his soldiers good occasion to flesh themselves, and to show the fury and eagerness of their stomachs upon all those, who either were found to slack their pace, or by any mischance and inconvenience were left behind their companies: for there was none of them but were gleaned up, and they did dearly buy it with the loss of their lives. The Barbarians did often make head against him with their whole army, to sustain and repulse the violence of their pursuit. But the Albanois ever dissembling as though he fled, did still delude them, when they were ready to receive him: sometimes withdrawing himself into the next valleys and hills adjoining, and then suddenly again appearing in sight: sometimes would he charge them in front, sometimes in slanke, and sometimes in the rearward: and thus still skirmishing with them as they went on, he plagued them with a thousand discommodities. In this manner mocking and abusing Amurath and his army, he continued so long in pursuing them, that for six miles together, he never left following them close at the heels, pressing and annoying them with innumerable injuries.  
The Emperor of the Turks being extremely vexed with the shame & ignominy 
Amurath leaveth the Bassa of Romania to repulse the invasion of Scanderbag.  of this abuse, and at the slaughter of his people, commanded the Bassa of Romania to stay behind with 30000. horse, for the surety and free retreat of the residue, charging him that if the enemy did continue to importune him, he should either charge upon him or constrain him to the fight, or else enforce him to betake himself to fight. Scanderbag perceiving the enemy to change his course, fair & easily retired his companies, and for fear of being enclosed between the two armies, he thought it lest to leave them being so great a multitude. Wherefore he seized upon certain valleys and passages of the mountains, where he knew he should be safe, and that he could easily warrant both himself and his army against the puissance of so many enemies. There for a while did he make a stand with his forces ready ranged in order of battle, as if he had been upon the point to go to charge upon the enemy, and to hazard the fortune of the field with the Mahometan: and peradventure so would he have done (such was the hardiness and confidence of this parsonage,) if the weariness of his soldiers, who were almost tired with their long and hot pursuit of the enemy, and the inequality of their numbers being far inferior to the Turkish forces, had not constrained this brave warrior to lay apart that counsel which was so temerous and dangerous. Upon this occasion therefore addressing himself to his soldiers, and seeming as if he would excuse himself, he spoke unto them this proverb (which he used often:) I had rather (quoth he) that this place should be noted to be famous for the 
A proverb used by Scanderbag upon his retiring from the enemy.  flight of Scanderbag then for his cross. For the custom of that country was to raise a cross in that place, where any Christian, especially any man of mark had been slain or miscarried, and he alleged this reason to justify his saying: because any man may abolish the infamy of his flight, by some new act worthy of praise and commendation: but the life of a man being once gone and passed, besides that it is irrevocable & out of hope, so is it seldom without some infamy, reproach, & obloquy of the vulgar and ignorant multitude, who do measure all things not by reason and judgement but only by the issue and the event.  
When the Bassa of Romania saw that Scanderbag would not move, but did abide still 
The Bassa of Romania marcheth away after Amurath.  within his camp he likewise by little & little begun to remove with his companies, & to march away, being as willing to let alone the enemy and not to meddle with him, but to go onwardly & to join himself with the main army that went before him. The like also did Scanderbag upon the persuasion of his soldiers, who humbly besought him not to be obstinate in pursuing and following of those miscreants, nor to detain or hold back any longer within the hart and bowels of Epire, that pestilent plague which was so happily rid away, and departing out of the country. Thus near about the same time, did Scanderbag return to Croy, and Amurath taking his journey through Macedony, & over the mountains of the Tribullians, came to the city of Andrinople. Both the one & the other of them departed home sad & pensive, and as full of melancholy as was possible, because their affairs had succeeded with such variety of fortune. But much more discontented & full of despite was the Turkish Emperor, both because he could not subdue his enemy the Albanois, for whose destruction and confusion principally he came forth of his own country: and beside, because the honour, of so small a fortress, and so mean a place as he had gotten, did not seem unto him to be a sufficient recompense for so many misfortunes, mischiefs and calamities. Notwithstanding the care and grief of the Christians was wonderfully comforted, in regard they were fully persuaded, and made no doubt, that the infidels being once gone and departed, Sfetygrade might be soon regained, and without any great difficulty recovered out of their hands.  
The end of the fifth book.   

THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
SCanderbeg is persuaded by his nobles to marry. The frontier war between the Turks of Sfetygrade, and the garrison of the Albanois. Scanderbag besiegeth and assaulteth Sfetygrade, but is constrained to break up his siege. He provideth for the furnishing and defence of Croy and the rest of his dominions against the invasion of Amurath, who cometh with a huge army into Epire. Croy is besieged, battered and oftentimes assaulted. Amurath being not able by assaults, mines, nor otherwise to force Croye, practiseth to win it by corrupting of Vranocontes the Governor, who rejecteth him. Scanderbag, by sundry invasions, and canuazadoes upon the Turkish Camp, and by the great slaughters of the infidels before Croy, so vexeth and wearieth Amurath, that he sendeth Ambassadors to Scanderbag to desire peace, which is refused. Amurath upon grief and melancholy of his misfortune sickneth and dieth before Croy. Mahomet son of Amurath succeeding his father in the Turkish Empire, raiseth the siege of Croy, and departeth with his army out of Epire.  
THe public peace and tranquillity of the whole province of Epire being now re-established by the departure of the Ottoman forces, and every man being freed of their fear and care, the traffic being laid open in all the towns and fortresses, the garrisons being dismissed, and each man returned to his wont trade and vocation, the king of Albany did at length also give liberty unto his legions to rest themselves for a season, from the toils and travels of the wars. notwithstanding he gave them in charge, that at the end of two months, they should all of them repair again unto him, to march with him towards Sfetigrade, to the intent they might recover that town of their confederates, out of the hands and possession of their adversaries. He retained with him in the mean time but two thousand horse, and one thousand foot, whom he sent as he was accustomed, to keep upon the frontiers of Macedon, and to guard the goods and possessions of the inhabitants in those quarters from the roads and invasions of the Turks.  
Whilst Scanderbag did thus refresh himself from his late travels and labours, and did within Croy employ that small time of leisure which he had gotten, unto a new kind of exercise wherewith he was unacquainted: namely to the administration of justice, and to matters of state: the nobles of Epire and the Pinces' his' allies and near neighbours misliking, that a parsonage of such rare excellency should pass his age (for he was then about forty or perhaps more) without leaving any issue of his body lawfully 
Scanderbag persuaded to marriage by the nobles and Princes of Epire.  begotten to inherit his estate and kingdom: all of them with one accord assembled themselves together, and came to the presence of Scanderbag as they had oftentimes before done the like: and they laboured by all means possible to persuade him to take a wife and to continue his name and memory by the procreation of happy children which might lawfully succeed him in his kingdom: alleging, that 
Speeches of the Princes & nobles of Epire persuading him to marriage.  in vain had he amplified the bounds of his realm, and in vain had he increased the estate of Epire: if he did not against the time to come likewise see them provided of a Lord and Prince, to whom he had purchased so great honour and glory by the immortal memory of so many famous & worthy acts: that if he should be careless of this matter, they might well say and think: that his intent and meaning was to have the public weal of Albany to decay and perish jointly with himself, and that with the body of one alone, he would bury the memory and whole body of so flourishing an estate: that he should hearken unto the secret prayers, and regard the careful complaints of his subjects. For if the succession should descend to any other: the province of Epire knew not how to suffer the dominion of any stranger: but did disdain to have any other for their Lord and master but him only, which should leave them some issue of his own blood, as the inheritor and image of his rare virtue; that so long, and no longer both their good fortune and the divine favour of God would continue and dwell amongst them, whilst the sceptre and crown of Albany did remain in that race, and did abide in the possession of his posterity.  
Scanderbag was of a humour clean estranged and alienated from any such thought, and the haughtiness of his conceits did aim at greater matters: and as one that was either unmindful or careless of all other things, he fixed not his hope nor his thoughts upon any thing, which did not seem to exceed the common reach of all human capacity. Wherefore as the report goeth, at the first he did with many reasons full of gravity and sententious, vehemently impugn this advise and counsel 
Answer and speeches of Scanderbag concerning the married life.  of his friends, exalting and commending with no frivolous proofs the simple & unmarried life especially in Princes and great personages. And he told them: that nothing was so burden some and insupportable to a free mind, as the dominion of a wife: that the troubles of marriage having once made an entry into a man's house, his body & his spirit had no longer liberty to use those rights which do belong unto them: that fortune 
Marriage both troublesome, and the hindrance of a man's good fortune. Scanderbag condescendeth to take a wife.  herself (as though by marriage she were become lame) would diminish & abridge the amplification & increase of a man's greatness, & would deprive him of a good part of the means, which should raise him to the supreme degree of prosperity. Notwithstanding at the last because he would not seem as one that was given to over much austerity, not to neglect the good zeal and sincere affection of his friends, he condescended and granted, being loath to refuse their advise in any thing which they should judge to be for the public good, & for the advantage & dignity of the estate of Albany. And he was content to submit himself to that yoke, since they thought it so expedient, & seeing it was so agreeable unto their minds. Nevertheless he demanded a time of respite for the accomplishment of the matter, and desired that the same might be deferred till such time as Sfetygrade were recovered, saying: that for the present it could not but be greatly to his reproach, if he should now bend his mind to the solemnities of marriage, to feasting and such like actions of reveling and banqueting: and in the mean while to suffer his allies and friends to remain under the tyranny of the enemies of Christianity. The Princes and nobles of Albany thought themselves sufficiently satisfied in that they had obtained thus much at his hands: and therefore they would not importune him any further, but yielding him a thousand thanks, as if he had done them some special grace and favour, or bestowed some singular gift upon them: they quickly published & made it known through all the country, & the whole Province was replenished with exceeding joy at the report thereof.  
These things thus depending, there came messengers daily from the frontiers, bringing tidings, sometimes that the lands and possessions of the Barbarians were wasted and spoiled: and sometimes that their scouts were beaten and put to flight. About the 
Frontier wars between the Turks in Sfetigrade and the garrison of the Albanois.  same time also, the garrison of Turks within Sfetigrade were enforced to keep close within their fortress, by the daily and continual skirmishes of our horsemen, who using to ambush themselves in the woods near unto the town, did suffer none to escape whom they found at any time, wandering abroad either carelessly, or as they went on foraging, or upon any other occasion. For having many times issued forth of the town, they were enforced still, most commonly, to return again faster than with a good pace. True it is, that our Christians doubting the disadvantage of the place, durst not go too near the walls to encounter with them, but by feigned shows of flight, they did still endeavour to draw them out into the open fields. One day amongst the rest they grew so audacious, that 300 of them came forth and passed about a bow shot 
A skirmish between the Turks of Sfetigrade and the garrison of the Albanois.  beyond the foot of the mountain, drawn thereunto with a vehement desire to be revenged upon our men, with whom coming to the encounter with more fury than wisdom, three and forty of them there left their lives, and 14. were taken prisoners, the residue saved themselves by their timely departure, flying away with a speedy gallop: and there had not any one of them escaped to carry the news into the town, if their companions, who stayed within for the guard of the place, had not made haste to come & secure them. It was an easy matter for the Scanderbegians in this tumult & confusion of all things to have surprised the town, if they had either chased them with more fervency, or if they had had a greater company. The Turks being from thenceforth shut up within their ports, were seized with such fear and terror, that they durst not any more set foot out of the city, but held themselves close as if they had been besieged by a handful of Christians. All this was done only by a part of that garrison which (as we have said) was left upon the frontiers. Notwithstanding they did it without the advise or knowledge of Scanderbag, neither did he give them any commission so to do: but sent thither those forces only for the surety of his subjects, and to repress the courses and violence of the paynim. Nevertheless being advertised how all things had passed, though his soldiers in so doing might seem in some sort, both to have contemned his authority, & to neglect all order & care of martial discipline: yet was not this sage & prudent Prince any thing discontented with them, but he so liked both their counsel & their actions, that it both gave him an occasion to hasten his business, & did incite him the more cheerfully to the assailing of the place, in regard that the fear & remembrance of so small a loss did make them to mew themselves up within their walls, as men quite discouraged and out of heart. For this cause without making any delay, before that he had proclaimed any general muster for the assembling of his old bands, or for any levy of new soldiers: he dispatched away to Sfetigrade 300. horse, and 500 footmen, which he had then ready at hand to comfort & aid their companions: to whom also he sent many gifts and presents, to show that he approved those exploits which they had already done, & willing them to go on & to persever in the like, and whatsoever they could with safety enterprise against the enemy they should not neglect it, nor suffer them to take any rest, till such time as himself coming with greater troops, & with all other provisions fit & necessary for a siege, might bring the town to be at his discretion. This done he bent all his thoughts to the gathering of new forces, so that within few days he had assembled an army of 18000 men, of which 8000. were horsemen, and the residue did serve on foot.  
His preparations being all ready, & his carriages sent away before, himself marched 
Sfetigrade besieged by Scanderbag.  after with all his host: so that the xx. day of September, he planted his ensigns before the walls of Sfetigrade. His own person & his horsemen were lodged no farther from the walls, than so as an arquebus shot could not reach them, (for the garrison of the Turks was in a manner all harguebussiers the best that Amurath could choose.) The footmen were quartered somewhat nearer: and to the intent the enemy should not be able to offend them with their shot, they raised up (in manner of a Palyssado) a great quantity of rafters & planks, whereof he had made great provision, behind the which the footmen might stand & remain in surety. The Albanois were almost all of them archers: the residue being Italians and Almains did serve with harguebusses & crossbows. There were also some slavonians, who being more skilful in the use of the 
Soldiers of several Nations serve under Scanderbag.  sword then of the bow: upon the news of this levy of soldiers (being alured with the desire of prey & purchase) did come to serve with the Albanois voluntarily and without any pay at all. There were in those days that came daily into Epire out of all Nations to serve, & to take pay under Scanderbag: for that of all the Captains of Christendom, he only was still busied and employed, and was never out of arms: but in continual service, as the mortal and deadly enemy of the Turks and Miscreants. For this cause many of them that were retained, being emised both with the sweetness of daily booties and pillage, and by the pleasantness of the country, did set up their rest to remain and dwell there for ever. But the truth is that the most part being enriched with the spoils of the Barbarians, & grown wonderful wealthy, did afterwards return home to their own countries. There were also some Frenchmen to the number of 50. or more, who served in that army: they were appointed to have the managing & disposing of certain small field pieces (for they were entertained specially for canoneers) with the which they might annoy the defendants, rather than the rampires of the town. For I do not find that there were brought thither any other greater pieces, either for battery or to make any breach, because it seemed, that to force the city by the scalado was most to the purpose. These things thus ordained, the chiefest matter & of most importance rested yet behind: and that was, to provide for the tranquility of the whole camp, & for the more assured continuance of the siege: namely, to shut up all the passages from the enemy: for by this means both the besieged should be out of all hope of comfort, and the Turks should be debarred from coming to secure or relieve them. In this service was the old garrison employed, and there was joined unto them a supply of 800. foot, & 1000 horse of the new levied troops. All which forces being divided into two parts, the one moiety of them he sent with Streese, the other moiety with Tanusee into diverse quarters, for the better guard of the residue of his bands, and to detain all succours from the besieged. This was no sooner concluded on, but it was as soon put in execution. And thereupon Scanderbag thought it high time to set his soldiers on work, & by giving a brave assault unto the town, to let them know the fierceness of his fury. For you must understand, that the seven first days after the Christians had presented themselves before Sfetigrade, they were uncessantly occupied in enclosing & entrenching of their camp, & in building & ordering of their lodgings (because they thought they should have wintered before the town.) And during all that time they had not in any sort molested the besieged, neither in word nor in deed: which made the soldiers now of all hands assemble about their Prince, demanding every hour that they might be suffered to assail the enemy. But Castriot being unwilling to attempt any thing by arms, till he had first assayed all other means, he did for a time restrain the forwardness and heat of his men, till such time as he had sounded the minds of the defendants. He sent therefore two soldiers to carry unto them the same capitulations, which the citizens of Sfetigrade did lately accept of Ottoman. But the Turks made no more reckoning of his offers, then as of a 
Answer of the Turks within Sfetigrade to the summons of Scanderbag.  thing of nought: but with notable resolution, they sent him this answer, That the place which cost them so much blood, was not to be sold for words: that he should offer hardily the bodies of his people, yea his own head, for the price of the redemption of that town: and that then he should well know, whether that their faith were dependent upon the water of a well, as was that lately of the Dibrians.  
This answer was no news to Scanderbag, neither did it come contrary to his expectation, for he foresaw and conjectured how the Turks were affected. Wherefore he thought good to have recourse to the sword, & he determined to set the Christians a work as they had before desired: and he took unto him courage not as one that would use many words, but as an enemy that would make them feel the weight of his blows. The next morning therefore about break of day, having caused his 
Suburbs of Sfetigrade assaulted and burnt by Scanderbag.  troops to approach close under the walls, he first gave the onset upon the suburbs, lately assigned by the Turks to the poor citizens, which he caused to be overthrown & burnt. Many of those, who inhabited in the same, at the first sight of the Christians ensigns, had their refuge to their ancient friends and allies: the others dispersed here and there, and being retired under the walls, did safeguard themselves by the favour of the same, & of the soldiers which stood above for their defence. In like manner the buildings next the town were without hurt, except such as the fire (being carried from one to the other) did consume with the like confusion. The fury of the assaylauts did not in this place proceed any further, because there were but few Turks there abiding, but only Sfetigradians & Epirots, who although it might well be supposed (as was apparently to be seen) that they were but badly affectioned to our men, yet Christian charity made them to be more remiss and pitiful: and they measured the persons by the habit and affections of their hearts in times past, and not by the estate present.  
Moses was not idle in the mean time, for perceiving them of the town to be busied on that side in defence of the suburbs, and in quenching of the fire: he lead against 
Assault by Moses to the ports of Sfetigrade.  the great gate three thousand soldiers all stout men and hardy, whom being covered and shrouded with pavishes against the injury and force of the assailants, he did animate on with all his might to force and break down the ports. The Turks (whose number was more than sufficient both to defend so small a place, and to yield ready supplies in all parts) came running thither speedily from all quarters, and some of them from aloft with great store of shot: others with great stones & long pieces of timber, did prop up & defend the port on the inside, making them stronger than they were before: by means whereof they caused our men to quit the work which they had undertaken. And thus was the issue of that attempt without any great loss of men: for the Christians having not then (as it chanced) brought any scaling ladders with them, they did not long strive in assaulting of the walls, but they discharged their choler that day both on the one side & the other, with bow shot and arquebus shot only. Scanderbag having caused to sound a retreat (albeit Moses being chafed & set in 
Scanderbag causeth to sound a retreat, and to give over the assault.  a heat by little and little with the fury of that fight) did call and cry unto his soldiers to bring their ladders and other engines for the assault: nevertheless all of them upon the coming of their General did presently retire, and in a manner against their wills, returned each man to his quarter. Thus were the courages of either party at that time the more incensed and sharpened by the proof of that small & light conflict, for that the fight was broken off without any hope or doubt either on the one side or the other. The residue of that day did Scanderbag spend in diverse consultations, devising upon 
Consultation of Scanderbag for his proceed against Sfetigrade.  the short & surest way to force Sfetigrad. For the strong situation thereof which made it almost impregnable, and the great & puissant garrison wherewith it was stuffed, did evidently make show, that the peril would not be small, if they should attempt it inconsiderately or unadvisedly: and the late example of Amurath by his overhardy and too peremptory experience, did cool the courages of the Christians from being too forward in committing of themselves to the hazard of the like inconvenience. It was concluded therefore for the more surety, that during the days following, the enemy should be drawn forth by small & light invasions, and with as great subtlety & wiliness as might possibly be invented, he should be enticed to issue out, and to make some sallies upon them: hoping by that means in time, either to diminish the forces of the garrison, without any great loss of their own people, or else making show by little and little of a dissembled and feigned flight, to toll the Infidels out from the guard of their ports, and then suddenly at the same instant setting upon them with great fury, they might happen to surprise the city, during the tumult of that alarm and astonishment, if so be the Christians did press hard upon the Turks in their flight, and did strive to enter with them pell mel, into the town.  
The execution of this counsel was no longer delayed then till the next night, the darkness and secrecy whereof did give them the opportunity to attempt it in such manner as shall presently be delivered. Moses was appointed to have the leading of 
Moses.  300. chosen horse, to provoke forth the enemy. Zacharie Groppe on the one part 
Zacharie Groppe.  with 500 horse, and Scanderbag himself on the other part, with the like number of horsemen placed themselves very close and secretly in an ambuscado. For these companies, taking the benefit of the darkness of the night, and creeping with as great silence 
An ambuscado laid for the Turks of Sfetigrade.  and secrecy as they might, by the pendant of the mountain, hide themselves in a place very fit and convenient for an ambushment, and where the enemy would not have any doubt thereof, even amongst the hollow & winding turnings of the valleys, and amidst the woods next adjoining full of bushes & briars, where the scouts of the enemy could not have any knowledge of their being. For having partly put out, and partly covering and keeping close their fires, they went forth on the backside of their camp. The time itself also did in some sort aid them to the concealing of their enterprise: for all the long night, the air being full of moist & foggy vapours, and the earth being covered with darkness, and with obscure and thick clouds: the continual thunder and lightning did so hinder the sight and hearing of every man, that it was an easy matter to deceive the Turkish Sentinels. The Dybrian in the mean time without staying till the day break, watched and pried round about on every side with his men, in manner of a freebooter or robber: and approaching by degrees nearer and nearer to the walls, he wandered up and down here & there in the sight of the townsemen, and did keep still within their danger. They within Sfetygrade were not all of one mind and advise, nor of like courage. Many would not be with 
Speeches of the Turks within Sfetigrade, being divided in their opinions, concerning a sally to be made upon the Albanois.  held, but did exclaim and cry out: That it was necessary to issue out and to set upon them, and that it was a shame for them to endure and suffer, that so fair an occasion should be lost: some others held stiffly on the contrary, That they ought to budge nor attempt any thing without good advise and deliberation. Whereupon there grew a great alteration and dissension amongst them, as it is commonly seen in those men, who being naturally of a fierce & hasty disposition are pricked on & carried away by a kind of light incredulity only regarding the outward show & superficial appearance of things, & never looking nor searching into the marrow, depth, and substance of matters. To such men all good and wholesome counsels do seem vile and nought: and they do think that all good fortune is then only clean fled & escaped 
Sentence.  away out of their hands, if the ordering and disposing of any affairs be never so little deferred, or (as it were) seasoned and attempered with a little moderation of some shortand small delay. Notwithstanding in the end the better opinion (as the event testified) did bear it away, even those whose advise was to be still and not to stir at all: for they without could not hear any news nor perceive any likelihood of any sally; but the gates were kept close shut, and none suffered to come forth, only they were saluted with harquebus shot aloof from the walls. The Albanois sometimes in troops, and sometimes scattered and dispersed, with their bows bend against them that stood upon the wall, did course and gallop here and there, to the intent that they being provoked the sooner by these bravadoes, might be enticed to issue forth unto them. But when Moses saw that he got nothing but blows, and that there was more likelihood of further danger, then of hope to do any good upon the enemy (for by this time two of his men were slain, & six or seven of them sore hurt, that he could hardly carry them away) he began to retire fair and easily from the walls: and having conceived no less indignation than shame, he withdrew himself from the view of the enemy. Scanderbag likewise with his troop in as pitiful a case as the other was not long behind him, but he came forth also from his den extremely grieved and discontented: in such sort, that both he and his company, being thoroughly wet and (as it were) all dropping with the rain which had fallen on them all the night: and the Dibrian on the other side, returning with his soldiers full of anger & despite, they gave good occasion to the enemy to laugh, and make themselves merry at them.  
But the Epirot did not long endure this mockery, for he was minded to requited them with plain and open force & by a general assault. The next day therefore, having set 
Sfetygrade assaulted by the Albanois.  his companies in order of battle, & every man appointed to his charge, about two hours before noon, he lead at the very first 10000 men against the walls. Of the residue of his army part was left to keep the trenches, and part was reserved in a teadinesse for a fresh & new supply, to the intent the assault should not be interrupted. Moses first of all 
Moses.  with a good squadron of stout & valiant young men went to the scalado, having conceived a good hope to carry the town. For Scanderbag from beneath with a great band of archers & crossbows Italians made the defendants by force of their shot to forsake their standings, & by that means the others had the more liberty to mount up to the walls, in so much that many of them having gotten to the tops of their ladders, did now get footing upon the rampires, & there with equal courage & fury did maintain the fight with the Turks for the possession of the walls. The artillery, which as we have said, was planted on the farther side of the town to beat the rampires, did not suffer the garrison to rest on that side. For albeit the shot of these pieces did not make any great breach, yet did the walls daily decrease in the sight of them that fought: & the defendants by little & little did diminish & wax less by reason that the continuance of the shot which razed the walls, did also make away many of their men that stood in defence of that place. If these here did perform the part of tall soldiers, I can assure you that the others did behave themselves with much more fury on that side, where Zacharie 
Zachary Groppe.  Groppe went to the assault, with whom were the chiefest forces & strength of the army, and especially the Almains who were resolute even to the death, and knew not what it was to recuile from the enemy. These with pickaxes & bars of iron did seek to overthrow the walls where they had been newly re-edified & repaired. Some covered with the targets of their companions and with baskets close joined together, did dig & undermine the foundations: others voiding and ridding away the stones that were digged up, did make the place like unto an arch or hollow cave. The Infidels that were aloft on the wall could not, although they would, hinder them from the pursuit of this work. For albeit many of our men did drop down here and there, & were slain with arquebus shot from the towers and flankers of the wall, yet did others continually succeed in their places without any respect of danger, or without any fear of death. And the others in the mean time with their crossbows and arquebus shot did play upon the enemy: and they had so diligent an eye unto them wheresoever they saw them to stir or to present themselves in the defence of the walls, that they kept them in such awe and subjection, as without evident peril, they durst not abide upon the rampires: yet the besieged laughing at the great pains and labour that the Christians took, did purposely delay and protract the fight. For in very deed the foundation of the wall was laid so thick and so large by the Sultan, and beside, it was rampiered within, with such store of stones and banks of earth, that the place was sure enough of itself, without the aid or succours of any armed forces. Nevertheless for a while did Zachary hold on stiffly in his enterprise, to see if he could prevail or find any entry for his men. In the end when he saw that he lost his labour, and that it was almost an endless work, he changed his course: and to as little purpose he determined to scale the walls, crying unto his soldiers, To the scalado, to the scalado. The Turks perceiving from above the new attempt of the Christians, did purposely suffer some of them to mount even to the top of their ladders, & then saluting them with a great volley of arquebus shot, and with great stones which they tumbled down upon them as thick as hail, they did easily turn both them and their ladders upside down from the height of the wall to the bottom of the valley. For on that part the ground about the wall for a very little way only was somewhat plain and even: but on a sudden, it was environed with a mighty great downfall of a huge depth, exceeding hollow and steep withal. Little better entertainment had the assailants on the other side, where Moses with his company having reared their ladders, had diverse times raised up the colours of the Albanois upon the rampires of the enemy: but the Pagans' waxing raging mad to see this their bravery and valour, caused a strong supply of their companions to come thither, who held themselves continually in a readiness to help and relieve their fellows where most need should be. And then all of them close joined together, bestirring themselves without all fear of death or danger, did overthrow both men and ladders topsie turuy to the ground, killing and murdering many of them, so that in a small space they got the advantage of the fight. And whereas they were but even now as men confounded & vanquished, they wrested the victory out of the hands of the Christians, with such fury and violence, that the fortune of the fight being suddenly changed, and in an instant; it seemed that God did favour their part. Castriot being wounded with extreme grief to see his men so ill handled, and above all for the hurt of Moses, whom with much 
Moses wounded.  ado he had withdrawn from the shot of the enemy, and sent unto his tent to have his wounds dressed: he was a little retired and gotten farther from the wall, where being covered with the targets of two soldiers on each side one▪ he invited some to stand by him & with their shot to play upon the enemy. Others being fresh & sound, he commanded and encouraged to take again the ladders and fiercely to terrify the besieged by renewing of the assault. Scanderbag himself served there that day with bow & shafts, which many of them within the town did find to their costs. For it is reported, that it was a wonderful thing to see how many Turks he alone did kill that day: and that he never drew any one shaft in vain. It was no hard matter to bring the ladders, and to raise them against the walls, but the soldiers began now to present themselves in slender troops, and they durst not hazard themselves in mounting up upon the walls. One of them stood looking upon another: and albeit the great 
The Albanois repulsed from the assault.  promises of the Prince invited many of them to be forward: yet did the recompense seem to be deadly and mortal, as it made none of them desirous to adventure for it. Thus either party growing into cold blood by little and little, they left fight at the last, and the darkness of the night which was equally desired both of the best and worst soldiers, did end and determine that days service. The Albanois held themselves quiet and very still within their camp all that night, as those whom both the ignominy of the day before and their present misfortune did seem to invite to take their rest with silence: for they had lost two hundredth of their best soldiers, and of those that were wounded there were above six hundredth, of whom there died of their wounds shortly after more than thirty. Of the defendants, though there were a greater number slain, and that the cries and plaints of an infinite number, which were wounded were heard on all parts: yet the repulse of their enemies, and the preservation of the place, made them to demean themselves in great mirth till the next morning: passing away the night with great fires, and they never ceased running up and down the walls and rampires, singing of songs, and making great triumph and exceeding joy.  
By this time had Ottoman intelligence of the siege of Sfetigrade, and it grieved him 
Amurath proclaimeth a new levy of forces to return into Epire.  at the hart, often times complaining that when he was scarce gotten to one end of his travels, and had but newly licenced his army to departed, he should now again be constrained to a worse war than ever, especially in the beginning of winter: a season not so strange as unfit and inconvenient to make wars in. Nevertheless seeing himself vanquished both with shame and with a certain kind of necessity and predestinate fortune, which would not permit him without ignominy and dishonour to leave his towns to the oppression and fury of his enemy, he concluded again to revive his former preparations, and to proclaim a new muster: and to this effect he dispatched on all parts his Saniacks, Bassas and Chieftains, employing all means which he could possibly devise to hasten his purposed journey. And the first thing that he did, was, to publish abroad his return into Epire, perhaps doing it of purpose to give the more countenance and authority to the matter: or for that the Christians being astonished upon the report of this news, might be discouraged from proceeding with their siege. For to speak the truth what I think thereof: hardly can I be persuaded, that there is any likelihood or probability, that the Sultan in the last point and period (as it were) of his age, and the days being at shortest, in so intemperate a season and time of the year, would be so foolish and unadvised as to take the field at that time in proper person; considering especially, that the matter was not of such importance, that (if any accident should have happened) it could have been any great prejudice unto his crown or kingdom: but that some other rather than himself might have been sent, and employed in that action, and have discharged it well and sufficiently for his honour and reputation.  
The Prince of Epire being nothing at all abashed for the late slaughter of his people, or through the disfavor of fotrune for that days service, did apply all his wits, and employed his best diligence, from time to time to molest and annoy them of the garrison: sometimes in the day, and otherwhiles in the night, he would lead his troops close under the walls, and casting balls and pots of wild fire up into the air, which fell down amongst the enemies: he sought by these and all other means to astonish them: and sometime he would send forth some small number of soldiers, to gather together the dead bodies, and to drag them away, thinking by that policy to have drawn them forth to issue out upon them. All these attempts and cunning devices being practised in vain by the Albanois, he concluded to make an end of this siege, after he had once more by one other assault tried the last and uttermost of his fortune, howsoever the same succeeded and fell out: and he was induced to this resolution, partly by reason of the hurt of Moses, and partly also because the ill success of the last 
Scanderbag encourageth his soldiers to a new assault.  assault might seem in some sort to be excused and imputed to the sudden coming of the night upon them, which might also promise the hope of better fortune to such as had their minds charged with care, and did interpret things according to their own particular affections. Wherefore the day following after the sun rising, he caused it to be proclaimed throughout his camp by sound of trumpet; that besides the great rewards promised in recompense of their virtue who should enter first, he did permit them to have the pillage of the town, and he amplified the matter with many good words, making it seem a great thing in show and beyond all credit. Besides, he seemed to deplore and bewail the shame & ignominy of the name of the Albanois: that so many excellent Captains and brave soldiers, after innumerable proofs of their sufficiency and valour, should to their singular reproach be enforced by a handful of base and vile slaves to make so long abode, and so shamefully to spend their time under these walls which were so shamefully lost unto the enemy. And he demanded of them, how long they would suffer and endure this infamy: that within their own province, and in the midst of so many towns and fortresses, and nations of their obeisance, one vile garrison of the Barbarians who had nothing but bare walls to defend them, and were destitute of all other hope and comfort, should keep and hold out so long in this place, even under their noses, and should in a manner triumph at their pusillanimity and want of courage? That they should hardly do any exploit of worth in a strange country and a far off in foreign regions, if they had not the power to dislodge and drive away these robbers who were gotten (as it were) within their doors, and did dwell even within their very bowels.  
With these and such like discourses and examinations having set a new edge on the courage of the Albanians, and made them more eager against the Infidels, he divided 
Second assault to Sfetigrade.  his companies, and having left about 600. for the guard & custody of the camp, with the rest he pressed the town on all sides where it was approchable. At the first they began the fight with their shot only both on the one side and the other, each man doing his best to draw blood from his enemy. After they had sufficiently skirmished together in that manner, and that they began now to grow in choler: the most hardy and such as were well chafed betook themselves to their ladders, being minded to talk with the enemy somewhat nearer. Once or twice were they courageously repulsed by the defendants, and they gave them not so much leisure, as to raise their ladders to the walls: but at the last the Barbarians being surmounted by the hardiness and obstinacy of the Christians, who no otherwise then as Lions almost famished, do rush upon the flock without any remembrance either of snares or other traps that men do use to lay for them: so they, furiously persisting in the assault without all fear of death or danger, by little and little, did yield and give place to so extreme fury: and wanting both strength and weapons to keep off the enemy, they retired themselves behind the rampires in such sort, that they gave the Christians 
The Albanoys winning the walls of Sfetigrade upon a surmise and fear of secret ambushments forsake and lose the town.  good means and opportunity to have made themselves masters of the place. But see what fear of Ambushments may do: our men who till then were so fierce and courageous, and who in a cruel and bloody assault, showed themselves so prodigal of their lives, and so careless of death itself which they had continually even before their eyes: assoon as they perceived the enemy to wax faint, and that one after another did abandon the wall, they began presently to mistrust some policy, and having a conceit and imagination, that some great troops of the enemy did lie close behind the rampires in some ambuscado, and did attend there to bid them to some ill banquet: they grew more cold and negligent in their actions, and casting their eyes about them on each side, and carefully regarding all places near them, they did expect nothing else, but even in a moment to be all of them destroyed: such was their vain and foolish opinion. Herewithal had the Barbarians good leisure to bethink themselves, and to provide for that which should be needful and necessary: and their companions flocking thither from diverse quarters upon the rumour of that fray, and bringing with them great store and quantity of weapons, did revive both their courage, and their good fortune. In this concourse many a man lost his life, both on the one side and the other: but many more on the part of the assailants then of the defendants: and more had been slain if the readiness and good devoir of Zachary had not hindered them: for he at another part of the wall having raised up many ladders, did interrupt this their victory, diverting the enemy by a new onset: so that they were constrained to separate themselves, and to sunder their forces. All this while you might have seen Castriot with his squadrons, sometimes approaching near the wall, to terrify them within: and sometimes doing the duty of a simple soldier, leading them the way against their enemies; one while by prayers, another while by reproaches he would solicit and animate them on. The archers and other shot being placed round about the walls, did keep their stand where they were first appointed, and still as the fury of the fight increased and continued, they did never cease to play upon the Infidels as they marched up and down upon the curtains. When the defendants did perceive that their numbers did decrease, and that the Christians did increase in courage and obstinacy far beyond humane reason: they doubted what would become of it, and they feared the issue of that days journey: wherefore to stop the course of their fury, and to gain time to themselves, they devised this policy. They snatched up the Turkish ensigns from the rampires, and calling to the Christians 
A policy of the Turks within Sfetigrade  with a loud voice, they desired a truce and suspension of arms for a little space, and that they might have liberty to parley with Scanderbag. This was granted unto them by the Albanians with the consent of their General: and both parts being commanded to surcease from hostility, the Infidels were permitted to speak their minds. Thereupon one of them, an ancient and grave old man (after he had first yielded 
Speech of a Turk● of Sfetigrade desiring a parley and truce for a day.  thanks to the General and his companies, for so courteous and liberal a grant made to their enemy) he told them that his desire was by the consent of this company, that they might have truce granted them for that day only, to the intent during this small time of delay, they might consult amongst themselves upon the form of their capitulation, whereunto their whole company was inclined with one mind and general consent: and that the next day they would send certain deputies unto him with conditions, whereunto they would submit and yield themselves: which if they were agreeable to him and to his liking, they should take it as a singular and high favour: whereof notwithstanding considering his clemency they never made any doubt nor distrust, that if he did mislike of their offers, and would not allow of them, that they would wholly refer themselves to his own discretion and ordinance; and that they would not in any sort refuse nor departed from his arbitrement, and judgement: and they were in good hope to conclude all things with him to the good and profit of both parties. At the first Scanderbag showed himself highly discontented and nothing tractable to those demands of the Mahomatistes, judging very wisely, that they sought for nothing else, but fraudulently by these shifts to defer the assault for that day: and either to deprive him of that advantage whereat he had them: or else in hope of succours from their sovereign as the experience did afterwards make it manifest. 
Answer of Scanderbag to the speech of the Turk demanding truce.  And therefore he enjoined them to declare presently what their intent and meaning was: otherwise they should look for the uttermost extremity of a fresh assault lively renewed and recontinued: that all time of delay was impertinent, considering that the estate of their affairs was brought to such necessity, and to an extreme exigent. Nevertheless at the length being vanquished with their importunate flatteries, 
Scanderbag faulty in overmuch courtesy and facility, retireth from the assault, and accordeth truce to the Turks.  and the entreaty of his own soldiers, he was content to give over the assault. True it is that he saw, that if there were any good hope to force the place, that this small time of delay could not deprive him of that advantage: wherefore retiring his ensigns, and engines of assault, and his troops being withdrawn into the camp. The rest of that day, and the night following was spent in great rest and quietness.  
The next morning, four Turks, men notably subtle and wily, being deputed to treat upon this matter, came to speak with the Prince of Albany; and brought him diverse exquisite gifts and presents. The conditions whereupon they offered to capitulate were of that nature and substance, that not only any victor, but even men vanquished would have been loath to accept of them: and they did it purposely to prolong the time, that whilst these should be rejected, in stead of them they might prefer others, and after that again others: by means whereof, the treaty might be drawn at length. And this was the sum of their demand, That the ancient citizens being 
Conditions propounded by the Turks of Sfetigrade.  restored within the town with their old privileges and immunities, both the houses and the fields should be equally divided amongst them all: and that in this manner they resigning and yet retaining still the town, would become his subjects, and yield unto him perpetual fidelity and obeisance, utterly disclaiming the name and government of Ottoman. And they required also, ten thousand aspres in ready money to be given to their Governor. The Christians gave them no answer, but only laughing at these demands, through pure despite which they conceived of the same, they cried presently on all parts, To arms. And thus with injuries and scoffs were these deceitful messengers dismissed together with their guileful and fallacious presents. The Paynims left not for all that, but suddenly sent again the same persons to attend and know the last resolution of the Christian General, and in case they could not otherwise dispatch, to refer the whole to his discretion. This strange alteration in the minds of the enemy, and their suspected liberality, though it did keep Scanderbag from believing them over rashly; yet nevertheless he thought it not good to reject these means altogether: wherefore he told them plainly, that he would not 
Answer of Scanderbag to the conditions propounded by the Turks of Sfetigrade.  change nor alter any things of his first offers made unto them, when he summoned them at such time as their estate was not impaired, nor his camp then endamaged: that they ought not now to think those offers grievous or injurious, which themselves at another time had judged to be equal and indifferent to the Sfetigradians: that they should not expect any other composition at his hands: that if they would accept this, he was content without any further loss to take the town into his hands, but if their drift and purpose were, by these subtleties and disguisements of fair and cunning speeches to gain time and to persist in their obstinate wilfulness, that they should not for their parts, ever after look but for all hostility and extreme rigour: that they should all of them hold this for certain and determined, that nothing should end this siege without the death and destruction of them all.  
Whilst the Barbarians did in this manner come and go to and fro, and that they did thus feign and dissemble, three whole days were spent and consumed in these emparlances, and at length the end made manifest, what was their intent and purpose. On the one side therefore the subtlety and invention of the defendants was discovered: on the other side news being now come of the stirring and speedy coming of the great Turk, it did greatly grieve and perplex the mind of the Prince of Albany. To quit the place besieged, the late injury and abuse proffered by the Turks would not permit him: and to continue there, he saw that both the doubt of the enemy, (who was reported to be near at hand behind his back) and the importance of all his affairs, which were of greatest consequence did dissuade him from it: Notwithstanding he remained there a while longer, till such time as there came more certain advertisements of the preparation made by Amurath. But it seemed, the very destinies did oppose themselves against his desires. For the heavens powered forth such marvelous abundance of moistures and showers in all that time, that the soldiers could not set their feet without their trenches, much less could they attempt any thing against the walls. The rain being ceased, Scanderbag proclaimed one assault more against the town to be given the day following: and he gave good order and direction, that all things requisite should be made and provided in a readiness. Himself abstained from sleep all the whole night: sometimes being busied and employed in diverse matters, which were most needful and material: & sometimes did he walk 
Scanderbag encourageth his soldiers to a new assault.  up and down his camp here and there, encouraging and exhorting his people: often times telling them, that they must either drive the enemy clean out of Epire, or not return any more to the camp, till they had made themselves masters of the town: that the realm of Epire did seem disguised & deformed: that nothing could be said or esteemed in safety and security, if the Pagans should be suffered any longer to abide and continue within the country. And admit that there were no peril or danger to be feared, nor any dishonour did ensue by suffering them, yet what reason had they to endure those outrages of their enemies? and how long would they swallow up those derisions, and disgracious scoffs and abuses which had been offered them?  
Thus the night being quickly spent in these consultations and provisions for the intended service, the day began now to approach, before the break whereof Scanderbag drawing forth his troops, did lodge them all against the walls: but the soldiers found it more painful to creep up against the hill, than was ordinary or accustomed: 
Third assault to Sfetigrade.  and the way was more soft and slippery under their feet, by reason of the great store of water wherewith the earth was washed: that it made them to draw their ladders and other engines with great pain, and (as a man may say) to drag them with their teeth. Nevertheless the Christians, being lately incensed with choler, and inflamed with anger, did not feel either the difficulty or the painfulness of their attempt. The besieged who doubted of no such matter, at the first did resort to the defence of the walls in small numbers, and were somewhat negligent in their devoir: but having quickly made provision of all things, they hastened thither with greater forces, and reenforcing their defence, they were of sufficient power to repulse the assailants. From thenceforth the audacity and forwardness of the Epirotes was not so fierce and violent as before: and the swords and countenance of the enemy being now near them and at hand, did invite and persuade them to carry themselves advisedly, and with discretion: and not with fury and rashness, and too much hardiness of courage. Wherefore casting a careful eye to the blows of the enemy on the one side, which fought with them aloft from the walls, they took a conceit immediately, that there was another enemy at their backs: and that the rumour (which had been reported of the return of Amuarth) was not in vain, nor a tale falsely given out. The bruit of this concepit did so increase from mouth to mouth, and it took such force in their credulous hearts, by a certain apprehension of vain fear that they seemed to see before their eyes those preparations of the enemy, which were yet scarcely begun: and they imagined the Sultan to be already come into Epire, who was yet quiet and at rest at home in Andrinople. Scanderbag though he were of an invincible courage, yet perceiving this fear and terror of his soldiers, was constrained to yield to the present necessity: and by reason that all things were in a kind of horror, confusion and disorder: he caused to sound a retreat, and to surcease from the assault.  
It was scant the ninth hour of the day, but that Scanderbag (after his men had taken 
Siege of Sfetigrade ra●sed by Scanderbag  a repast) commanded them to truss up their baggage: having first thrown down their trenches, and set fire on the other fortifications of their camp. The trees and other fruits in the country had not been exempted from the wrath and fury of the common soldier, but they had made spoil and havoc of all, if the Prince of Albany had not repressed their rage: telling them, that it was to be hoped one day when it should please God to be more favourable unto them, to recover the town, and to re-establish the same in her former estate. And therefore without any signs or marks of an enemy left behind him, he dislodged as secretly as he could, and took the direct way towards Croie. It is reported that Scanderbag lost at this siege of Sfetigrade 
Number of Christians slain at the siege of Sfetigrade.  five hundredth men and more: which opinion in my judgement hath more likelihood of truth, then others who affirm, that at the time when he dislodged thence with his army, he had not lost above sixty. A thing most absurd and far from all reason, considering the great number of the Turks which were slain at the former expedition, when they besieged the same place: as all men do confess jointly and with one accord: unless perhaps we will seem to say as the fabulous Poets have imagined of some men: that the bodies of the Christians were less penetrable than those of the infidels.  
It was on the three and twentieth day of October that (the siege of Sfetigrade being 
Scanderbag provideth for▪ the defence of Croy and other places.  raised) Scanderbag with his army returned to Croie, where he had scant a minute of leisure to recreate and to refresh himself, but that he gave present and speedy order for the enrolling of men, and made choice of Captains and leaders, to whom he appointed their several charges according as the consequence of his affairs, and the news lately brought unto him did require. The town was voided of all sorts of 
Number of soldiers in garrison within Croy against the siege of Amurath.  people, who for their age and sex were unfit to bear arms: and it was stuffed with a garrison of 2000 men, of whom some were Albanois, some Italians, some Almains, Sclavonians & Frenchmen. All which nevertheless did agree in such unity & good accord, as better could not be imagined: the which was in the end made manifest and apparent by the happy success and honour which they purchased by the worthy defence of the town against Amurath▪ Vranocontes as in times past, so now with the 
Vranocontes the Governor of Croy, his commendation  general liking, and with a wonderful consent and allowance of all men, had the absolute, charge, authority, and government of the place. Very hardly was there any other to be found in the whole army more fit and worthy of this degree, or who was more in favour, or better accepted of the soldiers. He was a parsonage of singular resolution and conceit in the midst of all perils and greatest hazards: he was ever ready in the performance of his charge, were i● in commanding or obeying: he always used and that with an excellent good grace, to attribute the praise and desert of any service well affected, to the soldiers in general, rather than by robbing others of their merits to appropriate it unto himself. And besides all this, he had behaved himself well and valiantly during his whole life. Both the goodly representation of his person, and the gravity of his years did make him to be reverenced of all men: and the ancient Nobility of his race, did greatly beautify and (as it were) season all these good parts in him. Wherefore to confirm and continue this good opinion conceived of him by the Albanois with so general a consent and liking, he promised to make no spare of his pains nor vigilancy, though it were with the loss of his life in all occasions where it was needful to be employed. To Stellusa likewise and Petralba, and other places of strength, were sent both governors and sufficient forces to defend them. Neither was it forgotten to appoint a great multitude of persons in all the towns, who should make provision of victuals & munitions from all parts. But notwithstanding all the care, pains, and industry taken in that behalf, yet hardly could they make provision of the same for 3. whole months, by reason both of the continual spoil and waste made by the wars, and for their daily attendance and employment in arms, which had caused the Epirots that year before to neglect their husbandry, & not to attend to tillage. Notwithstanding the report is, that certain merchants of Venice, and others of the inhabitants there in the Venetian territories, did furnish them of victuals secretly and under hand: because at that time (such was the ill hap of the Christians) the lords of that Signiory were in league and amity with the Turkish Monarch. Certain 
Scanderbag aided in all his wars with supplies of money by the Venetians. Venetians in peace & amity with the Turk.  it is, that Scanderbag did never fail of great supplies of money from that estate, and during his whole life, whilst he was in wars, he did achieve & go through them under the support and favour of the Venetians: referring unto them the glory of his most memorable exploits and triumphs. I doubt not but many will marvel, no less than I myself, whence it should proceed, that the Venetian should make this peace with the Infidel, not comprising Scanderbag in the same: considering that they were before so strictly associated together, by so many bonds of friendship and amity. For my part I will not wrong that Senate, which hath ever been reputed both sage & religious, to suspect that they did it in any other respect and consideration, but only for the good and preservation of Greece, which seemed then to be banded and divided even within and against itself. And therefore I leave this matter for others to give their judgements upon it.  
Provision being made of grain and other victuals within Croy, the common garners and magazines were filled in such rate and proportion, as it was sufficient to sustain the soldiers for one whole year. Then was there preparation also made for supplies of all kinds of shot, both long bows and artillery: the charge & managing whereof was continued to the Frenchmen, & they had allowance at all times both in peace and war, for each man's pay 5. crowns a month. And most part of the garrison within Croy were harguebussiers & cross bows. The affairs of Croy being well settled and assured, that which remained of the victuals, did Scanderbag cause to be transported and divided to other towns and places of the Province. For his own part, before he would levy any new forces to be retained to himself for the molesting and invading of the enemy, as he was accustomed, he thought it good first to go and visit those troops▪ which he had lately ordained for the defence and guard of the frontiers. And therefore he called unto him Moses and some few horsemen beside, with whom he went both to take order, and give directions for all things, and to send forth espials to sound out the enterprises of Amurath, that he might be fully informed of all things in particular. There was no occasion neither of frosts nor cold, nor the earth all covered 
Scanderbag ●●● industry and great carefulness.  with snow, that could hinder or stay the industry and diligence of this laborious and watchful Chieftain: neither the greatness or difficulty of his affairs or determinations, nor the hard travel of his painful journeys could terrify him, but that every day more resolutely than other, he did undertake all the labours that belonged to his charge, visiting and revisiting sometimes one place, sometimes another. And at other times would he disguise himself, and in the habit of a shepherd, would go even under 
Scanderbag disguiseth himself to espy advantages upon his enemies  the walls of Sfetigrade, to espy if he could by any policy or stratagem (as he had in times past) or by force, or by favour of secret trains and ambushmen closely laid, seize upon that town, and get it out of the hands of the Ottoman. By means whereof, they within had no liberty to rest themselves: but (as if they had been still besieged) they stirred not from their gates, neither durst they at any time be negligent in keeping good watch and ward, and in looking to all things, with all care as they were accustomed.  
During that time that Scanderbag was thus carefully busied about his affairs, the espials 
Amurath upon the news of the siege raised at Sfetigrade referreth his journey into Epire.  being returned brought him tidings, that there was no more talk of assembling any forces by the Sultan, but that the fury of his arms was deferred, and that Amurath had put off the war of Epire till the next spring: for he having heard of the departure of the christians from the siege of Sfetygrade, needed not to be entreated (considering the season of the year) to make stay of his preparations, which he had begun with so great heat and vehemency, but changing his former order & decree, he had caused a new edict to be published▪ That all his soldiers and captains who were appointed & enroled for that action of Epire, should make their repair and rend vous at Andrinople the 15. day of March following. He had a great desire to have that voyage & the siege of Croy to be concealed and kept close: but he could not disguise nor convey his matters so cunningly, but that every man might assure himself that Scanderbag was the enemy against whom those forces should be employed. Upon this determination of the Turkish Monarch, the Christians likewise had leisure for a while to breath themselves. Wherefore the garrison upon the frontiers being diminished by the one moiety, there were not left above 2000 at the most, who building for themselves lodgings & cabins (as the fashion is of soldiers) did provide against the injury of the weather, & winter season, and the residue of them were dismissed & had leave to departed home. The king 
Croy repaired and fortified.  of Epire with Moses & the others, being returned to Croy, did for a while continued there, during which time, he caused certain bastils and platforms to be added to the other fortifications of the town, and to repair the walls on that side which lay towards tyrant, where antiquity and continuance of time had made them weak & ruinous. This done, as he was ever stirring & impatient of rest, suddenly he set foot in stirrup, posting to this and to that place: and being meanly appareled, and with 10. men only in his company, he went to the Potentates his next neighbours and allies, and to the governors of the Venetian towns, labouring to embark them in this war, and to put them in mind of the imminent danger and ruin, that did threaten them even at hand, and did hang over their heads: both admonishing and encouraging them to the remembrance of their devoir and duty. Nevertheless the most part of that winter, he passed covertly in the confines of Macedony, in company of the garrison which was there appointed. All which time, a man should scarce have seen them of Sfetygrade, to issue forth out of their gates, for that the dearness of our camp being but 15. miles off, made them to stand carefully upon their guard, and did keep them in great fear and awe.  
The cold winter being thus spent and passed over, with the new spring came new 
1450.  labours and calamities, and all things grew more troublesome both in public and in particular. There passed almost no day nor night, without some letters or intelligence brought to Scanderbag. Amongst the Infidels, one while came some to yield themselves to his service: at an other time, others remembering their ancient familiarity, would inform him truly of the designs and enterprises of Amurath: which caused many to pluck up their spirits more and more; and to others, it gave occasion either of fear or hardiness, according to the habit & disposition of each man's heart & courage. But for that he had of late sufficiently provided for all his towns, and nothing had been 
Scanderbag ●●●●ieth an are 〈…〉 to make resonance against the ●●●asion 〈…〉 tended by amurath.  revoked nor diminished of those provisions▪ there was no great matter now remaining to take order for, but only to assemble some forces in form of an army, with which he might annoy the enemy sometimes in the open field, and sometimes in the straits of the mountains according as the opportunity of time and place should give him leave. That so when they should afterwards beleaguer Croy, he might be the better able to weary and annoy them, as he had oftentimes at the siege of Sfetigrade, atempted and done the like with happy success and good fortune. Of all his Chiefetains, Scanderbag had not then the company or assistance of any, but only of Tanuse, of Streese, and of the Dibrian. For the others having been sent and employed in the like occurrences ●nd occasions, were divided into sundry towns and several fortresses. He sent therefore those three with all speed to levy men throughout all the Province: but by reason that it was drawn dry of good and able men (the flower and youth of the realm being distributed into divers places & castles) they spent many days in the mustering and levying of those forces. And this was the cause that Scanderbag (as the report goeth) 
Dalmatia or Sclavony upon the sea.  in this war, did wage many of the subjects of the Venetians, and some also out of the next Dalmatia, or that part of Sclavony, that confineth upon the sea.  
The Prince of the Turks in this mean while, had at the time prefixed, assembled the most part of his forces, & yet he wanted many thousands to furnish up so huge and 
Amurath leavieth his army and maketh preparations for his journey into Epire.  massy an army as that which he had the year last passed. By reason, that either the far distance of places, or the difficulty of the ways did hinder some of them, either more or less. And therefore attending till such time as he saw his numbers and preparations in all points performed, because he would lose no time, he employed that space in the provision of other things necessary for an action of that weight and importance, and especially for the gathering of victuals. Albeit order had been taken, that every soldier should furnish himself in particular with victuals for many days provision: for he was fully resolved, that the Christians had not left any corn upon the ground, and that they would waste and destroy all the pasture and herbage upon the first tidings of his approach. It were almost a thing impossible to number up all the instruments and engines of assault which were prepared. Amongst the rest, there were many tools and instruments of iron used by husbandmen, besides an infinite number of bars and mattocks, & pickaxes made of iron crooked of purpose to dig in mines, as was afterwards seen by experience: for the Sultan had been persuaded to use this devise as a most commodious and fit mean to carry the city of Croy, which otherwise was inexpugnable. In like manner, great provision was made of little pieces of artillery, such as might conveniently be carried upon camels, and other beasts of carriage. And as for great ordinance to serve for battery, he provided great store of brass, and other rude and massy metal, which being carried in gross, should afterwards be founded and▪ cast for that 
Number of Turks in the army of Amurath at the siege of Croy 160000. ●●n●  purpose. These things thus prepared, and his troops being fully furnished and complete to their perfect numbers, it is generally agreed by all the Historiographers, that his army consisted of 160000. fight men: besides artificers, as carpenters, masons, and all other sorts of handy crafts▪ men and labourers, which are reported to have followed this camp, part of them upon the purse and pay of the Ottoman, and part at their own charges for the hope and desire of prey and purchase. All of them being persuaded, that the siege of Croy and their abode in Epire, would endure a very long time and space, and would prove very tedious: for by reason that there went many strange rumours & reports of the strong situation of this city, and of the rare fortifications thereof, as of a place impregnable, Amurath was determined not to return again to Andrinople, till such time as he had gotten it into his hands and possession.  
About the fift of April, assoon as all things were in a readiness, and that the host 
Al●anzes or the Turkish van●currours. Sebalias' Ze●renesse.  was ready to march: the vauntcurrours of Alchanzes under the leading of Sebalias' Ze●renesse (a man of great practice and judgement in actions military) were sent into Macedony, at the same instant that the king of Epire (having all at leisure raised his forces, and disposed good watches, wards, and scouts throughout all the mountains and woods) did ride up & down here & there coursing overall the Province, & taking order for the estate of his affairs. By this time he had retired also his garrison from the frontiers, and had with great diligence gathered all his troops together. All this notwithstanding I do not find, that during this siege of Croy, he had with himself and in his 
Number of Scanderbag his army against Amurath at the siege of Croy 8000. men only horse and foot.  own company, more than 8000. fight men, whereof 2000 were footmen, and the residue horsemen: neither do any of those who have historised his acts affirm any otherwise. I do suppose that the cause of this small number proceeded either of the scarcity of soldiers (as was lately touched) because he was of necessity to departed, and to sever them into so many places, or it might be, that he thought it more expedient to dally with the enemy, and to travel him by little & little, holding him continually in alarm, & so to reserve the chief strength of his forces to other necessities & divers accidents of fortune. Considering that the war was to be made in the very centre & bowels (as it were) of the Province, and that now the consequence of his whole estate and kingdom was in question, and he was to set up his rest upon the success of that war.  
Three days before the arrival of the Mahometan troops into Epire, Scanderbag 
Scanderbag spoileth his own country before the coming of the Turks army into Epire.  with his horsemen beating over all the champion country, had trampled under foot, wasted, and spoiled, or by sword and fire had consumed and destroyed all the corn, and whatsoever else was found fruitful upon the ground. And afterwards being advertised by message upon message of the approach of the enemy, leaving the plain country, he retired himself upon a mountain called Tumenista, about four miles 
Tumenista a mountain 4. miles from Croy.  from Croy, there to take further advise and counsel for his proceed, according as the time, and the course of his affairs should persuade and induce him.  
The Cavallary of the Turk holding on their march towards Epire, encountered not with any in the way that made head against them, but passing quietly through the Province, they did at length make their entry without any impechment into the territory 
Sebalias' beginneth the siege of Croy.  of Croy. And after they had made diligent search round about the city, what places were most safe and secure to encamp in, and in what quarter they might most commodiously come to assault the town, they took their lodging at the last in Tiranna, 
Tyranna. The nature of the soil & the circuit of the territory of Croy.  and there pitched their tents and pavilions. The country thereabouts is a fair and goodly plain of sufficient space and largeness, pleasant to the eye, and very fertile and fruitful: yet is it more apt for tillage and to bear corn, then for any other fruit or commodity. It extendeth itself from Croy, to the town of the Parthinois. But before I proceed any further, many reasons do induce me here briefly to touch the original 
Parthinia in Epire her original.  of this town, and of the ancient estate thereof: and especially that which the ancients have celebrated touching the same, & which is not unknown nor hidden from the posterity. It may easily be gathered, that this town was of good reckonning with the rest of the towns of that Province before the civil wars of Caesar and Pompey. The ruins thereof, with many shows and particular marks and monuments which are 
Parthinia ruinated by julius Caesar.  yet left, may yield no obscure representation of the ancient nobility of the place, and of the reputation which it once had. For the report is, that it was overthrown and ruinated by julius Caesar, when he besieged Pompey and the Roman Senate within the town of Duras. After which time it remained still in the same case & desolation, and 
Duraz or Dirachin or Epidamum.  there is not yet to this day any tract or appearance that it was ever restored or repaired, save only that the inhabitants have in some sort endeavoured in continuance of time to renew it, so far forth as it might serve them for their common use and necessity. As concerning the name thereof, I find not that it had ever any other either at the first by imposition, or since by usurpation, neither do the ancients make mention of any particular man to be the founder thereof. And therefore we may refer the original and foundation of it, to the first inhabitors of it: which the very name also doth demonstrate and antiquity testifieth no less. And we see that the nation of the Parthinois, was, & is ever accounted amongst the mostrenowmed peoples of Epire. Now at this time 
Parthinois, or Parthins, or Praese.  by another word themselves do call it Praese: and they do not only comprehend all those within the number of her inhabitants, who dwell within the enclosures of her ruinous walls, but even them also who inhabit the suburbs, and all other places adjoining with that territory: and the place is in all parts very delectable, & well stored with all kinds of commodities. The people are a very war like kind of nation and they are at this day numbered amongst the other peoples of Albany. But at this time the report of the coming of the Barbarians, had made them all to forsake their dwellings, and with their families and households to seek refuge within the fortresses, leaving the land naked and in a manner desert.  
Sebalias' having encamped his soldiers to the most advantage, and having fitted all 
The manner of Sebalias' encamping before Croy.  things so conveniently, that he might very well contemn & set at nought all the force which the enemy should attempt against him: he now took not any regard to any, but to them only which were within the town. He had barred and stopped up all the passages and ways leading to the city, to the intent no succours nor victuals should be brought unto them. The Turks had not brought with them any other weapons, wherewith to annoy the besieged, but only their lances & cimitaries. Besides, Sebalias had no desire, either to course over the country, or to pil and spoil it, being made wise by the old and late misfortune and mishaps of his companions. And the Sultan also at his departure had expressly commanded him, & straightly forbidden him, except it were upon an extremity, not to make any attempt upon the enemy. The same consideration also withheld our men from seeking to fight with the Infidels, and did urge them to remit the good success and encounter of this war to the coming of the Turkish 
Scanderbag taeketh a survey of the Turks camp before Croy. Number of Turks, vauntcurrours under Sebalias at the siege of Croy.  Emperor. For Scanderbag being gone with part of his people to take a view of the camp of the Infidels, and having learned some thing touching his purpose and counsels, to the intent he might enterprise upon him as he should see cause and opportunity; he found their puissance to be so great (for they were 40000. men strong, as they were the year before) and their General did carry himself with such wonderful providence and dexterity both in the seating of his camp, and in ordering of all other his affairs, that he retired himself unto his Fort as secredy as he might, without attempting any thing against them. Besides, he doubted least the Sultan should come suddenly upon him, and should charge him when he least suspected, and so enclose and shut him up behind at his back. He remained therefore quiet within his trenches, watching and attending the coming of Amurath, that when he should once have displayed all his forces, and was planted with his whole camp before the walls, than he might have the more advantage and commodity to invado their tents dispersed here and there, the multitude being in confusion and disorder, and then he might weary them with continual onsets and invasions, especially when they had begun to assault the town, and that the best forces of the Ottoman being busied in diverse actions, their trenches might more fitly and conveniently be enda●●●aged.  
During these counsels and deliberations so advisedly pl●●●ed by the Christians, the royal ensigns of the Ottoman did daily arrive more and more, and the whole 
Amurath arriveth in ●pire and encampeth before Croy.  country was filled with armed soldiers. In the end of April, Amurath the great Turk, accompanied with Mahomet his son, with the greatest of his nobility, and the chiefest strength of his whole army, joining himself to those forces which had already encamped before the city, came and pitched his tents also before Croy, where his Tomb was provided and made ready for him. There was little less than twenty days between the coming of the 〈…〉 and the arrival of Amurath, neither ought it to seem strange unto any man. For by reason of the great burden of the carriages of the army, and the infinite baggage of the soldiers, & partly for the ease and pleasure of their sovereign, being now very aged and deep stricken in years, they did not march above 5. miles a day. Thus you have Amurath now before Croy, you may imagine that you see his companies lying dispersed all over the fields, and the town environed and girt in on all sides, so that there was no space, no not a foot of ground round about the walls but it was covered with lodgings and pavilions; insomuch 
Croyans their notable and assured courage and resolution.  that many of them were quartered more than 6. miles off: neither was it possible that so excessive a multitude should otherwise be lodged in any sort to their case and commodity. The wonderful sight of this spectacle was sufficient to have abashed the courages of the most brave & hardy, not only of the soldiers, but even of the captains and leaders, and to have abated the stomach of every man not without some reason and cause of fear and terror, by the contemplation of their own proper perils, which might have made them forgetful & unrespective of their religion, of their country, of their faith and fidelity, and of all bonds of duty and common honesty. Nevertheless, such was the courage of the besieged far above the ordinary use of men, that they were nothing altered from their first purpose and resolution, neither could the object of so pompous and fearful a show in any sort terrrifie them, but rather taking thereby an occasion of greater hardiness and constancy, for the maintenance of their liberty and reputation, which they had before apprehended in their generous and noble hearts; they did measure the greatness of their glory, and did imagine that the quality of their future triumph and honour should be recompensed according to the hugeness & extremity of the peril then imminent. Wherefore, you might have seen the soldiers standing upon the walls, as gallant and resolute as was possible, every man with a certain kind of jealousy inquiring & intermeddling with the charge and duty of others, to prepare & make all things ready against the time that the assault should be presented: and in the night time by their fires which they kindled, by their clamours and shouts intermingled with songs and such like signs of mirth and gladness: they gave forth evident notice & testimony what little account and reckoning they made of the enemy. Likewise the other towns and castles of Epire, had now forgotten their wont fear and astonishment, and they imagined that neither the power nor the name of Ottoman was of so great force and puissance, nor so much to be redoubted as in times past when he came against them. For they were now so hardened and acquainted with the experience of so many evils that the continuance and custom of perils, had brought them to contemn and set at nought all dangers whatsoever.  
The Infidels spent 4. whole days in translating and fitting of their lodgings, which being once ordered according to their liking, they came flocking in great troops to the tents of their Emperor, demanding & requesting that they might be employed. But for that day their desire was refused, & they commanded with a most severe charge to keep themselves still within their camp: the cause hereof was the extraordinary rest of Scanderbag, which did beyond all measure augment the suspicion of the old Sultan, 
Croy summoned by Amurath.  doubting lest he which was a master craft's man in fine polices & stratagems, should set him on work with some unhappy task or other. The next day therefore he sent 2. heralds to Vranocontes to summon him, and to make him these offers: that if he would deliver and yield up the town into his hands, it should be lawful both for him and 
Condition's and offers made by Amurath to Vranocontes.  the garrison to departed safe with bag and baggage: and that the Governor himself should have over and above, 200000 aspres, besides honourable entertainment (if he could like thereof) amongst his greatest friends and favourits. And concerning the citizens of Croy, in case his religion did not like them, he was content to grant them free liberty of conference, and to enjoy all their ancient liberties and franchises, & whatsoever favour wherein he could otherwise pleasure them. With these conditions the Heralds being arrived near unto the Port, (for there was but one only by reason that on all the other parts of the city, the mountain runneth whole continually on without any breach, and is not to be approached) the Governor who had word sent him of their coming by them of the court of guard, came riding thither very well accompanied: of whom the Heralds requested that they might be admitted to speak with him, and to deliver that which they had in charge, but he would not permit them to enter within the town, but only to approach so near as their voice might be well & conveniently heard and discerned: and thereupon made a sign unto them that they should speak their minds. It is a strange thing and very wonderful to see the fidelity & resolution of the Croians. Scarce had the Turks any time or space to make an end of their speech, but 
Messengers of the Turk rejected by the garrison of Croy.  that the soldiers interrupting the answer of the Governor, who was beginning liberally and stoutly to speak his mind, did generally exclaim & cry out: that the enemy was to be answered with arquebus shot and not with words; adding thereunto (as the guise of soldiers is) many scoffs and injurious terms against the messengers.  
This being rehearsed & made known to the Sultan, his wrath & indignation was 
Amurath prepareth for the assaulting of Croy. Ordinance cast for the battery of Croy.  more & more incensed: & the venom of his malicious hart increased mightily. Wherefore being destitute of this hope, he set himself to make preparations for the assaulting of the town; and first of all causing his massy heaps of copper, brass, & such rude metal to be unpacked, he commanded that artillery should be cast & founded. This work was long a doing & endured above 15. days. Of ten pieces which were made & fully finished, there was some difference in their greatness: yet four of them were of like 
The battery planted against Croy.  equal bigness: & each of them did carry a shot of 600. weight, and the other which were lesser bare a shot of 200. weight. Four of the lesser pieces, & two of the greatest were planted against the wall on that side that lieth to Tyranna toward the East: the others were placed right against the Port. For on those parts only had they hope to enter the town by means of some breach made in the walls, because the access was more easy in those places, in respect that the walls & fortifications there were raised & builded by handiwork of men. And albeit they seemed to be most strong & substantial, yet did they not doubt but the fury of the canon would at length level them with the ground. As for all the other bulwarks and fortifications, they were every where assured with such excellent strength, & the natural site of the mountain did so serve in stead of a rampire, that there needed not any workmanship of man to defend them: for if the most hardy and adventurous men living durst enterprise against them, they should but lose their labour for any hurt they could do unto them: in somuch that it is thought that the wall wherewith the town is environed upon the top of the mountain, was raised there of old by the founders of the city, not for any defence or strength that it could add unto the place, but only to give a better grace, and to beautify the town.  
The ordinance being now mounted upon the carriage, & ready planted, to the intent 
Croy battered.  they might more easily and speedily be removed as occasion should require, they spent 4. whole days in battering the walls on those 2. sides, before that the soldiers were led to the assault, & to fight with the besieged. The town was greatly endamaged both on the one part & the other: the rampires were beaten down, & almost half the wall was overthrown & razed, and the rest so shaken & torn that it seemed ready to fall with the least violence that should be used against it. The Turks seeing so fair & wide a breach, were in a singular good hope to carry the town: and therefore they showed 
Turks make preparations for the assault of Croy.  themselves very forward to provide scaling ladders and other engines ready for the assault. It was a wonder to see how the soldiers bestirred themselves, labouring & striving to get together from all parts great and mighty beams of timber, & running up & down the fields to make provision of all other sorts of engines and devices. There was not almost any tent but with a kind of emulation did bring forth some particular stuff or matter to set forward the assault: and according as every one of them had a desire to out go each other, & to bear away the reward that was propounded for him, that could first free the wall against the enemy. The Bassas themselves and other the chief officers of the grand Signior did not make any spare of their pains nor did they stand 
Mahomet his industry at the siege of Croy.  idle, so desirous they were to prevent the good grace & favour of Amurath. Mahomet was noted above the rest to use an uncessable kind of diligence, and with a singular vivacity of spirit, as if he had been one of the meanest soldiers, was always about his father, and setting aside all regard of his estate & degree, he spared no travel & pains but did busy & employ himself in all matters with great readiness & resolution: and running sometimes here, sometimes there, he did inflame and encourage the soldiers, as much by the example of his own doings as by words and cheerful exhortations. And morethens that, it is reported, that besides the reward publicly propounded by the Sultan, he promised a 100000. aspres to him that should first get within the town, and should fasten the Turkish colours upon the wall.  
Touching the croians as their minds were altogether different & of another disposition, 
Croyans their resolution.  so were there effects also divers. The Paynims were grown to that pride & fierceness of their hearts, only of a greedy desire, & an inordinate appetite of gain and glory, which caused them rashly to undertake & hunt after that thing whereof they never had any possession. Contrariwise the Christians had their minds fixed upon this: that all manner of most ample & honourable rewards were assuredly to be expected from Scanderbag, & they did consider moreover that the conservation of the realm, the safety of their country, the security of their confederates, & in brief the welfare of all the estate of Albany did consist & depend upon their valour & virtue. For this cause they were animated & heartened not only with a kind of obstinate & settled resolution and with a purpose of incredible perseverance: but they were transported with so violent a passion of wrath and fury, that they seemed as men almost enraged. Whereupon though the wall being thrown down and ruinated on that side, did give them cause both of grief and terror by the deformity of that object: yet did the greatness of their coutages nevertheless so prevail in their resolute and stout hearts, that it did easily put away and expel out of their minds all conceit of faintness, fear or sorrow: & they did mutually recomfort & encourage each other. Above all, Vranocontes had a notable good grace in exhorting and animating of the garrison, for as he went up and down amongst them: he would oftentimes touch and take them by the hands, he would handle their curates and lay his hands upon their stomachs, saying.  
These, these, are the bulwarks of cities & towns: these are the firm & substantial 
Speech of Vranocontes, encouraging the croians upon the r●in● of their walls battered by the Turks.  rampires of walls: these be the stones that are not batterable: this is the strongest & surest kind of lime & mortar. What honour, what praise, what triumph can we expect or hope for in this place, if being covered & shrouded under these walls, our surety shall consist only in their strength and safety? And if they shallbe the only means to guard & defend us, & not rather our persons to be the defence of them: the very cowards can do so much & the fearful sheep will contemn the howling of the ravenous wolf, if they be safely enclosed in a sure cote▪ Such honour is proper & due to the walls and not to the generous soldier. Our Prince hath not commanded ys hither to be protected & defended by this town, but the town is commended unto us, & committed to our custody, & to be ●●fe●ded by us▪ True virtue is always exercised in the greatest dangers, & ●he is noutished in things that are high & difficult▪ who is not a good pilot upon the sea in time of calm weather? Things that are firm, can continue stable of them selves, and need not the succour and assistance of men: neither do they require the help of any humane audacity. And brave and courageous men do not esteem, but rather shun those adventures, by the defence whereof, they shall not purchase any more honour, then if they had not defended them at all. When a thing beginneth to decay, and to fall to ruin, that is it which requireth to be supported, and in such cases it is, that virtue striveth to show itself. I may say it again and again (my good companions) that there only doth shine the brightness of valiant hearts, there do the excellent and courageous spirits discover themselves. Wherefore these flankers and this curtin thus laid open by the battery, and this breach made by the cannon of the enemy, let it be filled and defended with your persons, and with your arms, let your stout and valiant bodies as of brave & gallant soldiers be opposed against the infidels in steed of strong walls and fortifications: in so doing you shall give me the more certain and assured proof of your valour and worthy behaviour. Let us therefore so carry ourselves, let us so labour and endeavour in this our conflict to weaken and diminish the forces of the Barbarians, that the tyrant may be abashed at the valour of the Croians, and that his courage may be abated and repressed: then will he abandon the town and raise his siege, when he shall see the first fruits of this war entertained with the blood of so many of his subjects.  
These and many other speeches to that effect did the governor use sometimes in the Albanian language, sometimes in Italian, and sometimes also by interpreters: disposing and preparing the minds of his soldiers to the assault which they expected the day following, and inviting every man both by word and by deed, to do his duty and best devoir. Wherefore whilst the soldiers in their several charges here and there did diligently apply themselves, and were the more incensed by his presence, to labour cheerfully in their several employments: the night at length came upon them, during the which nevertheless the vigilancy of Vranocontes did not cease in the continuance of all necessary preparations, till it was two hours within night, and that which remained was spent in sleep, and in taking of their ●est.  
The infidels who had in the day time set all things in a readiness, did pass all that night in great quietness till the break of day, for the evening before, it was concluded, that the town should be assaulted, and proclamation was made by sound of trumpet, commanding all men that before seven of the clock in the morning (certain captains & companies having first broken their fast) they should repair with their arms to the lodging of the Sultan. For this cause the soldiers with great promptness and diligence, did not fail to be there at the time appointed, being well provided of all things accordingly. Then the most worthy and notable persons of chiefest mark & quality being called together, the old Prince began to use some speeches unto them in 
Encouragements of Amurath and Mahomet to the Turks being to assa●l● Croy.  most vehement and ardent manner, more than the vigour and strength of his aged and weakened spirit would well permit and conveniently suffer. Young Mahomet likewise, being very prompt and forward both in action and in speech, did not long keep silence, but the oration of his father being scant ended, as one furious and full of venomous rage, he arose from his seat, and did so bitterly inveigh against the Christians in general (besides the extremity of his private hatred which he bore to the Epirots in particular,) that he there bewrayed himself (as an other Hamniball against the Romans) 
Mahomet his mortal hatred to the Christians.  to be their mortal and sworn enemy, and after him all the other Chiestaines and leaders did encourage each man his own soldiers. By that time that all things were ready and in good order, & that the Turk had dined at his ease, it was near noon, at which time the squadrons being drawn forth of the trenches, did display themselves upon the plain. It might be judged an unfit season to begin such an assault, considering the extreme heat of the summer: nevertheless the Ottoman thought it to be the best time, because he mistrusted, that if he should have drawn them out of the camp either in the night, or late towards the evening, perhaps it would have given Scanderbag the more opportunity to rush upon them and to invade and molest his trenches, and yet did not this his suspicion gain him any thing, neither was it altogether in vain.  
The alarm being given, and the troops (as we have said) being issued forth, and 
Scanderbag invadeth the camp of Amurath before Croy.  marching on with a wonderful noise and sound of trumpet's drums, and clamours of the soldiers, they were now come to the walls: and the foremost of them had scant or but newly begun the fight, when the Turkish camp was suddenly in an uproar, and was filled with a great tumult and horrible fear sprung up amongst them. The cause thereof was Scanderbag, who having of a long time watched and laid espial to see what the Sultan would determine to do: now with a strong troop of horsemen (the most able and best mounted of all his army) was come to the tents of the enemy, & rushed in upon them where they lay next and nighest unto him. The Turks which were placed there in that quarter, did receive him at the first onset very resolutely: but perceiving by the loss & slaughter of many of their fellows, that they could not hold out nor stand against him: they being scattered & dispersed here & there in that fear, had soon forsaken both their court of guard and all things else whatsoever, if the others who were next them had not made haste: and running thither from all parts at the noise of the alarm, & making head against the enemy, had not stayed them from flying farther. The Albanians keeping their ranks close, and taking the advantage of this good fortune, did charge those that came last to encounter them more lively than 
Number of Turks slain by Scanderbag at his first invasion of their camp before Croy.  they had done the former, and having laid more than 600 Turks dead at their feet, and made the Barbarians on that side to betake themselves to flight, they sacked two of their tents carrying away diverse ensigns, and whatsoever else was found within the same. This rumour being brought from hand to hand (as the manner is) to the ears of Amurath, who was then busied in ordering his forces to the assault, although the old man had made provision before of many things, & did greatly affy himself in the sufficiency of those whom he had left within the camp: nevertheless dreaming and forthinking himself of the worst that might happen (for he was wont ever to say, that 
Saying of Amurath touching Scanderbag. Seremet sent against Scanderbag.  nothing was sufficient to make resistance against the fierceness and fury of this beast,) he sent Seremet one of his captains with 4000 horse for the repulse of the Christians. Mahomet who did always burn in extreme hatred against this Prince (though his father would have dissuaded him from it) went thither also being accompanied with the ordinary guard of his person, but before that these forces were ready on foot, Scanderbag perceiving that he should not be able to make his party good against so many (as were coming upon him) had turned bridle and provided for the surety 
Scanderbag in great hazard of his life.  of himself and his people, yet not without the extreme danger of his life. For (as the report goeth) the heat of fight had made him so far to forget himself, that he broke in amongst his enemies where they were thickest, and he engaged himself so far, that he was almost oppressed by them, and he was not able (but with extreme pain) to make himself way through the multitude that pressed upon him and sought to stop his passage, for both his own strength, and the forces of his horse began to fail, in somuch that very hardly and difficultly did he escape and free himself from amongst them. And after he was with much a do gotten from them, yet did they not cease on all parts to pursue him as long as they had any hope to overtake him, or to stay him. In this manner did the Christian troops on the one side, and the General on the other side by a happy retreat shift themselves out of the fight of the Mahometistes. This tumult being pacified and appeased, the Turks returned unto their camp, and the Sultan his son repaired to his father, extremely grieving 
Mahomet voweth and sweareth the destruction of Scanderbag.  that after such a bravado & the slaughter of so many of their people, his enemy should be escaped from him. And he there took a solemn oath before them all, that he would never leave watching whole months, days, and nights (if need were) but at one time or other by his ambushments and trains, he would get this savage and wild beast to fall into his snares which he meant to lay for him: that he wanted neither a good mind nor good means to effect it: and he did so far assure himself of a good success, that if the other did hold on still, and continue in this bravery & temerity, thus to assail them and to approach to their trenches, he did not doubt but to make him to repent it.  
The Prince of Epire having freed himself from the pursuit of his enemies, took an other way, and went after his own company: who being in a marvelous care and 
Scanderbag his absence cause of great perplexity to his soldiers.  perplexity for the absence of their master, went here and there wandering up & down, and sending forth soldiers in quest on all parts to search if they could discover him, or could hear any news of him in any place. Many of them also could not forbear tears lamenting and deploring the estate of Albany, which should remain as a tender orphan, and the common weal of Epire which should continue desolate (as it were) in widowhood by the death of so divine a parsonage so barbarously murdered by the Circumcised miscreants. But his safe return (whereof they despaired) did revive their hearts, & made them joyful both in private and public: in so much, that besides divers songs uttered by the common sort in token of their gladness: many of them with great devotion performed their vows which they had made for his safety: being in a firm belief, that by the same they had obtained of God, both his life and the recovery of his company. His shield was so battered & cut with the swords of his enemies, that the shape thereof was scant to be discerned: & yet was not his body in any sort hurt or wounded.  
The rareness of this accident is so marvelous, that the truth thereof may seem incredible: notwithstanding for my part I can easily be drawn to believe it. For admit that there were not in this Prince any corporal force, or dexterity in arms extraordiry, more than in the common sort of men: yet without all doubt, fortune (or to speak more properly,) the divine power and puissance can do greater things than this, and far more strange without all comparison. But it may be that an other matter may make this more doubtful, and that is, that Scanderbag in all his acts, and exploits achieved in times past, was never known to have committed such an oversight & incongruity, where he had any time or leisure to take any counsel or advise upon his actions. But perhaps it is requisite, that we should grant and attribute unto some men of a hardy and magnanimous spirit, as the Poets do: that sometimes in the wars they are transported, with a certain fury and martial impetuosity, so as being once chafed and inflamed, they cannot for a while after, neither moderate nor refrain themselves at their own pleasure. For before a man draw his sword and take weapon in hand, he knoweth well what he doth, and he is guided by reason which doth direct him. But when thesword is once drawn, then only doth fury and choler guide him, & he doth as the vehemency of his passion doth lead him. Such was that notable and renowned hardiness of Horatius Cocles amongst the Romans', by which he sustained the force of the 
Horatius Cocles his strange prows against Porsena. Leonidas his valour against the army of Xerxes.  whole army of Porsena king of the Tuscans, whilst his company in the mean time did cut down the bridge over Tiber at his back. And amongst the Greeks, that of Leonidas the Lacedaemonian, who with 300. men, had the hardiness to defend the straits of Thermopilae, and to keep out the innumerable multitudes of the forces of Xerxes.  
But to our purpose, the damage that our men received in this conflict was not great: for there were slain not above ten, and as many wounded, (for the Prince of Albany having left behind him all his infantry, and those horsemen who were worst mounted) had invaded the infidels with 5000. horse, all of them chosen men, stout, & valiant: who being prompt & ready either to fly or to fight, might easily shun the force & violence of the enemy. Wherefore having wounded their general, they proceeded joyfully on their way and so returned to their camp. But neither this fair 
Scanderbag pensive for fear of Croy.  victory gotten upon the enemy, nor any other occasion whatsoever of mirth or gladness could suffice to cheer the hart of Scanderbag or to make him merry: his thoughts were mightily troubled and surcharged, with the wonderful & deep conceits of infinite mischiefs, & he could not be quiet till he had some news of the success of Croy. For notwithstanding that the fidelity & approved valour both of the governor and of the garrison, and the inexpugnable situation, and the good estate of the place did much comfort and ease his mind of care: yet nevertheless on the one side, the consequence of the peril, and on the other side the incomprehensible love of his country, did enforce him even in despite of his hart, to be afraid: and a careful kind of mistrust did present unto his imagination, many idle and vain discourses.  
Concerning Amurath, albeit the former alarm had not made him altogether to discontinue the assault: yet the chiefest preparations, & the best endeavours of the soldier were for a while hindered and restrained, till such time as he had perfect notice what was the issue & end of that service, which being made known unto him to that effect as we have delivered, he caused forth with even those that were most backward and negligent, & all his engines & instruments for the assault to be bend & employed against the besieged. First of all he caused the archers & other shot to stand round about, 
Assault to Croy.  so as they might annoy them which came upon the walls to defend them. The lesser pieces also were planted so near, as they might well play upon the defendants, whilst in the mean time the rascal sort of the most vile & common sort of people (who were ordained of purpose to sustain & bear out the first fury of the enemy) should draw & carry the ladders & other engines close up to the walls. And after them were to follow certain brave and lusty troops of the janissaries & Asappes: who upon the raising of the 
janissaries. Asappes.  ladders were appointed to the scalado, and so to get to the top of the breach: that coming to fight hand to hand with the defendants, they might the sooner terrify them and gain the town more easily. This was the manner of the assault on that part where the walls were weakest, & where the canon had made the battery: as for the other parts there was little or no care to be taken of them: for though the whole circuit of the wall had been overthrown & razed: yet was it almost impossible, that the soldier could attempt any way on that side to endamage them by reason of the huge height & ragged steepness of the mountain. Yet were there certain pieces placed there also, and they played with great ordinance upon that part of the town, both to give the more terror to the Croians and to beat down certain private houses, which seemed to be subject to the force of their shot. Whilst the Turks were making their approaches to the town, the defendants discharged certain volleys of shot upon them, & did so trouble their ranks with the slaughter of many of their people, that it might have terrified them from approaching any nearer if the leaders of every squadron (following them close at their backs, & soliciting them sometimes with good words & persuasions, & sometimes with menaces & threats intermingled with the bastinado) had not pressed them to go forward with their violent and rough usage: and more than that, this their obstinacy seemed to be the greater, because the Mahometans with those pieces which they had placed there of purpose, did without intermission annoy them that appeared upon the rampires, & sought to beat them from their defence: whilst the Alchanzes (a number of slaves charged with ladders & such like preparations) did gain 
Alchanzes.  the foot of the wall, the which their labour took such good success that at length their ladders were lodged against the wall, notwithstanding all the resistance that the Christians could make against them: and yet was it not effected without great slaughter and bloodshed of the Infidels. Then began the defendants every man in his place and charge, to settle themselves more roundly to their labour and to urge the enemy more hotly: they made no spare of their shot both arquebus and other, and now began their hatred more apparently to be discovered. The clamours of the soldiers, the noise and clattering of their armour, did resound on all sides, the sound of the drums and trumpets continually redoubling in the air, and rebounding by the echo and report of the valleys near adjoining, did the more animate and encourage the soldiers, taking away all power and possibility of hearing from them that were in fight. But as the cause and occasion of their arms was different, so was there as great difference in the conflict: there was little likelihood for them to carry the place from the beginning, if some other casualty or mischance of war did not befall the assailants. The ladders were often raised against the walls, and the place was forced with manhood sufficient, but they were assoon cast to the ground, broken and torn in pieces: the men also tumbling headlong that were mounted upon them. The remainders of that huge multitude of the base and common sort, were so broken and dismayed, that they could not be made to continue there any longer, by reason that both their spirits were surprised with an extreme fear, and their limbs (as it were) benumbed with a kind of astonishment. Scarcely should you have seen any one of them that was forward or willing to have gone again to the assault, though it did little avail them to hold backward: for Mahomet standing at their backs, both as the overseer of their demeanour, and as a severe encourager (which perhaps was partly a cause that got him the name and report to be accounted a most cruel Prince by all posterity) did entreat them very roughly, and would not suffer them neither to recuile backward, nor so much as once for to breathe themselves. Thus poor wretches, whilst they thought to shun and avoid the rage and fury of their adversary, they were more cruelly plagued by the excessive rigour of their own Commanders.  
These miserable and poor people thus handled by the Infidels, are (for the 
Christian's subjects of the great Turks their miserable estate and piteous condition  most part) Christians under the subjection of the great Turk: of whom it is an ordinary use and custom with him to draw forth a wonderful great train and multitude in all his expeditions almost wholly naked and disarmed, because he hath no trust nor affiance in them. With these doth he furnish and supply all the services of his camp, both for the provision of the water and wood, and for the making and casting up of their trenches, rampires, and other fortifications: and when they come to fight (if it be in the field or in the main battle, then are they 
A stratagem usual with the Turks to weary and consume the strength of the Christians in fight.  first exposed and set out to the butchery, to bear the force and violence of the enemy, that they may diminish and spend their strength and forces upon these poor and silly wretches. If any fortress or place of strength be to be assaulted, these are made as carriage beasts to draw the artillery, to carry the engines and other instruments to the walls: and their bodies are made to serve them but as fit matter to fill up the ditches, and their carcases are used but as bridges for others to pass and travel on when they go to the assault. And when so ever they do happen to march on slowly or unwillingly, they do find more cruelty and inhumanity at the hands of the Turks their Lords and Masters, than they do of their proper and professed enemies. Certainly it is the deadly hatred and natural enmity which they bear against the name and profession of Christianity, that doth cause them to use this most beastly and savage cruelty, and not any want 
Siege of scutary or Scodra by the Turks.  of other means that should constrain them thereunto. At the last unfortunate siege of scutary, many of these and such like cruelties were then practised by the Turkish Infidels. The lamentable plaints and cries of these unhappy creatures were made and heard to them that stood in defence of the walls: many times would 
Speeches of the Christians living under the subjection of the Turks, to the Christians their enemies at the siege of scutary.  they cry unto the defendants, and use humble and pitiful prayers and entreaties that they would deal more gently with them: they excused and protested, that they showed themselves to be their enemies not of their own motions or ill affections, but by constraint and force, and by the cruel command of the tyrant. That though their bodies were compelled to march and to carry arms against them, yet their hearts and good wills were most devote and affectionate unto them, as those that did acknowledge one and the same God, the same faith, the same religion: notwithstanding that they were not under the same Princes, that this was to be imputed to the public fault and negligence of the Christians, and to their own private misfortune and unhappy destiny. Upon these their complaints and petitions, the citizens of scutary to the uttermost of their power did spare and favour them, though in very truth, their estate then standing as it did, they could not very easily take that compassion of them which they gladly would have done. O most lamentable and extreme grief, my heart is surcharged with sorrow, and my soul doth even faint within me to think upon the miserable and distressed estate of these poor Christians. Give me leave a little, I beseech you, in this place to exclaim against the indignity of their miseries, and pardon me though I wander a while from my discourse.  
Good God, is it possible that the great Princes and monarchs of Christendom 
An exclamation of the author upon the miserable estate of the Christians under the Turks.  can so long endure both to hear and to see this extreme misery? And can not this grievous and intolerable servitude of their Christian brethren, their chains and bonds so hideous and shameful, their complaints so dolorous (wherewith for these many ages they have filled the mountains, the valleys, and the seas of all Christian countries,) can they not (I say) move any one to pity or compassion? And are Christian Princes so hard and stony hearted, that none of them will commiserat those extremities? The blood of Christians doth now flow (as it were) in streams throughout all parts of the world: and our strength fadeth and decayeth by little and little, and no man the whilst doth or will perceive it. We are now fallen into those times (such is the divine pleasure, or rather, such is our ingratitude and infidelity) that the blood sanctified by Christian baptism, is now more vile and base than the blood of brute beasts: and it will ere long come to pass (if this mischief be suffered to increase, and to gather greater strength) that the circumcised, setting us to sale, shall scarce be able to make a penny of thirty Christians, but they will be bought and sold at a more base and vile price, than were the jews of old time, who (as ancient * Historiographers make mention) at the destruction of 
josephus. Egesippus.  jerusalem, were sold at that rate by the Romans'. But alas! what can happen to us more fearful, or what greater extremities and calamities can befall us, then are already inflicted upon the faithful living under the power and tyranny of the Turks? Their miseries are come to the full period of all shame and villainy: neither is it possible, that either they should be able to endure any greater calamities, neither can the mortal hatred of the Infidels our enemies imagine or devise any invention more horrible and grievons, than they have already done, for the plaguing of these miserable and wretched caitiffs. But forgetting this matter, let us remember to proceed with the assault of Croy.  
The most hardy and audacious of the Mahometists being either repulsed or killed, 
A sally by the croians upon the Turks.  they of the town caused threescore of their garrison (men of good courage and resolution) suddenly to sally forth by a little postern (which was on another side of the town) whose unexpected coming brought so wonderful a fear to the camp of the Infidels, as was beyond all imagination. They were Launceknights and Epyrots mingled together, who serving with the arquebus, had with great difficulty, gotten leave of the Governor to issue forth of the town, but they went not far from the wall, where having made a reasonable slaughter of the enemy according to the proportion of their small number, they retired themselves immediately with a greater desire to return again. But for any entreaty or importunity they could use, Vranocontes would not condescend unto their request: nevertheless he did highly commend them for the hardiness of the fact, and did recompense them with large rewards. At the first the Paynims did a little recuile and give back, being abashed at their audacious enterprise: but anon suddenly trouping together, partly of shame, and partly of a courageous resolution, they did attend to see, if the enemy pursuing their good fortune, would come again to visit them. But far greater was the slaughter on that quarter which was towards Tyranna, where the breach being more plain and spacious, did give more free access to the assailants. All places there were strawed and filled with dead bodies: and the earth did seem to mourn with the pitiful noise of the panting sighs, gaps, and groans of those, who yielded up their wretched ghosts. And notwithstanding, they never wanted encouragements to enforce them on in their obstinacy: but the miserable wretches were pressed and urged in a most desperare manner, by the careless contempt of their own lives, to make a show unto the Christians of more courage than indeed was in them. The rampires and walls of the town were so full strewed both with shot, and also with other store of weapons, that it argued they made no spare of them: and the arrows did fly so thick in the air, as if it had been a cloud darkening the brightness and clearness of the sun. Thus you see what was the endeavours of those Turkish squadrons, which went first to the assault.  
The day was now well spent, and it was above two hours after noon, at which time the Sultan seeing his troops partly lying dead upon the ground, and partly wearied with their great and long travel: and on the contrary side, the croians presenting themselves more bravely upon the walls, he was at the first in some doubt and suspense, whether it were better for him to renew the assault with a supply of fresh forces, or to intermit and put it over to another day, considering that both the great labour of his people taken all that day, and the excessive heat, had so weakened the bodies of his soldiers, that they were scant able to endure to stand for faintness and weariness. In the end therefore he was persuaded 
Speeches of the Counsellors of Amurath persuading him to recontinue and renew the assault of Croy.  to continue and go forward with the assault by the importunities of his counsellors and Chieftains, who showed him, that if he should now give over the fight, and should suffer the Christians with so small loss and bloodshed to have the advantage of that days victory, it would be an eternal reproach and infamy unto him. And albeit they should have little or no hope to carry the Town, yet he ought not in respect of his own honour to suffer so many brave and valiant men their fellows and companions to die unrevenged, nor yet to restrain the forwardness and willing minds of the others. That all secondary assays were more faint and contemptible, and that they were now better acquainted with the enemy, and were more hardened to all kind of dangers and travels. B sides that, if he should now give them liberty to take breath, they would have leisure also to resolve themselves with the more confidence, & to fortify their town with stronger defences: that it was much better therefore with fresh and new forces to attempt against the place, & to force them to the uttermost whilst they were yet wearied and sore traveled with their late labour: that when the defendants should see them thus obstinately bend and courageously resolved, either they would of themselves abandon their defences, or they must needs faint and perish under the burden of so unsupportable a charge. Amurath upon these persuasions followed their advise, and caused as great forces as before to be lead and conducted against the walls: in so much that the tumult began to be renewed in a moment, and it might be that fortune herself forsaking the victors, would have favoured the new attempt of the Mahometistes, if the defendants had not 
The assault renewed.  with as great diligence and foresight provided in like case to receive them in as good sort and readiness, which was the occasion that fresh men being opposed against fresh men, they did without any great pain hold good both in the possession of the place, and in the maintenance of their honour and reputation. The Barbarians went still onwards at brute and senseless beasts, especially on that side that leadeth towards the port, and although the way by which they should pass was so straight and narrow, that two horsemen could hardly march in front together: yet notwithstanding they went on all on horse back even close to the walls, and with their lances in the rest did run against the gate, giving thereby greater occasion rather to laugh at their foolish and sottish carelessness and contempt of their lives, then to admire or to commend any hardiness or courage that appeared in them. Wherefore there lay so many of them slain on all parts, & there were such heaps of dead carcases, as it might well be said of Vranocontes, that he foreprophesied what would be the end and issue of that assault. The Turkish Monarch being not able to endure this hideous spectacle, caused to sound a retreat, which freed both the walls and the defendants from further trouble of the enemy: and there was not any one but had forgotten the former passion of his malice and hatred, and had lost that fervency and desire of fight wherewith he was lately possessed. So greatly did they of all hands desire to leave fight, & this stay of the assault was welcome to them all. For their continual labour and the heat of the day, accompanied with extreme hunger and thirst, had in a manner wholly spent them, by reason that the suddenness of the assault had prevented many from taking any repast. The residue therefore of the day and the night following, they consumed in refreshing themselves both with sleep and victuals.  
The same night tidings being brought to Scanderbag of the victory of the Croians, it gave him good cause of joy and gladness: and he presently imparted these good news unto the Princes and peoples his next neighbours. But on the other side, the 
Number of Turks slain at the first assault of Croy.  enemy was in great sorrow and discontentment, and was seen for many days to be very sad and pensive, for the notable loss of that days work was very hard to be digested, having lost in that service more than 8000. good soldiers: but the Croians had very little loss, and without any great slaughter to speak of. It is reported, that Amurath kept himself close shut up within his tent for two whole days together in debating upon diverse counsels and opinions with his Captains, and the Visirs his Counsellors. But above all others, young Mahomet showed himself to be notably vexed and discontented: his spirit boiling with fury and choler, and his youthful years being yet unacquainted with cross fortunes and adversities, had turned all his passions of grief and anguish into mere rage and madness. From thenceforth he took upon him to deal in all the affairs of the camp, & with a careful eye viewing and reviewing all the several companies, he showed himself so greedy of revenge, that he spared not to labour himself extremely both night and day, and was very watchful at all times to take the advantage of any fit occasion: but principally he had an eye to that side where the Albanois had lately endamaged their camp. For there he placed a strong and puissant court of guard, and dressed many ambushments, and oftentimes would he watch there himself whole nights in proper person, to the intent if fortune did present him any good opportunity to oppress Scanderbag, he might not escape again out of his hands. But all these his devices turned to nothing, and vanished away as the smoke by the provident and circumspect carriage of that expert Chieftain the Prince of Albany, who being from day to day informed of all things, either by such as came to render themselves unto him, or by espials sent abroad of purpose, he held himself still and quiet in his camp for a season, ordering and providing for the safety of his affairs, and drawing on his enemies with delays.  
Notwithstanding he could not endure to remain long idle, but being very desirous that his enterprises should surpass all others in glory & reputation, he advised himself of a fine stratagem, by which he purposed to surprise them who were too intentive to entrap him. One night therefore trussing up his baggage, very secretly, he removed 
Monticlea.  his army to a place called Monticlea, from whence he might most commodiously travel & disturb the enemy. He left Moses & Tanusee at Tume●ista, accompanied with 500 horse only: and having set down a certain and prefixed time & course, and communicated his enterprise with them, he willed them to set upon the trenches of the enemy a little after midnight, next ensuing on the same side where he had last invaded them: 
A policy of Scanderbag in giving a canuazado to the Turkish camp  and that assoon as they had but given them a false alarm, and made a show of forcing the barriers of their camp, they should suddenly and speedily make away without giving the enemy any means to come to handiblowes with them: and that himself in the mean time (having set all things in good order, and leaving 200. men for the guard of his camp) would on the other side break in upon the tents of the enemy with the residue of his army. According to this conclusion there was little distance of time between the alarm made by Moses and the coming of Scanderbag. For assoon as he perceived the sudden rumour and terror of the alarm raised by the 
A canuazado by Scanderbag to the camp of the Turks.  Dibrian on the other side, he bore in with a full and strong carrer, and charged them on that part where they little doubted or suspected. In this manner was the camp of the Infidels full of doubt, fear, and confusion: some ran here, some there, making great haste on all sides, to oppose themselves against the violence of the Christians. One of them wakened another, crying that they were environed and round beset with the enemy. But as for Moses he did indeed put them in a fear, and that was all he did, by reason that those soldiers which had been lately placed in that quarter by Mahomet, did easily repulse them, especially such as were most forward. But the night hindered them from pursuing after him, for that they suspected some ambushment, which they had good cause to be in doubt of, and especially at that time. But the damage that Scanderbag wrought them cannot be recounted. For their camp was on all parts beaten down, and foully deformed and disordered both by sword & fire, and yet did not this invasion continue any long time, by reason of the sudden coming and ready arrival of the Turks, whose presence in so great multitudes did soon determine and end the conflict. For the Christians making a retreat, durst not hazard and oppose themselves against so huge forces as were there united, especially in a place that was so plain and even: for it was in Tyranna where they gave this charge upon the enemy. Nevertheless when the Christians began to retire, the Infidels had no great desire to follow after: and if they had, it might be they should have paid well for it: for this wary and circumspect warrior had placed all his infantry and 8000. horse near at hand, to the intent they should be as a guard unto him behind at his back, and should serve against all such casualties as might befall him. Of these companies was he received in his retreat with great joy and high cries and clamours: and so passing forward, they spent the rest of the night in traveling to their camp. It is reported that Scanderbag did never do any exploit upon his enemy with less loss and bloodshed: for he brought back all his troops safe and sound without the loss of any one man, not leaving unto the Barbarians aniething save wounds, tears, and lamentations, as the testimonies of his being with them; in such sort, that this slaughter and foul discomfiture, did make them in a manner quite to forget the calamity of their late loss which they had had before Croy. No man durst from thenceforth open his mouth unto the Sultan, or to advise him to any enterprise: for this accident having succeeded to their so notable infamy, did seem to reprove all their counsels and deliberations both in times past, and at that present. Wherefore they had recourse in this their general astonishment, to that wont policy which they had proved to be very profitable the year before at the siege of Sfetygrade: 
Amurath fortifieth his camp with ordinance against the invasions of Scanderbag  and that was to fortify and assure their trenches on all sides with artillery. They drew down therefore many small pieces which they had planted against the walls, and they bestowed them in convenient places round about their camp according as they thought best: but the greatest part they placed in that quarter where they had of late found the greatest danger. For what for the vehemency of the heat, and what for the encumbrance of their infinite baggage, their lodgings were divided & dispersed here and there in so great distance one from an other, and so far off, that it was not possible to furnish and to fortify all of them. All these their endeavours were not long concealed from the Christians, for they wanted not both fugitives & good espials to give them advertisements, but they were certified continually of the doings of the enemy, and especially of this their preparation, which they believed to be likely by the example of the like, which they used the year last passed. Wherefore Scanderbag also was resolved to lie still for a time, and to hold himself contented with that advantage which he had already gained, and to enjoy the pleasure thereof, till such time as he might find some new opportunity for some other happy action. Besides, there was an other matter which withdrew his thoughts, and whereof he 
Scanderbag removeth his camp to provide for victuals.  was to have a care, and that was the scarcity and dearth of victuals, which now began to fall very short: because there was not left in the country any living creature of whom they could look for any relief▪ Wherefore to the intent he would not be in any wants, and for that he would refresh his army in the extreme heat of the summer: he determined to remove his camp, and to lead his forces to a certain place of singular recreation upon a river which the inhabitants call Isme, which lying 
River of Isme.  close on the sea, would furnish them of all things plentifully and in abundance. And they of Duraz, likewise (which town was not far off) did friendly accord to serve 
Duraz or Dirrachium.  him with as much corn as he would demand. True it is that the Governors and Magistrates of the Venetian territories did secure him also, but it was so covertly and under hand, that the Mahometan Prince might not perceive it for the reasons formerly alleged.  
The Infidels in the mean time did nothing for many days together but batter the town, and seek to break down the walls, in those places especially which the 
Battery renewed against Croy.  inhabitants had newly repaired, and which rested yet unbattered. For as yet had no● Amurath forgotten all his malice, but he had a desire once again to adventure his soldiers to the butchery, and to make a trial of their last fortune. Besides, to seek to force the town by mines underground, or by any such devices he held it a matter of great labour and long delay, by reason of the steepness, depth, and roughness of the place, and the high bearing tops of the lofty rocks and mountains. o how 
Exclamation of the author upon the wretched estate of the subjects to the Turk.  wretched and miserable are you which are subjecteth to ayoke so cruel and unmerciful, and whom fortune hath submitted under the dominion of such proud and arrogant Princes? when they can find no other mean to fulfil their inordinate desires: then are you (poor souls) constrained to satisfy with your blood, and with the dismembering of your bodies, the cruel rage, the immoderate and licentious humours of such tyrants. Assoon as the wall was beaten down on that part where the cannon could be brought to play or make any battery, and that the breach was made fair and large; the same day did Ottoman command and take order, that every man should make himself ready to the assault against the next morning, and to adventure a new conflict with the enemy: but there was scarce any of them, that either openly or privately did show himself willing thereunto as they had been in times past. All of them did set a good face on the matter, but very sorily and with an ill grace: for either 
Turk's unwilling to be drawn to a second assault of Croy.  to refuse it, or to draw backwards was not the best way or course for them. Amurath perceiving this backwardness in his people, and that they were drawn to this adventure, as it were maugre their teeth: (as the report goeth) he assembled the chief and principal persons of all his troops, who being come to his presence, with a long discourse, he did thus reproach and object unto them, their faintness and cowardice.  
Is it possible (quoth he) that so small a manner, and the dalliance of fortune but a 
Oration of Amurath to his Chieftains and Captains before Croy reproaching them with faintness and cowardice.  little failing you, can so pull down your minds and abate your courages, as it should make you for ever to despair and to abandon all hope of victory? what if your valour and prows be not able at the first assault to carry this place, will you therefore be utterly discouraged? Answer me I pray you. Is there any town so weak? is there any fortress so simple, or so base, as that one only blow and the first attempt should be able to subdue it? He that will dislodge such fierce beasts as these out of their dens, must of necessity use perseverance, he must stand firm, he must be of an undaunted heart and a courage unconquerable. Have so many puissant armies? have so many excellent Captains, even for some frivolous cause of offence, and for some small private quarrel, have they I say spent their time, and (as it were) waxed old in the siege of cities and fortresses? and you that have received so many outrages, so many indignities, and so many contumelies of disgrace by the disloyalty of the Albanians, will you now to your notable reproach, leave them unpunished, and unrevenged? Who is he even to this day, that did ever obtain a memorable victory, and not in some sort bloody? Remember the battle of Varna, the honour and glory of which victory doth scarce admit any comparison. It is unpossible to tame an enemy that is fierce and haughty without some expense and loss of blood: and all difficult things do come to a happy issue only with extreme labours and hard travel. Upon Croy only doth depend the consequence of this whole war, which being once at your discretion, we shallbe for ever freed of our enemy in this country. For this place being gained which is the principal fortress of all Epire, Scanderbag will not adventure to continue here so much as one day: wherefore pluck up your hearts (my good friends) and away with this fear and faintness of courage: you must make a trial of fortune: and if you will have her to follow you, it is needful that you do often importune her. There is no onething in the world, wherein is more variety and uncertainty, then in wars and deeds of arms. Hold on your course then: cease not to press the enemy, and do you even weary him with continual assaults. If at each time you kill but half a score of the enemy, it will be sufficient, and the town will be soon undefended. And it may be (as it happened of late at Sfetigrade) that if our forces shall not avail, yet our good fortune may second this our enterprise, and may lay us down some invention and good mean to achieve it.  
This speech did revive their spirits and wrought in all of them new stomachs and fresh courages: it caused them to banish and cast away all fear: it made their former hatred to return before their eyes, and it stirred in them a singular desire to purchase glory, and in all actions to show themselves very forward. But above all, this did greatly abate the doubt which they had before received, for that they saw their tents exempted, and their backs freed from the sudden surprises of Scanderbag: and by reason 
Stratagem of Amurath to divert Scanderbag from troubling his army during the assault of Croy.  they were assured, that during the fight the day following, they should not be annoyed with any enemy, but only those before them. For besides those orders which were already taken for all things, and not yet mentioned: this was one which (as I will show you) was laid down for the diverting of Scanderbag, to the intent he should not of all that day molest nor trouble their trenches nor interrupt them from the assaulting of the town. Sebalias (of whom mention hath been made before) was sent towards another part of the Province, that under colour of wasting and spoiling 
Sebalias' sent with an army to draw Scanderbag from Croy.  the country, he might delude the Albanois, hoping by that means to draw him away with all his forces. In the evening therefore this Chieftain Turk being dislodged with a strong company of 16000 horse, and having straight instructions from Amurath so to demean himself, that the enemy might have no occasion nor opportunity to fight with him: he road on his way with good advise and deliberation. By that time that he had marched about some 20. miles, the news of his dislodge came to the ears of the Christians, which raised a sore murmuring amongst the soldiers according to the variety of their fantasies which they conceived and imagined upon the departure of the Barbarian. Notwithstanding they were all of this opinion, and one mind, that it was best forthwith to mounton horseback, and to travel all the night in great silence and secrecy, that they might gain all the passages of the mountains and woods where they supposed he should pass. But the sage providence of the Christian General, who was an enemy to all preposterous temerity, & durst not affy himself upon the doubtfulness of the dark: did refer the whole to the next morning: and then at the dawning of the day, he departed which ensigns displayed, and held the way of the mountains, the coverts and secret places: always having before him his vauntcurrers to discover and to beat the ways and passages, that he might not fall into the ambushments of the Paynim.  
About the same hour that Scanderbag departed, the Sultan began the assault against Croy: for having ordained all things (as hath been said) he thought good to 
Assault to Croy the second.  begin it betimes in the morning and before that the day should be any thing spent: for fear lest the assault being deferred any longer, should fall out in the extremity and heat of the day. Now the absence of Castroit being reported throughout the host, did greatly revive the courages of the Infidels: and upon this occasion being grown more forward and furious, they did hasten with their scaling ladders and other instruments in great store against the walls. In like manner some there were who forgetting their late loss and slaughter, did adventure to approach even to the port, striving to break it open, or to force it off the hinges, and to make way for themselves through the same by means of their mattocks and bars of iron. Towards Tyranny they cast great store of wild fire into the town: and the artillery ceased not during all the time of the assault, notwithstanding that it was not able much to endamage the defendants, without the great hurt and loss of the assailants. Nevertheless, the Sultan without all respect, did cause it still to shoot off amongst both parties, and did thereby destroy some both on the one side and on the other: for he did not think the head of a Christian dearly bought, which cost him twenty of his own company. The defendants though they were not altogether free from damage, yet were they in good surety, neither was there any hazard of the loss of the town: for (besides their other helps) such was the natural strength and situation of the place, that it made all the attempts of the miscreants to be in vain and to no purpose. And yet notwithstanding, if at any time the defence of the place did depend upon the valour of the defendants & the devoir of their good diligence, they did ever show themselves on all hands to be stout and valiant, and they gave marvelous proofs of their faith and prowess: and still did they increase in courage, in strength, and in good success. Of the Turks that adventured themselves to the port, there was scarce any one that returned: on the other parts, those that were most hardy and adventurous, did remain dead upon the place, and an infinite number were sore hurt & maimed: and there was not almost in any one place but very few or none of their ladders presented against the walls. Nevertheless Amuarth still pressed on his people with great fury on all sides: and with a resolution of obstinacy more and more increasing, did continually send supplies of fresh men, still renewing the assault without any intermission: insomuch as this sight and spectacle did at one and the self time, 
The Turks repulsed from the assault.  both feed his humour, and yet torment him to the hart: till in the end being even glutted with the pitiful butchery and murder of his people, he caused to sound a retreat and to cease the assault, rather at the prayers and persuasions of his Bassas, then upon any other cause. For they entreated & humbly besought him, that he would not so wilfully and desperately destroy and consume his army, considering that there was no appearance or probability to get the town in this fashion: and that it were better to reserve his forces to work by mines into the town, as the best and only way to bring it into his possession. But want of victuals, and the extreme famine which did now sore pinch the army of the Barbarians, did cause this work to proceed but slowly for a time: wherefore to recover corn and other provisions, there were sent Commissaries with certain men to Lyssa and other places of the venetian territories. For by reason of the peace sworn between them, the Sultan did persuade himself that he would deny him nothing. 
Scanderbag marcheth after Sebalias.   
Whilst these things were a doing, Scanderbag had intelligence by his skoutes, what course Sebalias took in his journey: who having dispersed certain troops of horsemen all over the fields, did destroy the vines and other things bearing fruit throughout the country. He dismarched therefore with as great secrecy as was possible: and being arrived within a three miles off the Barbarian: he chose out four thousand good and strong horse to charge upon him in the open and plain fields. All his foot forces, and the residue of his horsemen, he left with Moses, and placed them on a high hill near to the high way, where he was in hope that the enemy should pass: and he willed him that if he saw the Infidels to fly that way our of order & dispersed, he should suddenly fall in upon them, and charge them most fiercely: but if he did perceive them to hold good and to stand firm, maintaining the fight with equal fortune and valour and without moving: that then he should speedily come forward with his companies, and join himself to his forces: and he doubted not, in case the enemy durst abide him, either to make him pay for it and to buy his resistance very dear, or else to drive him to a most shameful & dishonourable flight. For their flight he was nothing at all deceived: but for the rest, it fell out otherwise then he expected: for Sebalias' being advertised of the coming of the Christians by the sentinels which he had set to watch of purpose: upon a sign given had made all his forces to gather, together and to keep near unto him: excepting some few scattered a far off, who became an easy prey to the Albanois. And before that he had any sight of the enemy, he posted thence by another way, and not by that where he knew Scanderbag was marching. Thus was there nothing done at that time worthy the speaking: and the rather for that Castriot kept his forces from following after them: in regard that his footmen were not able without excessive toil & travel, to endure so long a journey in pursuing them. Besides that, the perpetual care of Croie did greatly restrain his forwardness and fierecnes: and he held it more wisdom to reserve his army in good plight for the continual wants and necessities of the town. On the one side therefore the Turkish Chieftain returned to Amurath with great joy and contentment, for that he had so abused Scanderbag, and kept him all that day from troubling of their trenches: on the other side the Epirot returned his camp extremely grieved, because he had lost that opportunity, and through that perplexity of his mind which he took for Croy, from whence he was not accustomed so far to absent himself.  
The report goeth, that he met with many upon the way, who gave him notice of the Turkish Commissaries being abroad for victuals: and of the convoy which they had provided for the safe conduct of the same. Whereupon, disguising himself out of hand in simple attire (an ordinary policy which he used in the wars) and being 
Ambuscado of Scanderbag whereby he surpriseth the Turk his victuallers.  attended with a hundredth soldiers in the same habit, he followed those victuallers by the tract where they had passed: and having learned by what way they were to return, he put himself with his company in an ambuscado. Then sent he two of his soldiers, men of good judgement and experience, to go to Lyssa: willing them to get notice, and to bear good espial upon the troops of the enemy, and carefully to observe, whether in their return they did take any other way, then that by which they had passed thitherwards: and if they did, they should post away with all speed to give him intelligence of it. But these victuallers returning the same way they went, fell into the hands of Scanderbag, who having slain some of them, took the others prisoners. The corn, the beasts and carriage horses, he conveyed to his camp, where he distributed the booty amongst his soldiers. This done Moses returning back to the camp besides Isme, brought thither those other troops of foot, of which he had the leading.  
Whilst Amurath did carefully and with great diligence set forward his mines against Croy, so much the more careful was he, and never ceased to molest the besieged 
Turkish camp before Croy victualled out of Macedon.  with often and continual alarms and skirmishes: to the intent that by keeping them busied in the defence of their walls, they might be the less able to discover the drift of his new devices and his secret practices: during the which he received diverse messages, the one acquainted him with the discomfiture of his victuallers, the taking of his corn, and how all things else had passed: the other from Alchia brought him news of certain corn which was coming out of Macedon. So that as the latter gave him cause of joy and contentment, so the former did renew his wont grief & discontentments. But the one being partly a recompense for the other, the Turks were not much moved at the matter, but laying aside the care of all other matters for that instant, the soldiers applied all their care and study, that the new supply of provisions might be brought in safety to their camp. Wherefore with the consent of their Prince, there were appointed 20000. of the strongest and most able men of their whole army for a convoy of those other victuals, to the intent those also should not be made a prey to the Christians, as the other had lately been for default of a good and strong convoy to safeconduct them. But Scanderbag was at that time sufficiently busied in conveying his booty towards his own camp, for that he might the better avoid the enemy, and not any way encounter with him in his return: he fetched a long compass about by diverse by ways, and with great discommodity and pains, he drove the beasts loaden with the prey, through the roughest and hardest straits that he could choose within the mountains, which was an occasion of no small weariness and toil unto him, and made him to spend long time in his return: and yet if he had been freed from that carriage, and though all his forces had been present with him and in a readiness: I do not think that he would for all that have been so desirous to pursue and set upon the enemy, as to hazard himself against so mighty and puissant a multitude. All this while was Moses in great incertainty and perplexity for the prince of Epire, by reason he was certified by good espials of the departure of those troops out of the camp of the Turks. And he was in doubt lest they were prepared for his confusion: wherefore he sent forth some light horsemen, who with all diligence and celerity, and with great journeys should go seek out Scanderbag, and to advertise him of this particular. But they had no tidings of him till he was returned to his people, charged with the spoils of his slain enemies, and the grain which he had taken from them. Likewise the Mahomatistes without any let or disturbance, made a speedy return with their corn, victuals, and other provisions to their camp By means whereof, being thus provided for the necessary sustenance of their bodies: it made them to take a good heart again, and to revive both in strength and courage.  
All this while did they travel without ceasing in undermining of the wall: howbeit 
A mine made by the Turks against Croy.  the excessive labour of the work did swallow up many of them within the earth: notwithstanding the pioneers had their several times and hours particularly proportioned unto each of them: and the like order was also observed throughout all the squadrons, and amongst the soldiers of every tent within the camp. The continual labour, and the obstinate resolution of the men did easily surmount all difficulty, and daily did they continue their skirmishes and lose fights before the walls, of purpose to abuse the Citizens. And albeit there was no day passed without the death and slaughter of some of them: yet did not they account that for any loss amongst so many thousands of fight men.  
The Infidels did in some sort spend all that time joyfully and to their contentment, 
Venetian subjects secure the Turks camp before Croy with victuals.  by reason that over and above their store and abundance of victuals lately arrived from Macedony: there was also a great number of merchants of the next towns under the obeisance of the Venetians, who served them with plenty of corn, wine, oil, and all sorts of victuals day by day into their camp: neither was there any want of mercery wares, which diverse brought thither of purpose to traffic with them: who (as the proverb is) like flies drawing after honey, did repair and flock thither from all quarters, when they once knew of their estate: and that their camp was in great penury of all provisions excepting money only. All this did Scanderbag see very well: yet because he would not offend the subjects of his friends and confederates, nor hinder their private gain in particular: he took all with great patience, willing his people also to dissemble it as well as himself, without giving any offence to any person either in word or in deed. For howsoever it were, he was not ignorant, that though he had hindered this traffic between them, yet the enemy for all that should not have wanted it from other places, by reason of the dearness of Macedon, Thrace and Servia. And therefore he busied his brains with greater matters, and with other affairs of more importance: how he might by force of arms and dint of sword, and not by famine and want of sustenance, expel this outrageous enemy out of Epyre. This made him to have an especial care and regard of a matter which was deeply to be considered on: and that was to increase and augment 
Tanusee and Moses sent by Scanderbag to levy a new supply of soldiers.  his forces: for of the eight thousand men which he had levied at the beginning of this war, there was little less than a thousand of them diminished and decreased: all which were either consumed in the several services against the enemy, or by diverse other accidents and discommodities: besides a good number who were licenced to depart, and were sent a way to refresh themselves in their dwellings: such as he thought had endured sufficient hardness, and done their good devoir in the forepast dangers. The charge and commission for this matter was committed to Tanusee and to Moses, who traversing and compassing all the province, did scarce levy two thousand soldiers, whereof five hundredth were horsemen, and the residue footmen. It was no easy matter at that time to find any one man in all Epire fit and able to bear arms, but he was already employed in some place either of charge, or else appointed to some particular services: so well and so carefully had Scanderbag strengthened and assured all things, with wonderful counsel and advise: because he would not willingly leave any angle or corner of his realm exposed to the injury and violence of his adversaries.  
During the same time that this levy was made by Scanderbag, the Croians being importuned by the daily alarms of the Infidels could not any longer contain themselves 
croians sally out upon the Turks.  within their walls: but often times sallying out of the town, they did with great good hap and success encounter with them. One day above the rest, their service was most notable, at which time there issued forth about 500 of the garrison, and having well beaten the enemy of whom many were cut in pieces and the residue put to flight, they were so earnest and forward in the chase, that they pursued them even within their trenches, which made the Mahometistes (when they saw the Christians to be so hardy and courageous, and that their temerity did draw them on upon this their good fortune) not to grieve very much at their companions which lay slain, because they were in hope soon to be revenged. But this their hope was made vain by means of Vranocontes, who though he saw his soldiers to return with little or no damage, yet nevertheless wisely weighing the danger and hazard of that days service, with the politic and subtle disposition of the enemy, he would not from thence forth any more permit them to set their foot without their ports.  
But greater was the grief, and more notable was the slaughter that Scanderbag brought upon Amurath and his forces: for his new bands being united and incorporated 
A second canuazado by Scanderbag to the camp of the Turks before Croy.  to the body of his whole army, and the same being divided into three parts, one to Moses, an other to Tanusee, and the third reserved to himself; about the shutting of the evening, he caused his Ensigns to march very secretly & directly towards the camp of the enemy. But before he was gotten as far as Monticlea (which was distant about two miles from their trenches) he was discovered by the Turkish Sentinels. Great and sudden was the tumult when they understood of his coming, but most of all where the tents lay nearest to the danger. Wherefore nothing was omitted by the Barbarians, neither did they leave any remedy unattempted, which the uncertainty and darkness of the night could advise them unto either for repelling him back, or for debarring him from entering upon them. There were gathered together in great haste and tumult about some eight thousand men which opposed themselves against him: which made him to pause a little, and with a softer pace and more leisure to march forward against them. The Mahometans advanced themselves to encounter him, and with a huge cry on all hands were the first that began the fight: but the Christians refusing to join with them in fight, by little and little recuiled backwards, to the intent that drawing them farther off from their trenches, their fury might be the more abated and diminished. 
Moses and Tanuse invade the Turkish Campe.  Hereupon Moses and Tanuse having suddenly entered their rampires and barriers on that part which was appointed them, had filled all the camp with exceeding fear and confusion: and being entered within certain tents, and the watches slain, they destroyed all with the fury of fire, where force of arms could not any way endamage them. Greater was the loss and dishonour without comparison received by them then by Scanderbag, for that the Infidels bending all their thoughts and endeavours to that part, Moses had the more liberty even from the beginning, freely to do execution upon the enemy, by burning, sacking, and killing all at pleasure, and to bring their Camp into fear and disorder, as in all sudden actions and unexpected it is commonly used. But this victory was of small and short continuance, for within a while after a more strong troop of the Barbarians hastening upon them, the Christians thought it not good to attend their coming. In one thing above the rest did fortune greatly favour them, in that the artillery whereof they stood in so great fear, did not at all play upon them: were it that they could not well tell how to use it in the dark, or else that for the fear wherewith they were surprised (as it is oftentimes seen) they had forgotten to aid themselves with it. The day began now to appear, when as the Prince of Albany giving place unto the enemy, did withdraw himself in the midst & chiefest 
Scanderbag retireth from the enemy.  heat of the fight, and retired about 2. miles off to a certain hill where it was easy for any to see him, and there did he attend Moses with his squadrons: for that was the place which at their going to the charge, was appointed for their rend vous. Assoon as the Turks saw him there to make a stand, they went in great haste to the Sultan his pavilion, humbly entreating him to give them leave to issue forth, & to set upon him, showing him & pointing with their fingers at the small number of the Christians: so much 
Turk's desire and obtain leave of Amurath to issue out and to set upon Scanderbag.  prevailed their prayers & importunacy, that the old man overcome with their requests condescended thereunto. Immediately therefore there made out 12000. men strong & lusty 7000. horse, and 5000. foot. Upon the discovery of this great and mighty troop, Scanderbag at the beginning made some doubt, whether he should stay and receive them, considering the nearnes of the whole army of the Turks, or whither he should yield and give place unto the time: but he held best for that time to take and choose the mid way and mean between both, neither to fly altogether, nor yet altogether to abide: wherefore retiring fair and easily by degrees towards the highest and roughest parts of the mountains, he did temporize and dally away the time: relying both upon the strength of the place, and the aid of his other troops, whom by the dust arising in the air by reason of their marching, he did now perceive not to be far off. The Infidels came on, with great fury even to those hills, but seeing the difficulty of the place, & that it was very dangerous to pass further, for that the very weight of their bodies would sufficiently load & hinder them from getting up, they began to slack their pace. Scanderbag would not stir, till he certainly knew that his people did approach, yet could not his policy be conveyed so cunningly, but the Barbarians did perceive it very easily. For turning bridle upon the hearing of the noise of our men that were coming on, and seeing their vauntcurrours, they were contented not to approach any nearer, but in great haste and fear casting many of their ensigns to the ground, they made away 
The Turks fly.  with all speed possible. Nevertheless their great baste did not altogether preserve them from the sword of their enemies, because that Scanderbag his soldiers had begun the fight with them, and with their shot playing upon them from aloft, they had laid many of them dead upon the place. On the other side the Dibrian hasting thitherwards with great diligence, did take many prisoners of those that were not able to hold way with their fellows, and the residue had free liberty to save themselves. The success hereof being heard and seen by Amurath, but especially the horrible aspect of that nights slaughter, and the deformity of his Camp, did cause him to conceive such extreme grief, that for a time it stopped up his speech, so as he was not able to speak a word, which was the occasion that nothing was either attempted or determined all that day against the Christians. The report is, that the next day, Scanderbag with a small train attending him according to his wont use was seen by the Barbarians to walk upon the top of the mountain which hangeth over Croy, and there 
Speech of Amurath touching Scanderbag seeing him upon a mountain ever Croy  to have some conference with Vranocontes. And that this being reported, and his person showed unto Amurath by some of his men that pointed at him, he blamed the folly and inconstancy of his people: and with a dogs laughter (as the saying is) he told them, that the best way was to let alone that furious and untamed Lion: and not from thenceforth to feed that unhappy beast with the blood of his men, that so peradventure he might at length be brought to reason by his own rage and proper fury, rather than by any force of arms that should be used against him. But as it was little or no dishonour for Scanderbag to hear these words uttered from the mouth of his adversary, so likewise was it to be taken as a mark of singular honour, that he had the power to draw from him this testimony, and that he had enforced his enemy to harbour such a conceit of him.  
But to the matter. Now was the whole army of the Barbarians in great sorrow and ignominy, and they demeaned themselves rather as men besieged, then as those that besieged others. Besides that, to these their mishaps this also was added which ensueth, being of no less importance, and which also did greatly increase their misfortunes. The secret working of the Mine was now come to the knowledge of the 
The Mine of the Turks discovered and overthrown by the Croians.  inhabitants: whereupon one night they issued forth of the town to see what was done therein, and I know not how they went about it, but it was done with such silence and secrecy, and so suddenly, that they overthrew and scattered the most part of their work, and discovered all the doings of the enemy without being seen or perceived by their skoutes, till such time as having marred all their implements and provisions, they were retired to the town in safety. I do believe well that they made choice of the dead time of the night, when men being in their soundest sleep, do represent the very image and shape of death. Yet some do deny that they sallied forth at all at that time, or that they knew by any such means the enterprise of the enemy: but they suppose that the Turks being not well able to conceal their fraudulent invention and secret workings, the Christians did by their countenance and demeanour, conjecture and grow into suspicion of some such intent. Whereupon as soon as they began to grow doubtful of the matter, they presently devised how to surprise and prevent them in their devise. And they say that they did place certain Basins, 
A devise for the discovery of a Mine.  and Pans of Brass and other metal full of water, in diverse places, for that by the beating and sound of the blows, as they were working under ground, the counterstroakes and rebounding noise made with the force of their strokes, would evidently show in what place they did Mine underneath the earth. And although they did sufficiently discern the entry of the Mine: nevertheless fearing lest they should be surprised by the conveyance thereof under the earth, because it might be digged turning and winding with great uncertainty, whereby the enemy might be brought into the town on some other side▪ where they least suspected: therefore they had devised and invented this remedy for a mischief that was so doubtful and uncertain. It may be that both the one and the other of these assertions are true, and either of them hath some likelihood and probability; howbeit as the latter is more ingenious than the former: so in my judgement, the truth thereof is not so likely as the other. But how soever it be, this is one thing not doubted of nor denied by any: that though the Croians did little or nothing fear the endeavours of the enemy, yet did they make provision with good advise and exact deliberation for all things within the town, whereby they might prevent and interrupt all the pretences which the Ottoman might devise against them. And therefore as soon as Amurath knew that the Mine was discovered, and that the towns men did cheerfully fortify themselves with all kinds of resistance: he gave over the conceit of all these fantasies, and surceased from proceeding any further in this purpose. But had it so fallen out that his deceit had remained still hidden and concealed from the citizens, yet notwithstanding he would in the end have discontinued that work of his own proper motion: because that in undermining of the ground, there were so many rocks, and strong banks of hard stone in every place, which did ever hinder their work, by reason of the dearness and proximity of the mountain; In so much that to have cleft and pierced through them, would have been an endless labour, and a work of inestimable difficulty. And yet there were some who would have had him obstinately to persevere in the same. This care then being removed, he resolved to employ his thoughts, and to prove an other way: the devise whereof was with as little profit as the other: and that was to see if he could by any manner of means for money and by corruption, bring the Croians to his devotion. And he held it not amiss to have recourse to this policy and invention, seeing neither force nor fraud, nor menaces and threatenings, could prevail nor profit him any thing at all.  
He sent therefore to Vranocontes one of his Bassas, a man of high degree and 
An embassage sent to Vranocontes by Amurath with intent to corrupt him, and to make him betray Croy.  great authority about his person, and one that was greatly commended for the dexterity of his wit and judgement. Who (taking with him but two servants only with their hands full of precious gifts, most rich presents, and sumptuous ornaments, after the Turkish fashion) had instructions given him, that before he made any mention of the yielding of the town; he should offer these presents to Vranocontes in the name of Amurath, the better thereby to prepare his mind and disposition to the intended and decided parley. This done, he willed him subtly to sound and 
Instructions given by Amurath to his ambassador.  search the depth of his thoughts, and to see how he was affected: and so with large promises of gold and silver, he should practise to induce him to deliver the place into his hands: and to show him how easy a thing it was for him, who was the chief commander and governor of the garrison, seeing the number of the citizens was but small and slender: and that they might be drawn either by love or by constraint, to allow of that which the soldiers should accept and like of: that likewise the soldiers would not contradict any thing which he should think meet. And that he should moreover assure him, besides the offers and presents sent unto him, both he and his people should not want any place or degree of honour which they could desire in all his Court. The Ambassador Turk having this charge and these instructions given him, did take his way directly towards the town, and as he approached near to the Port, he was stayed by the guards, till such time as the Governor was advertised of his coming. Vranocontes being speedily sent for and arrived, the Turk delivered the sum of his commission, and at the first as he was presenting the gifts from Amurath, and did labour with glorious words to insinuate and work into the favour and good liking of the Christian, thinking to allure him with his cunning persuasions, and to get credence to his message, to the intent he might cut him off from spending further time, and from being more tedious: It is enough (said the Governor) and you have adorned your goodly presents with as goodly and elegant speeches. Let us now hear the rest of the message which you bring us from your master, so shall we 
Speech of Vranocontes to the Ambassador of Amurath.  be the more ready to receive your gifts, and to accept of your largess, when I shall once know the sum of your demand. Otherwise you may not think that we will any way bind ourselves, unto you by your courtesies, nor that we will be in any sort tied unto you by this bond of your benefits, tending perhaps to our infamy and reproach, unless we first see to what end you use this your liberality so exceeding & extraordinary: for than may we either accept safely, or reject justly your presents, when your words shall have made clear and manifest the intent & meaning of your hearts.  
The Barbarian being nothing at all abashed at the speech of the Governor, replied thereunto immediately.  
Howsoever it be (quoth he) for other matters, we have not brought you these gifts 
Answer of the Turkish Ambassador to Vranocontes.  under pretence to deceive any man, for that were the way to deal with slaves and children, and not with free and valiant persons. And although (o Vranocontes) all things proceeding from an enemy are suspicious (as thou hast said very well and wisely) whereof we ourselves also are not ignorant, yet durst we not without blushing present ourselves before thee (as the saying is) with our hands void and empty. Neither oughtest thou to condemn the gratitude of our minds, if thou be the man that thou seemest to be, and as thou art reported to be generally. Receive therefore and take in good part these presents which shall not any way wrong thee, nor be any impediment, but that thou mayest freely, and with full liberty dispose of thy affairs, and continue thy former rights to ordain of them as thou pleasest. For whether thou dost refuse and reprove our requests, or other things which we have to say unto thee: (which perhaps do as much concern thy good as ours) or whether thou do approve and allow of these presents offered thee so frankly and so freely, we will not in any sort object it as a reproach unto thee. For nothing is to be held or esteemed more base, vile and servile, then so to give, as to expect a profit and gain by the gift. We are now come unto thee (gentle and worthy Captain) freely and of our own accord: and (I speak it from the very bottom of my heart) we do not seek to surprise thee, neither by words nor by gifts, whom we have so often proved to be invincible by arms and dint of sword, and who dost repute all things inferior unto thee, and to the greatness of thy thoughts. This is the cause that Amurath loveth thee, and doth admire these rare virtues in his enemy: this is the cause he doth desire (if by any means he may) to have thee near unto him. No doubt that is the place, and to be near the presence of so great a Monarch, is far more fit and convenient for thy merits. And there it is that the excellent magnanimity of thy courage, and the dexterity of thy spirit, shall be able to find out the way and means to mount to the highest and supreme degree of all glory and good fortune: not that I condemn Scanderbag, whom even we ourselves his enemies do glorify for the recovery of his country, for the defending of it so often and so valiantly, yet through thy succours and assistance principally: but thou art worthy of another manner of Prince, and of a better and higher advancement, and not to spend thy years, and to consume thy glorious life in this obscurity, and in this vility and baseness of estate. Moreover Scanderbag his good fortune will vanish away even in a moment, the Destinies have opposed against him an enemy, who is too mighty for him to endure continually: well may his punishment be deferred for a season, but it cannot be avoided: so extreme and incredible an hatred hath the Ottoman Prince conceived against him. Over and above the incomparable forces which he hath assembled for his destruction, he hath sworn and protested not to spare any costs or expenses, nor traveles, nor dangers, nor to departed out of Epire, till such time as he have subdued him, and imposed a most deadly and mortal yoke upon his head. Now see how the original of this mischief doth begin principally with you of Croy: we hear him every day sounding into the ears of his counsellors these and the like speeches: that he will rather shamefully abandon and forsake his Imperial city of Andrinople, and all the dominions of his estate and Empire, before he will quit the possession of this place: before he will leave this city unconquered, and before his wrath shall not be fully satisfied with the slaughter and butchery of your dismembered bodies, and there is no doubt but he will do it, and I do tremble to foretell it. For though I be one of your enemies (amongst infinite others,) yet am I a man and have humane passions: and therefore hardly will my eyes be able to endure or suffer so miserable a sight and object of your pitiful and lamentable condition. Assure yourselves he will not fail to do it, if you do not change your minds▪ if now (taking the benefit of his long sufferance and patience) you do not accept the safety, the light, the liberty, & the peace which are so freely offered unto you: but go to, say a God's name, that this fortress so unmatchable, that these walls so inaccessible, that your valour (which is more than all the rest) shall preserve & defend you: but how long I pray you will this be? do you think that the Ottoman will raise his siege and remove his Camp in the midst and chief heat of this war? you shall see it to your cost, you shall feel it to your grief and loss, that though his forces profit not nor prevail not, though all his attempts and endeavours do prove vain & bootless, yet (I say) you shall see still before your eyes, and you shall continually behold before your walls these same enemies, these same tents, till such time as the extremity and importunity offamine (which mastereth and overcometh all things) do in the end enforce you to yield, and to submit yourselves. What other hope than have you left I pray you? whence is it that this greedy desire of perils and dangers hath seized upon your obstinate and hardened hearts? Shall Scanderbag supply your wants with victuals being imprisonned within these walls? who being constrained to keep close hidden continually in these forests, or wandering up and down the tops of the mountains, and being overloaden and overwhelmed on all sides with cares and travels, is scarceable to sustain his miserable body? Will the Venetians send or secure you with provisions, who do daily bring and furnish us against you, with all store of sustenance and necessaries for the war, even in excess and superfluity? Be wise therefore, you that are so brave and valiant, be you once well advised and take your wits unto you: behold it is your enemy that warneth you, you have persisted long enough in this obstinacy: neither your country nor your liberty ought to be so wilfully defended, that you should oppose yourselves for them against the will & pleasure of the divine majesty. It behoveth you to yield & to give place to Fortune, and to bend your knees to the most puissant and mighty. But what liberty is this whereof I speak unto you? the true liberty, the true rewards, and the perpetual tranquillity of this life, is in the power of Amurath. Provide therefore for yourselves, whilst your affairs are in sound & good estate, whilst you have yet time to determine upon it: whilst that we your enemies do exhort you, do entreat you, and do love to entertain you, rather as our companions and friends, with your good liking, then as our slaves & prisoners by force and constraint.  
In this manner did the Barbarian deliver his message, framing and conforming with a singu●●● good grace, both his countenance and his voice: and having finished, he did attend to observe what alteration he could perceive in the spirits and affections of the company, purposing thereupon to have taken an occasion to treat a part & in secret with the Governor upon the residue of his ambassade. But knowing that the affections of them all were mightily estranged, from liking the subject of his discourse, as men that knew how to contemn the swords of their enemies, and not their words only, and hearing the soldiers begin to mutter, and murmur here & there, as if they had some wrong offered them, rather than be persuaded to yield themselves, he prayed the governor to give him leave, to use a word or two unto himself alone and in secret, which was likewise accorded unto him, for they did all much rely & trust upon the sage wisdom & constancy of that parsonage: being assured, that he would not undertake any thing, which should not be for the advantage & majesty of the Realm of Albany, and for the profit of each of them particularly. Then began the wily fox to declare the secret which was committed unto him by the Sultan, covering his detestable and hateful message, with the most affected and plausible speeches that was possible. Vranocontes 
Vranocontes rejecteth the Turkish Ambassador and dismisseth him with threats and menaces.  foreseeing the venom of his pernicious practices, did cut him off & interrupt him in the midst of his talk, enjoining him presently to get out of his sight. Thus wholly confounded and ashamed did the Ambassador depart, no man accepting of his bribes by the express commandment of the Governor: otherwise, it is not to be doubted, but the licentiousness & greedy desire of the soldiers, would not have needed any entreaty to lighten those varlets of their carriage. At such time as this trim Orator of the Turkish Prince was retiring himself and ready to departed, Vranocontes in recompense of his painted and fine language did denounce unto him this sentence: straightly charging and commanding him, that neither he, nor any other from thenceforth, should be so hardy on the part and behalf of the Ottoman▪ as to repair again to the town, or to demand any parley: protesting that if they did, they should be assured (besides the loss of their hands, their noses, and their ears, to have their bodies wholly and hideously deformed and tormented.  
The Bassa being returned to the camp, was received of the multitude & common sort in great confusion, for that they had long expected him with great devotion, and they were come forth against him, being desirous to understand the resolution of the besieged. This was in a manner the only hope whereupon they did build for the getting of Croy, and for the finishing of their labours: but when they perceived that the presents were not received, which they saw in the hands of the Bassa his servants, they knew well that there was nothing done nor concluded. Moreover after they heard it reported, with what obstinacy the Croians had made answer, in such sort as is already declared, there was not any one of them which conceived not in his heart, either sorrow or fear, or fury, according to the natural inclination of every one in particular. The aged 
Amurath and the Turks aggrieved at the repulse of their Ambassador, provide to assault Croy.  Sultan above all the rest, being overcome with impatiency, had recourse again to arms, purposing once more to force the town by an assault, which he had erst given over & surceased: wherein he did rather content his wrath & choler, than any way revenge his disgrace & dishonour. He commanded therefore to make ready the ladders, & other engines of assault against the next morning, spending almost all the whole night in this idle and vain labour, and in placing the artillery, not forgetting also to provide for the security & surety of his camp, knowing how Castriot had his eye always open to devise some means how to annoy him. For this cause he left 30000. men well appointed, who held their horses always in a readiness and still bridled. The next morning about 
Croy assaulted the th●rd time.  the day break, was the soldiers conveyed & placed near the walls, and at the very first beginning, the roaring cannon went off both on the one side & the other, & did seem to contend which should devour most blood, & cause greatest mortality. But the shot of the Christians fell more fortunately than those of the Infidels, who were as little respective of their own people as of their enemies. And whilst they assayed to drive our men from the defence of their walls, they made many of their own company to forsake the fight, both by reason of their deadly wounds, and in regard of the evident danger which they feared. When the ordinance had done thundering, they came to the Scalado, wherein by how much the more there did appear perfect valour, and true courage, so much the more matter did they still find to adventure the loss of their lives; so that in a moment, the blood was seen on all sides to run down as it were in streams, and the earth was every where covered with senseless & breathless bodies.  
Amurath could not any longer endure to be cruel against himself, notwithstanding 
Turk's repulsed, from the assault.  that he had enterprised this last attempt of a mere wilfulness and obstinacy. Wherefore causing the fight to cease, he retired into his pavilion, as one enraged and mad for grief and anger: where he passed the residue of that day, his own hands doing violence and outrage to his aged and white hairs▪ & pulling himself by the chin, with his eyes lifted up to the heavens, he powered forth many injurious and blasphemous speeches, reproaching even God himself with his complaints & exclamations. And he did seem to question with him, why he had reserved his hoary hairs, and 
Amurath his ● impatiency, who enraged at his ill success exclaimeth against God.  aged years to so many misfortunes and ignominies: that both the whole race of his forepast life, and the name of the Ottomans should be altogether so disgraced and dishonoured: and the glory of his mighty conquests achieved for many years, should now at the last be obscured and darkened, by means of one poor and base Castle in Epire, being in a manner but a vile and paltry village? The Bassas & other his familiars did labour to comfort him with diverse discourses, recounting unto him a world of examples, both ancient and modern, of the sudden fall and misfortune of other great and mighty Princes, and of many strange and foreign kings and Emperors: but all was in vain, and his crazed mind would admit no comfort. Notwithstanding the day following, the old man, albeit he were very weak and ill disposed in his body, the vehemency of his grief having even almost spent and wasted him to nothing, yet did he fall to counsel with certain of his Chieftains & greatest Peers, who as the report goeth, were four in number: two Bassas, the one of Romania, the other of Asia, and 
Amurath consulteth upon his proceeding in the siege of Croy.  two of those whom they call Viziers or Counsellors. Long time were they in deliberating upon the sum and consequence of this war, & they were divided into three divers opinions. One was to continue the siege so long, till that the extremity of famine had worn out the besieged. The second did advise him to leave Croy, & to pursue Scanderbag with all his forces: and by that means, though he should not have his will of him by force of arms, yet he might peradventure enclose and shut him up in some place where by famine he should bemaster him. The last opinion was: that seeing they had sufficiently tried all means, & had adventured the fortune of all hazards, it was but mere folly to continue there any longer with shame and infamy, or upon despite and indignation only to consume and destroy his own army: but that it were good rather to send some Ambassador to the Albanois, which should deal and persuade with him upon any terms to become tributary to the Ottoman. And in case he did give ear unto it, he should demand 10000 crowns for a yearly tribute. This opinion was allowed as the most safe: and Amurath did consider with himself, that this would be a good and honourable colour and show of victory; if before his departure out of Epire, he might prescribe such conditions to his enemy, and impose a yoke of such subjection upon the Province of Albany. For to continue the siege, they found it very inconvenient for many reasons, and they did foresee a thousand discommodities, which the winter would bring upon them, and that the besiegers would be sooner wearied then the besieged Moreover the default and want of victuals, for the maintenance of so many thousands of men for so long a times and (which was a thing of more importance) the daily courses and invasions, which the enemy was like to make upon their Camp, were not a little to be feared. Neither did Amurath like, or take any pleasure to lose any more time in running and wandering up & down the mountains of Albany after Scanderbag: seeing it was a thing also which could not be effected, without singular danger, and a wonderful hazard both of himself and all his army.  
The matter therefore being thus▪ resolved on▪ this Ambassade was committed to 
Isup sent Ambassador from Amurath to Scanderbag to conclude a peace with him.  the care and wisdom of a Turk, whose name was Isup, a parsonage of great credit and authority with Amurath, who having bethought himself that it might be, the sum would seem too great unto the Epyrote, he warned his Ambassador, that if he did refuse to condescend and to submit himself to so great a tribute, he should abate the one half of it. One thing yet remained which seemed somewhat difficult: and that was the means how to meet with Scanderbag, for to go wandering up and down the province, and to seek him without knowing in what place certain, (all the country being in arms) seemed a matter very dangerous and of little safety: notwithstanding that the name of an Ambassador was every where sacred and inviolate: But 
Sentence.  they were eased of this care by means of certain Dibrians who were then prisoners in the Turkish Campe. For they did covenant and undertake, if they might have their liberty, to conduct the Barbarian safe and sound to the presence of Castriot, which being granted them and they delivered, they lead him the way taking their course to the Camp of the Christians. The first place they came to was the mountain Tumenista, where finding the Prince of Epire, they went on right towards the river of Isme upon the Sea side: but there they miss him also: for the same night having removed with all his carriage, he was retired into an open country, which the inhabitants call the Red plain: whereof the Dibrians having notice by certain that 
The Red plain  dwelled thereabouts, they departed from thence, and within less than an hour they came to the same place (for it was not far from the river Isme.) And before they entered all of them into the camp, one of the guides (leaving the Mahometan with the others) went on before to do his duty to Scanderbag, & to know his pleasure concerning the Ambassador. The Dibrian being known by those of his own squadron, & being entertained and welcomed with many salutations and embracements, intermingled with some tears▪ by reason of the longing desire which they had to see him, was speedily conducted to their Sovereign: who having seen and welcomed the soldier, & having heard his message, without any delay he sent Tanusee well accompanied with a good train both of horsemen and footmen, to go and conduct the Ambassador unto him: who being conveyed to the presence of the Prince, did not for that day deliver any thing touching the message which he had in charge from his Master, because the night began to approach: but being entertained with great courtesy, & feasted most sumptuously, he passed that night within the tents of the Christians. In the mean while Moses with a good number of horsemen being mounted on horseback, by the commandment 
Scanderbag his great care and providence to prevent the sudden surprises of his enemies.  of Scanderbag, was ridden forth to course up & down round about, & to discover on all sides far & near, both in the valleys and woody places: & the watches also were doubled in all the quarters of the camp, for fear lest under this faint show & colour, the Ottoman should attempt some exploit against them: so that there was nothing else done almost all that night in the camp of the Christians. Assoon as it was day, & that the chief and principal of the Army were called & assembled together, Scanderbag gave audience to the Turkish Ambassador: who being formerly prepared of his oration artificially framed & devised, thought to have persuaded those ingenious & free spirits in some sort to condescend unto his purpose. He began therefore in this manner.  
I could wish, o Scanderbag, that God would have given us the mind and affection 
Oration of Isup to Scā●erbeg.  long ago wherewith we now come unto thee: though perhaps more late than we ought, being now made wise by our own harms. For than neither had we for our parts seen so many goodly armies consumed and destroyed with one and the same destiny, neither shouldest thou daily behold before thy eyes, thy realm so pitifully dismembered, nor shouldest thou have heard so many complaints & lamentations on all sides amongst thy subjects. But so hath nature ordained & appointed it, that it is impossible to attain to a perfect peace, or rightful equity, without blood and the violence of arms. Let us therefore hold ourselves contented, and take in good part that which resteth: let us preserve these small relics and remainders to some better fortune. Sufficiently hath the land of Albany been overflown with the blood of mankind for these many years: sufficient is the deformity and desolation of this province which was sometimes most pleasant and beautiful, and the most flourishing seat of great and famous kings. God hath given unto Amurath mighty forces, and his puissance doth in a manner exceed beyond all human desire: whereas thy dominions (o Scanderbag,) if thou compare them with his, and (if I may speak it freely,) are very small and as nothing. Nevertheless the valour of thy people, thy virtue, and (that which exceedeth all) thy great and admirable fortune, have made them that they are not to be despised: whereof thou hast made a most glorious trial in the whole course of thy wars. And we ourselves (though thou be our enemy) have & do oftentimes both in public and in private greatly wonder and admire it. We do well remember the proud peoples of Hungary & Greece, that abounded so infinitely in goods and wealth, how easily they were tamed and subdued by our weapons: but this nation of yours only continueth invincible, & is utterly impatient of our dominion. I do not flatter thee, for I am thy enemy, & I would to God that the things which I speak were not true. Only against you and your country (for any thing I see) we have not made any show, that we are either valiant or fortunate: but reason would that your prosperity (o you Albanians) ought to be held somuch the more suspicious: the end whereof (though it may happen to fall out miserable) hath so puffed up your spirits through overmuch credulity, as if you had already embraced the perpetual possession thereof, that in the end it will be your ruin and confusion. And yet if you set before your eyes all the particularities of your good fortune, this lingering war hath bereaved you likewise in some sort of your strength & of your reputation. For albeit hitherto you have held wars with us without any great loss or diminution of your forces: yet where is Sfetigrade? where is that ample and large territory? what is become of the multitude of manors, buildings, and rich farms, so well planted and husbanded? where is the wont beautiful show and aspect of all these things? wherefore is this goodly region wasted and spoiled? where are all those large garners and store▪ houses of your corn, wherewith both the towns next adjoining, & Italy itself was wont to be stored and relieved? and to conclude without touching any other matters, where are the noble and goodly walls of Croy which are now so battered & deformed, that it seemeth, there is scarce left any show or token of them? and the countenances of the defendants even breathing for life, do retain no part of their former estate or of their wont condition. What is it (o Scanderbag) that thou dost expect further? thou seest how all things do hasten to bring upon thee a million of mischiefs and vexations: of thy towns, some are taken & lost, some are pressed with a strong and mighty siege. Croy the capital city of thy country, is in a manner brought to nothing, and there remaineth nothing but only the obstinacy of the people: who though they hold out for a season, yet in the end will soon be overcome through pure want. For Amurath hath resolved to augment his forces, and to continue the siege all the winter, yea another summer: and (if need be) many years, till such time, as if the sword cannot master them, yet famine shall make them to stoop under his subjection. But this is no otherwise, then in case thou be desirous of thy own misfortune, and dost show thyself so unwise as to refuse these conditions of peace with the which I am come unto thee. Behold how the Ottoman in stead of being thy mortal enemy is content now to accept thee as his friend and for his tributary. He will raise his camp from before Croy, he will lead away his ensigns out of Epire, which he brought hither as an enemy, never more to return again: and he holdeth it more precious without bloodshed to bind this province by being stipendiary unto him, to acknowledge the greatness of the benefit, then to seek to impose upon you an endless and most cruel servitude. Now for the greatness of such a benefit he demandeth of you but a small charge and an easy burden: he is content to take but ten thousand crowns for a yearly tribute: as for any other thing which appertaineth either to you as your own, or to him as his due, he demandeth none at all. Well may you (o you Albanois, and thou also o Scanderbag,) without any dishonour, without any damage, consent and accord in this one point only, to the just demand of Amurath, in regard of so many of his Towns in Epire, and so many of his possessions, and so many goodly things, which thou dost enjoy & hold from him, not by any right of inheritance, but only by usurpation and mere violence. Is 
* Morea once named Peloponnesus in Greece.  Morea any thing less noble than Epire? Is the 
* Caramania or Cilicia.  Caramanian Prince any way inferior unto thee in nobility, in puissance, or in richesse? let me speak it unto thee without reproof. Besides many other peoples and nations of excellent renown and antiquity, all which do willingly & without constraint cause their tributes to be brought daily even to Andrynople: much more reason hast thou to yield unto the like, seeing it is not imposed upon thee by way of bondage and servitude: but rather as a more certain bond, and a more strict obligation of thy fidelity. Examine well thy own forces (most prudent and politic Prince,) consider all good and happy fortune, and let not so excellent an occasion slip away at this time out of thy hands. If thou shouldest now reject these conditions of alliance which are offered thee, it may be that hereafter thou wilt be desirous to have them granted, when it willbe all too late, at such time as the estate of thy affairs being changed, thou shalt find the countenance of the victor more austere, and much more lofty and Imperious, but in labouring thus earnestly and carefully to persuade thee in this matter: I do more than standeth either with the majesty of Ottoman, or the gravity of my Ambassade. Nevertheless I will not revoke any thing which I have spoken: but rather more than that (if an enemy may any thing prevail with you) I pray and entreat you, I require and beseech you: that whilst it is yet time, and whilst the old man is in so good a mind, you would have a regard and consideration both of ours and of your own estate jointly both in one. For do not you think (if it fall out so unhappily that this peace be not obtained) that Amurath willbe more discontented at it, than we shall have cause to be wearied and grieved with it. For certainly therein are we all in particular interested, we only are the men that shall smart for it, and upon whose heads the whole mischief is like to fall: because for the fulfilling of his will and pleasure, and to satisfy the furious appetite of his passions, we must vow our slavish bodies, and prodigally expose and adventure our lives to all hazards and accidents, and with our own blood, if we can not with yours, we must satiate his wrath and malicious mind. Every day must we be (as it were) in your bowels: and we must continue in shedding each of others blood: till such time as either one of the two be glutted with doing of mischief: or that our long perseverance, and a certain kind of unhappy fate and destiny doth altogether devour and consume both parties.  
The Ambassador would have proceeded on forward with his speech, but that the assembly grew into a sudden tumult and commotion: some murmured, others rejoiced and triumphed to see, that Amurath their enemy and persecutor, was not now able to do them any more harm, that he was wearied, & even worn out with the toils and travels of these so long continued wars: and that he was as one already vanquished and overcome by their valour, and they could not forbear from laughing to hear the conditions which his Ambassador did seem to offer, and to propound unto them with so glorious a show & ostentation of good words. Some of them frowned and muttered, for that Amurath under a shadow and colour of peace and amity should intend cunningly to work them to submit themselves to the yoke, in yielding their persons to be tributaries, whom being his enemies, he was not able to subdue and conquer. And this I dare say, that there was not any one of them, which did like better of this reconciliation that was offered, then that the war should be still continued: nay they did not so much as estimate it meet, that the matter should be debated by most voices in a full and common council: so mightily are the minds 
Sentence.  of mortal men puffed up by the prosperous and happy success of their affairs. Alas what is become now of the brightness and glorious renown of that nation, of those noble and generous spirits, and of the seed of that invincible virtue? The Epirots 
Magnanimity of the Epirots in the days of Scanderbag.  did see their estate and Empire most miserably rend and torn. Of their towns, some were taken, others straightly besieged, the lands and patrimony of their ancestors all covered over with men at arms, their wives and their children removed and exiled (as it were) far from their sight, and even languishing and pining away for very grief, and with continual fear and lamentation: the bodies of their friends and fellows daily slain and dismembered before their eyes, and all things flowing and drowned in blood and cruelty: and yet did every one of them take more delight and pleasure to remain and continue in that mean and low fortune, and to stand upon the guard and maintenance of their liberty, with the great expense and loss of their blood, though not without hope of good success, rather than they would in any sort yield unto the Infidel, or to give unto their enemies the least show or confession of faintness or cowardice. Wherefore Scanderbag, (whose mind also was ever undaunted and utterly unacquainted with any passion of fear or timorousness, after he had appeased their murmuring and the noise raised amongst them, he turned himself to Isup, and because he would not seem to return him to his master the Ottoman (as it were) with disdain or in suspense, or without any certain resolution, he made him answer in this manner.  
That which thou hast propounded unto us (Isup) at this time, is no other thing 
Answer of Scanderbag to Isup his Ambassade.  (as I now remember,) then was heretofore offered us by Ayradin: who at our first coming to this Crown, did by letters, brought unto us in the name of the Sultan, demand of us certain places of Epire and all Macedon, touching which point the full answer given you at that time was sufficient to have satisfied you. And I do not think my estate so much impaired nor yours in that manner augmented, that you should with any face or show of honesty seem at this time to offer me these conditions. As for that long discourse recounting the loss of Sfetygrade, the battery and ruin of the walls of Croy, the spoiling and wasting of our fields and territories, we do scarce account that any loss at all, as long as these heads are in safety, as long as these soldiers are in health and well disposed, and as long as our people is in security, it willbe an easy matter (believe me) to recover whatsoever is lost, and to repair that which is destroyed, God aiding and assisting us, it is nothing to destroy or to re-edify such things as those, all the while we want not quick hands and good workmen (such as we have here) to undertake them. But answer me (I pray thee) seeing thou hast a delight to reckon up our misfortunes, how dearly have you bought and paid for them continually, with what loss and store of bloodshed have you bought Sfetygrade (albeit it was not your prowess that carried it, but the superstition of the besieged?) And the siege of Croy, how many of your best soldiers hath it cost you? Go to then, hold on still a God's name to be brave in this manner, so might you always proceed and continue in happiness. For my part I do not, nor will not envy it, I can be well content to see your ensigns always to continue within Epire, to suffer my towns to be besieged and assaulted, my fields to be peeled and wasted: and whatsoever is good in Macedon to be spoiled and destroyed, so long as you bear such like marks and tokens of your good fortune, and such testimonies as these be of your valour. I protest unto you, I hold it better and more expedient for us to entreat you not to departed at all out of Epire, then to buy your departure at so high a price as you set us. God forbidden that any age or time should see, or that any man living should ever hear, that this province was become tributary, as long as Scanderbag is alive. Assure yourselves if Ottoman would restore unto me the whole & entire possession of Macedon, and all the patrimony of my ancestors, nay if Amurath would divide with me, and make me copartner with him of all his Empire: I would never suffer the name of Albany to be stained and blemished with this blot of disgrace and infamy. In vain therefore dost thou heap up these examples of strangers & foreign states: in vain dost thou represent before our eyes, the subjection of the Peloponnesians, and servitude of them of Asia: for there is no example nor Precedent whatsoever of so great weight and efficacy, which may move a free and liberal hart to subject and submit itself to so base, villainous and 
Sentence.  fowl an indignity.  
The Turk made no further reply being unwilling to stand any longer upon this 
Amurath sickneth upon grief and melancholy.  matter: and therefore held it needless also to make any offer of a lesser tribute, or to follow any further the instructions given him by the Sultan: for he saw that the minds of them all in general did abhor to hear of any such submission. The counsel therefore being risen, he was conducted with his train to dine with Scanderbag in his own lodging: and after great cheer, & honourable entertainment given him: Tanusee and certain horsemen did convey him about a mile from the Camp, for fear least upon this favour showed him, the licentiousness of the soldiers might in some sortworke some injury or outrage unto him. Scarce was he gotten out of the sight of the Albanois, but Scanderbag with all his army, doubting some ambushments of the enemy, if he should not speedily remove from thence, did march away presently to Tumenista: where he placed guards and scouts on all sides, with a far greater care than he had used at any time before.  
The return of Isup to Amurath, who then lay at Tyranna the lesser: as it did greatly augment his former grief: so did the conceit thereof redouble the violence of his disease and sickness. The danger whereof being from day to day aggravated, and growing more and more suspicious, it made the Bassas to quit almost all care of arms, & to devise upon nothing else then how to cure & secure the old Sultan. But the malady being uncertain, and his disease unknown unto them, they saw no better receipt nor remedy to minister unto him, then to entertain him with store of good words, and pleasant talk and devices. For his sickness being engendered through the impatiency of grief and discontentment, did require to be lenified and mitigated with things confortative, purposely applied to put away melancholy: and the cure was to be wrought with some new and pleasant delights which might cheer up his drooping thoughts, and revive his spirits which were so grievously perplexed. This was the estate of their affairs for a time, during the which the Turk found him self thus sick and out of quiet: notwithstanding he could yet for all that in some sort give audience and speak unto his people, without much paining of himself: and he was able to give them directions, and to provide for many accidents which seemed then requisite and necessary: till such time as Scanderbag being advertised of this indisposition and craziness of his person, did altogether draw out of his body that little strength and vigour which remained, and was yet left either in his members, or in his courage, by means of two or three invasions which he made upon his camp. At the first and second time there was not much harm done, nor scarce any thing executed worth the remembering: for that the promptness and vigilancy of the Turks in defending of their trenches, did hinder and disappoint the purpose of the Epirot: besides that, their minds were more attentively busied rather to the defence of themselves then to the offending of the enemy. But this did more & more chafe and incense the hardy courage of Scanderbag, who taking the benefit of the night, as the time most proper & natural to procure tumult, fear & confusion, marched with all his horsemen towards Tyranna: because the place being more plain and easy for horse to serve in, by means thereof the tents of the Turks would be the more subject to the invasion of their enemies.  
It was now past midnight when the Christians being on foot, their coming was 
A third canuazado by Scanderbag to the camp of the Turks before Croy.  discovered by the noise and neighing of their horses. The darkness was greater than was usual or accustomed, and the heavens being covered and obscured with thick and gross clouds, did yield forth no light nor clearness at all, and therefore hardly could any thing be done or ordained against the violence and fury of the Albanois. Nevertheless according to the opportunity of the time did they provide a remedy: & the soldiers were disposed in order according as they could best imagine by the hearing, & not having the sight of the enemy. Neither was the quality of that season less contrary & suspicious to the Christians also. And howbeit that ordinarily, the assailant hath more resolution & assurance, than the party that is surprised, yet did a certain horror seize upon them, & seemed somewhat to daunt their courages, & not any of them durst set forward or march one before another. In the midst of this doubtfulness and staggaring (as it were) both on the one part & the other: Scanderbag taking to himself about a hundred horse of his vauntcurrors, & severing himself from the body of his troops, advanced forward with great fury even to the enemy's trenches, to provoke them to issue out: and having incensed them with high cries & clamours, and casting of darts in amongst them, he drew forth some of them from their appointed stations: who separated themselves from their company with purpose to set upon him, and in hope to have defeated him: but the greatest mischief lighted upon themselves, part of them being overthrown, & the residue were glad quickly to return from whence they came. Scanderbag continued for a time coursing up and down here and there, and as one that deluded & dallied with them, he sought means to have drawn forth some greater troop to charge him: but seeing the time to pass away in this vain and frivolous expectation, and that the darkness of the night by little and little bganne to wear away by the drawing on and approach of the day: he returned to his company, & without any further feigning or dissembling, he ordered his troops with very excellent good skill, and divided them between Streeze & Tanusee (for Moses was left with the infantry at Tumenista) & having readily instructed them what they should do, he lead them on against the enemy. The first onset was with shot, wherewith they played one upon another, and the most of the fight was in that order: for the Albanois was in doubt, lest if the ranks should join, and be mingled together in the dark of the night, his soldiers should be scarce able to know their fellows from the Infidels, for which cause he would not suffer them to press in upon the enemy: neither had they come at all to handystroakes, if it had not been long of the Turks themselves, who presuming upon their huge multitude, did cause a strong battalion of horse, to make out towards the left side, and so purposed to have enclosed the Christians between them. But Scanderbag seeing them a little separated from the rest of their main army, did presently withdraw himself from their trenches into the open field, and dividing his troops also a sunder, to the intent the fight should be maintained on both pats, he made against them speedily, and charged them with great fury both before and behind. At the first onset the Barbarians received him with a brave and hardy resolution, expecting that fresh succours should have seconded them from their camp: but the long tarriance and slackness of their supplies, and the decrease of their own strength, which by little and little failed them, and the fury of the Christian's increasing together with the advantage they had gotten against them, made them at length to set spurs to their horses, and they never thought them to run fast enough, till they had gotten within their camp. A great number of Turks and some Christians also left their lives in that conflict before that the Infidels betook themselves to flight. By this time the day began to break, and the multitude of the Infidels began to grow so great and increase so mightily, that they constrained Streeze and Tanusee to retire. The Turkish troops would gladly have pursued them in their retreat: but for fear to displease the Sultan, they laid aside all desire of revenge, and busied themselves in recounting their own losses and misfortunes. Besides that slaughter only which was made in the fight, there happened not any disorder within their camp, neither was there aine booty or pillage goven, but only some small spoils which were found upon the dead bodies: for you must note, that the fight was both begun and ended without and not within the trenches of their camp. The great men and Chieftains of the army, did very advisedly seek to conceal this discomfiture from the Sultan, to the intent his melancholic humour might not have any further matter for to work upon. Nevertheless they could not by any means keep it from the knowledge of the old man, who was very jealous and full of care, by means of the general and public murmurings and whisperings, and the private plaints of the common sort, which did easily discover that which was happened, unto his mind already inclining and addicted to suspect the worst. For, as it is commonly seen, that none are either more courageous or greater cowards than the popular sort, in the good or bad success of their fortune: so did the Turks go up and down their camp, devising and debating one with another, and saying: That the enemy would at some one time or other, find out some good opportunity to set upon the very tents and pavilions even of the Sultan their Lord and Sovereign.  
Now was the Ottoman greatly perplexed upon the course of his proceedings, 
Turk's in great perplexity upon the sickness of Amurath.  to break up his camp, to raise his siege, and to leave the war which he had undertaken with so great courage and show of magnanimity: very shame would not suffer ●im. Some counseled him notwithstanding to leave the greatest part of his forces before Croy, and with them to continue the siege: and that himself should retire and take his journey to Andrinople, and so by that means provide for his own health and safety: for that if he did absent himself for a while from the bloody sight of his enemies, and from the view of those tragical spectacles and calamities: the force of his disease would by little and little vanish away and be abolished. But his health every day impairing and waxing worse and worse, and his breath by little and little beginning to fail him, they then knew that the immutable decree of the heavens was not to be revoked, neither by change of place, nor by any succours, or humane counsel or advise. Wherefore although they never ceased by sovereign medicamentes and other remedies to seek the recovery of his health, and to revive his decayed body (as the minds of mortal men are never destitute of some hope,) yet had they a special regard (as a sort of mariners or sailors who have lost their pilots) every man to his power and ability, to provide and procure all things requisite, by which their army might be secured and preserved. Wherefore causing their tents to be drawn closer and nearer together, which before lay dispersed here and there, and were more subject to the violence of the enemy, they did entrench their camp in a more straight circuit, and within a lesser compass, guarding and defending their rampires with good and strong forces of armed soldiers. And having thus ordered the estate of their affairs, they did attend either the death of the Sultan, and therewithal an end of this war: or else peradventure, his health and recovery which should minister unto them some new and fresh plots for the strengthening and reenforcing of the siege. Scanderbag had notice of all these matters, and wanted not daily advertisements to bring this news unto him. And many there were also amongst the Infidels, who came and rendered themselves unto him, by whom he learned the counsels and most secret devices of the enemy. For there was not almost any one day, but there repaired unto him a great number seeking refuge in his camp or in his towns, especially after that it was once publicly supposed and commonly believed, that the Sultan was drawing near his end. For it is usually seen, that the vulgar sort do willingly follow the fortune of that 
Sentence.  party which is supposed to be most secure and of greatest surety. Now Scanderbag thought it not best to continue his ordinary alarms and invasions, but rather to refer them over, and reserve his chiefest violence till such time as Amurath were deceased. Nevertheless he would oftentimes walk abroad both by day and by 
Crayna a mountain over Croy.  night, upon the top of the mountain named Crayna: and there he would devise upon matters with Vranocontes, or else he would be coursing up and down the next hills and mountains diverse times with sundry troops of soldiers, thinking either to surprise some of the Turks, as they should be employed in the services of their camp, or else to keep them by all means possible in continual terror and subjection.  
But this intermission of arms, and the sorrowful expectation of the Turks did 
Amurath his last end a mirror for great persons.  not long continue: for within three days Amurath departed out of this life, and left behind him all worldly fortune both good and bad. A most notable and worthy mirror for the great men of the earth, who in this world being the minions of fortune, are too too much puffed up with the happy gale of her continual favours: and can not abide to strike their sails, or to veil the bonnet to one only storm of sinister and unhappy fortune. How can it be but those men must needs suffer shipwreck in the sea of their delicious pleasures, and in the gulf of their own greatness? I hold it not impertinent, if I recount unto you in this discourse the last Act of his end and tragedy. The report goeth, that when he perceived his limited hour and appointed time to approach, as he lay upon a little low bed or pallet, he caused himself somewhat to be raised up, and then framing his speech to his Bassas and chief Princes of his Court, he made 
Complaints & lamentations made by Amurath at his death.  long and lamentable complaints, and powered forth his grievances exclaiming upon the Destinies which had so deceived him, that now the end and issue of his last actions should be dishonourable and infamous, whereas the forepast course of his years had been most glorious: that the heavens should so ordain it, that he, who had so often repressed the proud and haughty Hungarians, who had tamed the insolency of the stately Grecians, and brought their name in a manner to nothing: should be now constrained to yield up his soul in dishonour and reproach under the poor walls of a little Castle, and in the view of so contemptible an enemy. Then turning himself to his son, he recommended him very earnestly to the faith and fidelity of his servants: and he instructed and admonished him touching many particularities, sometimes a part, and sometimes in the hearing of all the company. And albeit his body even destitute of all force and strength, and the tears in abundance trickling down his cheeks to see his child then standing before him, did even stop up and hinder the course of his speech, yet did he often reiterate and repeat these and the like words unto him. Let 
Speech and admonitious of Amurath to his son Mahomet upon his death bed.  my example (quoth he) be a warning unto thee my son, never to contemn and despise any enemy be he never so weak and feeble. There hath not been (that I know of) any one thing, whereof I have so much repent me in all my life time: yea even in the other world (if there be at leastwise any part of us remaining which hath understanding after the body is extinguished) I shall still and everlastingly repent it, that I was so negligent and inconsiderate, as to be the father and the nourisher of a domestical enemy: whereby I have both purchased this calamity to myself, and this perpetual blot unto the name and Empire of the Ottomans: giving unto the whole world, and to all ages in time to come, fit matter to talk and to make a jesting stock of this my ignominious death, and shameful end before the walls of Croie. Even than should this fugitive have been suppressed, when by that traitorous part which he played in Hungary, he intruded himself into the crown and realm of Epyre. In the first beginning, when he was but yet newly established, and that the hearts of his people were not yet affected unto him, the wretch himself, and the memory of his name might have been for ever extinguished without the loss in a manner, of any of our men. Fondly and foolishly was it done to send against him either Haly Bassa, who gave the first matter and increase to his audacious fierceness and to the beginnings of his good fortune: or any other of our Chieftains, by whose destruction or imprisonment, he hath now both grounded and supported his forces, and hath assured himself of the faith and fidelity of his subjects: and wrought himself into the credit and good opinion of those peoples, who were his vassals. A thing which I (having oftentimes thought upon) could hardly have believed, that I should ever have seen so great shame and ignominy to have befallen me, or that my Empire could have been so torn and dismembered by this war of Epire, were it not that experience (as a schoolmistress) hath now taught it me, and made me to feel it to my wonderful great loss and disadvantage. Of eight score thousand fight men which followed me into Epire, and did accompany us to this place, if you do now confer upon the remainders of our army, and do take a diligent view and muster of those which are left, you shall find how greatly they are abated and diminished of their first numbers. These fields were not sufficient to entertain all our regiments, and now how many tents are void and empty? how many horses do wander up and down without their old masters? and how much impaired and lessened in your forces shall you return home to Andrinople? As for this body of mine, I see the Destinies have vowed it to the territory of Epyre. But wherefore do I impute the traverses and cross accidents of fortune to my own oversight and folly? Seeing the first seeds and original of all our misfortunes hath been derived from this soil, and that this country of Epire did even watch of set purpose to work us this mischief? For they seeing Hungary in such confusion of tumults and rebellions, did incite and stir up against us the arms of Eugenius and other Christians, whereby not only the sovereignty and royalty of the kingdom of Epire, but even the entire possession of our Empire, and the crown of the Ottomans was brought in question, and came to be tried by battle, as the whole world may evidently see by our travels and labours sustained in those famous iournyes of Varna and Basilia. By means of which our troubles, and whilst we had neither time, nor forces sufficient to wade through at once with so many and weighty affairs, the power of this our enemy (as you see) grew to be increased and enlarged. But now from henceforth, how or with what stratagems you are to maintain the wars, you are not to expect any counsel or advise from me, who have been so greatly mistaken, and have made a wrong account of all things which concerned my own good, and the estate of my own affairs. Never was fortune so deceitful or false unto me in any of my counsels or attempts as in this war: and it may be that thou Mahomet my son, shalt find more favour at her hands against this enemy: and for so many honours and dignities which God hath given me, peradventure he hath reserved the triumph of Epire for thee. Thou therefore (my son) shalt receive both the Sceptre, and the other marks of our Empire: but principally and above all, I leave unto thee this enemy, charging thee that thou do not leave our death unrevenged: but that thou have this thing only and continually before thy eyes, and in thy mind, in acknowledgement of so large and honourable a patrimony as thou art to receive and enjoy by me. Other sacrifice then this neither my aged trembling hands, nor my grieved departing soul do not require nor demand of thee.  
This discourse ended, his speech began to fail him, and drawing on near 
Amurath his death.  towards his end, he lay about half a day as it were in an agony or ecstasy. And then his eyes being covered with endless and eternal darkness, he yielded up his soul to the wonderful joy and contentment of many millions of the Christians.  
The hearing of these things is a matter of no small import, and it is a world to see the great men of the earth, how they do hold the estates and kingdoms of this world in so high an estimation: and do prize humane and momentary things at so great a rare. And they do persuade themselves, that it is possible to get such a perpetuity in the possession of fortune, that it should at no time be contrary 
Amurath his manifold exploits and famous acts.  or crossing unto them. What did that age yield more great than Amurath? who of all men then lying upon the face of the earth, (be it spoken without offence) was of more glorious and high renown than he? who had ever more notable testimonies and tokens of worldly felicity? who did in his time attain to more famous triumphs than Amurath? who by the spoils of so many mighty Kings and Princes, and by the ruin and conquest of so many proud and lofty Nations, did restore the name of the Ottomans being in a manner clean defaced, and did enrich the houses of the barbarous Infidels? This Prince was he that having suppressed the fury of all domestical and civil wars, did give the beginning and commencement unto the greatness of his fortune by the blood and slaughter of his own natural brother. He was the first of the Turkish Princes, that did suppress and diminish the liberty of the madding and frantic Greeks', and establishing his Empire even in the centre of their bowels, did from thence enlarge and augment his forces: wherewith afterwards he afflicted and tormented the other Nations of Christendom with so many miseries and calamities, that it is almost impossible for the tongue of man to number them. This was he that first broke down & overthrew that wall of the Greeks' at the entry of Morea adjoining to the Isthme or Snake of Corinth commonly called Hexamile, by means whereof he made all 
Hexamile, a wall so called by the Greeks', which did run six miles in length enclosing the country of Peloponnesus or Morea from the sea of Aegewm, lying between Greece and Asia, even to the sea of jonia, or part of the Mediterran sea, lying between that and Italy now called the gulf of Venice.  Europe subject to his invasions. This was he that without any lawful or just title, but only by his valour and by the sword, did get the possession of so many realms and cities in Asia, that overthrew and discomfited many great and mighty armies, that overcame many puissant Kings and Princes in pitched and set battles, and brought them under subjection: who having slainc the King of Hungary, did more than once with his great good hap, give the chase unto Hunyades that famous & redoubted warrior: through the conceit and remembrance of which his glorious and haughty exploits, and by the success of all which favours bestowed upon him by fortune: his ambitious and proud heart did promise unto itself the superiority and conquest of all Empires and estates Christian, and the entire dominion of the whole earth. But o how are his thoughts now changed! o how far do those his last speeches differ from the course of his forepast life! being now heard to power forth such vile and base complaints, & to lament so shamefully, even in the view of an enemy, of whom in time passed he made so small reckoning and so little estimate? where were then become the haughty thoughts of his undaunted spirit? his arrogant and imperious 
Amurath an example of the vanity and inconstancy of worldly bliss and fortune.  voice? which so many brave Chieftains and Leaders, so many troops and legions, so many thousands of armed soldiers were wont to hear with fear and trembling? Oh how the case is now altered, the man is now of another manner of visage, of another kind of countenance, of another aspect. Where is that head adorned with so many trophies and goodly triumphs? where is that royal and princely hand that swayed so many Sceptres? where is the puissance, the power, the strength of his majesty that commanded over so many kingdoms, nations, and peoples? Behold he now lieth full low upon the ground, a deformed, a filthy, and stinking carcase: with his hands closed, his eyes shut, and his feet stretched out, which erst so gloriously did trample and tread upon the earth, and did triumph upon the lands which he had vanquished and subdued. And now of so many, and so infinite riches, of so unmeasurable wealth, and so huge treasures, of so many honours and vain glorious praises, which he enjoyed in his life time, his frail body retaineth nothing, but hath left all behind him. O the imbecility and weak condition of man's nature! o the vain glory of mortal creatures! o the blinded and perverted thoughts of foolish men, why do we so glorify ourselves? why are we so puffed up and exalted? why do we so set our affections on the riches, the authority, and the pompous vanities of this life? o how admirable is the change of all humane things? how fleeting is the glory and ostentation of mortal Empires? and how great is the dalliance of fortune, deluding and deceiving foolish men with such vanities.  
His body being embalmed with precious ointments and sweet odours was 
Prusa or Bursa, the place of Amurath his sepulchre. Siege of Croy raised.  pompously and honourably kept and preserved, to be afterwards interred at Bursa anciently named Prusa, in Bithynia in the sepulchre of his ancestors. Mahomet being immediately saluted as their Lord and Sovereign, was advised by the greatest and chiefest persons, that the death of his father should carefully be concealed, to the intent the report thereof might not come to the hearing of the enemy, Afterwards when it was far in the night, trussing up their baggage, and all things provided in arcadines for their discamping, they departed before the dawning of the day. The report is, that 
Amurath his age at his death 85. years.  Amurath deceased about the midst of Autumn five months after the siege laid before Croy. As touching his age, there is some diversity of opinions, yet it is generally agreed, and gainesaied by none: that he had fully attained to fourscore and five years. Nothing is more certain than that Mahomet was highly aggrieved and displeased to leave the siege, and to abandon the war which had brought them so great dishonour: but necessity enforced him thereunto, and made him hasten his return to Andrinople, there to take the investiture of his crown and Empire, according to the ancient custom of their kings, as also to repress and extinguish the tumults which might happen, and are usual to be raised upon the change and alteration of estates. Scanderbag at his departure did not cease to follow him, sometimes pressing upon his main forces, and sometimes gleaning up those that were hindmost: and so still continued he troubling their army, till he saw them clean gone out of the bounds and limits of his country: and then triumphing with a double occasion of joy and gladness, both because Amurath was departed this life with shame and infamy, and for that, the relics of the enemy's forces were clean rid out of Epire: he returned to his companies, and so took his way directly towards Croie.  
By this time was Vranocontes & the Croians issued out of the town in great troops, 
Scanderbag returneth to Croy where he is received with exceeding joy.  and they went wandering up and down the fields which were yet moist with the blood of the Turks. In all places they made some stay, and overseeing and visiting all things with an incredible pleasure and delight. Scarcely could they believe themselves in that which they had seen and searched with their eyes, in such sort were the hearts of this people lately possessed and seized with fear and horror: that their perplexed and doubtful spirits, could not yet forget their former terror. The king of Albany was received with a marvelous concourse of people: and Vranocontes was the first that entertained him with infinite embracements: who after he had kissed him (as the fashion is) the others according to their degrees and callings, did likewise welcome him. There was not any of the common people, but did testify their joy and gladness of his coming: sometimes prostrating themselves (according to their manner) at the feet of their Prince, and sometimes handling the skirts of his robes and vestments, they would embrace and kiss them with great desire & affection. Then began they to express and make show of their exceeding joy, with all kinds of acclamations, melodies, and instruments of music, with ringing of bells, with bonfires, with feasting and banqueting, and whatsoever else which in the comentment of their hearts they could any ways imagine or bethink themselves. The Croians were highly commended and extolled with many praises and good commendations both 
Rewards given to the citizens, soldiers and Governor of Croy by Scanderbag.  in public and in private, for their devoir and duty so faithfully and valiantly performed. The garrison likewise besides their appointed pay, had great and large sums of money given them for a recompense with many good and rich garments. Touching the governor, besides great store of gold and silver: Scanderbag gave him two coat armours of purple, and one other richly wrought in gold, and four goodly manors for the reward and recompense of his virtue and good service: and last of all beyond his expectation, though not undeservedly, he honoured him with a higher title, and created him Duke of Emathia: giving him the present investiture and possession of that dignity.  
These things thus accomplished, Scanderbag took especial care to dispatch away 
Vranocontes created Duke, of Emathia. Christian, their joy and triumph universally upon the death of Amurath.  messengers of this victory on all sides to the Princes and peoples his neighbours and confederates, the rumour and report whereof being dispersed abroad, was the occasion, that infinite numbers of people daily resorted to Croie and many being alured thither only upon the report of these news, of the death of the Turkish Monarch, came thither (as it were) triumphing for some strange victory, and to see some sight and spectacle not usual, nor accustomed. The tidings hereof did soon spread itself in a manner over the whole world: and there could nothing have happened more wished and desired, nor more welcome to all the estates of Christendom. Hungary began to take breath: Greece came again to take heart and courage to itself, and she seemed to be delivered (as it were) out of bondage, and her bonds to be broken, and rend asunder. All men had their minds and spirits lightened and erected with hope upon the report of this good accident: and they did attend such a change and alteration of the fortune of most kings and Princes, that they did expect the renewing and repairing of their former estate and condition. But out alas: how fallacious and deceitful 
Christians had little or no benefit by the death of Amurath.  are the thoughts and cogitations of mortal wights? yea more miserable are the hopes and refuges of miserable unhappy men. It pleased God to take away Amurath out of this life, but did he want for all that an Heir to succeed him of less cruelty? True it is, that the bounty and divine clemency (after long and innumerable mischiefs) did hearken unto the complaints and lamentations of the Christians, and granted them to see the death and end of this tyrant. But what? did the coming of Mahomet his son unto the crown, any thing shorten or diminish the thraldom, bondage, or servitude of the Christians? or were the miseries of the Oriental nations any thing lessened by that accident? Oh no: behold that great and imperial city so famous by the name and seat of the great Constantine: (for I will not speak of 
Conquests achieved by the Turks of late ages upon Christendom. Euboea. Or Lesbos.  the bounds of the Ottoman Empire, dilated & enlarged even to the farthermost parts of Asia and Africa:) see the noble isle of Rhodes: which was of late the nest and harbour of those worthy Knights of the cross, and the ancient bulwark of the Christians: behold how * Nigropont, * Mitelene, Cypress, all the Greek sea, with Hungary, Croatia, Transiluania, Servia and Bulgaria: and (to be brief) in a manner the moiety and half of all Europe is become Turkish, by the victorious arms and conquests of this Mahomet or his successors, and posterity: all which to the great reproach of Christian Kings and Princes, do testify, that the fortune of so fearful and terrible an enemy, is not mortal not permutable, with the head and life of one frail and mortal man: so mightily ha●h he encroached and intruded upon our liberty, by our own faintness, sloth, and cowardice, which hath enabled them against us, whilst 
Causes of the conquests of the Turks upon the Christians.  that we sit still with our hands (as it were) folded up in our bosoms, and as the beholders and lookers on of their tragical sports, which are presented unto our eyes, upon this Theatre of worldly miseries: and whilst our ambition, our hatreds, our partialities do set us together by the ears amongst ourselves, how do they give occasion and opportunity to the Infidels, to advance the greatness, the prerogative, and the majesty of that Empire, and to increase it daily more and more? Assuredly, if our sins do hold on, and continue as they have begun, I am greatly in doubt that they will swallow up all of us one by one: and so, it may be, we shall make an end of our plaints and bitter griefs, when those small relics and remainders yet left unto the Christians shall have an end likewise, and be brought to their final and last confusion.  
But we will leave, for this time, our complaints and exclamations, and will bear a part with others in this short joy which God hath given them: for now, as it were, by emulation, there came, thick and three fold, gratulations from all parts unto 
Liberality of Christian kings & pr 〈…〉 s sending presents to Scanderbag to congratulate his good fortune upon the death of Amurath.  Scanderbag, even from nations and kingdoms far removed: and the renown of this Prince was then grown famous above all others, in the mouths of all men. The city of Croy was more notorious by the death of Amurath, then once was Argos through the death of Pyrrhus. To these mutual rejoicings, the Princes of Christendom did add many marks and tokens of their gratitude and liberality: for Nicholas then Bishop of Rome, Ladislaus King of Hungary, and Philip Duke of Burgundy, each seeming (as it were) jealous, and commendably contending who should exceed other in bounty, did send their Ambassadors into Epire, with timely and necessary succours of great sums of money: knowing well that he was exhausted and drawn dry of such like means and supplies, by reason of the long expenses and discommodities of the wars. Alphonsus' king of Arragon was not behind any of them in contributing towards his wants: but (as one that exceeded all others in love and good will towards Scanderbag) being not satisfied to show his largesse and bounty, by the testimony of those ample treasures which he sent him: he succoured him also with 300000. measures of wheat, and 100000. measures of barley, after he was informed of the necessity of the country, both by reason of the tillage hindered by the Turks: and how that little store of corn which had been sowed, was wasted and spoiled by the infidels. He aided him also with great store of workmen, whom he paid out of his own coffers, for the repairing of the walls of Croy, which he knew had been battered and beaten down by the enemy.  
● Scanderbag having proclaimed a solemn triumph of Tilt, Turney and other martial sports of all sorts: by the beauty of that spectacle he did greatly grace his victory 
Triumphs in Epire for the discomfiture and death of Amurath.  obtained against the Infidels. The number and the goodly show of so great an assembly, not only of them which came to see the triumphs, but of the brave and gallant youths that came thither, upon a desire and hope to gain the prize propounded: did make a show and resemblance of another fair and goodly army under the walls of Croy. And it seemed no great marvel that Amurath had been vanquished, and discomfited by the Albanois, to them who saw so many warlike youths, and the strength of those forces that were then with Scanderbag. Then did it appear that the ancient nobleness and valour of that nation was returned into Macedon: and those old times long since past and gone, of Alexander and Pyrrhus, did seem to be renewed and restored again.  

TO THE READER.  
I See now that this volume hath exceeded his just proportion: and in continuing of it longer, it might be as tedious unto you as it hath been wearisome unto me. We will here therefore sound a retreat in the midst of our career: that breathing ourselves a little, we may be the better disposed to proceed with the other following.   
The end of the sixth book.   

THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
MAhomet is crowned Emperor of the Turks. His government, manners, and person are described. Scanderbag at the entreaty of his subjects is married. He fortifieth his dominions, and prepareth for the wars. Mahomet entangled with the wars of Persia seeketh to have peace with Scanderbag but is rejected. Scanderbag invadeth the Turkish territories. Amese one of Mahomet his Chieftains is sent with an army against Scanderbag: by whom being suddenly surprised, in the battle of Modrissa, his army is discomfited, and the Turkish General himself is taken prisoner. Mahomet sendeth another army into Epire under the conduct of Debreas one of his Saniackes: who in the battle of Pologue is slain by Scanderbag, and his army likewise defeated. Mahomet practiseth secretly and by rewards to corrupt Moses. Scanderbag purposing an expedition against the Turks, requireth and obtaineth succours of Alphonsus' king of Naples. Belgrade in Macedon is besieged by the Albanois. The Belgradians desire truce of Scanderbag, which is accorded them upon certain conditions.  
IN the former six books we have represented unto you as upon a Theatre, those two excellent and incomparable warriors Amurath and Scanderbag, by the success of whose arms being so variable and diverse, you may easily contemplate how the course of fortune hath a kind of declining and decaying age, which in process of time maketh her (as it were) to wax cold, and to discontinue the largesse and bounty of her wont favours. And how soever she doth frankly and voluntarily accompany great minds and high aspiring natures, whilst the heat of youth doth stir up their blood, and inflame their haughty courages: yet when grey hairs do by little and little approach and bring on cold and unwieldy old age, then doth fortune also seem to grow old and wax faint and heavy, by means whereof that goodly lustre and bright beauty of their former glory doth seem to be eclipsed and to vanish quite away. Examples thereof are the ruins of those famous Monarchies of Ninus, Cyrus, Alexander and that great Roman Emperor Augustus: besides many other excellent Princes and Captains which even in this our own age, have been made lively marks of fortune's inconstancy, who in their young years, having had the sun beams of prosperity gloriously shining upon them, and fortune having always followed them in their wars, that they seemed to have her at command: yet in their elder years they have been forced to prove the inconstancy of her frowns and dissavorable aspect. And truly my opinion is, that God even of his divine providence, doth use & enure men to these casualties and accidents, because he would have the great men of this world to know and acknowledge, that it is he only and no other, that dispenseth and disposeth of prosperity and adversity: to the intent also that humane and earthly things should not seem unto foolish mortal men to have any durable continuance or eternity: considering that there is nothing solid, stable, or permanent here below, nor any thing under the sun, wherein may be found perfect happiness. And if any one thing have any show and appearance of felicity, it is so brittle, frail and unconstant, that even then when men think to have most joy of it, and to enjoy the pleasures and profits of the same, suddenly and immediately they see it gone and decayed: suddenly and immediately they perceive it wasted and consumed.  
Such was the end and death of Amurath, which being heard and believed at Andrinople, did stir up diverse motions both in the affairs and minds of men. The great men and Nobles of the city (as those which had never misliked neither of the felicity nor government of this Prince) were very sorrowful, and did for a long time 
Amurath best beloved by his subjects and most upright to his enemies of all the Ottoman Princes.  bewail and lament the old man, partly for the common loss (for the report is, that of all the Ottoman race, there was never any one of them better beloved of his people, nor more just & upright to his enemies) partly also for that they were not ignorant, that the change of the crown and dignity royal, could not happen without infinite damages, and the ruin of many in particular. But the stirring heads and such as were desirous of a change and new alterations, did little grieve at this chance: but rather on the contrary were the more in heart, and did conceive great hopes in their imaginations: because they had of a long time wished, that Mahomet whom they knew to be a young Prince fierce and ambitious, might come to the crown, and get the possession of the imperial sceptre. The popular and common sort (who of themselves are naturally desirous of novelties and alterations) did entertain these tidings 
Sentence.  with great joy and contentment. But above all, the janissaries (which are called, the Prince his Enfants, rejoiced exceedingly: and running up and down the streets armed, did fall to sacking and spoiling freely and without controlment, of the goods 
Custom of the janissaries to sack the houses of the jews and Christians at the death of their Prince,  and houses of many persons, especially the Christians and the jews: who are naturally abhorred and hated of the Turks. For such is the licence and liberty, or rather the damnable custom of that people, that at the decease & death of their sovereign, this is usually and ordinarily permitted and granted unto them.  
It was a wonderful thing to see the concourse and great resort of people of all sorts and degrees, that flocked daily to the imperial city of Andrinople to see the new king, and the triumphs of his coronation, which was the cause that an incredible multitude went to meet Mahomet as he returned with his army. The janissaries 
Mahomet crowned Emperor of the Tur●●s.  were the first that went to salute him: who having no sooner demanded then obtained pardon for the rapine and spoil committed within the city, did receive and convey him to the palace royal with infinite joy and gladness, and with the public applause of all the commonalty: who with a general voice and common consent, having declared and proclaimed him Emperor, he was afterwards crowned with great solemnity: and being furnished with the diadem, sceptre and other habits and imperial ornaments, he was placed in his father's throne, with many prayers and solemn vows of every man. And at the same time were the public treasures delivered unto him: and the Bassas and other officers of the crown did swear unto him fealty and obedience. These things thus accomplished, the people had a great largesse both of gold and silver in all the streets of the city: besides the liberal rewards given to the soldiers. Thus was the ancient fashion and ceremony of this Nation in the creating of their kings partly observed, and partly not, in this coming of Mahomet to the crown. For the first thing that the Turkish kings do use and accustom is, to absent their children: and to keep them out of Europe in those 
Emperors of the Turks the manner of their succeeding to the crown.  Provinces of Asia which are most remote and farthest off: even assoon as they are gotten out of their infancy. And the cause thereof as I take it is this, for that they shall not practise and conspire against their fathers through a cursed humour of ambition, and desire of reign and Empire, from the which, there is scarce any age or person exempted, but hath some instinct and natural motion thereunto. Afterwards when it happeneth that the Emperor is deceased, or that it is thought that his death 
Sentence.  is not far off: the Bassas and others, (who are of greatest power and authority both with the people, and in the government of the estate) do send away speedy posts and letters to the one and other of the sons of the Prince last deceased, according as each man is particularly affected: and they do from point to point advertise him of all things: willing him to hasten his coming, that he may get the possession of the crown, and seat himself in the succession of the Empire, then ready to fall void and empty. It is a sport to see with what contention these great men do study to surprise the packets and curriers of each other: whilst that every one of them laboureth to get the sceptre to that party, to whom he is most affected and every one doth his best and worst to beguile his companion. Now when these young Princes are thus solicited: with what vehemency, with what fancies and affection▪ they do come posting from all parts to bear away the prize thus in question; I leave it to your imagination. Certain it is; that he amongst them all that can first get to the straits of Gallipolie or Hellespont: he commonly is the man that obtaineth the sovereignty of the Empire, for that the janissaries coming to meet and to salute him, do afterwards all at leisure, easily and quietly put him in possession of the kingdom. The other brethren are forthwith either banished or exiled out of all the territories and limits of their dominions: or else are cruelly and unnaturally slain and murdered, for fear lest there should remain so me cause of civil tumults and sedition. Hence is derived that proverb used by 
Proverb of Prince's children.  the ancients, That more fortunately are children borne to private persons, then to Princes. But now of all this, nothing could happen in this manner unto Mahomet, for neither had he any brethren of sufficient age, either fit to govern the Realm, or able to attempt or to obtain the kingdom: neither did he return as a private person out of Asia, but with a most strong and mighty army which he brought back out of the enemy's country, where he had been before saluted and proclaimed King and Emperor by the universal consent of all the soldiers in general. For this cause he came peaceably and quietly to the Empire, without any commotion, without any danger or difficulty, and with the exceeding joy and incomparable gladness of the whole Commonalty. Now had they forgotten the loss of their late deceased Prince, and all grief and sorrow for his death was vanished together with his memory. The calamities and slaughters lately received in Epire, and the obsequies and funerals of their companions, were now clean worn out of mind, and there was scarce any one by reason of this new pomp and triumph which did apperceive or observe the poor relics of their miserable deformed army, or that did remember (by reason they were so drowned in joy) what goodly forces, and what strong squadrons they had sent into Epire, in respect of those which were thence returned, and were brought home again.  
The new Monarch, whose delight was in bloodshed and cruelty, as much as any 
Mahomet his cruelty & impiety.  that ever reigned, thought it good to look to his affairs, and to provide for the security of his estate, and he had an intention to settle some of them in good assurance, and of others to make a change and innovation. The first deed that he did was to make diligent inquisition, if he could find any other alive besides himself, that was descended from the loins of Amurath, upon whom after the manner of his predecessors he might pour out the venom of his hateful ambition. There were found two infants, the one called Tursines of the age of eighteen months, the other was called 
Tursines, brother to Mahomet drowned.  Calepin. The former was cast into the water and drowned by the express commandment of Mahomet, who gave it in charge to Moses one of his Bassas to see it executed, and he without any difficulty or relenting, did easily yield to assist so execrable a spectacle. The mother of the infant detesting the deed, and exclaiming upon the brutishness of the fact, with howl and horrible cries intermingled with continual tears and lamentations, did pour out a thousand curses against the author of the murder being there in presence. The tyrant to appease his mother in law, did deliver into her hands in expiation of his Parricide, him that was the executioner: and she full of 
Moses Bassa, the murderer of Tursines, murdered by the mother of the infant.  rage and extreme fury, with a knife stabbed him to the heart even in the presence of Mahomet, and then ripping up his body, she dived & searched into his bowels for his heart, which having found, she pulled it forth & cast it the dogs. A most worthy and notable lesson for men of a corrupt mind, who can be content to stain their consciences, and to prostitute themselves and their affections, to serve the furious passions of great men and princes. As concerning the other child named Calepin, the common report 
Calepin brother to Mahomet. Caly Bassa.  is, that Caly Bassa to get the good will of Mahomet (such is the inconstancy of mortal men who do gladly follow the fortune of the most puissant) did present the infant unto him being then but of the age of six months: and the only joy and delight of his mother the widow of Amurath, who in his second marriage with this woman the 
Sponderbeg Prince of Penderacia.  daughter of one Sponderbeg, the noble Prince of Penderacia, had begotten this young infant, & had committed him to the custody of this Bassa, and recommended him to his especial care, at such time as he drew near his end. Mahomet being informed by women of good knowledge, that he was of the lineage of his father, caused him speedily to be strangled, and then with great magnificence celebrated his obsequies at Bursa, by this 
Calepin or one in his stead strangled by Mahomet.  means consecrating the first fruits and beginnings of his cruel Empire with the blood of his own brethren. How beit others write, that Caly Bassa did prefer another child in stead of Calepin, who was still nourished and brought up in Constantinople, amongst the Greeks', and that afterwards in the shipwreck and ruins of that noble city, he with some others being left alive was conveyed thence, and that in the end, during the Papacy of Calixtus the third, he was entertained at Rome in the Vatican, where being instructed in the true religion, & regenerate in holy baptism, he went after that to the court of the Emperor Frederick in Almain: of whom being received according to the honour due unto so great a Prince, he spent the rest of his days in ostrich. You see what diversity there is between writers in this behalf: notwithstanding in my judgement it hath no great likelihood or probability, that Amurath should be able to beget children, when he was passed four score year of age, unless perhaps this age of ours also have received that rare gift and bounty of nature, which the ancients have observed in Masinissa and Cato the eldest. Howsoever it be, it is not much material, only I could wish that truth might have place: for in writing of an History, I would not willingly set down any untruth, nor yet reprehend others over rashly. For such is the law and rule of Histories, that many fables do fall out oftentimes to be intermingled with true reports, which must straightly be sifted and examined, that in proceeding 
Histories how to be written.  with the matter, truth and untruth may be discerned, no otherwise then as they which are to drink of a brook, will purge and clarify the water from all mud and filthiness. But to the purpose.  
Mahomet pursuing his bloody beginnings, as one that would not omit any thing of his former furious proceed, did daily devise & suborn new slanders and accusations 
Mahomet his tyranny and mischievous manners.  against the greatest persons of his Court, and his father's servants: and under colour of calling them to an account, some of them he caused to be put to death, and of others he would procure the goods & offices to be confiscated, in such sort, that within a very small time (according as before his coming to the Crown he had secretly plotted and purposed in his conceits) he became terrible and more to be redoubted, then is fitting for a king, and he grew odious and hateful almost to all his subjects. He altered and changed in a manner all the statutes and ordinances of his ancestors, and all the laws and constitutions both civil and military: sometimes reforming and correcting them, sometimes adding of new unto them, he surcharged and burdened his people with new imposts and subsidies: and he bental his endeavours more than any other of his predecessors to amplify and augment the numbers of the janissaries, and of his men at arms, and to enrich and increase his treasures. For amongst many of his other wicked conditions, the humour of avarice and covetousness had that command over him, that the mean and simple order both of his diet and apparel, was reproachfully 
Mahomet his notable vices and virtues.  objected unto him as a vice: and it was supposed that his excessive sparinesse and abstinency, proceeded only of a miserable and covetous humour. All men do attribute unto him a certain liveliness and vivacity of spirit, even more than humane, a heart covetous and greedily thirsting after glory, and not unlike to that of the great Alexander. And it is most certain, (as we have partly before touched) he did excel all men living in cruelty, using (as the saying is) a rod of iron, both against his subjects, and against strangers, and he showed himself to have as little care of the blood and life of his own people, as of his foes and most mortal enemies: in such sort, that upon every sleight and trifling occasion, he would put to death even those little boys and lads, 
Seraill, a place where the Turk useth to keep his concubines.  whom he loved voluptuously, and which he kept within his * Serayl for the fulfilling of his beastly pleasure. On the contrary, he was a most frank and liberal rewarder of those men, who were of a quick and ready spirit, and such as were of valour and great courage, and of them which did serve him faithfully and loyally. For perjury there was never any man more notorious, for he never kept faith nor promise with any persons whatsoever. Moreover many have been of the opinion, that he did not believe in the law of Mahomet their own Prophet, no more then in the Gospel of Christ. For albeit he was born, bred, & instructed by his mother, who was the daughter of George Despot of Servia, and professed the Christian religion, and taught him the Pater noster, Creed, and ave Maria, yet when he came to ripe years, and that he betook 
Mahomet a notable Atheist worshippeth good Fortune only as God.  himself to the embracing of the Mahometan profession, he did so little cleave either to the one or to the other, that he lived a mere Atheist, and acknowledged, served, nor adored any other Deity, but that alone which he called good Fortune. He did marvelously honour and esteem those, which were skilful in any Art or mystery whatsoever, and he took great care that his victories and conquests might be written by learned men, and those that were of judgement: he delighted infinitely in reading 
john Maria of Vicentia slave to Mustapha eldest son of Mahomet.  of the Histories of the ancients, he was very skilful and learned in the Greek, Persian, and Arabian tongues, he made great shows of love and kindness unto john Maria of Vicentia, the slave of his eldest son Mustapha, because he would have had him to write in the Turkey and Itatian tongs, the famous victory which he obtained against Vsuntassan king of the Persians. He gave great rewards unto Gentle 
Gentle Belin a Painter of Venice.  Belin a Painter of Venice, whom he caused purposely to come from thence to Constantinople, because he would have his picture drawn as lively and naturally as he could by his art possibly: and because he should paint out the habits and fashions of the Occidental nations. Moreover he was a curious observer of the Stars and Planets, according to the course and motion of the which, he ruled and directed all his actions. Besides, he had in his mind even with his cruelty, some impression and show of justice and severity, in so much that during his reign, all the passages and high ways were free, open, and safe for travelers, and the name of thieves and robbers was wholly extinguished and abolished. A great warrior he was, strong and valiant of his person, hardened and enured to endure watchings and travels with notable patience: happy and fortunate in most of his actions: and (to speak in a word) he was even a king of Fortune, which made him worthy of the Empire of Constantinople. As touching the form and feature of his visage, and the making of his body, he was of a 
Description of Mahomet.  mean, or rather of a short stature, which notwithstanding did contain within a great heart, and full of magnanimity. He was pale of face and of a sallow complexion correspondent unto his courage: his look and aspect was frowning, fierce, and terrible, his eye brows hollow, and his nose so high and crooked, that the point thereof seemed to touch his lips. His shoulders were large and square, and all the members and lineaments of his body, were strong set and very well made, and with such strength, and vigour in his arms, that (at such time as Scanderbag lived with Amurath his father, amongst all the youths of the Court, he would yield and give place to none but to him only in drawing the bow or in wrestling.  
It may be that I have busied myself about Mahomet more than needed, considering that my purpose was not to describe his life nor his manners, but the life of Scanderbag only. Nevertheless I thought it not amiss herein to seek the pleasing and contentment of all men. For as my desire is that these memorials such as they are, should not be unpleasing to the posterity: so do I suppose also, that the readers of the same at this present will not be wearied, by seeing (as it were) in a table the outward and inward habit of so accomplished and perfect a warrior▪ who (though he were an enemy) yet was a most puissant, a most fortunate, and a most renowned Prince. Besides also that a good part of the praise and commendation of our Epirot, doth consist in the comparing and resembling of these two together. For by how much more we do sometimes justly condemn, and sometimes justly extol the former, by so much doth the valour and felicity of the other shine forth and appear more glorious.  
Whilst the spirits of the Turks were attentively contemplating upon their new 
Croy repaired & n●w fortified by Scanderbag.  Monarch, and that he was busily occupied in the care of his private and domestical affairs, the King of Epire the mean while did employ both his time and diligence in repairing the ruins of Croy. He did altogether renew the old fortifications which were partly ruinous with antiquity and length of time, and partly razed and beaten down by force of the Cannon: and he added others unto them of a better form and proportion, and of more surety and security, than those which were used by the ancient simplicity when this thundering of Ordinance was not in use, and this devilish invention of the Cannon did not yet amaze and terrify strong and defenced 
A digression and exclamation of the author against the invention of Ordinance.  towns: but that all exploits and deeds of arms did only and ordinarily consist in the stout stomachs and strength of hardy soldiers, and in the arms, valour, and prowess of valiant men. O that it had pleased God, that the inventor and first author of this Art so famous and notorious had never been known, and that our age had never brought forth such an invention. It may be we should have seen many more Hectors, more Epaminondaes', more Scipios, more Rolandes. The yielding of towns and holds would not have been so ready, and the courages of people would not so soon have been forced or withdrawn from fidelity and loyalty, to the breach of their faith, and to perjury. If the ancient ages and forepast times had been acquainted with such artificial sleights and inventions, we should not at this day have had the name nor memorial continued, either of their Captains so highly renowned, or of their soldiers so greatly commended. Achilles had not borne away the honour of the death of Hector, nor AEneas of Turnus, nor Cossus of Volumnius, but some base Groom, and some abject and vile companion. The ten years siege of Troy would neither have drawn against that city the arms and the eyes of the whole world: neither would it have ministered fit and worthy matter for so many excellent wits from age to age, to historize upon the acts & accidents of that war. We should not have admired that long obstinacy of the Tarentines. We should have madelesse reckoning of the constancy both of the Saguntines, & the Numantines. Antiquity would not have talked of Petilia in Calabria: and the obscure town of Cassilin, would not so often have scorned and contemned the fury of Hannibal, that brave Chieftain of the Carthaginians. Wherefore, as the noble wits and quick conceited spirits of our time, have on the one side given us good matter to write of, by reason of this and such like rare and ingenious inventions: so on the other side by means of this invention, much more beyond all comparison have they deprived the Historiographer of all good occasion, to employ his pen any more in writing. For now from henceforth will not true valour be able to show itself: to no purpose is it for soldiers to use the Art of fight, and to practise the skill of weapons: and in vain is it to learn to handle the sword, the buckler, and such like, or to practise any other kind of fight hand to hand. And what then? forsooth they use now to fight aloof, and to make wars a far off, and field services consist most in lose and light skirmishes. But return we from whence we have digressed. Amongst other fortifications newly made in the town of Croy, at the gate of the town Scanderbag caused a great and strong tower to be builded: the walls whereof, from the bottom upward, went not strait and even upright, but were raised a slope and bending in manner of a counterscarp, to the intent the Cannon should be the less able to play upon it. The other parts and quarters also of the town, both within and without were repaired and fortified without any intermission, by the advisement and directions of good and skilful Engineers.  
In the mean time, whilst these were in doing: the Princes and nobles his nearest 
1451. Persuasions used by the nobles of Epire to draw Scanderbag to marriage.  kinsmen, did importune Scanderbag without ceasing, and did show the vehement desire which each man had to see him married, and to have children descended of him. Especially now at this time, when all things (as they said) were exempted from fear and mistrust: and now that all dangers were over gone and passed, and that the enemies were withdrawn from all care of Arms, both by reason of their late misfortune, and by the motions and tumults which do usually accompany the change of a new King at his first coming to the Crown: that he ought not to frustrate the hearty wishes and desires of so many peoples his subjects and confederates of this joy and comfort, especially in such a season (for it was in the month of May, when all things did seem to rejoice and flourish) and which did invite him thereunto, with promise of nothing but joy, mirth, and gladness. That therefore he should suffer himself once to be entreated and persuaded by his people, who would take more pleasure and contentment in this only, then in all his victories obtained against Amurath. Albeit the Prince of Albany were unwilling to enter into this band, yet weighing all matters and circumstances with judgement and sound advise, it seemed unto him more expedient and for his honour to consent thereunto, then to hold off and to vary from his former promise which he had made unto them the year last passed, at the instant and earnest request of all his subjects. For this cause he condescended unto their desire, and committed the care of the whole matter to the judgement and wisdom of Musache Thopie, his sister's son, and some two or three others, to whom he imparted his mind in that behalf. At that time Ariamnites 
Ariamnites Comminat.  Comminat (of whom hath been before spoken) did excel all the Princes and Lords of Epire, both in puissance and largeness of dominions, as also in noblesse and antiquity of blood, he had one daughter named Doniqua, worthy (no doubt of such 
Doniqua the wife of Scanderbag.  afather,) and the true Idea and Image of all perfection of beauty, (which is one not of the least excellencesse, and a thing not meanly respected in women.) Wherefore Scanderbag took no care for any other match, nor Ariamnit for any other husband for his daughter. The conditions and covenants of the marriage were as soon and easily agreed on and dispatched, as they were thought upon and devised: Scanderbag referring it to the discretion of the father, to determine of his daughter's dowry, and as it liked him to ordain and nominate it, so was it freely and voluntarily accepted. Nevertheless it was correspondent and answerable to dignity, both of him which gave it, and of the person also which received it. The espousals were presently celebrated and solemnised, and without any delay at all. Great were the triumphs and public rejoicings of all the Province at this marriage, and the 
Marriage of Scanderbag.  Bride was as speedily brought home with a Princely train, and most royally accompanied, by all the neighbour Princes, and almost all the nobility of the country, who did honour the feast with great pomp and incomparable magnificence. Such as could not be present did honour them with their Ambassadors, and most sumptuous presents. All in general did rejoice at this strait knot of affinity, between these two the most puissant Princes of Albany, which gave them some appearance and probability of hope, that in time to come their forces being united would preserve and defend the province against all invasions and perils of the war whatsoever. The Seigniours of the estate of Venice did testify both by an ambassade, as also by rich presents sent him out of their common treasure, the great good liking and contentment, which that Senate received by this marriage. And in like manner, all other Princes and Potentates, did largely express the like affection, and the singular good will which they bore him in this public cause of joy and gladness, as they had done before in the times of his greatest troubles and dangers: for (as the common saying is) those are the two seasons wherein true amity and friendship doth make show and trial of itself. That which was sent from the king of Arragon was 
Sentence.  in all and every part so singular and magnifical, that Scanderbag (as the report goeth) would not have accepted it, if his nearest and most familiar friends, and the instant prayers and entreaties of the Spanish Ambassadors, had not vehemently importuned him thereunto. In am and recompense whereof, after he had accepted them, he sent back unto the King other presents of no less value and estimation, as horses, slaves, and other riches and treasures which he had taken as the spoils of his enemies the Barbarians. In this manner was this great feast solemnised with no less pomp and magnificence than reputation and renown. For besides that already spoken of, the tourneys, jousts, triumphs, and other spectacles of diverse sorts having prizes and rewards of excellent value appointed for those that should best deserve them, did stir up the courages of the young gallants on all parts, who showing themselves covetous of glory, and flocking thither to those triumphs, did by their presence greatly augment the beauty of that assembly.  
Mahomet was not ignorant of any of these things, nor of the fortifications of Croy, and it is thought, that he would willingly have troubled the joy of our Albanois, but being partly retained with his domestical occasions (as new kingdoms commonly do engender new infirmities and new disorders) and partly also being intentive to the heaping of great sums of money, and to the enriching of his treasures, he was constrained for a season to forbear from any such enterprise. Notwithstanding in the midst of his threats and menaces (as he was very talkative and free of his speeches) he called his marriage the unhappy and short joy of that unfortunate 
Saying of Mahomet touching the marriage of Scanderbag.  couple, saying: that it should not be long ere he would sauce their new contentments with deadly tears and lamentations.  
One thing there was which Scanderbag had not yet done, and which of a long 
The progress of Scanderbag with his Queen to visit all his kingdom.  time he had no leisure to put in execution, by reason of his continual lets and hinderances of the wars: and that was to visit all the frontiers, towns, and passages of his Realm, which at this time he accomplished: having with him in company his new spouse and a good troop of horsemen: and he spent many days in that recreation. In all places where he passed, the people by great flocks in a certain kind of emulation, did enforce themselves every man according to his degree, to receive him into their towns with magnifical and royal entertainment: and with a thousand sorts of goodly shows and spectacles, and or rich presents, according to the uttermost of their power and abilities, they did gratify both him and his princess. There was not any one, but was most graciously accepted, without any show of dislike, or any token of disdain: all of them were received with a cheerful countenance and like courtesy, not only those which came full handed, but even they also, who wanting means to show and testify their good wills, did present him with their good hearts, and the prodigal bounty of their affections. The King holding on his course in this progress, did visit every particular place, even to the entry of Macedony, and to the very farthest limits and borders of his country. When he came into the lower Dibria, he observed one place above the rest, by which the Barbarians had ever used and accustomed to make their invasions upon Albany, and by sudden roads and foragings to waste and destroy at their pleasures, the goods of the inhabitants, and to surprise and oppress them at unawares. For albeit there were many other ways and passages into the Province, yet this same only was (as it were) the most commodious, and on that side more than any other, did the Christians also use to invade and harry the fields and territories of the enemies. In this place therefore he determined (during that little time of rest which he enjoyed, and whilst the troubles of arms ceased) to deprive the Turks of this opportunity of annoying of his people, and to provide for the preservation and safety of his subjects.  
This was a mountain which they of the country call Modrissa, very ragged, 
Mountain of Modrissa.  and of a great height: from the which the frontiers of the Infidels may be very well discovered a great way off. On the top of this mountain, he resolved to build a fortress, and to fortify it with good store of soldiers, such as being prompt and vigilant, should (by shooting off their artillery) advertise the inhabitants at all times of the coming and arrival of the Turks: and to the intent also that the near neighbourhood of that Fort should serve for a place of refuge unto his people, whensoever they should be driven upon any necessity to fly from the enemy: a thing which he had long before conceived in his thoughts, and many times assayed to put in execution, but was always compelled to leave undone, by reason of the daily and continual troubles of the wars. For this cause without making any long delay, 
Fortress at Modrissabuilded by Scanderbag.  and for that himself would not long dwell in delights, nor would not have the hearts of his soldiers to be corrupted & effeminated, neither to continue drowned in idleness, ease, and dissolution, he returned speedily towards Croy, the reparations whereof were by this time brought to good perfection. There did he take up a good number of Masons, Carpenters, and most part of the workmen and labourers of the city, and about a four thousand soldiers, to the intent, that if the enemy should go about to disturb them, they should find sufficient forces to repulse them▪ and should not be able to annoy or hinder them in their work. With that company he went to Modrissa, where setting them in hand with this fort, he followed it so diligently, that it was begun and ended without any let or disturbance of the Mahometans. For albeit the Turkish Monarch were impatient of revenge, and did at that time labour very diligently to levy a great and puissant army against Scanderbag, yet being mindful of the foul discomfitures and overthrows formerly received by the Albanois, and being partly terrified with the rumour of a most dangerous war, intended against him by the Persians, setting aside all other matters, and neglecting (as it were) all other occasion, he bent his whole thoughts on that side to see, what would be the end and issue of those tumults. For this time therefore did these troubles and disturbances divert the Turkish arms from the Epirots, and they enjoyed yet a while longer the benefit of the death of Amurath.  
Notwithstanding the happy success and good fortune of Scanderbag, and the daily grievances of the subjects of Mahomet, who complained unto him that they were continually overrun, harried and peeled by the ordinary roads and incursions of the Epirotes, did not a little trouble and perplex the Sultan: yet at the first he did but somewhat ease his stomach (though in vain) with many menaces and outrageous speeches against Scanderbag being absent: afterwards having recourse to flatteries and fair speeches, he assayed to treat with him for some accord to be had of pacification and peace between them. To this end he sent over an Ambassade unto 
Ambassadors sent with conditions of peace by Mahomet to Scanderbag.  Croy, offering him to make peace with him, so that he would yield himself tributary, according to the conditions which Amurath had before propounded unto him. Of all this matter, and of the cunning dissimulation of the Ottoman, and of the war raised by the Persians, the Prince of Albany was duly informed, by the secret intelligence of certain great and noble men his friends about Mahomet. By means whereof, the Ambassours being arrived, they were soon refused, and their demands utterly rejected, returning with this answer for a full resolution. That hardly could he be content to accept any conditions of peace of the tyrant, 
Answer of Scanderbag to the Ambassadors of Mahomet.  were they never so honest and tolerable: much less these, which were so intolerable and injurious. That he was entered into Epire only to this end, to shake off his yoke from that Province, and to abolish, as much as in him lay, the hateful name of bondage and servitude: and not to impose new griefs upon them. That this was the only fruit and benefit which he did reap of his traveles and hazards sustained, to see his country one day freed and delivered from Turkish tyranny and subjection. That if he had had any desire or devotion to have amity and friendship with him, he would then have yielded to submit himself to those terms of slavery and thraldom, when the power and puissance in a manner of all Europe and of Asia, was even in the very heart and bowels of his kingdom: when the bloody Amurath did beard him to his face, and was in arms against him; and was desirous to have had him yield to these conditions. That it should suffice them to think what they had suffered in times past, even to that day: the remembrance whereof should give him just cause of grief and sorrow at all times. That it was not now with the Epirotes as in times past, but that matters were quite changed, and the men clean altered from that they were wont to be: and they had little reason to hope to bring them to this point. Well they might do it by constraint offorce and open violence: but to think by good words and enticing speeches to persuade and invite them to so infamous and base an act, they were foully mistaken and deceived.  
This Ambassador being dismissed with this answer, and his offers being utterly 
The fortress of Modrissa finished and furnished.  rejected: Castriot did altogether apply himself to his work lately begun, leaving his enemies for a while to take their rest. By this time was the fortress of Modrissa in a good forwardness, by reason that the lime, stones and other stuff was prepared and made ready for the building long before hand. In less than six months was it enclosed and compassed with walls, and fitted with other edifices and particular houses and lodgings for the soldiers: the overplus that remained was followed and enlarged afterwards from time to time. The place being sure and strong by nature, needed not any ditches or rampires to strengthen it: and therefore provision was made only of men, arms, munition, and other provisions. There were brought thither also from Croy, certain pieces of great ordinance: which being delivered to them of the Fort, they were admonished how to use them, and to what end: as hath been before declared.  
These things thus done: Scanderbag led the Albanians into the enemy's country, 
Territories and Dominions of the Turks invaded & spoiled by Scanderbag.  where finding the places void of defence, they made a hand of all that they found, harrying and spoiling all things, and not sparing to afflict the Turkish dominions with what soever mischiefs and discommodities the fury and rage of the wars could possibly imagine. From thence some of them retired with their Chieftain towards Croy laden with prey and booty: but the better part was left upon the frontiers (as had been ever used) in garrison. For, albeit the raising of the fortress of Modrissa did greatly assure and safeguard the plain country: yet were not the ordinary forces retired from the frontiers, because the place where they were appointed was distant about fourteen miles or more from Modrissa. Besides that the soldiers of the garrison were not left for that end, and to the same effect as those of the new Fortress: but principally for the repulse of the violence of the Turks, and to guard the Province against the incursions and pillages of the paynim. And if it did happen that the Turks did come upon them with such force and puissance, as they were not able to make head against them, than were they to retire and save themselves, either in the tops and safe passages of the mountains, or else in the inner parts of the country. Scanderbag after he was arrived at Croy, being desirous to take the benefit of the time, whilst the Sultan was busied in other affairs, and by some notable act to amplify the bounds of his Realm, he called together his Nobles, and the principal persons of the city of Croy, with the most part of his troops and companies: and having a long time devised with them upon the proceed of the wars, and what course was best to be taken: at the last, because he would sound 
Oration of Scanderbag to his subjects, persuading them to proceed with their conquests upon the Turks.  the intents and meaning of their thoughts, and prove how they were affected, he began thus to speak unto them.  
Worthy Peers and brave Epirotes, now that we have sufficiently filled and gorged ourselves with feasting and banqueting, and with all kind of licentious ease and liberty: we have no reason any longer to leave our arms, and to let our wont virtue lie (as it were) a sleep and forgotten: we have kept holy day long enough: we have feasted and triumphed sufficiently for the victory had against Amurath: we have spent a whole year, partly in recreation, partly in repairing of our towns, or building of new places, and we have not so much as once visited the enemy. It is now high time to awake, and to give some new proof of your wont valour, even now whilst Mahomet hath his hands full with the Persians, and that God hath given you the means and opportunity, without any effusion of blood to re-establish the ancient honour and reputation of Albany, and to revive those ancient times so greatly desired: whilst that the enemy his power is now somewhat weakened and repressed, and whilst he is otherwise occupied and entangled in diverse wearisome and tedious troubles, not knowing what to do, nor what course to take: for these two, are the only and principal seasons for the good and happy dispatch of 
Two only times to dispatch great exploits against an enemy: when he is weakened, or other where employed and occupied.  great exploits. This therefore is the time, this is the hour, that inviteth you to seek out the enemy, and not always to lie still and idle, and to expect when he will come to assail you. Behold how Sfetigrade looketh after you, and calleth for your aid. Doth the ill success of the last years siege terrify you? I assure you I would be loath to lead you, where I should think the mischief to be so great, or the peril so evident: but no we the great number of your victories, the death of Amurath, the present occupation of our adversary, hath greatly diminished these difficulties: beside that you shall not want store of artillery, and such like engines and instruments of assault. The opportunity of the time, and the countenance of the enemy, shall instruct us what is further to be done. For my part, I can promise you nothing without expense and loss of blood: without vehement and earnest labour: of which notwithstanding, the valiant man, the courageous soldier hath scarce any feeling or perseverance: even then when he is most painfully occupied, and in the action: much less will he be afraid or in doubt of it, before he cometh to prove the difficulty of it. Yet if Sfetigrade be so odious and displeasing unto you, there are other places and fortresses of the enemy not far off, which may recompense your losses sustained at Sfetigrade, and may content and satisfy your desires. There is Belgrade as near or nearer than Sfetigrade, and not unworthy neither of our traveles, nor of our blood, if we have any desire either of honour, or of recompense. I have reason (my good companions) to be ashamed more than any, that I should spend one year during my reign amongst you idly and doing nothing, and yet to see and suffer the houses of our ancestors, the towns of our confederates, the noble marks of the estate and Empire of the Albanians, so shamefully to be subjecteth and enthralled under the Infidels. Wherefore that this time of ley sure and opportunity which is left us, do not slip out of our hands, let us follow and imitate the Persians: let us embrace the good fortune which God seemeth to have offered us. In so doing, we shall enlarge our dominions: we shall augment our franchises and liberties: We shall revenge our losses, our grieves, and injuries: and (which above all is to be preferred) we shall keep the youth of our Realm from sloth and idleness. Neither hath the Bishop of Rome, nor our good friend the king Alphonsus, nor so many devout and Catholic Princes, aided and succoured us with their treasures and other supplies, to the intent we should keep us still idle within doors: that we should dwell in pleasures and delights, & grow corrupted and effeminate: but rather that we should betake ourselves to arms, and make proof and trial of our valour in the midst of all perils and dangers, and that even in despite of death itself we should perform the duty and devoir of men valiant and courageous, and of most brave and resolute soldiers.  
This encouragement of the king of Epire seemed not greatly to like the auditors: for they did not applaud it with a sudden and universal cry and consent (as they were wont:) but with a kind of muttering noise, interrupted (as it were) by times, and by stops, they did signify sufficiently, that the minds of the soldiers were not conformable, but rather different from his desire. Notwithstanding though there were few or none which did commend or allow of his advise: yet being ashamed openly to contradict it, they stood still one looking upon another: and none of them durst open his mouth to reply unto him, for fear of being noted for a greater coward or more dastardly minded then the rest of his companions. Then Vranocontes seeing all of them so still and silent, arising out of his seat, & addressing his speech to Scanderbag: It is not (quoth he) most provident and prudent Prince, either timorousness or want 
Answer of Vranocontes to the oration of Scanderbag: in the name of all the Epirots.  of courage, or the experience of our late success at Sfetigrade which causeth us at this time with blushing cheeks to disallow and dislikethy counsel: but (give me leave to be the first who may freely confess unto thee the cause of this our backwardness): it is the time and season of the year, wherein ordinarily consisteth the best part of military services: it is I say, the time only which doth advise & admonish us not to hearken unto thee. Thou seest that the Autumn is now well near spent, scarcely shall we be able to levy any forces, scarcely shall we put in order other things requisite for the siege, and we shall hardly make our approaches to the walls, but that the unseasonableness 
Winter wars most discommodious and hurtful.  of the winter will assault us with infinite inconveniences & discommodities, both the heavens and the earth will make war against us, the showers & rain continually falling, the frosts, Ice and snow, will both hinder, offend, and encumber our soldiers, and will defend and protect the enemy. For as this season is of itself unfit & discommodious for all occasions: so is it most contrary, and to the singular disadvantage of those that come to be encamped, and lie at the siege of towns. And there is great odds and inequality between the damages and inconveniences which it bringeth to the besiegers, in regard of those annoyances which it layeth upon the besieged. For these being retired within their walls, and under the succour and covert of their bastils and defences, will be able with pleasure to affront us, and having abundance of all necessaries, they may (as it were) with the one hand hold their weapons and arms ready to defend them sclues, whilst with the other they do repair and renew their forces & their rampiets. And what shall we do the whilst? Only we have the advantage of our courages prodigal & careless of our own safeties, and obstinately addicted to assail & force the enemy. For to speak of any artillery, it is not unknown unto us, both at the siege of Sfetigrade, and at other places, how little good it doth and will do, especially in this unseasonable time of winter, and against places so defensible & strong by nature, seated upon rocks & mountains which are unbatterable & impregnable. I conclude therefore, that it behoveth us with all our power and endeavours to shun & avoid these vain attempts, and this wilful loss and destruction of our soldiers: and it behoveth 
Sentence. Time and seasen to be attended by men of valour & wisdom.  men of valour and wisdom to attend a convenient time and season, as good and skilful sailors use to do, when they are to make their voyage. Neither will this delay any thing diminish or abate our courages, nor will it add any stomach to our enemies. Touching the war of the Persians (if I may speak what I think of it) for my part I do repose little or no trust therein at this time: for either will the report of all those skirmishes and commotions vanish away to smoke and come to nothing: or else it is like that the Persians will defer and put off their arms till some other time of better opportunity. All this notwithstanding (most valiant Prince the mirror of magnanimity) we will not hinder thy determinations; but if thou dost think, that thine own opinion and conceit in this point, be more for the benefit and advantage of the Estate, and for the public and common reputation, we will march on with a good will, and will cheerfully follow thy ensigns, wheresoever it shall please thee to lead us: we will frame and fit our tongues and our speeches, our hands and our actions, yea the very times and seasons to serve only at thy good will and pleasure, and as it shall seem good unto thee. In thy company the snow shall be pleasant, the showers shall seem sweet, the winter shall be thought mild, and all things shall be gracious, acceptable and pleasing unto us: no travels, no difficulties, no hazards, nor any kind of dangers shall grieve or discontent us, so long as thou art our leader and commander: so long as we may enjoy the happy presence of thy virtues, and may follow the greatness of thy fortunes.  
Scanderbag perceiving how his subjects were affected, and the rather for that they spoke nothing but what was true and certain, he suffered himself soon and easily to be persuaded by them, according to that courtesy & bounty of his good nature, wherewith he did ever draw the affections of the communality to love & honour him. Wherefore the Counsel being broken up, the assembly dismissed, & the soldiers licenced to 
Donique the wife of Scanderbag passeth the Summer at Petralba.  departed, he permitted every man to retire to his own home. At the beginning of the summer he had left the Queen at Petralba, as afterwards also in the same season of the year he used always during his life to do the like: to th'intent that during the extreme heat of summer, & till the end of Autumn, she might remain there for her more solace and recreation: & the rest of the year she usually spent at Croy, except it were at such times as the Turks came into Epire, or that the country was troubled with any immoderate forces, & extraordinary puissance of the enemy. For then when it stood upon the 
Colchina a city of the Venetians upon the sea or gulf of Venice in Dalmatia.  hazard of his whole estate, he transported her with all her household, & the most precious things of all her furniture and movables unto Colchina a sea town of the Venetians, or to some other such like place far removed and out of the way. Now that he had dismissed his army, he himself with Amese, and very small train, went to the Queen to Petralba. Under this castle was a plain of singular beauty and very 
Description of the country about Petralba.  pleasant, both for the admirable recreation which the very nature of the place did afford, as also by reason of the notable diligence of the inhabitants, who had been very curious and industrious in trimming and husbanding of the soil. For it wanted not any fruits, vines, plants, or trees, nor any thing in the world which might seem either to adorn and beautify the country, or to make it blessed and happy. In this place during that quarter of the year did the Queen make her abode, accompanied with her Ladies, maids, and officers. On all sides was the plain environed with wood and thickets, and with many narrow straits and valleys in a manner unaccessible: amongst the which Scanderbag held continual watch and ward, keeping a great number of soldiers to guard and defend the place: which was also singularly well provided and furnished, with arms, men, victuals, & other munitions for all occurrences and accidents of Fortune whatsoever Having made but small stay at Petralba, he removed with his Queen back again to Croy, where also he had no long rest. For (as Vranocontes most sagely and wisely had prognosticated) news came within a while, and the report increased daily: that the Persian was retired, the tumults of that war appeased, and all stirs and commotions pacified: and that the Turkish Monarch being freed from this fear, did mind to bend his forces against the Albanians.  
Scanderbag was greatly troubled with these tidings, nevertheless he told his subjects 
Mahomet prepareth an army against Scanderbag. Sentence.  openly, that in this case it was requisite to use arms and good counsel, and not choler and indignation. Howbeit he was in good hope, that the enemy would not march in a season so contrary & discommodious. Yet did he presently mount on horse back, and taking with him not above fifty horse, he left Croy his chief city, and drew towards the frontiers where Moses lay in garrison: there to take some more certain counsel and advise for the manner of his proceed. When he came thither, he found that to be true in effect which had been reported unto him at Croy. For this 
Scanderbag levieth an army to withstand the Turks.  cause having levied and mustered in great haste about 5000. men, he retired with them into the lower Dibria, where he was wont to encamp and to winter his army, advertising Moses and others not to stir nor attempt any thing, till they saw him approach with his troops. Scarce did there pass ten days between these preparations and the coming of the Turks: the which being discovered by them of the garrison in the new fortress at Modrissa, and being mindful of the instructions given them by their Sovereign, they signified the same accordingly by the shot of the Canon. This signal was received first by the paizants and inhabitants of the country, and afterwards by Scanderbag, in so good time, that trussing up baggage in the night, with as much silence as was possible, he made towards the enemy. Moses was not then present at that service: for by reason that the infidels did take their way far off from the place where he lay, he would not leave those passages ungarded which were committed to his charge, for fear lest the Painim, being either victorious or vanquished, should find that passage unfurnished and without resistance. The self same night did the Barbarian use incredible celerity & diligence in his journey: they were about twelve 
An army of twelve thousand Turks invadeth Epire  thousand fight men and no more, all on horseback, chosen and well appointed, both to give a charge bravely, and to bear a shock as resolutely: and Mahomet thought it not good to use any greater troops in this expedition. Our Christian forces were in a manner equally parted, their numbers both of horsemen and footmen being near alike. The night was now almost spent, and the day ready to break, when 
Am●sa general of the Turkish army against Scanderbag.  as Scanderbag being informed by his discoverers of the way that Amesa took (for so was the General Turk named) and being favoured by the silence of the night, he seized upon a part of the mountain of Modrissa, having a purpose to surprise the enemy: who being ignorant of this stratagem, had now passed the mountain of Mocrea, and being entered the valley that lay between that and the mount Modrissa, 
Mount Mocrea.  were even ready to get up the hill, to the intent that (passing from thence farther into the heart of the Province, he might the better overreach Scanderbag, and destroy the plain country. Part of his people were now gotten to the place, and being entangled amongst the craggy rocks, and the steep descents of the mountain, their horses were even out of breath with mounting to the top. Others likewise followed close after them: and many of them were as yet scarce passed the valley, when 
Amesa & the Turks army surprised at Modrissa, by Scanderbag.  as the General of the Christians (giving the signal of the fight) with a great cry and a terrible noise, no otherwise then as a mighty stream, did fall suddenly upon them from above, overthrowing and beating them down, being already wearied and well near tired, both them and their horses. The first that made head against them were the footmen, whom Scanderbag employed in the beginning of the service, by reason of the situation and quality of the place: doubting lest if his horsemen should have charged, the fall of the hill, with the force of their own violence, might have borne them on with more extremity than he was willing, and so being carried headlong down the mountain, they might have wrought their own ruin and destruction. The principal praise therefore, and the chief commendation of this victory appertained to the footmen. The Turks which were gotten up to the top, casting away their lances, defended themselves with their cimitaries; but by reason that their horses could not get any good and sure footing, their blows were uncertain, and their force was to little purpose. The Christians covering themselves with their Targets, did first kill and overthrow their horses, and then all at pleasure had their wills of the riders: many of whom perceiving this strange and unaccustomed kind of danger, dismounted from their horses, and either fought on foot, or sought to save themselves by retiring into the valley towards their companions, and to reserve themselves to a more sure exploit, and to a safer kind of service. Amese the Christian, being accompanied with a strong and mighty troop of horse was sent by his Uncle to the other side of the mountain, where the descent was more facile and easy: and there began an other fight in the straits and most narrow passages of the valley. In this mean while was it fair day light, by which time the surplus and rest of the horsemen (who were of Scanderbag his battalion) having first repulsed the enemy, began to make into the plain. Of the footmen some pursued the enemy, others kept at the foot of the mountain, from whence with their bows and arrows, they spent good store of shot upon them whom they saw broken and out of order. On the one side where the way seemed more free and open for the enemy, Castroit did fiercely press upon them close at their backs: on the other side Amese the Christian had shut in, and (as it were) besieged Amese the Turkish General, who (seeing not any likelihood 
Amese General of the Turks, taken prisoner by Amese the Nephew of Scanderbag.  nor appearance either of victory or of safety) was oftentimes importuned and urged by the Albanois to render himself: which at length to his great grief, he was contented to yield unto: and laying aside his arms, he gave him his faith to be true prisoner. In like manner, infinite others yielding to their ill fortune, did by their captivity, give an end to their wounds, and determined the conflict. The victory 
Victory of Scanderbag against Amese at Modrissa.  being assured, the soldiers fell to make booty of their baggage. All their Ensigns and Standards were gained, and seven thousand men were counted dead upon the place. The most part of their horses were either slain or maimed: and yet did this victory cost the Christians little blood or none at all: for they lost not in the fight 
Number both of Turks and Christians slain in the fight at Modrissa.  above 30▪ persons at the most. Amese the Turkish General (according to the right of the law of arms) was granted to Amese the Christian by his Uncle, who willed him to lead him amongst other prisoners to Croy, with some part of the spoils gotten upon the enemy, especially the standards: the residue were liberally granted and divided amongst the soldiers.  
The King of Epire having continued certain days in that place, to overrun the frontiers of the Infidels, to dismiss his soldiers, to visit, order & dispose of all things, returned to Croy against the feast of Christmas. At his arrival, all the multitude both old and young pell mel, in great and huge troops flocked together to receive him, and they met him without the gate with many acclamations and popular applauses, much more great, and far exceeding beyond all comparison, all that had been used and accustomed. For it was a common speech and talk amongst them, that God had now given them a manifest sign & pledge of their good fortune, and that they should prevail as well against the new Monarch, as against his predecessor: also that they were assured under the conduct of their Prince, to have like fortune & good hap against the son, as they had of late against the father. So fond and vain are the imaginations 
Sentence.  and judgements of the ignorant & rude commonalty, that by one only accident (be it never so mean) and according as the success of the first beginnings doth more or less please them, so do they measure & interpret the second, the middle, & the last events of worldly actions: especially if their own desires and affections, and the promises of fortune do concur, and do seem to join and agree in one. 
The Turks prisoners feasted by Scanderbag.   
During the solemnity of this public triumph and feasting, both in respect of the time which was festival, and of their affairs, which had succeeded so fortunate, Scanderbag commanded the prisoners to be enlarged, and that Amese should be brought unto him: whom after he had welcomed and received with great humanity, he honoured & feasted most magnificently, to the intent he should be partaker of their joy and triumph for that victory, whereof himself had partly been the giver and the occasion. But first of all, the Mahometan did request him, that he would vouchsafe to licence some one of the captives to go to Andrinople, and to advertise his friends of his estate and condition, and to bring his ransom. For it may be (said he) that they which are escaped from the slaughter, do know nothing of my misfortune and adventure: but may think me to be slain amongst the rest. This being accorded as he demanded, and the price of all their ransoms being concluded and agreed upon at 13000. crowns: two of them were presently dispatched and sent away to deal for the delivery of their companions, and they were accompanied with one of the Christians, till such time as he had conducted them safe out of the country. Thus you see what passed this year in Epire, and what were the chiefest tumults of that time.  
Whilst that matters stood upon these terms, the news of this discomfiture 
1452.  was come to the ears of Mahomet, who seeing the relics of his army without a General, without ensigns, & without arms, I leave it to you to be imagined, whether the sight thereof did not procure grief and sorrow both in public & in private. The Sultan did inquire particularly of the encounter, & he was desirous to hear the discourse of the whole manner and order of the fight: which being told him, though he were even enraged for pure despite and anger, yet he fell from the conceit and remembrance of that misfortune, to feasting, reveling and banqueting, striving & enforcing himself to the uttermost of his power, to obscure the praise and deserts of the Albanois, and to colour, excuse, & hide his own misfortune. But if the calamity of his 
Mahomet incensed against Amese, in unwilling to pay his ransom.  army upon the view & hearing of their mischance, did in any sort trouble this covetous & miserable minded Prince, you may be sure that the message sent by Amese did much more move him & eagerly incense him. By means whereof, sometimes imputing unto him the disgrace of that overthrow, in that he had so foolishly lost his people, by training them in the night time rashly and inconsiderately into those straits & steep mountains: and sometimes accusing him of cowardice, treason & disloyalty, he would willingly have refused to disburse any thing towards their ransom, (so subtle & ingenious is the humour of avarice, to keep together the riches which it hath 
Sentence.  gathered:) if that the principal persons of the court, and the kinsmen and friends of the prisoners had not persuaded him to the contrary. For what with their good 
Persuasions used by Amese his friend's and the Turks courtier's, to Mahomet in his behalf.  and sufficient reasons, and what with their humble prayers and entreaties, they appeased the Sultan, showing him, that Amese in the whole course of his life before past, could not justly be blamed nor suspected of the like error or default. Moreover that he alone was not fallen into this misfortune, but many brave and valiant soldiers besides him: and that therefore the case of their companions ought not to be neglected and unregarded. Many other reasons did they allege, in so much, that the money being soon procured and delivered unto the messengers, together with many precious gifts and presents, which they sent privately to Scanderbag: it was quickly brought and paid in Epyre. The most part of that sum Scanderbag willed to be delivered to his Nephew, the residue was partly divided and shared amongst the soldiers, and partly sent unto Moses to be distributed amongst them of his garrison. 
Liberality of Amuse the Nephew of Scanderbag.  The Nephew of Scanderbag showed himself no less liberal than his uncle. For reserving to himself very little or nothing of that which was given him, he gave it in common, and parted it both amongst friends and well-willers, and to those that were partners with him in his perils. Their ransoms being thus paid, the Turks were licenced to departed at their pleasures. Amese was very sorry to leave the King of Albany, and (the saying is) that before his departure, he did a long while, in secret 
Amese and the other Turks prisoners ransommed.  devise with Scanderbag upon the nature and disposition of Mahomet, and of the manner of maintaining the war against him. At their going thence there were many presents bestowed upon them, and victuals provided to serve them for many days, besides a good convoy, which did bring them safe and sound into their own limits and confines.  
Before such time as Amese arrived at Andrinople, there was begun to be made 
Debreas appointed with a new army against Scanderbag.  a new levy of other forces, and the old companies were supplied with fresh men in the place of those which were lost. He that had the leading of them was named Debreas, a man of notable courage, and one that by his experience and long practise in arms, had attained to the degree & dignity of a Saniacke. But he had laboured too ambitiously with the Ottoman to grant him this commission, enforcing himself with 
Debreas his ambition and glorious ostentation.  many glorious promises to animate the Sultan more & more, and to put him in a full hope and persuasion of an assured victory. For he referred all things to the conceit of his own wit, and to the sufficiency of his own wisdom, attributing little or nothing unto fortune, notwithstanding that she doth bear a great stroke in all humane actions, and especially in deeds of arms. Nevertheless he promised the Sultan not to hazard all his forces at one blow, nor to commit them to the adventure of one entire battle, but that he would by some good entry and beginning make himself way to an assured victory. Besides, he took no great care nor was desirous of any greater forces, than such as Amese his predecessor had lately had before him: induced thereunto through a kind of emulation & desire of glory: to the intent it might be said, that he had re-established the good fortune of the Turkish Empire with the like numbers, & (as it were) with the same soldiers. As it is commonly seen, that the man which is 
Sentence.  hardy and resolute thinketh nothing impossible whereunto his mind is affectioned.  
Now was not Debreas the only man that had thus desired to be employed by the Sultan, but there were many others, who of themselves and their own motion, did sue to have the honour of that difficult and hard service: for by how much the more 
Ambition and envy of the Turks against Scanderbag.  the name of Scanderbag did grow glorious amongst the Barbarians, and the greater report and renown that ran of his invincible fortune: so much the greater was the resort and concourse of all such as thought any thing well of their own valour and worthiness: each of them greedily desiring to have the credit of that journey, as men that did affect and aspire to the greatest offices and highest dignities. Besides, the ambition of these men was much augmented and pricked forward by the liberality of the Turkish Monarch published and spread abroad, who had lately proclaimed and decreed a wonderful great reward and recompense to him that could vanquish the Albanois. But after that Amese upon his return was seen and heard to 
Amese commending the virtue of Scanderbag discourageth the Turks.  utter his opinion and conceit of Scanderbag and his fortune, those their haughty desires were much changed and abated. For by a continual, yet true commendation, he did so extol the virtue of the Christian Prince and his companies, as it little wanted, but that Debreas had changed his opinion, and that the Sultan had not broken the voyage. Nevertheless because he would not derogate from the majesty of his Empire, he thought it better to increase and strengthen his army, then either to mistrust the diligence and devoir of his Saniacke, before he had made proof and trial of him: or to leave the discomfiture of Amese, and the late injuries of his people unrevenged. Wherefore there was added to the troops before levied a new supply of 3000. horse. Thus whilst that Amese discharging the duty of a friend, and gratifying his late host, did exalt the honour of Scanderbag, and did publish his rare virtues, he was in a manner injurious unto him, or rather he was the author and occasioner of his greater praise and of his more honourable victory.  
All things being in a readiness, and the companies ready to march, there fell such great store of rain, continuing for many days together, that it did for a while hinder 
Debreas marcheth into Epire with an army of 15000. men.  the forwardness of the soldiers. Put the foul weather being ceased, and the season of the year being likewise grown more mild and pleasant, by the coming on of the spring, they took their journey with all speed and celerity: the same reason and consideration drew Scanderbag likewise into his camp, there to deliberate with his Chieftains, and to provide for the ordering of his affairs, which the roughness of the winter had caused him to defer and put off, till the time fell out more fit and gracious to his purpose. This was the occasion, that at the same time when both the preparations, and the coming of the enemy were noised in the country, he was 
Scanderbag leauteth an army of 7000. men against Debreas.  with Moses amongst the Dibrians, wherefore he assembled speedily, and in a small time to the number of 7000. men or somewhat more.  
It ought not to seem strange, neither should any man marvel, that the Christians were so suddenly and readily armed and provided, nor that they gathered an army 
The order taken by Scanderbag for the sudden arming of his subjects and speedy raising of an army.  with such incredible speed and celerity. For the King of Epire of his own mere and proper motion, without the desert or merit of any man's service, had given the better part of his ordinary revenues, especially of his domains, to certain of the greatest and chiefest men of the country, upon condition, that whensoever there happened any necessity of war, they should presently find him a certain number of men at their costs and charges, according to each man's state and quality: with whom, themselves also in person should make their speedy repair unto him, and so to receive such directions, and to be employed in such services, as it should please him to command and appoint. These men therefore were always ready in arms, and well appointed, expecting nothing but the will and pleasure of their Chieftain. Besides there was a certain number of the inhabitants, and especially of the husbandmen, who by a certain usage and custom of the country, were bound to accompany them wheresoever they marched without any consideration of pay or wages: and commonly, the only desire of prey and pillage did furnish him with more men than he himself would have demanded. Hereof it appeareth, how Scanderbag could continually repair so many and so often armies, considering that his rents and customs were not so great, nor were not sufficient for any long time to entertain his soldiers. Add herewithal, that if neither the custom of the country, nor their greedy desire of prey, had not been such as it was, yet the regard of the common peril, the consideration of their Prince his dexterity and good fortune, might easily have alured and persuaded them, and was sufficient to have drawn them into arms. As for the stipendary succours and mercenary soldiers which he hired for his money, the chief burden and importance of that charge, was borne for the most part by the Bishops of Rome, the King of Naples, and other Catholic Christian Princes, who failed not from time to time to furnish him with money and treasure, which (as the saying is) are the sinews of the wars.  
Debreas having passed over the greatest part of Bulgarie, or the country of the Tryballians, was gotten as far as Pologue, which is a place and part of Bulgarie, 
Pologue.  under the obeisance of the great Turk, and not far from the confines of Epyre. Hereof Castriot being certainly informed at full, commanded speedily to mount on 
Scanderbag marcheth with 6000. men against Debreas  horse back, choosing out of all the company six thousand horse: for the matter requiring so great haste, he could not conveniently use the aid of his footmen. The residue he sent away with the old garrison of Moses, having first taken order for such things as seemed necessary: but before he began to march with his troops he had sent the Dybrian with ten horsemen to take notice, and to discover the coming and purpose of the enemy. The rest of the squadrons followed after fair and easily. The General of the Turks was encamped in the 
The description of the country about Pologue. Scopia a chief town in Macedon.  fields of Pologue, tarrying for the breaking of the day. The plain was bounded on the one side with the mountain of Mocrea, on the other side with the town of Scopia (which was belonging to the Turks) and it was enclosed likewise with two other mountains of a notable height called by a general name, the mountains of Pologue. Moses had good leisure to survey all things (for the Moon being at full, did shine very bright) and he brought back certain and perfect notice of every thing to the general of the Christians, who taking the advantage of this singular benefit of the night, commanded his companies to hasten their pace. They were no sooner departed from Mocrea, and scarce entered within the plain, but the heavens were suddenly changed even in an instant: and at the first there fell a sweet shower, which did but gently wet the battalions, but the 
Army of Scanderbag stricken with fear by the terror of a sudden tempest  rain increasing by little and little, there followed a great tempest of thunder and lightning with a mighty storm and violent winds. Hereupon did the Ensigns make a stand, and a certain horror and fear began to possess the companies: in such sort, that they stood gazing one upon another very sad and pensive, as if some sinister token and presage of ill fortune had befallen them. Scanderbag making but a jest of this their timorousness and vain fear, went to the head of the battle and pushed forward the Standard-bearer with his hand, telling him, that he was but an ill prognosticator unto himself: and he said with a loud voice: that it behoved them upon 
Speech of Scanderbag to his soldiers encouraging them not to be amazed at the tempest.  such an opportunity to take the advantage of the time, and to charge the enemy: that this was no other but the casualty and inconstancy of the spring time, and new season of the year, namely of the month of March: and that before they should be able to come to handie-stroakes with the enemy, they should see the air would wax clear, and as calm and pleasant as before. Whereupon the soldiers being recomforted, and interpreting it to be a sign of their own good fortune, they did both mutually encourage one another, and they put their leaders likewise in a better hope and comfort. By this time the weather being cleared (as Scanderbag had foretold) the brightness of the moonlight increasing with her course, and the nearness of their troops did now discover the approach of the Albanois, which hastened on each man's fortune either good or bad. The enemy at the first being astonished and unresolved, stood a while in suspense, whether they should fight, or fly: or whether it were best to temporize. The darkness of the night did much augment their terror, and the audacity of the Christians whom they saw to be advanced so far without their confines and from their own dwellings. On the contrary, this seemed to encourage them, and to increase their hardiness, in that they knew they were to fight not in the enemy's country where they might be in fear of ambushments and surprises. But the principal point that made them to cast away all fear, was the multitude and valour of their troops, which was enough even to make the veriest cowards to be ashamed to think of flight. Wherefore in the end Debreas giving a sign to begin the fight, willed them to go to the charge, and calling to mind his own great and large promises made to the Ottoman, and the instructions given him, he animated his soldiers, and coursing up and down now here now there, thus did he incense and egg them on more fiercely against the enemy.  
On, on, brave soldiers (quoth he) now is the time come that you shall be fully 
Oration of Debreas encouraging his soldiers to the battle.  revenged of your wrongs, and repair the honour which heretofore we have lost: now may you avenge you of your imprisonment, of the loss of your fellows, and your own blood. See how these Champions of the night do hasten against you: see how they come bringing (as it were) bonds and fetters to manacle your hands. They think they shall encounter here with their courteous host Amese: they are persuaded that they shall be favoured by the valleys of Mocrea, and the thickets of Modrissa, and these dens & starting holes which are the ordinary refuges of thieves and robbers. Behold with what security and surety the battle is offered unto you, even in a manner at home, and at your own doors. If yourselves will, they cannot stand against you, neither for valour nor for number: and you can not desire a place more fit and convenient to fight on horseback. For my part either will I lose my life together with you, and here will I rest, if not fortunate, yet free amongst the dead bodies of my dearest companions, or else by your prows and virtue I will so carry and demean myself, as the severe judgement of our Prince shall have no cause to reprove us. Go to then my good friends, let every man be of good courage, none did desire this voyage so earnestly as we, none did accept the journey with more joy and gladness. If we be conquerors, none can expect greater glory nor greater rewards than are prepared for us: if we be vanquished, as great will be the frowns, the scorns and the reproof which will be laid upon us.  
Thus saying he sent forth a certain number of soldiers in manner of forlorn hope, to skirmish with the Christians, and to keep them play, that whilst they did stop and hinder their fury and violence, himself in the mean time might take some sure course upon the hazard of his whole forces in the main fight: and then afterwards by little and little he came to try the fortune of the field. Scanderbag on the other side thus spoke unto his men.  
How now my soldiers? what a shame is this? Have they that were of late your 
Oration of Scanderbag encouraging his soldiers to the battle against Debreas.  prisoners taken arms now again? Have they the courage to oppose themselves against you that were their masters? See these infamous relics of the camp of Amese, they complain and they cry out against you, that you were but bad banquetters. For it is the fashion at great banquets, and it is the duty of right banquetters to leave nothing behind them: behold here I see other store also of fresh and new forces with their new General: what other thing is it, than a new matter and object of greater glory? down with them, overthrow them as you were wont, you brave Albanois. Let not our faintness and slothfulness cast us out of the possession of ou● wont good fortune: let not our adversaries have any occasion to say by our present misfortune, that it was Modrissa, and the valleys of Mocrea, and not we that did of late vanquish them: let the plain and open fields, give plain and apparent proof of your valiant hearts and undaunted valour.  
In this manner admonishing and encouraging his companies, he took especial care that his soldiers should keep themselves firm in good ●rray and order of battle, to the intent the ranks might not be confounded and intermingled, but might 
The battle of Pologue.  be discerned and distinguished from the enemy. And he had this reason especially, for that the smaller number being once disordered, might easily be forced and overthrown by the greater. And because he durst not rely too much upon the strength of those lose troops which he had made out to encounter and to begin the fight with the Barbarians: he caused Moses and Amese with a strong squadron of chosen men, to make head against the enemy which was coming to give the onset upon him: doubting lest if at the beginning of the battle they in the forefront should happen to be repulsed, both his own people might be the more troubled and terrified, and the enemy the better heartened and encouraged. As for the rest of his squadrons, he kept them close and excellently well ordered in great silence. In like case, the Infidel either doubting the obscurity of the night, or conforming his counsels to the renour and demeanour of the Christians, stirred not at all: but with his battle close arraunged and in good array, he held himself quiet as a beholder of the fight. Thus the conflict between the vauntcurrours on the one side and the other did seem to represent (as it were) a pleasant combat: and the two armies on both parts did carefully attend in great doubt the event and hazard of the battle, which it behoved them shortly to undertake. But the Dibrian did soon cut off this spectacle and their expectation: for like a violent storm rushing in upon the midst of them that fought, with 
Moses putteth to flight the Turks that began the flight.  the destruction and slaughter of a great many, he did easily put the rest to flight, and with the exceeding vehemency of his fury, having forgotten himself, he had without all doubt pursued them even into the midst of their main battalion, if that Amese calling back his soldiers had not refrained his fury, and with good words as well as deeds had not caused him to retire their ensigns.  
Certain it is and not to be denied: that Moses was a brave man, hardy and valiant 
Moses his immoderate fury in the heat of fight.  of his person, and a most excellent Captain fit to have the command of any forces: yet when he was once imbrued with the blood of his enemies, and that (as the saying is) his blood was once hot: his impatiency did so master him, that he was not able 
Speech of Scanderbag to Moses reprehending his overmuch hardiness.  any longer to rule and moderate himself. Wherefore it is reported that Scanderbag did sharply reprehend him: admonishing him to temper his hardiness and audacity with more moderation and modesty, and to use his victory more advisedly: that well it might be tolerable in a private soldier to be so audacious and hardy: but in a leader which hath the charge and command of men, it is a fault no less pernicious than reprovable, and a very bad precedent and ill ensample.  
But the rare qualities and excellent deserts of this worthy parsonage do invite me, by the way to touch a word or two concerning his original. This Moses (who was 
Moses his original & descent or pedigree.  called the Dibrian) by reason that he dwelled, and did possess a goodly and large territory and inheritance amongst the Dibrians, by another surname was called Goleme Ariamnites by nation an Epirot: descended and borne in the city of Valmes in Epire: 
Valmes a city in Epire.  Musache being his father and Roislava his mother. This Musache had two brethren to wit Ariamnites Goleme or Comniat father in law to Scanderbag (of whom hath been before entreated.) And Vladienne Goleme de Ariamnites, who begot Musache, surnamed Goleme de Ariamnit: otherwise Musache de Angeline, so called by reason of his mother the sister of Scanderbag: and thus much briefly for the descent of Moses. But to our purpose.  
The rest of the troops Albanois stood a while at a stay, and without moving either forward or backward, admiring the extreme hardiness of the Chieftain. But on the contrary, the enemies were stricken with an exceeding fear, and began thereupon to conceive a certain and general resolution to fly away, and to leave fight: notwithstanding thinking that the Christians by reason of the darkness of the night would not stir any farther, nor enterprise any thing, but defer the main fight till the break of the day, they stirred not at all, but held good & stood firm for a while, & the rather for that besides the shame and ignominy, they judged that their flight in the uncertainty of the dark would be far more perilous and full of hazard. Likewise the Albanois was not a little perplexed in his thoughts, but had diverse imaginations in his mind: being in doubt whether he should attend the daylight or else should press forward this his good fortune, which to men of war, is very light and inconstant. For herein he found himself deceived of his hope, in that he thought to have surprised them at unwares, and found them out of order, as he had of late overtaken the Amezans: & yet for all that, seeing he had overthrown and beaten back their first troops, he was in hope that they would not abide him but be gone, and so pursuing them at their backs, he might obtain the victory without any loss or bloodshed of his own men. Now therefore when he perceived them to set a good countenance on the matter, and yet nevertheless to be (as it were) in a mammering, and ready to turn their backs: without any more delay, he sounded a charge & gave the onset upon them most furiously both before and behind: saying unto his soldiers. 
Speech of Scanderbag encouraging his soldiers to give the charge upon Debreas.   
Come on (my friends) let us use the victory whilst these fellows are thus amazed, and whilst their wounds are yet fresh and bleeding: let us prevent the enemy of their flight, which they are now devising and debating, how to take their most advantage, and how to get away free and safe out of our sight.  
Debreas his troops endured the shock at the first very coldly: which made him to repair to their fore ranks, where he animated & exhorted them to behave themselves manfully and to stand firm both with good words, and by the example of his own virtue and valour: insomuch that now they began to receive the Christians to the encounter with a good resolution, & made them to hold bridle, & stopped them in their pace. But whilst they were thus combating together, and that each of the armies were in doubt to be confounded and entangled one within another, the fight as yet was not very mortal, till such time as one of the Musaches was sent with part of the horsemen from the left wing to charge the enemy upon that side, where first of all their ranks began to break and be disordered. Scanderbag pressing continually upon them in the forefront, did beat up and down the press having a vehement desire to encounter with the General of the Turks, and he had enjoined some of 
Policy of Scanderbag in battle to aim at the destruction of the General of his enemies. Saying of Scanderbag touching the cutting off of the General of the enemies.  his people with promises of good rewards to carry a good eye upon Debreas. The report is, that it was a property peculiar and usual with him in all battles & encounters, to lay the first and principal plot of his victory against his enemies by giving the onset upon their General, and by his death and destruction: for he was wont commonly to say, That the head was first to be cut off, and then that the rest of the body would tumble after it all alone: that he knew not any kind of creature in the whole world, which could survive after the head thereof was once taken away.  
But the brave and sudden charge given by Musache, did somewhat hinder the purpose of Scanderbag, for that Debreas leaving the head of the battle where he as then kept, did suddenly make towards that side: that repulsing the enemy and redressing the ranks again in good order which Musache had disordered, he might cause them to temporize yet a while, and to bear off the violence of their enemies, till such time as it grew to be day. The soldiers in the vanguard no sooner perceived their General to be absent, but they began presently to wax more faint and slack in fight, suffering themselves with little violence to be beaten back even into the midst of their other battalions. Moses, to the intent he might win honour by so glorious an action, broke in very furiously amongst the thickest of them, 
A hardy act of Moses.  and snatching an Ensign out of the hands of one of the Barbarians, he throw it to his companions that followed him. This accident made them to redouble their fierceness against the enemy, and did with a kind of iealouzie so incense and set spurs to their courages, that they came trouping thither on all sides as men that bravely despised all danger, and fear of death. Then began the slaughter and chiefest fear amongst the Infidels: then might you have seen many a Moses: then might you have seen how the Turks by heaps and companies forsook and lost their Standards: There was no more question or contention who should keep the field: but every man thought it best to shift for himself by running away. The misfortune that followed Debreas made him forgetful of all good discipline and martial order, and deprived him of all good counsel. For without all delay (as a man distracted with fury and fear) he came posting thitherwards: where, as he was carefully busied in rallying of his squadrons, and seeking to renew the battle: Scanderbag who had ever carried an eye towards him, came upon him, and with his lance in the rest charged him, and with the point thereof ran him clean through a little above the breast even 
Debreas slain by Scanderbag.  under the chin: and he endeavouring to avoid the blow by bending aside his head, received the staff wholly into his body: and he made an end both of his life and of this battle. Being fallen from his horse his people covered him with their bodies, as long as they thought him to be living, still looking that he should remount again to horseback: but perceiving his body lie dead without a soul, and that there was not now any man left which could upbraid them for flying away: they turned bridle immediately, and abandoned speedily both their standards, their carriages, their 
Victory of Scanderbag against the army of Debreas.  companions and their enemies: and they held him to be most accursed, that in flying was the hindermost. Those soldiers that served under Amese in the last journey at Modrissa, having still in mind that adventure, as they fought very warily and careful of their lives: so were they the foremost and most fortunate in their flight: the which being made more certain by reason of the daylight, so was it the more cruel and caused the greater bloodshed and slaughter. For Musache on the one side, and Moses on the other pursuing and pressing close upon them at their heels, did kill and cut off more of them in the chase, than were slain in the field during the fight: and some of them also were taken alive. Much more large and ample no doubt had this victory been, at least in respect of them which were wounded, if the Christians had been seconded with any Archers or Harguebuzziers: but more than their lances, targets, and courtlaxes they had no other weapons to use upon the enemy. At the length when they were gotten a good way within the Turkish confines, and that the chase now seemed to be more dangerous to them that followed, then to those which 
Sentence.  fled, Scanderbag left pursuing of them, and gathered together his troops, who were marvelously glad and joyful: and so he retired with his prisoners without any loss 
Number of Turk's stain in the battle of Pologue Victory not bought but given to the Christians.  or damage, having not any one of his men either slain or wounded. Thus you see by the strange success of this battle, how fortune disposeth of the purposes of men, and doth sometimes favour them beyond all reason and consideration. The Turks lost 4120 men: and therefore the Christians might well say (as they might usually) that this victory was not bought but given.  
The booty by order of the Prince, being brought forth in the common and open sight of them all was equally divided amongst the soldiers: to the intent that they which had continued the fury of the fight, by following the chase upon the enemy, 
Debreas his horse and armour given to Moses by Scanderbag in honour of his valour & virtue.  without any care of sacking their camp, or spoiling of the dead, might not sustain any loss or disadvantage. To Moses he gave with his own hand the horse and armour of Debreas, with an honourable testimony likewise of his great deserts and commendations. As for the rest, every one had a share, and fared the better for this journey, and some of them had prisoners given unto them. Amongst others, Musache his fortune was, to have a young Turk to his prisoner, whose physiognomy and good countenance showed him to be both of nobility and of courage. But between the master and the prisoner, there arose forthwith a pleasant controversy, which gave occasion of laughter to all the standers by, and I will impart the same unto you. The young man having some speech with Musache concerning his ransom, demanded of him, what sum would content him: in the end they agreed upon 200. crowns, 
A pleasant question between Musache and a Turk his prisoner.  which the Turk presently taking out of a little bag paid, and told out unto him: and afterwards desiring leave to departed, the Epirot began to smile: telling him, that he must seek elsewhere for some other money to make up his ransom: that it was no reason he should think to pay him with his own money: that all that coin, and what else soever was taken with him, did of right belong unto him, and was in one and the same case and condition with his body, and that a prisoner taken in the war, could not reserve nor challenge any thing as his own. The Turk sometimes with reasons, and sometimes with entreaty desired him to let him go. But (to make short) the matter was brought before Scanderbag, who purposely commanded both the one and the other of them to allege what they could in defence of their right: and afterwards turning him to his people, he used these words.  
Truly (said he) here is a pretty controversy, both of these plead for that which 
Speech of Scanderbag deciding a controversy between Musache & the Turk his prisoner  is mine: the money Musache which we knew not of, we did not bestow upon thee: nor you (sir youth) ought not to abuse us with this wile, who do well know, that even the life wherewith thou breathest, is but borrowed, and dependeth on our mercy: so far is it that thou canst pretend any right to be reserved to thyself in any thing. Notwithstanding there is no reason that I should be judge in mine own cause: but who will not judge rightly in a matter of liberty? and who will not set aside all rigour and rights of war in favour of a prisoner? To thee therefore Musache, we give of our own free motion all that this prisoner hath about him: and do thou as frankly and freely give him his liberty: or rather, the duty of nature, on this condition, that if ever hereafter he fall again into thy hand, thou shalt dispose of him fully and freely at thine own pleasure and discretion.  
Thus this young Turk being very glad and exceeding joyful, that he had gotten his liberty: and having also both his horse and his arms frankly given him by Scanderbag, departed, highly commending without ceasing, this his bounty and liberality, praying unto God heartily to prosper both the King and the estate of Albany. The Christians trussing up their baggage, towards the evening did retire thence into Dibria, where during the time of their abode, (as it is commonly seen that when any enterprise succeed happily unto men, it lifteth up their minds to affect 
Sentence.  greater matters,) the Albanois began to make a motion in a general council touching their proceeding in the wars, and for the assaulting and winning of some towns from the enemy. But in the end it was concluded for the best and most expedient, that they should stay a while to see what the Turkish Monarch would do after this discomfiture of his forces, lest they should happen incontinently to undertake an action, either with too much hastiness & temerity, or more dangerous than would easily be effected. Two months therefore were limited for the discovering of that matter, and there were espials dispersed throughout all parts: notwithstanding that there was no want of fugitives both from Andrinople and other places, which came daily to yield themselves to the Albanois. These things thus passed, Moses retired himself to his garrison upon the frontiers: and Scanderbag with Amese and the rest of his Princes and Nobles, took his journey towards Croy.  
In this mean time, the army of the Barbarians which had been broken and overthrown, 
Mahomet and his Nobles greatly troubled and vexed at the discomfiture of Debreas.  was returned and come to the presence of Mahomet, who though he saw them in a most miserable plight, and distressed in all respects, yet took no pity nor compassion of their estate. For first of all, both the Sultan and all the great persons of his Court, were greatly troubled and aggrieved at the flight of so many sufficient and able men, saying openly and aloud, that they were people enough to have restored the fortune of any battle, had it been never so desperate and out of hope. Afterwards, when as the great Turk came to inquire of the particulars, where and in what place the battle had been fought, and against what troops and numbers of the enemy: then was he much more inflamed with rage and choler then before, commanding them out of his sight, reproaching and blaming them uncessantly, and exclaiming against and detesting their faintness, sloth, and cowardice. Moreover, the misfortune and mishap of Debreas caused those of his condition and calling, rather to be glad then to grieve thereat: were it either because they did envy the reputation of his valour and virtue: or that they did hate his audacious presumption. Mahomet himself was exceedingly abashed at the success of this miracle, and was not altogether free and exempted from fear. He could not be persuaded that Scanderbag with so small a company, durst enterprise to enter so far upon his frontiers, and even in the open plains of Pologue to encounter with Debreas. Notwithstanding finding that their testimonies did agree in all parts, and that there was no difference nor disagreement in their tales; he durst not call in question the truth of their reports. Touching the principal point, which was, how to be revenged: he wanted not flatterers of all sorts, 
Sentence.  (an ordinary plague attending great Princes, and which doth puff them up with vanity) who by a certain reproachful and artificial interpretation, did obscure and 
Spetches and persuasions of Mahomet his flatterers animating▪ him against Scanderbag  detract from the honour and deserts of the Christians, offering both their persons and their lives to serve against them, and undertaking and promising, that they would overreach and go beyond the Epirot, were he never so cunning and well practised in sleights & policies: that every place was not as Modrissa: that the stars would not favour him in all places: that he should not find every one to be an Amese, nor a Debreas, especially when that Scanderbag should see himself beset and assailed with such a troublesome Hydra having so many heads: and that of each one which was cut off and overcome, there should still arise another monster who would never cease to seek to devour him. And were it that he were (as a man may say) even in the arms of his jesus: yet should he not be always in safety and security.  
Mahomet did gladly give care to the good affection of his people, and he would 
Mahomet deviseth to corrupt some of Scanderbag his subjects.  not openly gainsay nor contradict any one of them, that offered themselves so willingly to these dangers: but the crafty Fox had another matter hammering in his head: his brains were beating and devising upon another kind of revenge, which might be wrought with less bloodshed & loss of his people: namely, how he might oppress and confound this his adversary by some civil and domestical war, and by stirring up against him the arms and ambushments of some of his own subjects. For he knew, that where force of arms would not prevail, there policy and other 
Sentence.  sleights of war ought to supply their defects. A course which he himself had oftentimes put in practice with happy and good success against many others, by following the tract which his father Amurath had trodden before him, at such time as he impatronized himself upon the empire of Greece. And (such are the tickle and enticements of men's desires, especially when they seek for Empires and dominions) he easily promised unto himself and was persuaded, that he should find some of the most inward and familiar friends of Scanderbag, who would be wrought and alured to be the authors and executioners of his wicked practice: wherein he was not altogether deceived.  
At that time there were many about Scanderbag who were of great account and authority with him, both in the administration of the estate, as also in the wars. But as Moses did excel them all in the practice and experience of arms, so was he in the highest degree of favour and reputation with his Prince: and Scanderbag loved and esteemed him above all the rest. This made the Ottoman to have a desire to practise 
Mahomet seeketh to undermine the faith of Moses.  and work with this parsonage, and by the greatness of his fair and large promises, to make a conquest of the fortress of his constancy, faith and loyalty. One thing there was which he did hope would greatly further the conuciance of this matter: and that was, because it was told him, that the lands and possessions of Moses did bound and butt upon his confines, especially towards Sfetigrade: supposing that this near neighbourhood would give him the more easy and ready access to have some speech and conference with him: and that the whole matter might be handled the more conveniently and the more secretly. Wherefore touching any further provisions to be made for the wars, and to those vain offers & vaunts made by his Courtiers: he feigned that upon some good considerations he would defer the revenge of his wrongs and outrages in Epire, till another time and season, and then having communicated this secret with one or two of his most private and faithful councillors, he wrote unto the Governor of Sfetigrade in a most cunning and subtle manner, and the saying is, that he did the like to the Governor of Alchria. But it is not much material whether he writ to them both or not: yet I believe, that this web was woven and this practice was begun, continued and ended in one of those places only: neither was it wrought for all that without great danger and difficulty: and the reason which maketh me to think so, is the quality of the case, and also for that the letters sent to Alchria (if there were any) did never sort to any purpose and effect.  
The Governor of Sfetigrade having received the letters which were sent unto him, did peruse them very secretly, and he had a great desire to execute the commandment of his sovereign as effectually as he might: for that by the accomplishing of his will and pleasure, he was sure to become great, and to be highly rewarded. The substance of the letters in regard of Moses was to this effect: That he should deal 
Letters of Mahomet to the governor of Sfetigrade willing him to practise with Moses to revolt from Scanderbag.  with him in the name of Mahomet, and to put it to his choice, whether he would accept of money, or else have preferment and advancement of estate and livings, either with the Turks in the court of the Emperor, or (if he had rather) in the realm of Albany, upon this condition: That he should make away Scanderbag, or by some means cause him to be made away: or at the least by leaving of his service to follow the arms and party of Ottoman. Many other good speeches were added in the letters fit to persuade and induce him thereunto, by which it was easy to be discerned what was further to be done in the matter: albeit there was not any mention at all made of Moses. And it was referred to the power and discretion of the governor to deal as the time and the place should give him opportunity, and as he should judge to be most for the profit and dignity of his majesty. The Barbarian forgot nothing of that was enjoined him, but used singular dexterity, diligence, and discretion in inviting Moses to confer with him. And the better to attain thereunto, he imparted this matter to a Christian one of his own household servants, and by Nation an Albanois: putting him in hope, that it should be the mean to enrich both him and his house for ever, if he could bring the Dibrian to this point to have some speech and conference with him. This fellow therefore did the governor send towards Moses. The night seemed to be the fittest time for the effecting of this matter, during the 
A messenger sent to Moses from the Governor of Sfetigrade to practise with him for his revolt.  which, this Epyrot taking his journey, and being skilful of all the places and passages of the country, he never lost his way, but came directly to the place where he found Moses with his garrison in the frontiers of the Province. The Dibrian presently upon the coming of this messenger from the enemy, gave him convenient opportunity to speak unto him, and withdrew him apart from all other company; who before that he came to break with him any thing touching his message or the cause of his coming, at the very first entreated him to take the pains to come to Sfetygrade. Whereupon seeing him to refuse so to do, and that he did in a manner laugh at the impudence of the Infidels, he changed his course, and falling to flattering, and fair speeches, he made him attentive to his talk: then entering into the matter, he discovered to him in some sort the intention and mind of the Sultan. Moses gladly gave ear unto him, and with a wonderful liking (such is the variety of men especially of them that follow arms) he swallowed up the cunning the close bait of his own praises: namely, when the messenger told him, that the great Turk did so highly honour and esteem of him, that he thought him only of all the flower of Epire, worthy to be solicited both by letters and by speeches. Reason would he should rather have blushed for shame, to see himself only amongst so many others (as a man forlorn & of a desperate hope) to be chosen and selected as a fit instrument and occasion of so detestable and felonious an act, and of a crime so hateful, vile & treacherous. But such is our corrupt desire of earthly honours, and so ambitious are our thoughts, aspiring to glory and 
Sentence.  Empire, that it maketh us altogether to forget ourselves and our duties. Nevertheless for that time did Moses show himself both by his speeches, and by his countenance to be such a one, that the subtle messenger could not tell what to make of him, or whether he did approve or reprove that which had been propounded unto him. Yet did this minister of Satan sufficiently conjecture of the meaning and thoughts of the man, and therefore not detaining him with any further discourse, but promising to return unto him again shortly, he took his leave and returned to the Governor. It is commonly reported, that when Moses was demanded by some of his soldiers, what communication had passed between them, he answered, that it was a spy of the parts near about Sfetigrade, which came to give him certain advertisements, and that he was in good hope by his aid and assistance to do the king good service and greatly to further his attempts & purposes. The soldiers did easily believe what he said, as not mistrusting any thing. Besides that, the habit and attire, and the speech of the messenger being a Christian did seem to persuade and import no less. And what reason had they but to credit Moses, whose faith and fidelity had been so notably known and testified, and into whose hands the whole estate of his Prince had been so often put and committed? especially in the war of Dayna, when that Mustapha on the one side, and the Venetians on the other side, did seek to have gotten the estate of Epire from him? Notwithstanding the Dibrian was noted ever afterwards to be very sad and pensive, more than he was wont or usually accustomed: which proceeded (as I suppose) of the remorse of conscience that seemed to touch him with a deep consideration of the fact, being so weighty, difficult, and important. He was mightily distracted and perplexed in his mind, sometimes his heart was touched with the thoughts and remembrance of the courtesy and humanity of his prince, who deserved no such unkind and wicked part, and with the greatness of the authority & pre-eminence which he had about Scanderbag, wherewith any other besides him would have held himself highly contented, sometimes again he considered the excessive greatness and rewards offered him by Mahomet, especially the crown and sceptre presented unto him, a thing so much desired and affected of miserable mortal men, and so sweet a thing doth think it to sit aloft, and to be preferred above other men. But 
Sentence.  in the midst of these ●●●● meditations, and in this variety of his thoughts and cogitations, he did with great devotion attend the return of his espial: a manifest argument that his heart was corrupted. O most impious and wicked ears, that could so easily be drawn and alured to hearken so long unto so mischievous a message! O most ingrate and unthankful Moses, whose inconstancy could cause thee to violate thy faith and loyalty, and to conspire against thy country, against thy Prince, against thy friends and companions, against thy religion, against thy own dignity and honour, & against the security of thy own estate, upon a vain hope of some idle conceited good hap, and of a thing merely doubtful and uncertain?  
Whilst the Dibrian did remain thus perplexed & turmoiled with the uncertainty of his own thoughts, behold our gentle messenger is again returned, plentifully furnished and provided, not only with words far more sweet and plausible, but with 
Moses perverted and corrupted to become a traitor to Scanderbag.  rich gifts and sumptuous presents: yet I do not find that Moses did accept of any of them, but that only his mind was now thoroughly possessed with a disposition inclining to infidelity and treason. Notwithstanding the answer which he made to the messenger, did sufficiently discover the malady of his mind: for he willed him to 
Speech of Moses to the Turkish messenger.  come no more into his presence, that he did most humbly thank the Sultan for his great favour, and good will, and promised him so to carry and demean himself, that from thenceforward he should not find him to be his enemy. Thus whilst that Scanderbag being ignorant of the counsels of Mahomet, doth send abroad espials on all sides, to sound and search out his determinations, the Infidels are plotting and devising how to work him a greater mischief, and to overwhelm him with a danger far more pernicious.  
It hath been before touched, how that both Scanderbag and his subjects, did delay 
Scanderbag determineth to have the aid of Italians in the wars.  and put off the war, and the besieging of towns for a season, to a time then prefixed and appointed: which being now expired, and no news of any motions or tumults heard of from Andrinople, but that all things were in good rest and quietness; the king of Albany bethought and devised with himself what expedition were best to be undertaken, and what things were requisite to have it well and orderly executed. To this end he was resolved (if he might) to aid himself with the succours of the Italians, considering, that though his subjects were excellent in fight of main battles, and in combating hand to hand in the plain field: yet did he not think them to be fit or sufficient for the assaulting of holds, and the forcing of towns, and such like services. Alphonsus' King of Sicily and Naples (of whom mention hath been often made) did keep his Court continually at Naples, which was not far distant from thence. And for as much as not only Scanderbag, but in a manner all Christendom, did use this Prince with a kind of familiarity, he took care to use the help of no other, but of him only; assuring himself, that of all the Princes and Potentates Christian, he should not find any more willing nor more ready to aid and assist him. For this cause before he would proclaim any levy or muster of men within his Province, he caused two good and strong ships to be rigged, trimmed, and made ready: which being richly furnished and fraughted with many excellent and sumptuous presents, he sent with two of the greatest and noblest persons of his kingdom unto Alphonsus with letters written in most familiar and pleasant manner. Some afffrme, that because he would find him the more ready to send him succours, he did require Alphonsus by this Ambassade, to receive him into his safeguard and protection: but the Epistle ensuing speaketh not a word of any such matter, neither do I dare to aver it for truth. The tenor of those letters were as followeth.  
To the most noble and victorious Prince Alphonsus king of Arragon, Naples, and Sicily: Scanderbag king of the Epirots sendeth health and prosperity.  
Our soldiers (most Catholic King) know how to fight with men only in the field: but for the assaulting of walls and holds, they are utterly ignorant. You 
Letters of Scanderbag to Alphonsus' king of Naples etc.  Italians (as I hear) are very skilful in that kind of service, and you love it well: this is the cause that we at this time have need of your good aid, which we desire you to impart unto us. The Infidels are possessed of certain of our towns in Epire: and I have for a long time had a singular desire to pluck this thorn (if God be so pleased) out of my foot, but the continual impediments and hinderances of the wars, having ever withheld me, I have not been able to this day to bring it to any good pass. Wherefore to the intent I might accomplish my desire, I have made choice of this opportunity: being most fit both in regard of the season now present, as also of the ley sure and rest which Mahomet hath permitted us, whose fury we have now repressed in two several combattes and battles. You may guess by few words what it is that we have need of, all other things are in a readiness, only we stay for succours and aid from you, which (if it shall please your Majesty) you may send unto us: namely Harguebushiers and Crossbows, such as are skilful to fight aloof, and to trouble the enemy a far off: for of other soldiers, our dominions are sufficiently well furnished. But o how happy may I account Naples and Sicily which are governed by such a king as my Alphonsus, from whence as out of a treasury, a man may have choice of all presidents and examples of virtue. If we have need of your people either in peace or in war: both our estate hath been furthered by your laws, and our wars have been maintained by your arms. For my part, I do so highly esteem of your love and good will, and the memory of your exceeding great benefits doth remain so sacred & inviolable in my mind, that many times I wish (though perhaps therein I overshoot myself) that your fortune and estate were such, as you might have occasion to try and prove, rather than to purchase and tie your friends unto you. For so should I be able by some certain and evident proof to testify my devotion and ready service, and the entire affections of my unfeigned love towards you.  
The Ambassadors having had their dispatch with these letters, Scanderbag made a 
Scanderbag visiteth his garrison with Moses  journey into Dibria, where the garrison than lay, and had in his company Amese his nephew, Musache his brother in law, and some other of his Lords and nobles, with whom he purposed there to consult upon the estate of his affairs, and to take some order for the levying of an army. Being arrived there, he demanded of Moses, whether he had learned any news that concerned the estate, being so near and continual a neighbour to the enemy? His answer was: That he heard of none, but (quoth he) I 
Speeches and dissimulation of Moses to Scanderbag.  have had conference of late with a man of Sfetigrade, to see if there could be found any way or mean to get that place from the enemy, but he hath protested and sworn unto me with great oaths, that it is so carefully guarded, and so circumspectly governed with watch and ward day and night, and it is so abundantly furnished and provided of all necessaries, that it is not possible by any means to obtain it. For the Dibrian was in great fear and doubt, lest that Scanderbag should enterprise the recovery of Sfetigrade, and by that means he should not be able to keep his promise made to the Sultan, wherefore his chiefest care was so to persuade with Scanderbag, that he might turn his mind wholly to the siege of Belgrade.  
Mahomet having heard what had passed between Moses & the man of Sfetigrade, was much troubled in his mind, considering he had no assurance by any pledge or gauge of the faith of Moses. Notwithstanding being then pressed with other cares more urgent concerning Greece, which at that time called him to arms, he surceased for a time the expedition of Epire, because he could not conveniently go thither himself in person, nor yet send any great forces sufficient to achieve and compass a matter of that importance. On the other side to provoke the enemy or rather to feed him still with light invasions and running Camps, he held it to be a course neither correspondent 
Mahomet wileth the governor of Sfetigrade to hold on his practice with Moses.  to his greatness, nor yet for his advantage or profit. Wherefore without any more ado sending other letters unto the Governor, he willed him to have in mind what he had given him in charge, and both commending his diligence, and spurring him on in his good devoir, he encouraged him to persevere as he had begun, and to entertain the Christian with his wont persuasions, not troubling himself with any thing else for that time touching the war of Albany.  
Whilst matters stood thus in rest and quietness, Alphonsus received both the Ambassade 
Succours sent by Alphonsus' king of Naples to Scanderbag.  and the letters of Scanderbag very honourably, and with all speed caused men to be levied according as the hast of the time would permit. There were mustered to the number of 1000 footmen, 500 harguebussiers, & the rest crossbows. The king would willingly have increased the number, but that the Ambassadors showed him that those would suffice, because the places which were to be besieged were but of a small circuit and compass: besides that the Province of Epire was well stored with good and expert archers. Nevertheless in stead of greater forces, they desired him to furnish them with certain engines of assault, as artillery and bars of iron, all which were granted unto them, and he appointed them also certain canoneers for the service of the ordinance. The king Alphonsus also not contented with these offices of amity, did add thereunto a great quantity of corn, and a huge sum of money, to defray the charge of the war, providing also two other vessels richly furnished and appointed: In the which the soldiers being embarked upon the adriatic sea, or the gulf of Venice, 
Gilbert Ortafan a knight of Naples, sent by Alphonsus to the aid of Scanderbag.  (where the passage was not above 60. miles over) he recommended them to God and to the winds. Within a while after, he sent a new supply by Gilbert Ortafan a knight of great valour and experience, by whom also he sent letters unto Scanderbag: wherein first he rendered him thanks for the excellent gifts and presents which had been sent him. Then highly praising and commending him for the confidence & good opinion 
Answer of Alphonsus king of Naples to the leeters of Scanderbag.  which he had of his affairs, he exhorted him to use him as his own, and with officious terms of great amity, he endeavoured to increase that opinion in him. And withal most bountifully and liberally did he proffer & promise him, that all his best means should be ever ready to do him pleasure. As for the soldiers sent unto him, merely he made him this answer: That the Italians were expert and very skilful not only in combating with men upon the walls of strong holds and defenced towns, but with Ladies and Gentlewomen in their private chambers: That the Albanois ought therefore to be careful and to look well unto it, lest that they whom they had invited to fight with their enemies a far off, should be found to enter combat near home, and at hand within their own houses.  
Our Italians being carried with a good and prosperous gale of wind which blew at South, had a pleasant passage, and in few days arrived in Epire. The soldiers being set on shore with their baggage, arms, and furniture, went presently to Croy, whilst the Prince of Albany was yet in Dibria about the mustering of his soldiers, (which was well near finished) and watching carefully to hear, if there were news of any new motions or stir from the parts of Turkey. All things being ready provided and nothing left undone that was necessary, he returned with his army towards Croy, there to join with the Italian forces, of whose coming he was well assured, and to make provision of some other necessaries requisite for the service that was intended. Moses was left at Dibria with the garrison which consisted of 1000 horse, and as many footmen, though Scanderbag were very unwilling thereunto, and would gladly have had his company in that voyage, having many times invited him to go with him to that service, and offering to appoint some other in his place for the keeping of the borders: were i● that he doubted of some future mischief, as oftentimes the dexterity 
Moses seeketh by excuses to exempt himself from going to the siege of Belgrade.  of our spirits doth cause us (though we know not why nor wherefore) to foresee things to come. Many others also entreated and persuaded with him, to go with them to the siege of Belgrade, but he being too precise and scrupulous in his faith and promise unlawfully given to an Infidel, did by shifts and excuses cunningly exempt himself from that service, telling them that it was not convenient, that that quarter of the country should be left to the mercy of the Barbarian: for Belgrade being situated on the other side of the country, was distant from Dibria more than one hundred and forty miles,) and that no man could more faithfully and carefully guard his lands and possessions than himself. That if they had gone to besiege Sfetigrade which was near hand, he would have borne them company: that it was not more discontenting to any then to himself, that he could not be at the siege, where he knew both himself might purchase honour, and his soldiers might find great profit and benefit: that he was of the opinion, that he should have enough to do, and that Mahomet would not lie idle, but as soon as he should hear that Belgrade were besieged, he would perhaps invade that part of the country, and renew the war upon the Albanois, purposely to withdraw and divert their camp from before Belgrade. There was none but did allow of these his reasons: and his treacherous counsel was generally approved of those who were ignorant of the secret thoughts of his heart. In so much as he had authority given him to increase the garrison, according to the exigence of the affairs and the necessity of the time.  
The king of Epire returning towards Croy, the Italian bands sent unto him by Alphonsus 
Neapolitan Ambassade & succours entertained and feasted at Croy by Scanderbag.  went to meet him on the way, and receiving him with great joy & triumph, they conveyed him into the city, the residue of the army being willed to encamp without the walls. The Ambassadors having delivered the effect of their charge, did consign the money which they had brought into his hands, together with the king's letters: which being openly read in the public assembly, gave occasion of laughter unto all the audience. Castriot with a long Oration magnified the liberality of the King of Naples, and his singular amity and friendship towards the people of Albany: and afterwards gave order that the strange companies should be entertained each according to the estate of his degree and calling, and that they should be welcomed and feasted with public banquets and triumphs, whilst that the commanders and chief officers of the army did take order for the mounting of the artillery and for the providing of carriages and other necessary instruments. All things being in a readiness, Scanderbag issued forth into the field, the whole multitude conveying him to his Camp, where first of all having taken a general view and muster of his army, and public prayers and processions being solemnly performed before their departure, for a prosperous and happy return, and for the victory: so as the soldiers being now ready to march, only attending the stroke of the drum and the sound of the trumpet, Scanderbag spoke unto them in this manner.  
This is now the eleventh year of our continual traveles (my good soldiers) 
Oration of Scanderbag to his army being to march to the siege of Belgrade.  which we have sustained for the recovery and possession of our country of Epire, and for the fear and dwellings of our ancestors which were lost unto the Barbarians, rather by a certain kind of fatal necessity, then by any default or want of courage either in them or us. The time is now come that we must employ our whole power and endeavours to di●nest these Infidels, and to expel them wholly out of our country, and with no less glory to impose the yoke upon the necks of our enemies, than we have already by the divine clemency and your unspeakable prowess, shaken it off from our own shoulders. If the life and the death of Amurath have heretofore given you a large and ample subject of glory: you have now a fit occasion & a more noble matter to purchase honour. And it may be that his son is reserved for your greater glory. You have had even of late some pledge & experience of your good fortune, and the tyrant gave you some proof and trial thereof, whilst that with the one hand (as it were) holding the funerals of his father, with the other he demanded peace of you, yet under a certain colour and honest show of tribute. The which we having denied him, he would with a strong hand have enforced and exacted of us, sending hither certain of his captains and soldiers as Collectors of that his tribute, throughout all this Province. But the valleys of Mocrea, and the fields of Pologue, can testify that they had but ill payment, and that they made but a bad audit. The consideration hereof aught to spur us on to follow and pursue that which remaineth yet undone. Amongst the rest the town of Belgrade doth seem to promise us no less good success: in the siege whereof, we will continue as long as yourselves shall think convenient: in such sort that if either the fortune of the war, or the obstinacy of the defendants, do protract & draw it out at length, we are not determined to continue there longer than till the end of Autumn. Howbeit I am in good hope, that we shall not be enforced to stay there to the end of that season, considering both your accustomed valour, the flower of so many goodly troops, such great store of engines, and pieces for battery, wherewith the King of Sicily hath most bountifully furnished us. Besides you know that Belgrade is a town of Christians, peopled with our own kinsmen and friends, and that Amurath after the death of Theodore Corona the last Lord of that 
Theodore Corona, Lord of Belgrade in Bulgary.  city, did traitorously seize and possess himself of the same. This place is yet full of her ancient citizens, who do only attend to be freed and delivered out of the servitude of those Infidels. I am much deceived if they do not greatly further and favour our attempts, whereby the enemy shall be assailed both within & without. Go to therefore (my good friends and companions in arms) march on a God's name resolutely and courageously, secure them that attend in expectation of your virtue: at leastwise spare not to enforce both them and the residue, if you find them perverse and obstinate.  
With the end of this Oration, there began a great cry and clamour of all the army with exceeding joy and gladness: then began the companies to set forward, but Scanderbag 
Tanusee scent to begin the siege of Belgrade.  commanded them to stand, and that every man should keep himself still in his quarter: for neither had he as yet sent forth any vauntcurrours (as he was accustomed) to discover the country: nor the marshals were not yet departed to choose a place for their camp to lodge in. Tanusee had commission to this effect, who being accompanied with three thousand good horse departed immediately without any further delay, endeavouring by his diligence to prevent the enemy. Then Scanderbag sending his baggage and carriages before, did follow after with his main army. The fame and report of this enterprise was already gotten to Belgrade, and the citizens were thoroughly informed of every thing in particular, which was the cause that the Christians, were deprived of all means to do them any damage, either by secret ambushments, or by open force & violence: for the peisants were retired into the strong holds with the chiefest of their corn and other provisions, and having left nothing in the fields (for it was in the hart of summer) they had laid up all in garners within the walls, insomuch that the soldiers (naturally addicted to covetousness & desire of pillage, and not finding any matter fit to pray upon, or to make boot of) would not have abstained from overrunning all the country, and from destroying & burning all with sword and fire, if Tanusee had not hindered and withheld them: telling them, that he had no such charge nor commission given him by the general. Wherefore keeping good watch & ward on all sides, he lodged his troops quietly and without any disturbance under the walls, without doing any outrage or injury to the inhabitants, either in word or deed. Neither did they in like manner in any sort hinder or contradict their approach, but 
Belgrade besieged.  held themselves still and quiet within the town, without any stur or motion made against them: yet did they in the mean time carefully provide for all things within the city, disposing their courts of guard and sentinels, and appointing each man to his place.  
The garrison of Turks within Belgrade was very strong, consisting of a thousand 
Number of Turks in the garrison of Belgrade.  men at the least: the common people being Christians were more in number by a third part, yet altogether unfit and unapt to bear arms. For as touching the weaker sex of women and children, they took no great care to suffer them to remain and abide within the town: but concerning the citizens, there was great difference and disagreement of opinions amongst the soldiers, whether they should permit them to continue there still, or to put them forth. Some suspicion they had of their faith and fidelity, by reason that their ceremonies and religion was different from the Turkish 
Turk's within Belgrade are doubtful of the faith of the Citizens.  profession. Notwithstanding this greatly diminished that suspicion, in that they had been suffered so long within the city, and had been friendly and courteously used by the Ottoman, and none of them had been ever touched or suspected with any show or token of treason. Besides that, they saw in their own hands (as it were) certain and assured pledges of their faith: even their wives, their children, their parents, and all their fortunes and possessions. The consideration of these contrary respects, did make them in a doubt what to do and to determine of them. The Governor being willing to retain them within the town, & yet to have some more assured gage of their faith, who were but as strangers unto them: that he might make all sure: and that fight with the enemy, he need not to doubt any civil or domestical rebellion, 
Con●etence between the Governor and Citizens of Belgrade upon the suspicion conceived of their ●● faith by them of the garrison.  caused certain of the chiefest and most ancient of the Christians to come unto him, with whom, after he had taken them aside, he reasoned and discoursed a long time in close and covert terms, touching this war and siege begun by the Albanois: and in the end discovering unto them the deliberation of the soldiers, he advertised them, that the matter could not be passed over without some sedition, if the minds of the garrison were not satisfied with some sure bond of their faith and fidelity. That he for his part did never make any doubt of their truth and good devoir, nor at that present had any mistrust thereof, nor had less hope in their arms, then in himself & those of the garrison. That nevertheless it was his duty to admit and hearken to the plaints of the others, and to do them reason in their demands, whom it especially concerned, and to whom it principally appertained to bethink themselves how they might be assured to have but one only enemy. The Belgradians began to complain and to find themselves aggrieved, that this wrong should be done them, who had never committed 
Answer of the citizens of Belgrade to the speeches of the Governor.  any act, whereby the Turks should either seek to bring them into further servitude, or should take occasion to conceive that evil opinion of them: that they knew no reason whence this their mistrust should proceed, but only because they were Christians, and of the race of the Albanois: But therein they did them apparent and great wrong, to think that they did esteem of their safety more under others: considering that they could not possibly hope f●● more liberty, nor a more frank and free permission of their ceremonies and religion, than Mahomet even to that day had graciously granted unto them. That all other pretences were but vain and frivolous, by which they were charged to love and to esteem better of Scanderbag, for that the town of Belgrade was never any part of his dominion nor under his subjection. And that the Belgradians did disdain the rule and government of the Castriots: insomuch that they would endure any other indignity, rather than to be brought under his command and authority: that they had then had some appearance & likelihood of truth to be afraid of their faith, if there had been left alive any of the issue of Theodore, who might have presented himself to the communality, which commonly is desirous of their ancient estate and condition: but now that he was dead and gone, all the alliance and society of the Albanois was together with him dead and extinguished: and that ever since his death they had constantly and with singular good affection, accepted and endured the Empire of the Ottomans: to whom they had vowed and consecrated their country, their liberty, their wives and children, with their bodies, goods, and livings. Other gauges or better assurances they had not to give them, or to bind their faith more strictly and assuredly to them of the garrison, then that which they had already given unto Amurath. 
Citizens of Belgrade give hostages to the Turks for assurance of their faith.   
The Barbarian being more intentive to observe their countenances, than the outward show of their words, did receive their protestation with great joy and contentment. Nevertheless he carried himself, and framed his speeches with such cunning and dexterity, that before they departed from his company, they promised him a good number of hostages: which being delivered, were put in sure and safe keeping, within the castle or fortress where the Turks only commanded. Willingly he would have transported them to Andrinople, the better to be assured of them, but he was not able so to do, by reason that the siege laid about the town, did hinder him from the same. Matters being thus settled and pacified within Belgrade, and all suspicion being now extinguished, the companies, the watches, the ports being revisited, and every part and place of the town being surveyed, and a strong Court of guard being appointed upon the market place to serve against all necessities and sudden occurrences whatsoever, the Governor was desirous to encourage and hearten both the citizens and the soldiers: and to the intent he might quicken, and stir up their minds to behave themelsues faithfully and valiantly, he used these or the like speeches.  
If there be any thing at this present, which a Captain ought to speak unto his 
Oration of the Governor of Belgrade to his people being besieged.  soldiers: or if by my speeches (o Belgradians) you were to have your courages confirmed and stregthened: the enemy now planted before your eyes, hath prevented me of all such speeches and persuasions. For there is no exhortation more effectual, no spurs are more sharp, even to the greatest cowards, than the danger itself which is threatened by the enemy: neither is it their guise to invite or allure, to persuade and exhort, to encourage and confirm the minds of men, as Captains use to do unto their soldiers, and as I do unto you. But they do press and constrain you to arms, they hold their naked sword to your throats, they bring cords and irons to bind and mannacle you, if you show yourselves faint hearted and negligent. Me thinks I see now insolent and proud Scanderbag, cruel and bloody Scanderbag: me thinks I hear him summoning you to bondage and thraldom. Stop your ears, I conjure you in the name of God, stop your ears: harken not unto his speeches, which tend to nothing but your shame and infamy. Valiant men use not to answer with their mouths and with their lips, but with their weapons, and with their hands ready armed. We have not put on arms to be forced with words, we have not shulund rammed up our gates, to open them again as men amazed or astonished. Let our enemies then make way for themselves, if their fortune so serve them. For our parts, we are not to fear it, no more than that the heavens are like presently to fall upon us. Was it possible, that Sfetigrade (being seated even in the very midst of our enemies, and being furnished with lesser numbers) was able to deride the Bravadoes of the Albanois, and to maintain the immortal name of the Ottomans in Epire? Nay (let the virtue even of our enemies, serve you for an example) was it possible that Croy should be able so cheerfully, and so audaciously, to hold out and make resistance against the puissance of all Asia and Europe? Can she (her walls being overthrown, her fortifications being raised) only by her notable perseverance and constancy merit the perpetual and everlasting title of glory? and shall we in the abundance of all things, and having so near an hope of aid and succours from Andrinople: shall we (I say) be afraid at the sight of a handful of base companions? Shall not we dare to look upon them without terror of astonishment, who are no other than an infamous troop of thieves and freebooters?  
This short Oration did so chafe the hearts of the soldiers, that besides infinite vaunts and bravadoes (as is usual in such cases) some of them flocked together about the Governor, and with great instance besought him to grant them leave to sally forth, & to set upon the enemy: but he refused to yield unto their demand, by reason he was advertised that Scanderbag did approach, between whose arrival and these accidents, 
Scanderbag before Belgrade.  there was little or no great space. It was about the tenth hour, that the troops of the Albanois did appear before the town, and did encamp themselves close together in a large plain under the walls. First they took their repast all at their ease, and then afterwards they parted their companies, each having their several quarter appointed 
Number of Scanderbag his army before Belgrade.  them. The numbers of Scanderbag his army, was 15000. men, 8000. horse, 7000. foot. They were placed round about over the plain, and upon the mountain, the which being not very high nor steep, did serve as well for the horsemen to encamp in, as the footmen. And for this cause was the artillery planted there also in divers places fit and convenient, to make a battery against the walls. By that time that all things were ordained in a readiness, the night overtook them, the audacity and fierceness of the besieged was much abated, by the terrible show and aspect of our people, and especially by the view of those pieces and engines prepared for the battering and assaulting of the town.  
Immediately upon the break of day, the ordinance began to thunder most furiously, and the Curtin in some places began to be dismanteled, and the Flankers to 
Belgrade battered.  be razed: whereupon the defendants both falling to consultation, and yet labouring the whilst to repair the breaches, were for a time divided into contrary opinions, being in doubt whether it were best to demand a Parley or not, before that the enemy should come to the scaling of the walls, and that the fury of the assault should bebegunne. For they were sore afraid, lest they should not be able to maintain the place: and if in the middle and heat of the fight they should intend it, that then the soldiers being carried away with the hope of victory, would not be persuaded to yield unto it. But the Governor would not in any case consent thereunto: telling them, That the peril as yet was not so great, and that they should at all times find opportunity enough to take that course so vile and ignominious: whereupon they were satisfied, and surceased that motion. The next day likewise passed in the same manner, for that the breach was not yet assaultable, nor sufficient to receive the soldiers, and Scanderbag caused the battery to continue still with great fury. And after two days were spent in that sort, and that the ditches were now filled up with the ruins of the wall: he withdrew his ordinance from that side where the town was made least defensible, and for that it was now time to use the fury of his soldiers, he appointed the next day to give an assault, and to make a trial of their valour, commanding them to be ready by the break of the next morning: which was done accordingly. As the ensigns were ready displayed, and that the soldiers with great cries and clamours began to march in good order and resolution, certain 
Belgradians demand a truce  of the town came forth suddenly and met them: who being conducted to the presence of the Prince, required to have truce; which was soon and easily granted them. Afterwards demanding what their composition should be, if they did yield themselves: Such (quoth Scanderbag) as is due to men that do yield: to wit, their lives saved, and free liberty to departed with their armour, bag and baggage: as for the rest, it did belong to the victors. The two messengers being returned, and their answer openly reported, the defendants were generally sad and sorrowful, that so hard conditions should be imposed upon them, all things being as yet sound and in good estate: whereas if their case had been desperate, and the town forced to the uttermost, even they that were in a manner vanquished, might easily obtain such an agreement. The garrison were pensive and sore grieved: fear and despite made them to have many motions and conceits in their minds. The Christians said never a word, notwithstanding that by the articles propounded for their composition, they saw they should be deprived both of their goods and their houses. True it is, that they were in a good hope, that if the place came into the hands of the Christians, they should obtain of the King of Albany what soever they would demand. And therefore they made no show how they were affected, either on the one side or the other, nor what they thought of the conditions, for fear lest they should renew and revive the suspicion that had been before conceived of them. Being demanded of the Governor what their opinion was, they refused to show their minds, giving him 
Governor of Belgrade consulteth with the citizens upon the conditions offered by Scanderbag. Answer of the citizens of Belgrade to the Governor.  only this answer: That they did expect from him not interrogatories, but commandments: that whatsoever he should judge to be for the honour and profit of all in general, that would they maintain and ratify, both armed and disarmed. A great part of that day was spent in consultations: at last it was concluded, that they should demand a truce and abstinence from arms for one whole month, during which time if there came no succours, that then they would submit themselves to the conditions and offers which were propounded. They were in hope that Mahomet would not endure this shame and infamy, but would either be there himself in person, or else would send some succours with all speed. For before the coming of Tanusee, they had advertised him of the preparations made against them. Thus by this policy and device they did hope to preserve their liberty & their town without any bloodshed or loss at all. And if the Christian did deny to condescend to this agreement, that then each man should be resolute, and prepare himself with a good courage to the defence of their walls, and to use their uttermost obstinacy against so obstinate an enemy. The messengers being sent back with these capitulations to the camp of the Christians, Scanderbag made no other account of these demands, but reputed them worthy to be laughed at, willing them either to be better advised, and that with speed, or else to prepare themselves to the extremity of a general assault. In the end when he saw that they were so fully and firmly determined, as they would not abate so much as five days of the delay and respite which they demanded, he grew into greater choler: but the night coming upon them, did put off the conclusion thereof for that instant. Scanderbag calling a Counsel to consult and deliberate upon the matter, some of his chief Lords and eldest Captains were of opinion: That 
Speeches of some of the Nobles and Captains of Scanderbag: persuading him to accept the offers of the Belgradians.  he should not altogether reject these demands, but that he should sound the besieged even to the last point, whether they would abridge any part of that time. They alleged the difficulties that would impeach them from carrying of the place: for that the top of the mountain (whereon the city was seated) did not for the most part admit and give any easy access unto those that should labour to climb the same: and that the great stony rocks naturally arising in many places round about the town, and being wrought by art into the circuit of the walls, and so serving for a fortification to the town in many places, would easily scorn all the force and violence of their ordinance, and make them of no power nor virtue: in regard whereof it might be an occasion that the siege might be of long continuance. They alleged moreover, that how soever it fell out, and whether the truce were either granted or denied to the defendants, yet they believed that the Sultan would not fail, to aid and to send them succours: that the danger would be much greater and more to be feared, if he should come and find them wearied and sore laboured, whereas if he came not at all, or that he did foreslow his coming, they might then obtain the town without any bloodshed, and without any loss or hazard of their people: or in case he did come in good time to their rescue, yet they might then take their choice both of the time and the occasion, according as it should offer itself: that all things would fall out conveniently and to his advantage in the fight, and would be to the furtherance of his victory, and to the greatness of his glory. That he had with as small forces as those then present, given a memorable overthrow to Haly Bassa. Moreover, that Mahomet in regard of his covetous desire and unsatiable ambition to the Empire of Constantinople, had clean forgotten the war of Epire. And they supposed that the Belgradians did demand this time of truce, for the delivery of their town, to no other end and purpose, but only because the king of Turks should not blame them for yielding it up so hastily and shamefully, and to the intent, when they should be cast out of their dwellings, and spoiled of all their substance, they might be thought worthy both of pardon and compassion. Scanderbag smiling at these their allegations, replied unto them in this manner.  
I see (quoth he) that the Albanians are glutted with so many victories, that they are 
Answer of Scanderbag to the persuasions of his Chieftains, touching the granting of truce to the Belgradians  now become delicate and effeminate: and that as the frosts and cold of the last winter were unpleasing unto them, so the heat of the Summer doth now annoy them. They have need to be visited with some misadventure (God grant that it happen not unto them) to chastise them for their sloth and negligence. Besides, who will not condemn us of over much credulity? If we remember, the like fraud was practised against us heretofore by them of Sfetigrade, and they deluded us in the same manner. What think you is then to be done, when the prefixed time of the truce being expired, you shall find either their deceit secretly hidden to be discovered: or that their minds shall be altered and changed? We shall then abide hard penance for our light credulity, and in vain shall we repent the loss of the time past: and we shall be constrained in the mean time to depend wholly upon the pleasure and faith of our enemies. And how soever there be many things alleged touching the difficulty of the siege, and the occupations of the Sultan, yet ought not we for all that to defer that which the urgency of our affairs doth require to be done. And if it happen that whilst we are busied in forcing of the town, there do appear any likelihood ofstirs from Andrinople, we have forces sufficient both to defend ourselves, and to secure us from their attempts. Besides that, Dibria also is sufficiently assured with the garrison which Moses hath in a readiness upon those frontiers.  
After the matter had been long debated and discussed to and fro, notwithstanding 
Truce for sixteen days granted to them of Belgrade.  any thing that had been said to the contrary, Scanderbag was content in the end to subscribe to the opinion of the greatest number. As touching the time, there was some difference between them and the infidels, many matters being argued and disputed on both parts: but in the end they agreed upon a truce for sixteen days. The capitulation being thus accorded and concluded, Scanderbag took not more care of any thing, then to set good watch and ward on all sides. And therefore over and above the ordinary scouts disposed and ordained by Tanusee, he chose out five and twenty watchful and diligent soldiers, whom he appointed to keep upon the top of a certain mountain not far from the camp, for the more surety of his troops▪ to the intent, that the enemy being discovered by them a far off, and notice thereof given to the camp, by fires and lights held up aloft in the air, themselves also should immediately give the alarm, retiring speedily into the camp. By means whereof the soldier being certified, and having warning of the coming of the enemy, should have some time to arm themselves, and to put themselves in a readiness to fight. Furthermore, because his companies should encamp more at their ease, and by lying at large might recreate themselves from the parching and vehement heat of the sun: he himself with Amese and certain of his Nobles, lodged upon the mountain next the town, retaining for his regiment three thousand horse and a thousand foot: and he disposed all things with singular providence and discretion, planting certain pieces of ordinance right opposite over against Belgrade, which were always kept in a readiness, for fear lest they of the town should make any sally and invade him on a sudden. Musache and Tanusee with the rest of the army were commanded to encamp in the plain underneath him, for their greater ●ase and commodity. The soldiers also were willed to abstain from arms, and to rest themselves from all actions of hostility, till such time as the days of truce limited to the inhabitants, were fully ended and expired.  
The end of the seventh book.   

THE EIGHT BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
Mahomet having undertaken the conquest of Constantinople, and marching against it with a mighty army, upon the news of the siege of Belgrade stayeth his journey, and sendeth Sebalias to relieve Belgrade: who surpriseth the army of the Christians, and raiseth the siege. Scanderbag maketh head against him. The battle of Belgrade between Scanderbag and Sebalias. The particular combat of Scanderbag with Acmath and Barach two Turks, who having vowed his destruction to Mahomet, are both slain by Scanderbag. Sebalias and the Turks are put to the retire. Scanderbag withdraweth his army into the confines of Epyre. Moses revolteth from Scanderbag to Mahomet. Sebalias' returneth to Andrinople. Tanusee scent by Scanderbag to bury the Christians slain at Belgrade, spoileth and destroyeth all the country. Scanderbag is visited with Ambassadors from divers Princes to comfort him upon his misfortunes. Moses is sent by Mahomet with an army against Scanderbag. Constantinople is besieged by Mahomet. The description of the city and manner of the siege. The negligence and covetousness of the Greeks' and the simplicity of Constantine the Emperor, causeth their own ruin and destruction. Mahomet having diversely forced the city all in vain, at length by the strange cowardice of john justinian Lieutenant General to the Emperor, and the faintness of the Greeks' winneth it by an assault. The Emperor is smothered and trodden to death. The horrible excess and cruelty of the Turks in the sack of Constantinople, and the barbarous cruelty of Mahomet against the Christian prisoners. The town of Pera near Constantinople yieldeth voluntarily to Mahomet, who with singular perjury, useth them with all kinds of cruelty.  
IT is usually seen, that when there happeneth any news of great importance, the fame thereof, like a running, post flieth all about more swift than the wind: so was the siege of Belgrade every where noised and blown abroad, and the tidings thereof came to the ears of Mahomet, at such time as he was not far from Romania, marching with ensigns displayed to the conquest of the Grecian Empire, and 
Mahomet going to the conquest of Constantinople is stayed upon the news of Belgrade.  to seek the ruin of the Emperor of Greece, and the destruction and desolation of the people of God. The haughty and generous courage of this young Prince, did aspire to the dominion of the whole world: the bounds of his ambition did exceed far beyond the succession of his father's Empire, and he sought to surmount the glory of all his ancestors. For casting his thoughts to higher enterprises, he was resolved to reduce within the number of his conquests, the proud and triumphant city of Constantinople: and he held it to be a great blot and stain to his honour to entitle himself Emperor of Greece, and not to have the possession of the Imperial seat and capital city of that Empire. Besides, he considered this with himself, that by enterprising an exploit of so high regard, he should make his memory immortal over the whole earth, and that all the Nations and peoples of the world, would be stricken with the terror of his wonderful acts, in that he being but in the prime and entrance of his youth, should be able to make a conquest of a town so puissant, and to purchase to himself a name so glorious and renowned. And he was the more inflamed in this his desire and affection, because his predecessors having oftentimes attempted the winning of that town, had always been repulsed with some disgrace and loss of honour and reputation.  
Assoon therefore as the news of Belgrade was come unto his ears, he was extremely grieved and perplexed, and he complained with infinite plaints and lamentations, that fortune should so cross and disturb his attempts, as to take out of his hands the joy, benefit, and advantage of a glory so excellent and incomparable. The very conceit and grief whereof driving him into rage and choler, made him to exclaim 
Speech and exclamation of Mahomet upon the news of the siege of Belgrade.  and to burst out into these speeches. Unhappy and unfortunate Epire, which dost always bring some sinister and unlucky misfortune to the hindrance of our affairs and proceed. Whereupon surceasing for that time to proceed any further against the Greeks', he bent all his care and imagination only to the relief of Belgrade. Howbeit that some of his Bassas persuaded him in any case not to interrupt or break off so goodly and honourable a journey, nor to leave off all those royal & princely preparations for the hazard and danger of one only baggage and paltry town of Epire. But Mahomet replied and told them, saying: That his ancestors never taught him 
Speech of Mahomet to his Bassas persuading him not to leave his voyage of Constantinople for Belgrade.  that lesson, to abandon and forsake the defence of his own against the injuries of his enemies, whilst of an ambitious mind he sought that which belonged to other men. That for his part he reputed all conquests and each victory vile and dishonourable, and that glory to be base, & of no moment nor estimat, which should be defiled or stained with the least touch of ignominy. Can it be good or commendable (quoth he) for a Prince to amplify & enlarge his Empire with the one hand, and to diminish & lessen it with the other? how shall I believe, that any of my people can fight with quiet and settled minds in Romania, as long as their fancies and imaginations are carried away with thinking, that a vile & lewd fugitive is triumphing the whilst over Macedony, and is tearing, rending, and spoiling the bodies of their fellows & companions? True it may be, that upon the Greeks' we may purchase us great honour, and greater spoils and booty: but the loss of Belgrade will be more to our detriment and disadvantage than we can reap profit by the conquest of the whole Levant. It behoveth monarchs & great conquerors to be careful of their fame and reputation, and (as good & excellent tutors & protectors) to preserve it unspotted & unblamable, both towards them which are alive present, and to the posterity that are to succeed hereafter. Moreover Constantinople cannot fly from us, but Belgrade being once gotten out of the power & allegiance of the Ottomans, will not without great difficulty be recovered. It standeth us upon first to quench this fire within our own doors, for fear least being neglected, it grow more strong & violent, and spread farther abroad: and the fury of a people so proud & insolent, is not to be left unpunished and unsubdued. The city of Croie may serve for a sufficient testimony to teach us, the which continueth and remaineth as yet in good estate and condition, lifting up her head above all the cities of Epire: and gloriously vaunting and boasting of the wounds and calamities which she gave us, and which we have suffered to rest unrevenged, to the great reproach of the name of the Ottomans.  
But his Bassas showing him that Belgrade was strongly and excellently well fortified, that it was abundantly provided of all necessaries for defence: and that for the more security, he might send thither such fresh succours, as it should be impossible for the enemy to win it, and that the voyage of Romania needed not in the mean while to be interrupted: All this would not any whit persuade him, nor turn his obstinate mind from the war of Epyre. For the siege of Belgrade and the only shame thereof had swallowed up all his thoughts and imaginations, 
Turk's their wonderful care to preserve their conquests  and his head was always devising upon the same. And to speak the truth, I dare assure you, that there is not any Nation nor kind of men under the heavens more diligent and careful in preserving of their conquests, and in keeping the countries which they have gotten from their enemies, then are the Turks. For they hold it a most notable injury, and eternal shame and infamy, that their enemies should take from them one foot of ground, whereof they are the owners: or should innovate, altar, or change any thing upon their possessions. It shall not be impertinent in this place to recount an accident which is as yet fresh in memory, during the reign of the last Bajazeth. The Hungarians had erected near to the river 
An act of Bajazeth the second upon the river of Danowe or Danubius in Hungary.  of Danowe a tower of wood serving to diverse uses and private commodities, rather than to any purpose of service for the wars: a work in truth that was not worth the speaking of. Bajazeth being advertised thereof, could not moderate his passions, but to his extreme charges and expenses, he assembled forthwith a mighty army, only and of purpose to overthrow and beat down this edifice. And he held it not sufficient to commit the execution thereof to his Lieutenants, but he would needs be there in proper person, wasting and destroying the whole country adjoining. The Hungarians thought it not best to oppose themselves against his fury, but gave place unto him, and made a mock of so foolish and outrageous a part: and so little did they grieve at the damage offered them, that they wished him many such victories. Now whether this diligence in the Turks be either to be commended or discommended, this is most certain, that the event of things doth apparently make show of it. But we for our parts do imagine that there is no cause of fear until such 
Note. The delays and security of Christians  time as the fire be gotten into our own houses, and that the flame have embraced even our bedchambers. Hence it proceedeth, that whilst we prepare water against tomorrow for the quenching of the fire, we are prevented in the instant: being burnt up presently and consumed out of hand.  
The great Turk taking that course which the importance of those affairs did 
Sebalias' sent against Scanderbag with an army of 40000 horse.  require, amongst all his servants made choice of Sebalias, a Captain more politic and subtle, then adventurous and hardy: and who more than once had tried himself against Scanderbag. In regard whereof he made him General of this journey into Epire, and gave him the command of 40000. horse, all chosen men and well appointed: so that they made a goodly army, very strong both for their number and for their valour. Mahomet calling Sebalias unto him before his departure, held him with a long discourse, using not only exhortations and persuasions, but with many prayers expressed in most urgent and earnest terms, he entreated him, that he would employ all his diligence, industry, courage, & vigilancy, & the best & most sufficient means he was possibly able in that service, to bring that war to a good end, and to rescue his subjects, promising him great riches, honours, and advancement even in the 
Mahomet conspireth the death of Scanderbag.  highest degree that he could bestow upon him, and as far as himself would wish and desire: especially if he could bring him either the head of Scanderbag cut from his shoulders, or his person alive into his presence. I do find also that this matter should be plotted in another fashion, and that two soldiers, the strongest and most adventurous of the whole army, named Acmath and Barach, should of their own proper 
Acmath and Barach promise Mahomet to kill Scanderbag.  motion present themselves to Mahomet, and should bargain with him for a huge sum of money: and that he did condescend to give them a far greater reward than they demanded, so that they would (accordingly as they offered) contrive the death and destruction of Scanderbag. Behold how precious and excellent was his life and person to be esteemed, which was so highly prised and valued even by one so miserably and covetously addicted.  
Sebalias' being ready furnished and provided, as one that was more forward with 
Sebalias' mercheth towards Epyre.  his hand then with his tongue, to put in execution the commandment and charge given him by his sovereign: and supposing it needful to make haste, if he would bring his matters to any good pass: he caused his soldiers with all speed possible to mount on horse back, and when they demanded whither he would lead them, he told them into Epyre. For the Sultan himself was not more tormented in his mind, than Sebalias was perplexed and troubled with thinking upon Belgrade: day & night, sleeping and waking, uncessantly and in all places, was that town before his eyes. And because he was in great fear and doubt, lest they within the town should not hold out till his coming: having a desire to put them in good courage & hope, by the expectation of speedy aid and succours: he had no sooner gotten his dispatch from the Sultan, but he determined to send away speedily a Post with letters to them that were besieged. But the chiefest care and difficulty was how to get a man fit and able to undertake the enterprise, and that durst expose himself to the hazard 
A Post sent by Sebalias to carry news of succours to the Belgradians.  of so great and manifest a peril. And yet the large promises which he made were sufficient not only to have invited and alured, but in a manner to have enforced the heart of any man to adventure it. In the end, they found one a very quick and light fellow, who being presently mounted upon the swiftest horse in all the army, spurred away with all speed, sparing neither by day nor by night, no travail nor pains, nor for any extremity of the heat, so as in three days or little more he came to a town under the obeisance of the Turks, named Gyrocastra, being about 
Gyrocastra.  some six score and five miles from Belgrade. The Turks have no ordinary and set Posts in Turkey, but in stead of them, and because upon such occurrences, their Curriers (whom they call Vlach) shall not be unprovided of horses, the Sultan's 
Vlach Posts of Turkey.  have established and laid down this order: that in running on their journey, they may dismount as many men as they meet with on the way without any exception: and so by often changing of their horse, they make way with incredible speed and diligence. This messenger being arrived at Gyrocastra, and having communicated his business to the Magistrates of that place, by their counsel and advise stayed there that day till it grew to night: then leaving there his horse, and changing his attire (the better to deceive the scouts of the Christians) in the dark of the night, he took his journey on foot, and at the length, he got near the town on that side where Scanderbag himself lay encamped. For the tents of the two Thopies, and the rest which lay in the open plain, stood farther off, so as they could not perceive him. Both the one and the other of them were easily deceived, for that the messenger (having very advisedly shunned the tents of the Christians, and taken the other side of the mountain, where the way was more covert, and the passage more hard and difficult, had so secretly and closely conveyed himself even to the foot of the town wall, that he was scarcely discerned by the Sentinelles of the town. Unto whom, after that he had by whistling and calling unto them, made himself known by his speech, he was suddenly drawn up with a cord let down from the wall, and so conveyed into the town. As he went on to 
Belgradians advertised of succours coming to relieve them.  seek out the Governor, the common people in a great confusion came running about him on all sides, and in great doubt and suspense began to inquire of him, & to learn what good news he had brought: for the end of the truce was now near at hand, and the time approached wherein they were to avoid the town. The Governor having caused the common people to departed, and calling the messenger unto him, he questioned with him in secret, very few being present: after he had received and perused the letter, he gave credit to that which the messenger reported: by means whereof the Captains of the garrison consulting together, did conclude and determine if need were, to stand resolutely in defence of the place, till the coming of Sebalias to relieve them: and when the daylight should appear, they appointed that these tidings should be published and made known to them of the town, and it was accordingly imparted unto all of them, not with a loud voice or open proclamation, but by the mouth of the Governor himself, first in the market place, and after from one to another, with an express charge and commandment to keep it secret, that they without might not be advertised of it. For they had a great desire both to deceive and delude them by the means of this truce taken for the rendering of the town, as also to see them suddenly surprised and oppressed ●re they were aware: and yet whilst they studied by their close and cunning silence to deceive the Christians, they bewrayed the matter by another occasion.  
The inhabitants and garrison of Belgrade were in some doubt, lest that their 
Belgradians repair their breach contrary to their agreement.  succours would not come timely enough and before the truce were expired: by means whereof either they should be driven to defend themselves, or else to forego and forsake the town. For this cause they began to repair their walls and bastilles, where they had been battered and beaten with the artillery. The General of the Christians perceiving this, and misdoubting some fraud, entered into great choler, and was in a mind to have assaulted them: nevertheless for that the time of the truce was to expire within a three days, he pacified himself, and was content 
Message of Scanderbag to the Belgradians willing them to desist from repairing of their town●.  to send one unto them to reprove them, and to let them know, that they did violate and infringe the agreement and covenants passed between them, by innovating and altering things from their former estate: an evident sign of some treason secretly intended and imagined. That they should surcease therefore from their work, or otherwise if they came afterwards to endure the rigour and extremity of their enemies, they should impute it, not to any breach of faith in them, but to their own default and deserts. The inhabitants in outward show and appearance seemed to obey it, and did forbear from doing any thing, that their enemies could either see or perceive: notwithstanding they continued night and day by all other means, as to carry earth, to strengthen the walls, to lay together great heaps of stones, and other provisions fit to throw upon their enemies: all which they did close behind their rampires. O of what power, force, and efficacy is hope, so to 
Sentence.  alter and change the minds of mortal men, and to make them so variable and inconstant? O how little and small a thing can make them change their thoughts and cogitations? Of late this people when their estate was whole and sound, were most cowardly discouraged and amazed, being stricken with fear and terror at the only view of the enemy: and now their walls being battered, razed, and beaten down, their bulwarks being overthrown, and their defences laid open and discovered, they do prepare to make resistance against an enemy, whom they are like to find more fiercely & cruelly incensed, and ready by the sword most justly to revenge and to demand reason for their faith and promise violated. Nevertheless still did they continue running up and down the walls, getting to the tops of their houses and into all the towers and highest places of the town to see, if they could discover the aid and succours which they expected and desired so earnestly: or if they could perceive any dust of their horses, or hear any noise of their coming by the people of the country. Their eyes were clearer sighted then ordinary, whatsoever sound they heard, whatsoever object presented itself to their senses, they thought it to be Sebalias, and that it had been their gods coming to their succours: so easy a matter 
Sentence.  is it for a man to persuade himself of that, whereof he hath any hope that it is like to come to pass.  
That which gave cause of hope to them of Belgrade, was an occasion of fear and suspicion to the Christians: they regarded no less carefully than the others, the tops and highest places of the mountains where their scouts were placed, to see if they could discern any advertisement by boughs and branches of trees, or by fires or any other sign given them to arm themselves, and to prepare to horseback, it being a thing not possible to keep them continually saddled, nor themselves always in arms, by reason of the violent and extreme heat, which did make their bodies very faint 
Christians before Belgrade surprised by the Turks.  and feeble. But the Ensigns of the enemy were in sight, and their cries and clamours were heard amongst them before that they had any notice or warning given them by their scouts of their approach and coming. Not much unlike unto a company of seafaring men and sailors, who being embarked & becalmed upon the main seas, whilst the Master and Pilots do look up to the flag or streams to see what wind 
An excellent comparison.  doth blow, to the intent they may fit their tackling, and make ready their sails: suddenly in the mean time being overtaken with an outrageous and horrible tempest, (whereof there appeareth not any precedent signs either by dark clouds, or the roaring of the seas, nor any other such celestial threats and tokens) by reason whereof they are suddenly oppressed, not fearing any such matter: their sails are rend and torn, their masts blown overborde, their gables and anchors are lost, and they (not able to work, whilst they are busied on all sides to attend their charges and several duties) are constrained in the end with the violence of the tempest, to give over and to leave all to the mercy of the wind and weather, and of fortune, and to have a care only of their own safety: so did it now fall out with the Christians lying before Belgrade. For they having their eyes always regarding the tops of the mountains to see some sign given them from their Sentinels, had the sword of the enemy over their heads, before they discerned or perceived any such matter. It is a wonderful 
Coming of Sebalias why concealed from Scanderbag.  thing to imagine how so great preparations, and the sudden approach of the Infidels could be so concealed, that even the very stones and rivers (as a man may say) did not reveal it. In all the wars that Scanderbag had made, he was never without spies, fugitives, letters, or some such secret advertisements of his friends, save only at this instant, when he had most need of them. But it may be, that the preparations for the war of Greece being begun, and continuing so long, was the cause he was so deceived: by reason that Mahomet having his great army in a readiness for another journey, did on a sudden employ part of those forces, and that with singular diligence, secrecy, & celerity, so as no report nor espials could easily prevent their coming; as they might have done, if an army had been levied and raised purposely for this journey. Besides, letters and messengers have not always free liberty of passage. And as for the watches and scouts which were placed upon the mountains purposely for the discovering of the approach of the enemy: and upon whom principally did depend the safety of the Christian army before Belgrade: they never gave them any sign nor token of their coming, nor it was never known what became of them. 
Scouts of the Albanois surprised by the enemy.  There is great variety and diversity of opinions concerning those scouts: some say they were corrupted by the Turk: others affirm, that they were surprised, and put to the sword by the vauntcurrers of the Barbarians, who found them very negligently walking up and down, about the fresh and most delectable places of the mountains, taking their pleasure and recreation: by means whereof they could not give any sign to the camp, as it was concluded. For my part I know not well what to think of it. Touching their infidelity, I suppose it was not a thing so easy to be compassed: for albeit it were a matter which amongst a few might soon have been contrived; yet amongst so many it was very difficult, and in a manner incredible: in like case, that they should be slain it is as unlikely: for neither were their dead bodies ever seen or heard of after that: nor any relics, marks, or appearance of them: and therefore some do affirm, and it is most likely, that they were taken alive by the enemy. Howsoever it was, the other watches which were appointed to watch else where, could not discover the enemy till they were come very near them: and yet assoon as they could, they gave them some warning. By means whereof, they had a very little and short time to make ready their companies, and to put themselves in order for to fight with the enemy. Neither was it possible that Scanderbag should send any scouts farther off, to beat the ways, and to discover the passages, or to provide better for the safety of his camp (as he was wont) because all the whole country round about being for the enemy, they might easily have been entrapped by some secret ambushments, or openly distressed by the force of the inhabitants. And it may be, that his misfortune and destiny, did not permit him to devise & invent any better remedy against that mischief which hanged over his head. For we see it is a common and usual course with fortune to oppose herself as a stepdame 
Sentence.  against the enterprises of great personages: and being not able to suffer the continuance of their good hap, nor willing that it should be perdurable: she doth often interrupt the course of their best and most glorious actions. But let us proceed with the scope of our history.  
These five and twenty men which were ordained to watch upon the mountain, either by treason or by negligence (as hath been ●aied) caused great mischief to the whole army. For Musache (who lay encamped next to that side where the enemy did approach and was to sustain the first brunt and onset that should be given) would hardly be persuaded that the Turks were at hand: notwithstanding that the 
Musache de Thopie brother in law to Scanderbag, surprised in his quarter by the Turks.  watch did continue the alarm, and did in a manner show him the dust raised by the trampling of their horses. Some say that he was found sleeping in his tent: others say that he was playing at dice with one of the Gentlemen of the King's privy chamber, and that the Turks coming upon him unprovided, did bereave him of all means of hope to mount on horseback, and enforced him on foot to seek to save himself by flying towards the mountain. But the most common opinion is: that he had some time and jeisure (though very little) to put on his armour, and to mount on horseback: and that he lost his life fight valiantly even in the foremost ranks of his company: and that upon his death the residue began to fly. For assoon as the standards of the Infidels and their vauntcurrers began to appear in sight, Musache having ordered his troops, as well as the shortness of the time would give him leave, was at the first in some doubt, whether he should stand and abide the charge, or betake himself to flight towards the main strength and body of the army. But because the enemy was now so near, that he thought his flight would cause the greater slaughter of his company: beside, for that he took not the enemy to be so strong as he afterwards found them: and being unwilling also to lose his life with dishonour by any default in himself, or to abandon and forsake his Prince, and the others who were lodged on the mountain: he settled himself to receive the enemy; and therefore courageously he endured the charge, and stoutly opposed himself against their fury and violence. For a time he held good, neither his courage failing him, nor his forces: and he was resolute, not to lose his life without a brave revenge of himself and his company. In the end perceiving by the slaughter of his companions, that his flanks lay open to the enemy, and that his virtue and perseverance was in vain and unprofitable, he did assay many times by traversing and coursing up and down the field, to save himself and the rest of his men by making towards the mountain, for other place of refuge there was none thereabouts, where he might if not avoid, yet at least wise delay the extremity of the danger. But the enemy having shut up all the ways by which he might safely make a retreat, and he being enclosed on all sides as in a park, with the inestimable multitude of his enemies: and seeing that both his life and honour did now hang in the balance of chance and casualty: with a desperate resolution, turning his valour and prowess into rage and fury, he terrified the enemy with the wonderful astonishment of his hardiness and audacity, 
Musache his death and glorious end.  and even in the midst of them fight valiantly, he left his life worthy of eternal praise and commendation, for the many worthy services done to his Prince and country. Tanusee Thopie on the other side, albeit he werein no less distress, yet having a compassion at the mishap of his uncle, he seemed to forget all other occasions; and as a man transported with outrage and fury, did enforce himself many times, by charging valiantly upon the enemy, to open him a free way and passage. But in the end knowing all his endeavours to be in vain, and that there now remained no other point of charity to be showed towards him, unless he would bear him company in the like unhappy end; he thought it best to forbear fight: to the intent he might save the rest which were left, and having gathered them near about him, he persuaded them to secure themselves by flying. The like did Tanusee Gynache, and the residue, howbeit that their flight did abate little or nothing of their danger, nor of the slaughter. For the Turks being dispersed here and there, and divided into several bands and squadrons, some of them did continue environing of Musache and his company, as long as there remained any of them living: and others pursuing after those that fled, did never give over the advantage which they had gotten, but followed it to the singular and extreme damage of the Christians. He that should have seen this disorder would have thought, that that good fortune which had ever heretofore seconded the Albanois, had now left and forsaken them, to follow the part of the Infidels. Scanderbag (whose tents were somewhat further removed from this bickering) was oftentimes about to have descended into the plain, with a full determination to do his best and last endeavours for the aiding and succouring of his people, or by his own death to make the victory of Sebalias much more noble and glorious. But being earnestly and instantly entreated by his Nobles, not to enterprise any thing but upon advantage, nor to expose himself unadvisedly to a death inevitable: he gnashed with his teeth, and with his mouth all bloody, he was clean out of patience: and stirring up and down on all sides, he tormented and vexed himself with extreme grief and discontentment. For this one thing which is reported of him, is not to be omitted, that whensoever he was upon the point ready to charge the enemy, & likewise in the heat and fury of the fight: besides other strange signs 
A strange quality in Scanderbag.  of change and alteration in his countenance, his neither lip would commonly cleave a sunder, and yield forth great abundance of blood: a thing oftentimes marked and observed in him, not only in his martial actions and exploits, but even in his civil affairs, whensoever his choler did abound, and that his anger did exceed more than ordinary.  
The General of the paynim (having cut in pieces the bands of Musache together with their Captain) followed the chase after Tanusee, and the rest which discamped with him: of whom he overthrew a great number that never recovered: and he left behind him his rearward, the same being but weakly and simply guarded, 
Sebalias' his indiscretion and oversight.  whereby you may conjecture, that he made but small account of our troops that were encamped upon the mountain. Peradventure he did it because he saw them enclosed: and he thought, after the victory of the plain field was once fully assured, that he should be able with ease to intercept and cut them off: or it may be, for that the heat and fury of the fight, and the haste which he made to follow the chase, did make him to forget them. But it was the occasion that he lost the opportunity of seeing the final end of his adversary, and of obtaining a full and absolute triumph for that days journey.  
When the King of Albany saw that there was little or no danger behind from 
Scanderbag descendeth down the hill into the plain against Sebalias.  the rearward of the enemy's army, he drew forth his squadrons with singular good advise and judgement: and descended down into the plain, according as the present trouble and confusion would give him leave, placing his infantry in the midst, and enuironning them with his horsemen. All this while did not they of the town make any sally forth upon the Christians, neither whilst they fought, nor at their departure: which is a thing much to be wondered at, considering that the besieged did plainly see what a notable advantage their fellows had gotten against their enemies, and that all things were safe and sure on their part. It seemed they stood in fear (as it is often seen) of those who were no less affrayed of them. Notwithstanding at such time as Scanderbag did departed, the gates were speedily set open, and the multitude ran forth to sack the camp of the Christians, before that the soldiers 
Belgradians sack the camp of the Christians.  (who had purchased the victory) could come to join with them in the same. They took away at their pleasure, whatsoever they thought good, but especially the Artillery, which they carried into the town, with a notable cry and clamour testifying their exceeding great joy.  
Scanderbag without any care taken for the body of Musache, at this time especially, 
Scanderbag chargeth upon the Turks who are in chase of the Christians.  wherein he had more need of revenge then of succours, put himself with great fury in the tail of those who had the Christians in chase, both beating and hewing them at their backs, and crying instantly to those that fled, that they should turn and make head against their enemies, & take the benefit of the new succours which he brought them: without the which it is most sure and certain they had been but in bad taking. Herewithal, those Cornets of Turks which were left behind for the rearward, and they also which had been at the kill of Musache and his troops, letting alone their companions: and our men which were together fight, did scatter themselves all over the field in diverse quarters; wholly applying themselves, to gather the spoils and prey of the dead bodies, which was an occasion that Scanderbag was greatly eased and recomforted, having the fit opportunity both to terrify the Infidels, and to stop the flight of his own people. For assoon as Sebalias perceived that Scanderbag did press upon his back, and did hinder the course and honour of his victory, he caused his Cornets to turn, and to wheel about, and went speedily and roundly to encounter him, not without some loss both given and taken on both parties. After a while he withdrew himself aside, causing his army to retire and to recuile a little, till he had renewed the ranks of his battle, and that he had gathered together his soldiers that were dispersed and disordered. In like manner, Scanderbag was not very importunate upon him whilst he thus temporised and delayed the fight: but he employed his thoughts likewise in the reallying of his forces, and reuniting them together in one. But the Barbarian could not long endure to suffer him, for though his own battalions were sore traveled and wearied, and were not as yet fully reordered and redressed: yet did he begin to press upon him, and he gave a fresh charge and onset upon our men: and (as it were) in disdain and mockery, he threatened and upbraided them: telling them, that now was the end 
Speech of Sebalias deriding and reproaching the Christians.  come of the insolency and pride of the Albanian: and that he should now receive the condign punishment of his rebellion: and he often repeated these and the like speeches, saying: that he would utterly confound and destroy this handful of Christians both men and horses. And in very deed their numbers was much decreased: for besides those which were slain under the conduct of Tanusee, and in the chase as they fled before the enemy,, there were more than three thousand slain with Musache, of which two thousand were footmen and the rest horsemen. Nevertheless Scanderbag (not unlike a good and hardy pilot, who having gathered together the remnants of his shipwarcke, and having scarcely repaired the bottom of his vessel, doth yet cheerfully prepare himself with more courage than hope, to abide the extremity of a new tempest): doth animate and encourage his soldiers to try the fortune of a fresh combat: calling and crying unto them with a furious terrible voice.  
Fellow me (my friends) follow me your companion in arms, not to the conflict, 
Speeches of Scanderbag encouraging his soldiers against Sebalias.  but to the slaughter of these cursed dogs and miscreants: and then sharply blaming and reproving them, he called each of them after other by their names, saying: what cowardice is this that possesseth you? what strange fear hath seized upon you? shall we leave the noble bodies of so many of our brethren, friends and kinsmen, here lying without revenge? will all of you yield up your ghosts unrevenged? you have not here any other than your wont and old enemy, even that enemy I say, whom you were wont to make the ordinary subject of your honour and reputation.  
In the midst of these and the like speeches, (pressed forward with constraint and 
The battle of Belgrade between Sebalias & Scanderbag.  necessity, which did invite him to leave and commit all to the pleasure of fortune) he cast himself as a man forlorn and desperate into the midst and thickest of the enemy's squadrons, confirming by an assured proof, & beyond all humane reason, that saying of Homer: That amongst all other virtues, magnanimity of courage, is often 
Sentence of Homer.  accompanied with a kind of fury and supernatural violence. Thus did Scanderbag fill all places wheresoever he came with blood and terror, sometimes beating down those that fled from him, and sometimes those which did withstand him: as a warrior, that was invincible and most fortunate. But if ever his valour did show itself, it was at this time, when he far passed and excelled all his former deeds and haughty exploits. The rest of his troops likewise taking example by his valour, and being transported with rage and despair, did break in upon the enemy, and rushed upon their weapons, as men blinded and hardened against all perils, and followed their General through all hazards and dangers.  
But the sudden accident and mishap of George Thopie, brother to Tanusee, did 
George Thopie his misfortune.  put the residue in a great fear and astonishment: for he being thrown to the ground and almost overwhelmed with the shot of the enemy, our men had much a do to free him out of their hands, and to set him on horse back. The infantry of the Albanois could better save themselves from the violence of their enemies then from their horses: for in many places they made way over their bellies, as they lay overthrown upon the ground, and so did put them to great scathe and mischief. By means whereof (as there is nothing that doth more awaken the spirits of a man, or that doth make 
Sentence.  him more apt to devise and subtillize a thousand fine inventions then doth necessity) they did advise themselves of this policy: to seize upon all the horses of those which were slain, and which they could possibly come by, both of their fellows and of the Paynims: and speedily they mounted upon them with singular agility. This was the cause that very many of them were preserved, and it did greatly strengthen the rest of the army, for that their forces were by this means in a manner redoubled.  
By this time had Scanderbag broken and disordered a strong troop of the enemy's horse, and had pressed in even to the standard & corpse du guard of the Turkish General: endeavouring (according to his wont custom in most battles) to have made the beginning of his victory by their Chieftains death, & so to have enforced them to yield him the honour of that journey. But even then at that instant those two soldiers who (as we have said) had sworn his death to the Sultan, did advance themselves in that front of the fight, and with their swords ready drawn did receive him to the combat. At that very time, and in the same place, Musache de Angeline desiring to succour 
Musache de Angeline wounded.  and aid his Uncle, received a sore wound upon his right shoulder: and the rest of the Epirots likewise being but few against many, were so plied and kept doing on all hands, both in front and in flank, and at their backs, and that so fiercely and so roundly, that they had no leisure to look after their chief commander, who by means thereof being now left alone against two (as it were) by a fatal kind of chance and destiny, did cause each man to turn and bend their eyes to himwardes. For the two Mahometans both with their hands and with their voice putting back and making their companions to retire, would needs by themselves alone carry away the 
Combat of Acmath and Barach with Scanderbag.  honour of the death of the Prince of Albany: and they thought to reserve to themselves only the prize propounded and promised them by the Ottoman. But it is a common saying: That, the fool is greatly deceived of that he thinketh. These two 
A prover be.  Infidels did continue a while coasting and coursing up and down round about him now here, now there, on every side, to take him at some advantage. In the end each of them setting spurs to their horses, and with a careless contempt of their own death and danger, they came upon him bravely and with a full career charged this fierce enemy whom they hated most deadly and odiously. The notorious valour and notable prows of Scanderbag, so often tried and approved, did greatly comfort the careful hearts of the Albanois, as one whom they had often received victorious and triumphant, not of two only, but of more enemies all at once. Notwithstanding, 
Sentence.  as fear maketh men to cast many doubts; so the bravery of the enemies, and their audacious defy given to the Prince of Epire, did make many of them to suspect the issue of the combat. Wherefore immediately they advanced forward with their squadrons, and whilst matters stood yet in good case and entire, they enforced themselves to their uttermost power to second their King against his enemies. But he in the mean time bearing up close to both of them, did reach a full blow to the head of 
Barach slain by Scanderbag.  Barach, and lighting upon his face did cut him over the eyes, and cloven his head almost in twain. The other after many blows passed between them, and no blood drawn on neither party, let his sword fall out of his hand, and immediately the Turk being very active, pressed close to him with his horse, and clasping both his arms about his neck, and forsaking his stirruppes and his horse, with the whole weight of his body, he hanged upon the shoulder of Scanderbag, thinking to have forced him, and to have pulled him to the ground together with himself, The Infidels desirous to aid their companion gave in presently, and environed the Epirot Prince on all sides. But their labour was in vain: for Scanderbag having cut off the head from his body as it did hang upon him, freed himself from the burden 
Acmath slain by Scanderbag.  of his enemy. You may be sure, that this act did notably increase the courage of the Christians, and made them to follow desperately after their General, beating down great numbers of the Barbarians: who now began to shrink, committing a great and mighty slaughter amongst them. These beginnings and firstfruits of victory, did minister occasion of much sorrow unto the Infidels and unto the Christians of great joy and comfort: and it was taken as a good sign and happy token of the return of their good fortune. But the strength of their bodies, and the daylight also failing both the one and the other all alike, they were enforced for that time, to give place unto the night. Sebalias' was the first that made show either of his fear that he durst not, or of his weariness that he could not endure the fight 
Sebalias with his army retireth first from the battle.  any longer. Whereupon all his companies, by the commandment of their Captains, made close up to their colours, and so retired themselves to the mountain, before that the darkness of the night should overtake them in the field. The Prince of Epire being far spent with labour and travel, and full of grief and sorrow insupportable, did the like also with his army, seizing upon an other mountain distant about two miles from the enemy. There did he stay till it was two hours within night: at which time he dislodged very secretly, neither himself nor his 
Retreat of Scanderbag  soldiers having had any refreshing at all, either of sleep or victuals. For (poor souls) neither had they any thing to eat, neither had they any desire thereunto, by reason of the extreme grief and anguish of their hearts, which took from them all care both of meat and drink.  
The Bassa for that night did not enter into the town, but having store of victuals brought him by the Burgesses of Belgrade: he lodged his army, partly in the mountains, and partly in the suburbs. And placing good and strong courts of guard and Sentinelles on all sides, he celebrated his victory with great joy and triumph. For he was persuaded that the Christians would have stayed there the rest of the night: and that the next morning fresh and fasting, as men that were not used to be beaten, and that would seek to repair their honour lost: they would have adventured themselves to a second battle. Wherefore having set all things in a readiness and in good order: by the break of day he descended into the plain, sending forth many companies to skirmish with the Christians, and to draw them forth to the fight: for although about two hours in the night he had heard a noise, and did discern some signs, that might signify their departure, yet he did believe, that they were removed only to some other place, where they might either rest more securely, or more commodiously dress some ambuscado to entrap him and his army. And this also was the cause that he durst not send forth his forces to overrun and spoil the country, doubting lest he might thereby disgrace the honour of this victory, it being a thing very unusual with the Turks to have such a hand of the Epyrots: and besides the inconstancy of fortune being an ordinary chance in the wars more than in any other thing whatsoever. He was not therefore much discontented either with the flight of the Christians, or because he had lost the opportunity of fight with them again: belike he was induced thereunto by an exceeding iealouzie of this advantage so unaccustomed, and of the good fortune which had befallen him, being desirous not to lose it after he had once gotten it. And the 
Sebalias' his want of courage in not pursuing the victory against the Albanois.  former days journey did seem to testify no less, because that he being the first that sounded the retreat, did therein bewray, that either he confessed himself to be wearied and faint hearted, as having the worst: or else that he was unwilling to renew the fight: and that he had no great desire to meddle any more with the enemy. For I make no doubt if Sebalias had the courage to have pressed hard and roundly upon the 〈…〉, he might that day have ended the war of Epire: by reason that there was ●●●● or ●● disadvantage to the one more than to the other: either in respect of then extreme ●●●●nesse, or of the discommodity of the time: but rather if any were, the 〈…〉 had the advantage by the great odds of their numbers, which being all h〈…〉 exceeded and surpassed the power of the Epirots, who if they could have found any benefit or hope of safety by flying, there is no doubt but they would have fled away roundly at the first. But because the Infantry of the Albanois found that by fight ●●●●antly, they had most certainty and hope to escape, and they were loath to acknowledge o● makeshew in what extremity and mischief they were, especially to such an enemy whom they knew to be most insolent, and would be puffed up with prosperity▪ therefore their courages began to be revived and increased, and the Turks contrariwise grew to be abated, till at length the benefit and opportunity of the night did stay the course of their proceed; and did help forward the preservation and estate of their affairs, which was ●ar●● in a case so unfortunate and desperate. And it may be that the goodness of God had provided and ordained that matters should so fall out in that manner: to the intent the honour and reputation of so many fair exploits should not be obscured, nor the subject of their future glory should not be cut off nor prevented, nor that the S●●p●●● of Epire should come to decay and confusion, before such time (in a manner) as it were fully raised and established.  
The Barbarians finding their enemies to be departed, & that all places round about 
Turk's their barbarous cruelty upon the dead bodies of the Christians.  were clear and free from them, and that the country remained at their disposition, who were now masters of the field, most insolently they laid hands upon the dead bodies of the Christians, and converted the residue of their choler and despite against their senseless members, which they were not able to execute upon them during their lives. Many were found yet breathing and gasping for life, especially those who being trodden under foot by the horses, and having their legs and limbs bruised and broken, did lie upon the ground in pitiful plight, not able to help themselves either by flying or fight▪ of whom some of them, having their hands cut off were left languishing most miserably. The report is, that many of them being grievously wounded, torn, and mangled, and having been beaten down with the maces of the Turks, and left for dead, did afterwards in the night secretly convey themselves out of the field into other places near adjoining of more surety: from whence after that the danger was past, they came sat to Croy. There were slain in that fight of the Christians, about 5000. men, 
Number of Christians slain at the battle of Belgrade.  3000. foot, and the rest horsemen: of the Neapolitan succours, there were few or none that escaped: for the greatest part of them being with Musache, incurred the same fortune and adventure that he had, only some few squadrons of them had Scanderbag kept and reserved with himself in the mountain, whose harguebusses & other weapons in that suddenness of the charge were to small purpose, and did in a manner little or no service: and some also of the Albanois which were found disarmed or sadling of their horses, were oppressed by the Infidels: of prisoners they had about fourscore. But the most 
Number of Christians taken prisoners as Belgrade.  hideous & horrible sight of all the rest, was to see these bruit beasts the Barbarians who had nothing in them appertaining to men but the shape only; upon a desire which they had to reserve some mark of their private virtue and valour, they went up and down amongst the dead bodies yet panting ●● breathing, and after they had despoiled them, 
Turks cut off the heads of the slain Christians to carry with them in triumphs.  & left them stark naked, they cut off their heads according to their accustomed guise and fashion. And in as much as the length of their journey, & the intemperatnes of the heat, did make them to putrify and st●●ke, when they found the carriage of them to be loathsome, they did slay them, and re●●●uing the skins only, which retained the show and form of their visage, they 〈…〉 them with straw and so carried them. This barbarous 〈…〉 elty was ex●●●●ed upon many of them especially those whose cou 〈…〉 & aspect, or their names having made them better known the 〈…〉 did cause them to be held worthy of this outrage and ●●ious vsage● and not only was the head of ●●●s●che appointed to 〈…〉 y and dishonour, but his body also being dismembered and cut in quarters▪ was dispersed in diverse places over the country, as if they had been the quarters of some notable th●●●es or infamous traitors. The trunks likewise of the residue were drawn aside into the vallies●rid places adjoining, being left for a prey to beasts and birds to the intent their stench should not infect the inhabi●●●●. To make short, they might do what they listed and without contradiction of any person, for that Castriot was far enough from them.  
Standerbeg being more perplexed and efflicted with the grief of this misfortune, 
Scanderbag re●●eth his army with new supplies.  the destitute of hope to be revenged, had filled up the relics of his army with a new supply of fresh soldiers, and had shut up and fortified certain passages in the woods and thicken of the mountains, for fear lest the Turk, pursuing the victory, should enter farther into the country. He was often in the mind, & gladly would he have undertaken some new and desperate adventure to have avenged himself upon the enemy and to make further proof of his fortune, which commonly doth smile & fawn again upon them, whom the hath cast down headlong from the ●●● of her wheel, & hath 
Sentence.  made to taste the extremity of her wrath and anger▪ so forward are we sometimes to hasten our own danger: but partly the unmeasurable force● and fierceness of the enemy, and the confidence of his late victory, and partly the length of the journey, and the wounds of his soldiers yet grieving them, did detain him from attempting any such action. The bruit of this discomfiture did speedily fill all the country near 
divers reports and rumours of the battle of Belgrade.  adjoining, and all Epire with the fame thereof: and proceeding on more and more, it caused great grief and infinite plaints in all places. For some reported that all the army was dicomfited, & the king himself slain▪ whether it were that they so conjectured, or that the common sort did of themselves so report, as it is the nature of the popular and vulgar sort, willingly to oary news of some notable leasings, though it be never so dolorous: others building belike upon the same reason, did give out, that the whole army was defeated, but that Scanderbag himself alone, after long and wonderful fight, was escaped safe by the favour & swiftness of his horse. The most likely report, and that which came nighest to the truth was that a great number of the Epirots were slain, & that Scanderbag had showed such incredible proof of a rare and divine body, and of an invincible valour, that by the virtue of his own prowess only, he had broken the forces of the enemies, and abated their courages, and had wholly bearest them of the honour of the battle, and that he was retired safe and sound near to Croy with the remainder of his army. Notwithstanding in all places was to be heard nothing but lamentations, cries, and exclamations: the ancient matrons and all their families continuing in tears and extreme sorrow: and albeit they had not as yet any certainty, why they should be discomforted or dismayed, yet did they in grief and mourning, attend and expect their funerals, as if they had seen them even then before their eyes.  
Hitherto and till this present, the happy and continual good success of the affairs of Scanderbag, had held in suspense the infidelity of Moses, and the rebellion erst conceived and concealed in his mind: but now upon this misfortune of the battle of Belgrade, and asso●●e as the calamity of the Christians was known and published, his disloyalty became also to be disclosed▪ for then taking hold on that occasion so long & 
Moses his re●●lt from Scanderbag.  so greatly desired, most impiously he conu●●●ed his arms against his native country, friends and kindred: beginning even then to break in pieces, and to scatter the remnants of the shipwreck, to the repairing whereof, himself before time had put to his helping hand, and which many times he had defended & preserved. And because the fact being odious in itself would seem much the more dishovest, if he should rebel alone without any companions, he thought he would procure some to join with him, as his complices and copartners, persuading himself, that the more there were found guilty & partakers of his treason, the more should he both lessen his own disgrace and infamy, & it would be a mean also that he should present himself to the Ottoman with the greater countenance, credit and authority, who perhaps would disdain him, and not make any great account of him, if he should come alone as a mean fugitive and ill accompanied. For this cause he plotted with himself how to seduce some of his most inward and nearest friends and familiars, such as he thought fittest for that purpose. To them he began with a good countenance first to deplore the estate of Scanderbag and the desolation of Epire, then cunningly did he insinuat and make known unto them how the Turkish monarch did bear him great good love & liking, what offers he had made him to draw him to revolt: and with great store of good words did he entice them to take his part, & to embark themselves in this conspiracy. He laid open unto them by 
Speeches of Moses to some of his friends persuading them to consort with him in his revolt from Scanderbag.  the discourse of divers matters, that the fortune of Epire being now altered and changed, they should be constrained, if they did reject the benefit of the time present, to submit themselves ere long to all miseries and indignities. And what reason have we (ꝙ he) to continue and live ever under the fortune of Scanderbag? to what purpose should we employ our labour and spend our lives to amplify and enlarge the glory of another? seeing the great Monarch of the Ottoman Empire, will elsewhere bestow upon us great honour, and will give us good assurance to make us great, and to advance us to high authority. In the end with many false and slanderous accusations inveighing against Scanderbag, he alienated them from their allegiance, and alured them to bear a part with him in his rebellion. It may be that he would have solicited many more to revolt with him, and that he would have drawn the common people also to the devotion of the Sultan: but the name of Castriot, and the gracious manner of the government was so deeply fixed in the hearts and minds of all men, that it would have been more easy for him (as the saying is) to separat the shadow from the body, then to abolish or to extirpate the love and good liking of Scanderbag, which was so rooted in the affections of the communality: for he well knew that their faith was not subject to any change or variation of fortune, and that their loyalty would never fail nor perish, but with the loss & end of their bodies & lives. And therefore the Dibrian being in doubt that he should not only lose his labour, but he might also endanger his own life and safety, he durst not attempt any such matter: but holding himself contented with those conspirators which he had already gained: after he had provided all things in a readiness, 
Moses his departure to the enemy.  & appointed the hour for their departure, in the dead of the night he lead them to Sfetigrade there to take letters and a safe conduct from the governor, to the intent he might pass free throughout the dominions of the Paynims, and so travel forwards to the Court of the Ottoman. The Governor received him lovingly, granting him whatsoever he asked, both letters and armed soldiers to convey him safely on his journey.  
Sebalias' remained a few days at Belgrade, till such time as he had repaired certain 
Belgrade repaired and revictualled by Sebalias.  bulwarks, and had fortified the walls with earth and faggots, in such places as the enemy's ordinance had battered them. The shortness of the time would not permit him to fortify with stone and such solid matter, because he had not leisure enough to provide them, yet did he take order for it before his departure, and amongst other provisions, he procured the place to be furnished with great store and quantity of grain, victuals and other provisions, for that he had added to the old garrison more than 700. men all approved and expert soldiers. The artillery that was won from the Christians was left to the town, except certain little pieces, as harguebusses and crossbows, which he reserved with the other spoils of the dead bodies to beautify the pomp of his triumph, and to present them to the king. Belgrade being abundantly provided & defended, the Christian hostages redelivered to the citizens, and they also highly praised & commended: he took his leave of them (who were both fearful & sorrowful for his departure) and with great joy & contentment he took his journey to Andrinople: yet had he also just occasion of grief & sorrow to moderate & abate his exceeding joy (albeit to men who were not accustomed to be victorious, nothing seemed so excellent and glorious as this victory.) For on his part also there fell little less than 3000. 
Number of Turks slain at the battle of Belgrade.  at the battle before Belgrade: and those two gallants, whose blood made some amends for the funerals of Musache, might be well reckoned for a good recompense of their joy conceived by so bloody a victory. Before their departure the Turks caused diverse pits to be digged (as is the manner amongst soldiers) wherein all those that had been slain of their side were interred: for fear lest the Christians (returning to take the number of those which they had lost, and to bury them which were slain) should seek in some sort to be revenged, by tearing and deforming the dead carcases of their enemies. But now I come again to our fugitive.  
The morning after the departure of the Dibrian, assoon as he was found lacking, you may easily conjecture, what tumult, stir and astonishment did arise amongst the 
Garrison of Dibria troubled at the departure of Moses.  companies of the garrison: and how greatly they were grieved, especially those that were his nearest and most familiar friends. They sought him up and down here and there in great care and perplexity. Some thought that he was seeretly gone to espy & discover upon the enemy, and that he was either dead or taken: or if not so, that then he would return speedily. But many being of a deep conceit and judgement, and giving a conjecture by the former consultations & secret assemblies of the day last passed, wherein he and others had drawn themselves aside in counsel, they did mistrust that which was indeed: and their opinion was reputed the more likely and probable, because they which were suspected with him, were not to be seen at all. This was the occasion that the Dibrians, but above all the soldiers of the garrison were in great fear and astonishment, because they saw the enemies to be victorious and yet remaining in Epire, and themselves destitute of a head and commander. And their grief was exceeding great, to see that their Prince should be deceived by them, whom he would least of all have mistrusted. Nevertheless, according to the time, by public consent, and most voices of the soldiers, they provided themselves of a Chieftain, and of all things else that seemed requisite for the time present.  
Amongst the most noble and chiefest young men of the country, there were two 
Demetrius and Nicholas brethren of the family of the Berissians.  brethren Demetrius and Nicholas, highly commended and honoured for the greatness of their ancient house and family of the Berissians, and they had been much and often noted to have done the king of Epire good and faithful service, by many valiant deeds of arms, and in diverse notable adventures. These two understanding the misfortune of their army, and the hard issue of the siege of Belgrade, and having notice likewise of the revolt of Moses, made with all speed towards the garrison in the frontiers of the kingdom, doubting lest that either the fear of that sudden accident, or the licentiousness of the soldiers, should cause them to disband themselves: and so the passages of the Province might be left naked without any defence or custody, especially for that the report went: that Sebalias Mahomet his lieutenant was yet abiding in the country. First of all therefore with good advise and ready debiberation, and with no less diligence, they made a levy of some new forces, and strengthened the garrison, heartening and animating them both by words and by deeds, willing them to be of a good courage, and to testify their good affections towards Scanderbag, by showing themselves his good friends, and their willing devotion to do him service, and with a singular compassion of their Prince his misfortune, they detested and abhorred the infidelity of Moses, telling them, that they doubted greatly, and it was likely he had conveyed himself from thence to help to bring in the Infidel, and that it would not be long ●re he would come thither. All this was easily believed, & therefore the soldiers were retired into a place of more strength, and all things were settled well and in good order, as if they had expected the enemy presently. These matters being thus established, Demetrius leaving his brother with the garrison, & being accompanied with certain Gentlemen Dibrians, took his way towards Scanderbag, making very long and painful journeys to advertise him of the estate of the Dibrians.  
In the mean time, certain spies (which had been purposely sent abroad, and dispersed over the plain country) did bring certain news, that Sebalias was departed from Belgrade, and gone away quite out of Epire: Howbeit for all that, the Prince of Epire either for shame or for grief of his late calamity, being unwilling to behold so unpleasing a spectacle, had no mind at all to visit that place so odious unto him, by means of that unfortunate battle, and where he should come but to the fresh view of his misfortunes, and to the renewing of his grief and sorrow: neither had he any care or desire to see those who were now dead, whom he could not preserve and save when they were alive. Yet because his soldiers, and the kinsmen of those which were slain, 
Speech of the soldiers of Scanderbag desiring that their fellows slain at Belgrade may be buried. Sentence.  did murmur and exclaim, saying: That there was no reason their bodies being so lately slain, should be defrauded of their sepulture, nor be left to the savage and bruit beasts to prey and tyre upon: and for that he would not seem to give them any just cause of offence or discontentment, he condescended unto their demand, telling them: that it was a vain and frivolous kind of honour (though very grateful and acceptable) to stand so precisely upon the burial and funerals of the dead. So notably doth the exceeding vehemency of men's passions make them many times to forget themselves, and to decline from all reason and understanding. Nevertheless because that those which should be sent to perform that duty of Christian charity unto others, might not draw on a farther mischief and damage upon themselves, and by their own destruction increase rather than solemnize their obsequies, if they should go thither either weak in number or in confusion, and without order: he made choice therefore of 7000. the 
Tanusee scent with an army to bury the Christians slain at Belgrade.  best & most able men of all his bands, that they might be the better able to assure themselves in their voyage against all the enterprises of the miscreants, and to oppose themselves against any sallies of the Belgradians. Tanusee made great suit and entreaty to have the conduct and charge of this company, which being granted him accordingly, he took great care for all things that concerned this journey, and especially for the body of his good friend Musache. Wherefore with great speed he took his leave of the king, and without any colours, standards, or other warlike ornaments, he made haste away towards Belgrade.  
Scanderbag being now returned towards Croy, the multitude came forth to meet him without the gate: and albeit they had many times before, and by diverse messengers hard the news of the misfortune of Belgrade: especially by those soldiers whom (being wounded in the fight) Scanderbag had sent away presently upon the loss of the battle: yet nevertheless it was some comfort unto these poor and unhappy souls, to inquire more fully & at large of all things in particular, by such as were last returned from the Camp: and the rather for that many false tales and contrary reports had been given out (as is usual): or they had an imagination belike, that the presence of their Prince should have revived, and redelivered unto them those which were dead and gone. The wives, the men, the old and young all alike would pull the Captains and the soldiers, without any respect of persons, some by the hand, others by the cassocks: and with a pitiful complaining voice would redemaund of them their brethren, their husbands, and their children: whom they accounted and held as their most precious and dearest pledges. Others would in a manner constrain and compel them, even against their wills, to tell them that which in the end caused their grief, and their greater sorrow and discontentment. Some there were also who having heard comfortable news which they neither hoped nor looked for: yet fearing lest they should offend the troubled minds of others with their new joy, they concealed their contentment, and conformed themselves in outward show to do as others did, deploring the common and particular misfortune of every one both in public & in private. And there was not any of them (excepting such as saw their friends there present and in ●ight, that had any full and hearty contentment: by reason that this second journey to Belgrade made for the burial of the dead, did keep them in continual fear, yielding new cause of care and grief.  
Demetrius with the rest of the Gentlemen of Dibria his companions, having overtaken Scanderbag upon the way in his retreat from Belgrade, and even as he was upon entering into Croy, at their coming to his presence, did first begin (as it were) condoling 
Speeches of Demetrius and others to Scanderbag comforting him upon his misfortune.  his misfortune, to complain upon the unchangeableness and uncertainty of worldly matters, and the variation of Fortune: which (said they) is so variable and inconstant, that she will not suffer the prosperous and happy estate, especially of great men, to be perpetual or of any long continuance, but that ordinarily she doth interrupt the course of their best and noblest enterprises which they think to put in execution: and though by the law of her instability, she doth subject even the greatest Monarches and conquerors to the trial & experience of her crosses and traverses, especially in deeds of arms, and in the wars: yet he for his part was greatly bounden to praise the divine clemency, that he was so well quit and discharged ofso dangerous a mischief: 
Fortune is nothing but a fancy.  and that he ought to take this alteration valiantly and courageously, not as sent unto him by fortune (which in truth is nothing but a mere fancy) but from God himself for the good and welfare of Epire, as being needful and necessary to arm and harden the Epirots against the danger, or rather insolency of their continual prosperity. The which for the most part doth make the noble and generous spirits to grow in 
Sentence.  contempt of their enemies, to neglect all care of discipline of arms, and in the end bringeth them to ruin & destruction. In this manner did they frame and hold on their discourse, their speeches being sometimes intermingled with tears, and so fitted to sorrow & mourning, that it seemed they alone did bear the grief of his misfortune. After 
Departure of Moses made known unto Scanderbag.  all this they fell to comforting of him, and carrying their countenance with a singular assurance, they came at length to the fact of Moses, and concluding their talk with that matter, they did principally insist upno this point, that it was to be feared lest he were gone to Sebalias, to certify him of the estate of the realm, & to draw him to Epire.  
At the first Scanderbag stood as one astonished, and was in a manner beside himself, remaining a good while without sense or perseverance. After a while as one that did more desire to inquire further of matters, then to believe any thing that was told him, he spent some time in questioning with them. How mightily this good Prince was afflicted, and how deeply he found himself offended by this injury, they may easily imagine who have received an unkindness of their friend, from whom any wrong is more intolerable and more hard to be endured, then from one of whom a 
Sentence.  man expecteth not any gracious nor good usage: & so did Scanderbag conceive more grief at this fault and treachery of his friend, then at the discomfiture and calamity sustained at Belgrade. Notwithstanding with a princely voice (as he was accustomed) he said openly and aloud, so as he might easily be heard: That he did pardon Moses 
Speech of Scanderbag of the revolt of Moses.  with all his heart, because such was the misfortune which had alienated him from him, as might have made the most constant man living, to have varied in his faith, and to have fallen away from him. In so much also, that when the messengers and other the standers by did accuse him, that he had long since forethought and conceived this rebellion in his mind, saying and alleging, that that only was the reason why he dissuaded the journey of Sfetigrade, and did absent himself from the siege of Belgrade, the better to put his mischievous practice in execution (so prone are men to judge & 
Sentence.  interpret all things by their events.) Scanderbag (as growing in choler) commanded them to leave those speeches: and speaking out aloud, he used these words; O that it were the good will and pleasure of God, that all treason & sinister fortune were gone with Moses out of Epire. As for that suspicion which was conceived with some likelihood, that he should bring in the Turks into the country, that point did not much trouble him, because he was credibly informed, that he was departed out of all the frontiers of Albany, & was posting on with all speed towards Andrinople Nevertheless because the matter was of importance, & it behoved him to take away this terror out 
Scanderbag ●isiteth the garrison of Dibria.  of the timorous minds of his subjects: & it was needful to confirmethe province which stood in some doubt by reason of this unaccustomed accident & unusual calamity: he would scarce tarry at Croy that night, but the next morning by the break of day, he took his journey into Dibria, being accompanied with Amese & a good troop of horsemen.  
By this time was Tanusee come to Belgrade, where being discovered by the citizens, they begun to be in as great a fear as before, & they ran speedily to the walls, every man hasting to his charge, & to his place that was appointed him: for many thought that he 
Tanusee before Belgrade.  was come to begin a new siege, & they did not imagine the true occasion of his coming: but the smallness of his numbers, & the confused manner of his marching being more nearly discovered and perceived, they were soon freed from that sudden fear. The Epirots coming to the place where the bodies of the Christians their companions lay so mangled and deformed, they could not refrain from many grievous and bitter tears, at the sight ofso horrible and piteous a spectacle. And that (which more augmented their grief and sorrow) was by reason of certain women, who dwelling not far off, followed thither after Tanusee (as the report goeth) to search for some of their friends. But it was almost impossible or very difficult for them to bestow their tears upon the right bodies, or to honour the corpses ofthose which they intended. For they were a company of disguised trunks and carcases, all naked, many without heads, others disfigured, and their faces so corrupted, that they had not only lost their peculiar shape and figure, and were impossible to be known: but they retained in a manner no show nor resemblance of human creatures. Besides that many of them had their flesh gnawn to the bones by the wild beasts and ravens. Yet poor souls, did they bemoan every body which they found, taking them for their friends, and neither could the stench, nor the corruption separat these people from the bodies which they so ardently desired. But to make short: their eyes having had their fill of looking, and their grief being somewhat eased and satisfied by the abundance of their tears, 
Christians slain at Belgrade buried by Tanusee and the Epirots.  they were enforced by Tanusee to dig up many little pits, and therein to butie them, the earth whereof being again cast upon them, did make a show ofso many little hills, or mountainets. Wherefore the earth being put to earth, and the funerals fully ended, their sorrow and lamentation likewise ceased and had an end. Scanderbag could not have made choice of a fit man to see this office executed, then Tanusee Thopie: for when he had performed the obsequies with as great affection as was possible, and had discharged the devoir of his amity & friendship to his friends and companions: because he would not have it thought, that he was come thither to that only intent, and so should return mocked and scorned by the enemy, he sought out some fit matter whereupon to display his rage and choler, and to leave them some subject and occasion likewise of grief and lamentation. For this cause he sent abroad his soldiers over all the fields lying within view and sight of Belgrade, who made notable 
Tanusee spoileth ●● burneth all the country about Belgrade  havoc of all things with sword and fire: not sparing either trees, vines, or any thing else: and giving the citizens a most lamentable spectacle through the spoil and desolation of all the country round about them. And not content therewithal, he proceeded yet further: for passing on even close to the walls (which he might well do without any great danger) he omitted not to do them any damage, mischief, and displeasure, which his wrath and fury could inflict upon them. Some have affirmed, and many do confirm no less, that the garrison issued out, & made a brave sally forth 
Sally made by the Belgradians upon Tanusee & the Epirots, who repulsed them.  upon them: and partly with their ordinance, and partly with the adventure of their persons, did seek to beat them from the walls, having first set fire on their suburbs, and that after a long, sharp, and bloody skirmish (wherein the Christians had the better) they were beaten back within their gates. Whereupon because Tanusee stood in doubt lest the next garrisons of the Turkish frontiers might come upon him, and suddenly oppress him, he would not give any further attempt against them: but with a million of curses and execrations, he left and abandoned those unfortunate places, which were so infamous by the ruin and slaughter of the Christians.  
Scanderbag at his being in Dibria held many counsels & great assemblies, wherein he consulted with the most grave and ancient persons of that country: endeavouring above all things to sift and search out if there were any other conspirators or consorts of Moses yet remaining in the province, or any secret sparks or tract of his treason left behind him. And besides all privy and secret means used to inquire of it, there was public proclamation made with sound of trumpet, promising a great sum of money to those that could and should detect any such conspirators. But there was not found so much as any show of suspicion of any such matter. And therefore the Dibrians were highly commended for their loyalty, and the assured constancy of their faith. Besides that, he bestowed great & bountiful rewards amongst them, to continue them in their good devoir and duty. Moses his goods, and such pensions & offices wherewith 
Moses his goods and livings seized and confiscated.  Scanderbag had before honoured and advanced him, were confiscated and seized to the king's coffers, and resumed into his hands: many of which he bestowed upon particular persons. The Governorship of the country and garrison of Dibria was retained still in the king's hands, and bestowed upon no man, but was kept void for a season by the good liking and consent of all▪ men, especially of the soldiers. The affairs of the Dibrians being thus ordered and put in good assurance with a good and strong garrison, he returned thence to Croy, where Tanusee was also then arrived with his army, the which he having resigned into the hands of the Prince, he retired himself in extreme grief and sorrow to his own house, where at his return, the lamentations, sighs, and sorrows began afresh to berenewed amongst the friends and kinsmen of Musache, every body grieving and mourning for his mischance. And Mamisa 
Mamiza the wife of Musache celebrateth the obsequies of her husband.  the widow of the deceased, having called together (according to the custom of that nation) many Ladies, Gentle women & grave matrons, did celebrate the obsequies of her husband: longtime mourning & bewailing his death, & never ceasing day nor night with abundance of tears, to lament the loss of him which she held most dear unto her.  
Scanderbag having dismissed his own army, did determine also to send away those Neapolitans which were left alive after the battle of Belgrade: and together with them 
Ambassade sent to Alphonsus' king of Naples▪ and the Italian succours returned home.  an Ambassade to the king Alphonsus, to certify him of the truth of his misfortune, and to excuse himself. Accordingly assoon as they were in case to travel, he courteously thanked them of their pains and company, and so embarked them for Italy: which done, he took his journey into the country appertaining to Musache, towards his sister, both to mitigate their public and private sorrow, and in this time of affliction and discouragement, to advise upon the affairs of his estate. Tanusee was appointed to be Tutor and Guardian of the person and goods of his nephews: who did continually carry himself with such love, sincerity, care, and diligence, that greater could not have been found in a kind and natural father. The honour, title, and dignity, with the Signiory of the country, did remain in the mother, who 
Mamisa her praises & perfections.  managed that Estate▪ and governed the people with such moderation and dexterity of spirit, that there was never seen greater concord and unity among the inhabitants of the Province; then was during the time of her government: which is a thing seldom seen, by reason that the common sort ordinarily being mutinous and disobedient, are hardly restrained within the limits of their duty and allegiance. 
Sentence.  But herein especially was the sovereign prudence and singular judgement of this Lady to be admired: that (as it is generally confessed) Scanderbag did oftentimes use her as a most faithful consort, and associate in the manadging of the affairs of the estate, and was much and usually advised and counseled by her. She would never yield to any second marriage, but even to the last gasp of her life, she honoured the memory of her beloved spouse, not without a singular commendation of her continency and chastity: wherein she continued and persevered most devoutly, induced thereunto (it may be) not only in regard of her own natural gravity and modesty, but because she being a woman of an excellent and noble mind, did esteem the loss of her husband to be irreparable. For (not to speak any thing of his other virtues▪ which are 
Musache his praises and virtues.  most ordinary and proper to men, and whereof he gave sufficient testimony by his glorious end) he was even by nature so lovely and amiable, of so fine and pleasing a behaviour, and of so sweet a conversation, that no creature living knew better, no● with greater facility than he, how to insinuat himself into the affections of men, and to purchase their good love and liking. Besides the beauty and comeliness of his person wherewith he was notably graced, and which is the proper object that women do affect, and the elegancy of his goodly and tall stature, did fit singularly well to the perfections of his mind. But whilst we have our eyes thus fastened, and our minds too too carefully busied in contemplation of our Christians, and do tediously pursue the plaints and griefs of them in particular: we do not listen to the sound of Sebalias his trumpets, which do summon us to hearken unto him, and who is now complaining that we have over long delayed to give him the merit of his due and deserved triumph.  
The news of his good success in Epire was gotten before him to Andrinople, and the manifold reports which ran of his victory did in some sort draw the Turkish monarch to believe I know not what. For this unexpected good fortune, till then unusual & unaccustomed, did withhold him from believing the full truth of that which was reported. The coming of Moses was the first object of the others triumph, & an 
Moses cometh to Andrinople.  accident that made them all break forth into an exceeding joy: for he arrived at the Sultan's Court certain days before the other, for that the way from Belgrade was more difficult to him that drew an army after him, and who was enforced to march more leisurely and easily. The Sultan learned by him the estate of all things more fully and certainly, giving credit to his speeches, and taking more pleasure and contentment in his presence, & to see him alienated from his Prince, then by the report of any victory that could be brought unto him. He did not remember nor consider, that as the adversity and mishap of Epire had drawn him thither: so the same being ceased, & the fortune of Albany restored, might in like manner carry him away again. Sebalias at his return was received with the singular joy and public acclamations of all the people: who showed themselves more joyous of this journey, then of all the noble conquests 
Sebalias' his triumph and return to Andrinople.  erst obtained by their sovereign. The captives with their hands bound behind them, and the ensigns of the Christians were first presented unto the Ottoman. After that the rest of the spoils, with the other warlike instruments were brought in sight, together with the heads of those that were slain: the which being sold with the straw within them for their weight in gold, were thrown up and down the streets, the children playing with them as at football. The poor Italians which were prisoners, were set to sale, and many of them sold to such as would give most. Some few of them, who 
Christian's prisoners to the Turks put to extreme torments.  were very old & aged, together with all the Epirots, were either fastened upon sharp piles or posts, & so gored to death, or else were lifted up aloft into the air with hooks of iron, and so in the midst of their torments, had this only comfort left them, that they died Martyrs for the name of him that died for us, praising and commending the glorious end of their companions slain at Belgrade, and detesting (but all too late) their own base cowardice and infamous desire of life, that could endure to see themselves reserved to be thus tormented and scorned by such miscreants. But the cruelty & hateful villainy which they showed upon the Albanians, did far exceed that which was used to the others: and there was scarce any one of them saved from the barbarous handling of the enemy. And they did it, either in respect of the hatred & despite which they bore to that nation, or else for that the Turks do seldom or never use to sell any Epirots for slaves. For they are of opinion, that there is no nation, nor any slaves of 
Turk's their opinion of the Epirots.  what quality soever, so unfit to be sold as the Epirots and the Hungarians, for that they are held to be men unmeet for service, as being proud, lofty and imperious, and such as will never come to be good Turks or 
* Musulmans in the Arabian tongue signifieth, faithful towards God. Speech and censure of Mahomet touching the battle of Belgrade. Scanderbag his body reputed inviolable.  Musulmans.  
When Mahomet heard the report of the chivalry and haughty exploits of Scanderbag, showed in the battle of Belgrade, he was stricken with so incredible an admiration and extreme grief, that he went away, saying, that his host was vanquished, and that the Epirots were the vanquishers: and that the reputation & name of Scanderbag would be more augmented and renowned by this only battle, then by any other thing done all his life time. For in very truth all men did attribute unto him a kind of supernatural excellency, saying: that his body was even by a fatal kind of destiny inviolable, and not subject to the sword, nor to any other human force or violence.  
Notwithstanding the virtue of Sebalias had his due & deserved honour. And being largely rewarded, he was for a long time the only man, that was talked of amongst the common people: as being the first that had made it known that Scanderbag was not invincible. Moses also was not left behind, but was much made of, & highly commended, 
Moses honourably entertained by the Turk.  and a great and honourable pension was assigned him for his entertainment. True it is, that when he demanded certain forces of the Sultan to invade Scanderbag, Mahomet would not condescend unto it, but excused himself upon the dearness of winter then approaching. And that might very well be the cause of his refusal: but I believe he did it also upon a conceit, as wise judges use to do amongst the Christians, who will not willingly believe a jew that is newly baptised: and therefore neither would he enterprise any thing under the conduct of Moses, nor yet would he employ any other man, but was resolved for a time to set aside all care, and wholly to abstain from the war of Epire.  
The Ambassadors Albanois returning from Naples laden with rich gifts after 
Ambassadors sent to Scanderbag from the king of Naples and others to comfort him for his loss before Belgrade.  the accustomed manner, were accompanied with other Ambassadors from the king Alphonsus: who being admitted to the presence of Scanderbag, with a long and eloquent oration, did endeavour to mitigate the bitterness of his grief and passion, covering his loss under the common casualty and chance of war, & with the ebbing and flowing of worldly affairs: saying, that the continual train of arms did often bring with it such like accidents. And in conclusion, they offered him in the name of their 
Sentence.  Prince, full and ample succours and supplies of whatsoever he should need. The king of Epire having rewarded them with great presents, as one that did even contend to surmount the magnificence of the Spaniard, did honourably send them away with this answer▪ That he never had any doubt of his good love and singular affection, both 
Answer of Scanderbag to the Neapolitan Ambassadors.  in regard of the public cause of religion, as also for his own particular●▪ the same having been testified by infinite acts of his bounty and magnificence worthy of perpetual remembrance▪ for the which he did give most hearty thanks, with protestation to use his aid and succours as his own, when soever and as often as occasion should require. The like messages came unto him also from other Princes and States of Italy, and from diverse great Signors and peoples his next neighbours, with the 
Speech of other Ambassadors to Scanderbag, touching his loss at Belgrade.  like offers and demonstrations of love & friendship▪ and they persuaded him, that his late loss ought not any way to abate his courage, nor cause him to exceed in sorrow & discontentment: and they assured him, that most of the Princes & States of Christendom would not make spare of any labour and travel, of any costs and expenses, nor of any dangers or hazards whatsoever for his safety, and for the maintenance of his crown and dignity. It was a strange matter to Scanderbag to see the news of his discomfiture so published and spread abroad, and then did he begin to have a more clear and perfect knowledge of his disgrace, and the blemish of his reputation, than he had before, whilst the wounds of his soldiers and the loss of his men, were yet green and fresh in remembrance. Wherefore with an undaunted courage, he did openly make 
Answer of Scanderbag to the other Ambassadors.  known unto them, that they should not think the estate of Epire to be such as they imagined, or that they wanted sufficient forces to recover their good fortune: but rather that they were able to surmount their former exploits, and to purchase themselves now greater honour upon the enemy then ever: and with this answer they departed, highly contented and well satisfied.  
The winter following he spent partly at Groy, and partly in Dibria and other places of the province: the garrison of Dibria he diminished, & reduced to the ancient numbers of 2000 horse, and 1000▪ foot: setting good and strong watches, and ordaining many spies purposely dispersed abroad to discover the attempts of the Infidels, who all this dead time of the year were not any way molested with the roads or invasions of the Christians. For all the country for a good way round about had been harried and wasted, so that to give in any further upon the enemy's country, neither the quality of the time and dicommodity of the cold weather would permit: nor was Scanderbag willing to suffer them: for his mind devised upon greater matters and of more importance, and he reserved the mortal hatred of his mind to some more notable kind of vengeance: by means whereof the coldness of that season did pass away in great tranquillity and quietness.  
Now was the new Spring come on, and both the earth began to be embellished 
1453.  and beautified with the green grass, and all things growing fresh and gay, and the 
Moses urgeth Mahomet to employ him against Scanderbag.  sweetness of the air made every thing pleasant and delightful. Then Moses▪ as a continual spur in the eyes and ears of the Turkish Emperor, did importune and egg him on without ceasing, and was instant and urgent upon him to begin the war, and to bend his forces against his own nation. Mahomet who had his chief hope and expectation upon him, and the time also serving him very well, did not in any thing gainsay his desire: for his mind did long before tend to the same end. And you must imagine, that all th●● dead line of the winter season (which was about six months) whilst Moses remained with him in Court, he did most carefully sound and examine every particular of his actions and behaviour: in such sort, that he had noted in him great signs and evident demonstrations of constancy and fidelity, and of a mind wholly alienated from Scanderbag. Besides, the better to put himself in the good grace and liking of the Sultan, he had by many evident testimonies and tokens, given him proof of his sufficiency and virtue, as much as was possible in that time of peace and intermission of arms, and he made great show of his strength, valour, and resolution: inso much (as it is reported, and as afterwards Moses affirmed it openly) that Mahomet demanded of him, whether Scanderbag had many such men about him as himself: and 
Speeches between Mahomet and Moses.  he answered most modestly, that he had infinite such: And thereupon the Sultan highly commended the modesty of his speech. Then Moses (as it is commonly seen, that when shame keepeth us from praising ourselves openly, we do secretly and indirectly 
Sentence.  as it were, by circumstance attribute to ourselves that which we detract from the reputation and honour of another) descending by little and little & by degrees from talking of others to Scanderbag, did seek to diminish his reputation, and to lessen the opinion of his deserts: and after a long discourse, he made a promise unto Mahomet, that if it pleased him to repose that trust in him only, he would prove himself in that war body to body against Scanderbag, and would adventure the hazard of a particular combat: and that he would not desire any greater numbers to work his overthrow and confusion, than an army of fifteen thousand horsemen only; so that himself might have the choosing, the ordering and disposing of them.  
The Ottoman as he was soon and easily entreated to grant him the charge and 
Moses sent with an army of 15. thousand horse against Scanderbag.  command of this army: so did he refer the whole care thereof to his judgement and discretion, and gave him the reins to do as he thought best. The soldiers which were priest to go in that voyage for Albany, did infinitely misdoubt the weakness and feeble strength of so small a company: nevertheless the wonderful confidence and brave resolution of their new General did enforce them to hope well, and to conceive some good opinion touching the happy success of that journey. Besides the great credit and authority of Moses with his own nation, and his strong alliance within the country, was a matter worthy to be thought upon, and did greatly encourage all of them, and did put them in hope, that they should find great aid by them of the country, which the Dibrian also had assured to the Sultan. And it may be, that he himself was persuaded no less: for he gave out, that he had had conference with some of the most ancient and principal persons of the province, and that many of his confederates and intelligencers did keep themselves close and in secret, and did rest at his devotion: and that suddenly, assoon as they should see his troops within the country, they would be ready to come and join with him: and bringing a good number of lusty and able youths, they would take arms and bend their force against Scanderbag. Thus all things being thoroughly prepared, and he in a readiness to take his journey, about the three and twentieth of February, in the year 1453. he departed from Andrinople, displaying his unhappy ensigns in the sight, and within the proper bowels of his own native country.  
We will leave the ingrate and unkind Moses bending his traitorous arms against Epire, and in the mean time altering our discourse, to yield you the more contentment by this history, let me entreat you to give me leave to dwell a while with that fierce and haughty minded Prince young Mahomet, who calleth upon me to accompany 
Mahomet his voyage against Constantinople  him in his journey to Constantinople, which he having for a long time delayed and deferred, yet meant not to break off nor to give over for altogether. You have read (if you remember it) in the beginning of this book with what eagerness and vehemency his aspiring and his ambitious heart, did affect to see the Imperial Diadem of Greece set upon his own head: nevertheless, the jealousy which he had to defend and rescue one little place in Epire, had made a stay of his goodly progress and glorious enterprise. But now upon the notable victory of Sebalias, thinking that his mortal enemy was so overthrown as he should never be able to rise again, he grew into such a confidence of his prosperity, that he doubted not to proceed with his former voyage, and with full sails to follow his good fortune, which now seemed to fawn on him with a merry and pleasant gale of wind: as we see it is an ordinary thing, that if some one of our actions be seconded with 
Sentence.  good hap, it hardeneth and encourageth us to undertake other matters far more difficult.  
The Turkish Monarch, having commanded a general and speedy levy of 
Mahomet marcheth to the siege of Constantinople.  soldiers both horse and foot throughout all his Dominions, and that in more extraordinary and excessive numbers than had been heard of in many ages, used an extreme kind of diligence, and all possible celerity in the raising of that army, pretending that those preparations were for an other war, because the Princes of Christendom should not have him in any mistrust or suspicion. Moreover having prepared an infinite number of vessels and ships both for fight and for carriage of necessary provisions (for this man of all the Ottomans was the first that used shipping or men of war at sea) he departed from Andrinople near about the same time that Moses took his journey for Epire: and with long and continual journeys both day and night he took the way of Romania both by sea and by land, with an incredible train of artillery, engines, and other provisions of assault. 
Mahomet violateth the peace with the Emperor of Greece and invadeth his Empire without preclamation or denouncing of wars.  He made but a jest at those ancient ceremonies and solemn observations used by his predecessors and other Princes to denounce and proclaim wars before they made any invasion upon their neighbours. For violating the faith and promise which he had formerly sworn, and breaking the oath and peace which he had vowed most religiously to observe, with the Emperor of Constantinople: he suddenly overran and invaded all the plain country, and upon the nineteenth day of April, he planted his camp before that noble and famous city, having in less than three days straightly girt it in, and besieged it round on all sides. His army exceeded four hundredth thousand men, most part of which were collected and gathered out of the 
Constantinople besieged with an army of 400000 men.  Nations near adjoining, such as yet retained and held the name and profession of Christians: namely, from Greece, Sclavony and Valachia, and from amongst the Dardanians or Rascians: the Triballians or Seruians, and the Misians or Bulgarians. 
Diversity of Nations both Christians and others serving under the Turk at the siege of Constantinople.  There were very few of them natural Turks, but with those former Nations out of Europe were mingled other troops out of Asia, both from Bithynia called Anatolia, and from Gallatia, Lydia, or Briquia, and Cilicia which is the country of the King of Caramania. In this manner did these Miscreants, Infidels, and Barbarians serve themselves with our own forces, and the peoples of our own profession and alliance: augmenting and increasing their estate with the aid and help of them only who were the most warlike and stoutest Nations of all their camp, and by whom they did principally work the ruin of that Empire, and the destruction of the Christians.  
Concerning the city itself, and the means of their defence: the whole forces of the garrison (setting aside the multitude which ordinarily is more hurtful than 
Numbers of the garrison in Constantinople against the Turks.  fit or apt to bear arms) did not amount to above 9000. soldiers, of which 6000. were Greeks' of all sorts both good and bad. And the other 3000. were partly Venetians and partly Genoese. True it is, that for the better strength and surety of the city (if the majesty and reverence of the sacred Imperial name, could have done any thing to the furtherance thereof) the Emperor himself Constantine Paleologus 
Constantine Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople  was there in person. But over and above this outward glory, and external show of his presence, I do not find (and the subject of this discourse will declare it) that his being there did any great good, to the preservation of the place. The great searcitie and want of munition, powder, arms, corn, treasure to pay the soldiers, 
Negligence of the Emperor of Constantinople  and such like provisions did sufficiently testify, and make proof of no less than I speak. For he did of a long time before discern and know of the great preparations of the Turk, and he foresaw the terror of this tempest that menaced the state of Greece, yet did he proceed but very coldly in making his provisions. Only he had recourse by Ambassadors to Pope Nicholas the fifth, to the Emperor 
Emperor of Constantinople craveth aid of Christian Princes but in vain.  Frederick the third, to Charles the seventh King of France, and to other Kings and Potentates of Christendom, to induce and persuade with them to send him succours, and to show them the imminent peril and approaching decay and ruin of so noble and aunclent an Empire, the loss whereof could not but redound to the perpetual shame and infamy of the whole name of the Christians: and finally he acquainted them with the extreme misery which they were like to incur, falling into the cruel and unmerciful hands of a Nation most fierce and Barbarous, and more thirsting after the blood of humane creatures and Christians, then after wine or any other liquor whatsoever: and in conclusion with abundance of tears and lamentations did his ambassadors labour to move them to some compassion and commiseration of their pitiful estate. But all their travels were in vain, and (which I abhor to speak) they found the ears of all those Princes to be so 
Carelessness of Christian Princes of the danger and loss of Constantinople  deaf, and their eyes so blinded, nay rather their minds so senseless, as they could not foresee, that if the Empire of Greece came once to decay and confusion, it would cause all the residue of Europe in time to come to be buried and over whelmed in the like ruin and destruction, to the manifest and inevitable abolishing of the Christian religion. But shall we think that they were ignorant hereof? nay rather I am of the opinion that they knew it sufficiently: but being occupied and distracted with their private hatreds and quarrels, and with the care of their own particular commodities, their hearts were obdurate and hardened, and they did neglect the universal good and public welfare of all in general. For behold and mark what was the occasion that withheld them. Italy was drawn dry of money and treasure, by means of the Schism in the Papacy, and by the factions of the two famelies of the Vrsins and the Colonnezes: Almain was vexed and rend with civil wars, and the greatest part of France was in the subjection and well-near wholly possessed by the English: and in brief, all Europe (according to their accustomed manner) was divided into sects and partialities.  
But that you may the better perceive both with what diligence and industry the Turks laboured to carry and conquer this goodly City, and to reduce it under the Dominion of the Ottoman Empire: and how the defendants also did diversly demean themselves, who laboured and endeavoured still to retain it in the power and devotion of the Christians, I hold it expedient here to deliver and represent unto you the true description and situation of the place. 
The description & situation of Constantinople   
Constantinople (which the ancients called Byzance) is situated upon the mouth or entry of the straight of Gallipoly, on that part where Asia is adjoining to Europe, each of them being separated from other by a very straight arm of the sea of Hellespont, which (extending itself into a gulf opening with two points or horns) lieth 
Gulf of Hellespont described  full East and West, and so maketh a goodly haven of two leagues and a half in length, and about a mile in breadth, where it is largest, and not above half so broad where it is narrowest. On the sides thereof it is full of nooks, secret turnings, and by places, in regard whereof it is called the horn: for that the seven hills which do advance themselves within the town, do make the gulf to run with many branches, as it were the head of a Hart. Between this gulf and the sea of Propontide, 
The sea of Propontide.  there runneth out into the sea a mountain not very high, like unto a Cherronesse or half Isle, the length whereof lying East and West is little less than two short leagues. The ridge of this mountain holdeth still on bending towards, and opposite against the mouth of the sea Propontide: but to the North it hath seven other small mountains or little hills adjoining, of which four of them do strike into this gulf, and the greatest of the four is washed with the waves of the sea of Bosphore, 
Sea of Bosphore or of Thrace.  and representeth the base of a triangle. For the town and the demie Isle are in form and fashion triangular. The two points or promontories of this mountain (the one of them towards the Occident regarding the sea of Propontide, & called Hebdomi: the 
Hebdomi. Chrisoceras.  other called Chrisoceras bending to the Northwards) do guard the entry and mouth of the harbour from the violence of the winds. From the which entry, if you draw a direct line to the seventh mountainet lying more hidden & not so open as the others, & which doth likewise cover the Port against the Western winds, you shall include the moorish plain of Pera within the bosom (as it were) of that winding circuit 
The moorish plain of Pera.  which maketh that continual ridge or back of the demi Isle afore mentioned. The length of the haven (as we have said) is about two leagues and a half, within the most inward recuyle whereof the rivers of Cidrus and Barbisa do discharge themselves. 
Rivers of Cydrus and Barbisa.  The entry of the haven is very straight & narrow, for that on the side of Barbisa (where is seated the town of Pera, sometimes founded by the Genoese, & now by the Turks 
Pera or Galata. Promontory of Metopique & Cyglobia. Promontory of Damalique. Thrace.  named Galata) there is a promontory called Metopique & Cyglobia, lying against the South, & another promontory also towards Asia, which jetteth out even to the midst of the mouth of the straight of Gallipolis, and is named Damalique. On the Occident where the demi Isle or Cherronesse doth join to the firm land of Thrace, there it doth divide & separate the haven from the sea of Propontide by means of a little cut of land, which is some 50. pace in breadth, till it come to touch with the seventh hill: which being the inmost angle of the town towards the main land (as it goeth still on) waxeth greater and greater, and increaseth more and more in largeness & wideness. Upon this demi Isle or Cherronesse, is seated the noble and famous city of Constantine, 
Constantinople seated upon the demi Isle or point of land lying between the gulf and the sea of Prepontide. Phare a tower or lantern at the entry of the haven. Circuit of Constantinople 4. leagues and a half which is 13. miles and a half.  and right against it upon the otherside of the bank of the gulf is the town of Galatha or Pera: the length whereof also butteth upon four points of the land within the turnings and windings of the haven. The closest and narrowest part of the Port is closed with a great, strong, and massy chain of iron running from a high tower on the promontory of Chrisocer as called Phare, to the promontory of Metopique, where is likewise an other tower. Towards the firm land the city is environed with a great and strong wall, and with a vawmure, whereunto is adjoined a very wide and deep ditch. All the rest of the town being washed with the salt-water, hath but one only wall, yet very strong, and flanked with infinite towers against all assaults and forces, that may be addressed against them by sea-wards. The middle part of the city is a little mountainous and hilly, the circuit of it (accounting three miles to a French league) containeth about four leagues and a half. In this form and largeness it was in times past builded and re-edified by the great Constantine Emperor of the Roman Monarchy, of whom also it had the name of Constantinople.  
Now that I have laid down and given you a view of the situation of the city, whose sins and offences (as it is to be thought) made a separation between God and it: It followeth that I now discover unto you, what order the Turk observed in the siege thereof both by sea and land: how he disposed his bands and companies about it: in what manner he planted his Ordinance and placed his battery, and how he ordered his Navy and sea forces.  
After the place had been well viewed, the Turks did soon make their approaches 
The manner of the siege of Constantinople.  to the walls, by reason the defendants, made but mean resistance, and the assailants being covered with baskets of Osier, with long planks and boards, with targets, pavizes, and such like did march in safety against the rampires with so good order and discretion, that they would have made even the most resolute and expert soldiers to be abashed and appalled. The Ordinance and such like engines of battery being planted in three several places, did begin to batter the walls as furiously as was possible: especially towards Calegarie, where was placed a Cannon of such unmeasurable 
Calegarie.  greatness, that for the removing thereof from place to place scant 50. yoke of Oxen did suffice: and the bullet thereof did contain eleven handbreathes in compass. Through the violence & devilish force of this horrible engine, the wall (though 
Constantinople battered.  it were very large and strongly builded) yet was not able to make resistance: but it fell out that this piece broke, and Mahomet commanded that another should be cast greater than the former. But it was not so soon ended by means of the favour and policy of Calybassa, who was a great friend to a Nobleman a Christian 
Calybassa a friend to the Christians.  Baron within the city, and one of the Counsellors to the Emperor. Nevertheless the battery was continued with great store of other artillery, and they ceased not to weary the defendants day and night: and daily did they kill some, either more or less with harguebusses, arrows, slings, and diverse other kinds of shot. For the Infidels did imagine, that the defendants were but few in number, and that they could not long continue and hold out, nor be able to endure the labour and travel of the siege. And the better to press them to extremity, and to have his will of them by force of arms, he laboured with all diligence to dig and cast up trenches, to the intent the soldiers might with less pains and danger safeguard themselves from the enemy, and have the freer access to the foot of the wall. Moreover because he would by the advantage of the higher place or ground, more easily present the ladders to the walls, and be able to carry the town, he caused a long and high bank of earth, equal to the town wall to be cast up round about that part of the city: and this was not all, for he caused also many towers of wood to be raised up near to the rampires, from the which (having caused them to be covered with cow-hides) he filled the ditch with earth and other stuff, thinking to leavell and make plain the way, and to have the more easy access into the town. And beside he had an innumerable company of logs of wood, of ladders mounted upon wheels, and chariots raised in form of castles, and such like engines as the Romans' themselves could scarce have found and made the like against the Carthaginians: and because that monstrous piece of Ordinance which was newly cast, could do little or no hurt at all against Calegarie, by reason of the notable and strong fortification of the place, it was planted near the port S. Roman against the tower Battatinea, which being beaten 
The Port S. Roman. The tower Battatinea.  down to the ground, did with his ruins fill up the ditch, and made it even with the height of the plain ground, insomuch that the breach was plain & even for the Infidels to have entered it, but that there was speedy order taken for repairing the same, & it was made stronger than before. Whereat the great Turk greatly marveling, said: That it was not the work nor invention of the Greeks' but of the Latins, who were better practised, and more expert and industrious in points of fortification than the Greeks'. Thus you see what was done towards the firm land.  
Towards the Sea on that side which regardeth Pera, the Sultan besieged it with a fleet of 250. sail, whereof the greatest part were Foists, and some part galleys, of which some were with two, some with three oars on a bank. Besides there were a great number of Frigates loaden with men and shot, rather for a show and terror unto them then otherwise. These lay at anchor in the main a good way off, on one side of the haven towards the sea of Propontide: for they durst not come near for fear of the Christians, but lying dispersed, and sometimes sailing up and down the sea, they did still furnish their camp at land with wood, stones, & such like necessaries. The port (as I have told you) was shut up with a great chain: and besides it was guarded with 7. great ships or carracks of the Genoese, and three of Crete or Candia, all of them strongly bound & well chained together the one close to the other, so as the Turkish 
A stratagem or wonderful enterprise of the Turks at Constantinople (by the counsel of a Christian traitor Renegado) to get into the haven.  Navy could not possibly enter into the harbour. But what did the Sultan (think you) to get into the haven? by the counsel & advise of a traitorous wretch a Christian Renegado, he commanded that a certain number of his galleys should be drawn up out of the sea to the mountain, and then let down again on the other side into the haven. The Pioneers and other labourers of the camp being set about the work, and having far and wide on all sides made plain the descent of the mountain, both on the one side & the other of the promontory of Metopique, with strength & force of hands they drew up the galleys, conveying them upon rollers more than 8. miles in length, & having brought them to the top of the mountain, by little & little they let them slide fair and 
Turks get into the haven of Constantinople  easily down into the haven. Now imagine you whether this new & strange spectacle, did not astonish and amaze the Christians. They sought by all means possible to sink them with force of great stones, or to set them on fire, but in vain did they attempt it, and those vessels were the occasion of great care and trouble unto them: for that they being enforced by that means to quit the defence of the port, necessity did constrain them to look to the defence of the walls towards the sea side, and to diminish their guards on the other side towards the land. For the town was daily assaulted on that side to the seaward with a power of 70000. men, by the help also of another devise which the Turks invented as ingeniously & with no less hardiness, the same more terrifying the Christians then the former: the manner whereof you shall hear also.  
He builded a bridge more than 3. miles in length, from the bank or shore besides 
Stratagem of the Turks in building a miraculous bridge over the sea of Pera at Constantinople.  Pera right against the town, the which traversing or running over the sea was supported with hogsheads, pipes, and other wine vessels being fastened & held together underneath with great beams and posts of timber chained together, to the intent his army might march freely, and approach near to the wall. I mitating therein the greatness of Xerxes who passed his army in like manner over the sea of Bosphore out of Asia into Thrace. He raised up also innumerable towers surmounting the height of the walls, from the tops of the which, being well furnished with all kinds of arms and provisions for assault, the city was incessantly traveled and sore wearied.  
I have figured forth unto you the terrible apprests and preparations of the Turkish Monarch, by which he sought the ruin and destruction of this imperial city. It now resteth that I show you the order and provision of them within the town, for the defence of the place against the assailants.  
The Christians growing daily more provident & expert, did help themselves with 
Constantinople ill furnished with provisions  such pieces of artillery as they had, having but small store allowed them, neither had they any great provision of powder and saltpetre: as little also was their store of arms and weapons, and much less were they provided of victuals. That a●de which they had was with muskets and such like small shot, with which they could not much grieve nor annoy the enemy, by reason of the discommodity of the place, the same being covered with trenches, and little walls dry made, and cast up of purpose. Of their great Ordinance (as the report goeth) they could have little or no use at all, for fear of shaking down their own walls; yet sometimes now and then, they did discharge some of them upon the enemy, and did beat down both men, tents, & pavilions, together with their Pavisadoes, Gabions, and other muniments and defences. The brave and furious sallies of the youth of the city, did cause the Turks often both to fear and to admire them: and ever the assailants had the worst and sustained great 
Courage and valour of the garrison within Constantinople.  loss in all encounters. For the walls being kept well, guarded and assured with valiant and resolute soldiers: every one strived to do his best, and to give some notable proof and testimony of his valour and prows.  
It happened about that time, that a certain Genua named john justinian, one of the chief of Genua, both for his nobility and great account, as also for his wealth and riches, did scour the seas, and did roave up and down seeking his fortune upon 
john justinian a Genua made Lieutenant General for the Emperor within Constantinople.  that coast with two good and strong ships of war, and about 400. fight men. This man (as it fell out) lying at an anchor in the port of Constantinople, when the town was upon the point to be besieged, and considering with himself (as became a man of courage) that he was in one and the same estate with the meanest of the inhabitants: and that the preservation of the city did import him no less, than the residue of the citizens: he undertook together with them the defence thereof with singular courage and magnanimity, with so notable and evident a proof and show of his sufficiency & valour, both in repulsing of the enemy, and for his notable promptness and expedition in repairing the breaches and ruins made by the Canon, that he carried away without any contradiction the honour and praise for a while, of the safety and preservation of the Grecian Empire. In regard whereof he had this prerogative, to be chosen and allowed for the chief commander within the town, and he had the title and name of Lieutenant General under the Emperor. Assoon as he had this authority committed unto him, he caused the soldiers to be disposed and 
The order and forces of the Christians in the defence of Constantinople. Port S. Roman defended by justinian. Maurice Catanee at the Port Fountain The golden gate. Paulus Troilus and Antony de Bouchardes. Miliandre.  to be distributed here & there in diverse places according to the several occurrences of the time, and as the attempts of the Barbarians did require. He was assisted by the Emperor himself followed with a train of 300. Genoese, and a great number of Greek soldiers purposely chosen to defend that part of the walls and rampires which lay near S. Roman, where the peril and danger was most likely and apparent. Maurice Catanee a Genua also, being a brave and valiant Chieftain, was placed between the Port of the fountain and the golden gate, with 200. crossbows Italians, & some Greeks' intermixed with them: who with great fury did maintain the fight against a castle made of wood, which being covered over with Ox hides, the Turks had raised against that side of the town. Paulus Troilus, and Antony his brother surnamed Bouchardes, did sustain the assault on the side of Miliandre, where the town began first of all to waver. In that place did they continue in arms day and night, and making no spare of their blood, they showed themselves hardy and courageous, sometimes with pikes, one while with fire works, and another while with their crossbows, demaning themselves with such stoutness, strength, and bravery, that their very enemies did admire them. With no less valour did Theodore Caristin behave 
Theodore Caristin. Theophilus Paleologus.  himself, who being a Greek borne, and grown very aged, was a notable good archer. Likewise Theophilus Paleologus an honourable Gentleman of Greece, excellently well seen both in letters and in arms, and a near kinsman unto the Emperor: and with them john le Grand or the great, a German borne, (of 
john le Grand.  whom more shallbe said hereafter:) these three did defend and reinforce the breach of Calegarie, after it had been battered and beaten down by the Turkish artillery. Contaren a noble and famous gentleman descended of the Contarens, one of the most 
Breach of Calegarie. Contaren.  noble families amongst the Venetians, was lodged between the golden gate and the towers, near adjoining even as far as to the sea: and did with singular resolution, endure and sustain the force of the infidels on that side. The other Greeks in like manner which were placed here and there on other parts of the town walls, did bravely adventure and hazard their lives, to the intent they might show some worthy token 
The palace imperial. Hierome Mynot. The tower of Hippodrome. The sea port. Chirluc. Hierome the Italian. Leonard Longa●ke. Chsiliport. The towers Aueniades. Gabriel Trevisan Governor of the venetian foists.  and testimony, that they were nothing inferior to the Latins. The care and custody of the imperial palace was committed unto Jerome Minot, Baily of the Venetians. The tower seated before the Hippodrome towards the East, was given in charge to the Consul of the Catalans. Chirluc had the defence of the port towards the sea and of all the sea coast. Jerome the Italian, Leonard Langask a Genua, and many others had the keeping of the Chsiliport, and of the towers which they call Aueniades. The Priests, Muncks, and other religious persons, being likewise distributed throughout the walls, did make show by their hardy and settled looks that they could do something else besides praying upon their beads, and singing and saying of mass. Gabriel Trevisan Governor of the Venetian foists being accompanied with 
* Some say 400 The tower of Farrafin. The port imperial. Anthony Diede General of the Galleys. Demetrius. Nicolus Gullelle.  40. other Venetians did manfully defend the tower of Farrafin by the port imperial. Anthony Diede General of the galleys seeming to be faint hearted and but badly resolved, did show himself more careful to keep aboard, and to save his vessels, then to defend the haven which he had in charge.  
Demetrius the father in law of N. Paleologus, and Nicolas the son in law of Gullelle had the charge of a conduct and great squadron of armed men being always in a readiness for the succours and relief of them upon the walls, upon any accident or occasion that should be requisite. To make short, all of them did show themselves so cheerful and courageous, as though they would first have been torn in pieces rather than they would have fallen into the hands of the circumcised Infidels. And forasmuch as neither the breach, nor the ruins of the walls, nor the thundering noise nor violence of the ordinance, nor the strength, force, nor huge puissance of the enemy could now terrify nor astonish them: it seemed that they were fully resolved to abide all extremities, as if this had been the day and time, wherein they should purchase unto themselves eternal renown and immortal fame. But what 
Sentence. Courage bootless without good means of defence.  availeth it for men that are besieged to be courageous and resolute, if they want good order and provision for victuals, money and munition? Nevertheless, because all colour of excuse should be taken from the inhabitants, by which they might pretend the neglect of their duties: & lest they should be discomforted more by fear of famine in time to come, then by the terror of the present danger: there was commandment given, that the bread and other victuals should be distributed, and shared by equal proportion amongst the several households and families. But there were some of the inhabitants so greedily addicted to the infamous desire of gain, or rather of the blood of their Christian brethren, that they concealed their corn: and others again 
Covetousness of the Greeks' in Constantinople.  raised the prizes of their grain. This villainous and wretched humour of avarice, was the occasion not only of many great mischiefs, but also of the confusion of the whole estate and policy. The Emperor showed himself too remiss and gentle, and did not with sufficient severity chastise and punish their disobedience: by means whereof, every man did as he listed: and (as the proverb is) they were like a company of rats in the corne-stacke. If the Emperor were at any time angered and discontented, he was soon appeased with the flattering words and smooth speeches of his Courtiers, who did not stick in a manner to mock and scorn him to his face, whilst himself in the mean time made semblance, as if he did not see it.  
A little before this time it happened that fortune presented unto the besieged some show and appearance, that she would supply them with relief and succours. For such 
Sentence.  is her unconstant and dissembling nature, that she feigneth sometimes to favour them whom she purposeth to ruinated and cast down headlong into extreme misery. So fell it out with the inhabitants of Constantinople: Three great ships of Genua loaden with armour, soldiers and corn, were come from* Chios in the company of one 
Chios an Island in the mediterranean sea.  other ship which belonged to the Emperor, and was loaden with wheat of Sicilia. These being discovered to be near the city by the army of the Infidels which kept watch towards the sea: and the alarm being given with sound of trumpets and other instruments, they were presently assailed by the Turks, especially the vessel 
A fight at sea between the Turks and the Christians.  imperial, as being more notable than the others: both the townsmen from the city on the one side, and the Monarch of the Turks from the top of the mountain of Galatha on the other side beholding the fight and combat between them. The galleys bearing up close unto them did first set upon that ship which belonged to the Emperor, insomuch as there grew a hot and cruel fight both on the one side and the other. Maurice Catanee (before named) was general Commander of those vessels, who in that battle showed his excellent skill and experience in sea service, and did give evident testimony of his singular valour and prows. He was seconded by Dominick 
Dominicke de Novara. Baptista Fellizan.  of Novara, and Baptista Fellizan a Genua also: both of which showed themselves no less expert pilots then well practised in deeds of arms. On the other side the infidels having in hope and conceit already devoured this notable prey and booty, and accounting it sure their own, did enforce themselves to carry away the victory, beating still and furiously with their Ordinance and with great store of small shot, upon the imperial vessel, which defended herself very bravely by the courageous devoir of Flectanella her patron. The oars of the Galleys flew in shivers, and it was 
Flectanella.  a horror to hear the rattling of the hatches, and other great pieces of the shipbordes which flew about, besides the woeful cries and howl of the Turks as they gave up the ghost. Their Sovereign perceiving from the mountain, how his army was ill bestead, was in such rage and passion as if he would have run mad for anger: he cursed and blasphemed, he rend his clothes and tore his garments, the Pagans they lamented, and all his host was in amazement and confusion. What should we say more? The broil was renewed, and the fight grew more fierce and terrible, still the Infidels had the worst, and such was the success of the fight, that a great number of Turks being slain and drowned, they were scant able for want of men to recover the shore with their shipping. The besieged did learn by some of those 
Victory of the Christians in a sea fight against the Turks before Constantinople  which fled whom they took prisoners, and by their own espials, that the Turks had received a grivous overthrow and discomfiture, and that they had lost more than 10000 of their men. The fleet wherewith they assailed the Christian vessels was very near of 200▪ sails, part of them being of two, & part of three oars on a bank. The Turkish king was greatly confounded, and his forces were reputed of little or small puissance: for that so many galleys united and consorted together, were not able to take nor overcome only three vessels of the Christians. Thus the next night following, did the ships enter into the harbour without any hurt or damage, having not so much as one man slain, but only some of them hurt and wounded.  
Mahomet being highly displeased, and grievously incensed against Baltogle his Admiral, did depose him from his charge and office, confiscated all his goods, and 
Baltogle Admiral to Mahomet in disgrace for loss of the battle at sea.  would scarce have pardoned him his life, had not his Bassas and chief Siegniours vehemently entreated for him. In this his choler and rage he determined with cannon shot from the top of the mountain of Pera towards the East, to sink those vessels that lay in the road or mouth of the harbour: or at leastwise to make them leave and forego the chain. Wherefore having caused his artillery to be bracht, he did endeavour to break and to batter them in pieces, being aided thereunto by a Cannonier 
Covetousness and treachery of a Christian Cannonier.  a Christian, who for that he had been denied a certain pension which he demanded, was of late revolted to the Turks. It chanced (I know not with what destiny) that at the very first shot he sunk the ship wherein the Captain himself was, which was an occasion that the others for fear of the like misfortune did retire themselves under the covert of the walls of Pera. Besides those vessels there lying▪ in the port, there were also three galleyasses of Venice and two galliots for their security: which the Emperor by earnest entreaty, and for a great sum of money, had caused 
Discord between the Genoese and the Venetians at Constantinople.  to stay for the defence of Constantinople during the space of six months. Within a while after, there fell some debate and difference between the Genoese and the Venetians: the one reproaching the other, that they had made default at this last service and expedition: but the Venetians having liberty granted them to departed, was a cause that this discord was soon appeased.  
The extremities and difficulties of the Greeks' daily increasing, and the Paynims growing more and more audacious and obstinate: the defendants took counsel, and determined upon some course, to fire those Turkish foists which had been conveyed 
jeames Cocqu● a venetian & other Christians drowned.  into the haven. Orders being given by justinian how the matter should be put in execution: jeames Cocqu● a Venetian being too covetous of glory, did rashly go in hand with the action, & prevented the time wherein the matter was to be wrought: by means whereof, the Barbarians perceiving their intent, did anticipate the enterprise, sinking with their ordinance certain vessels of the Greeks', and drowning many of the Christians: some of them also being taken prisoners, as they thought to save themselves by swimming to the shore, were the next day beheaded by the 
Prisoners Christians beheaded by Mahomet. Sentence.  Turks in the sight of the Citizens. The defendants being mightily incensed, and waxing more cruel with this Turkish inhumanity, did give them drink (as the saying is) of the same cup. For, causing certain Turks their prisoners to be brought forth, they put them to death openly upon the rampires of the city: and so the desire of vengeance pricked on with wrath and cruelty, did exasperate the hearts of both parties.  
But this mortal enemy of the Cross of Christ, to the intent he might not leave any martial devise unattempted that might make him Master of the town, did now bend all his endeavours to win it secretly by stealth and subtlety, and by mines conveyed closely under the ground, continuing nevertheless daily and hourly the unpleasant 
Ours made by the Turks against Constantinople, & disappointed by the countermines of the defendants. john le Grand  harmony and roaring noise of his cannons and bombards. By this time had they undermined with great silence and secrecy the rampire of the vawmure, and now began to make their preparations for blowing up of the mine. But john le Grand an Almain soldier, well practised and experienced in that art (whom justinian had made Captain of a company, and who did him great service, aid and comfort during the siege) by his singular industry and provident foresight, did discover the danger: whereupon suddenly was there made a strong and brave sally out of the town, purposely to make proof and trial of the matter: which being found to be most sure and certain, did greatly trouble them within, till such time as they saw themselves exempted and freed from this fear, by the remedy of countermines which they made to disappoint the purpose of the enemy.  
The Sultan perceiving that the virtue and forwardness of the Christians did cause 
Dissimulation of Mahomet purposing to deceive the Christians under colour of a peace.  all his attempts to turn to smoke, began now to fall to his wont bias of cunning and dissembling. He feigned him to repent that he had undertaken this enterprise, falsely giving out, that he had done it by the persuasion of the Hungarians: he sent therefore an Herald of arms to the Emperor to treat with him upon some appointment of peace. But his fraud was soon perceived, in that he would not condescend, that a fortress which he had raised towards the sea of Propontide, should be razed and thrown down, nor that they should quietly repair the ruins and breaches of their walls, and of the towers and bulwarks about the city. But that which most troubled the defendants was, that they could not have any trust nor affiance in the word nor faith of the Sultan, who was never known at any time to have observed his faith 
Perjury and singular infidelity of Mahomet.  or oath with any creature living; much less was it likely, that he would hold it to his enemy. The worst of all, was the small number of the defendants which gave them cause of extreme grief and sorrow, for they were in all about a 9000. men or little above, as I have told you. But what is one in comparison of a 1000 For when the defendants were disposed and ordered in their places upon the walls each beside other, they did scant suffice to furnish the walls where the enemy had environed them both by sea and by land. The poor Emperor in great confusion and perplexity, with the tears standing in his eyes, did go from door to door, and from house to house, imploring and entreating the citizens with his hands joined together, that they would aid him with their treasure and wealth, only for the waging of more soldiers, and for the hiring of strange and foreign succours. But (o monstrous impiety, o wretched avarice of the Greek Nation!) they protested and swore with most execrable oaths, that they had not wherewithal to hire any, that they were drawn dry of money by reason of the scarcity and misery of the time: and yet aftewardes 
Avarice and impiety of the Greeks' incredible and cause of their own ruin.  there was found such abundance of treasure within the city, that it seemed they reserved it to enrich their enemies, who were even glutted with the exceeding riches which they found hidden there by the citizens. Howbeit some few of them of their voluntary motion did contribute somewhat unto him: but these were very few, and it did him little pleasure: yea more than this what did the Greek Emperor? He had recourse from the citizens, to his Barons, the great Seigniours and chiefest nobles of the Empire: but they gave him counsel in any case not to molest any man in this public extremity and combustion: but rather to take the relics and other sacred things and jewels of the churches, and to serve his need with them. Whereupon he commanded that the vessels and vtensiles of gold and silver which had been consecrated to the use of the holy temples, should be coined into currant and ready money, to be divided among the soldiers, pioneers, and other persons appointed for the repairing of the fortifications of the town. For the also being wholly attentive to their private profit and commodity, and not to the good and welfare of the estate public, would not labour nor do any service, except they were satisfied & contented of their pay. 
Constantinople newly battered and three breaches made.   
Mahomet seeing that his offers of peace were refused, and being without hope of carrying the place, by any other means then by the blood and slaughter of his people: reenforced the siege and fight on all sides, causing the battery to be recontinued with more fury than before, till such time as he had made three fair and large breaches, 
An assault proclaimed by Mahomet to Constantinople  by which he might with ease enter with his troops, and free the walls of the defendants. Then he caused it to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet throughout his camp, that every man should be in a readiness with his arms the next morning very early, to give a general assault: and he abandoned the town to the pillage and discretion of the soldiers for three days together, upon condition that they did within that term enter it, and make themselves Masters of the place. It was the six and 
Cowardice of the Greeks' of Constantinople  twentieth day of April when this cry was published, the fear whereof caused many of the Greeks to withdraw and convey themselves away: feigning that either they had some necessary business to be done in the fields, or some other occasion to absent themselves. Some pretended that they were unable and unfit to serve, others alleged their poverty, saying: that it stood them upon to go get some bread to relieve themselves, and when some more zealous than others, did reprove them for their cowardice, and did show them that now not only their private estate was endangered, but that the estate of all Christendom, and the common defence of all the Christians in Europe did depend upon their valour, manhood and resolution, they made this answer: What have we to do (said they) with the wars whilst our famelies are ready to starve and to die with pure hunger and famine? so that it was a very hard matter to get them to the walls, or to make them to abide there in defence of the place. This was the occasion that the assailants taking heart and courage when they saw the small resistance that was made in some places, durst adventure to approach 
Courage and audacity of the Turks preparing themselves to the assault of Constantinople.  near the walls, and with crooks to pull down the hogsheads, pipes, and other vessels which the defendants had provided there in a readiness to make them barricadoes for the more surety of their walls: but by how much the more the townsmen were discomforted by that proclamation, so much the greater was the joy and triumph made by these miscreants throughout all the quarters of their camp. Every man made provision of necessaries to furnish himself against the next days service, which they desired and expected with such greediness and devotion, that he was not held for a good man, who did not by his very countenance, and by his gesture, bewray the heat and forwardness of a brave mind and courageous. Of their whole army, there was not a man who of all that day would either eat or drink. Such is the nature and disposition of men, that when matters do fall out to their desire 
Sentence.  and contentment, their bodies are fully satisfied, and their appetite or stomach is quite taken from them. But some say, that this their abstinence was enjoined them by the ceremony of their religion. The day being spent, and the night come on, assoon as it was starlight, they fell to feasting one another with great cheer and notable banquets: drinking and carousing together for the most part of the night. This done they retired themselves every man to his quarter to take their rest, with many loving embracements, kisses and mutual farewelles given to each other, as if they should never have met again. You see now how the adversaries prepared themselves to the ruin and desolation of the most noble and proud city of the Orient.  
In the mean while, they within the town having heard of this public cry and 
Citizens of Constantinople their uncomfortable and miserable estate.  proclamation of the great Turk, and considering the great preparations that were made for the assault, ordained a public and solemn procession: the Priests and religious persons with all reverence and devotion had recourse unto their relics, to the image of the crucifix and of the blessed virgin, with devout prayers, hymns, and songs: their eyes shedding abundance of tears: their hearts sighing and groaning 
Catholic devotion of the constantinopolitans.  for the miseries and mischiefs both present and imminent upon them. The common people both rich and poor, men and women; young and old, followed after the Clergy, imploring the favour and protection of the divine majesty. Thus did they go about the town, enuironning it on all quarters, visiting all the holy places, and afflicting their bodies with fasting, discipline and continual orisons: and when night was come they retired every man to their several places assigned for their defence.  
During these passions of public sorrow and lamentation, the Governor of the town john justinian (having a watchful eye and good care to all matters as one that did diligently observe all fortunes) took order for the speedy repairing of the breaches and other places of least assurance, and for the furnishing of them with artillery: demanding of Chirluc (who was of chiefest authority amongst the citizens) that he should deliver him out of the common store of the city certain ordinance to be employed against the Infidels, which Chirluc having refused and denied him, justinian 
Grudge & hatred between justinian and Chirluc: and the Greeks and Latins.  inflamed with extreme wrath & anger used these words unto him. Traitor that thou art: what should hinder me that I run thee not through with my sword? From that time forward Chirluc disdaining, that he should be so outraged and reproached by a Latin, did bear himself very coldly in the discharge of his duty. And the Greeks' in general had secretly conceived a great disdain and envy, that the Italians should have the chief command of them, and should have the chief honour of the preservation 
Ambition of the Greeks'.  of the city. Nevertheless the General by the advise and counsel of Maurice Catanee, john de carrot, Paul de Bouchardes, john de Fornares, Thomas des Sawages, Ladisse Gattalusse, john Illyric, and many other Greeks' (who showed themselves true servitors to God & their country, did take order for the strengthening of the companies, and the fortifying of the rampires: in such sort, that the Sultan himself greatly commending his providence and diligence, used these words of him. O that I had 
Speech of Mahomet in commendation of john justinian.  that Captain near about me, that I might honour him according to his worthiness & sufficiency: and he did by many means & devices assay to allure him unto his service. But that loyal and generous heart of his, would never be corrupted nor drawn to yield unto his enticements.  
The walls of Constantinople were of as wonderful great height and thickness, as of 
Negligence of the Greeks in furnishing, fortifying and defending the walls of Constantinople.  any town whatsoever: but partly by the antiquity of the time which had in a manner wasted, them being old and ruinous, and partly by the negligence of the Greeks' which made no great account and reckoning of it, they were for the most part impaired and disfurnished of their battlements, bulwarks & other defences. As touching the vawmure, it was very strong and in good estate as might be, and it was well fortified with all things requisite for the guarding and keeping of it: and accordingly the Greeks founding all the surety of their fortress upon the strength thereof, had lodged all their fight men between the chief wall and the vawmure. It was a work and enterprise of no small importance to cover and furnish the vawmure with men sufficient: and therefore many wise and expert men of good and sound judgement, finding fault and blaming them, did tell them, that they ought not to quit and abandon the chief and main wall which was high & strong made: for that by the favour & benefit of the same being duly regarded and furnished, they might very well have maintained and defended the other wall, and so have drawn out the siege at length. But if the Emperor for his part did make any default by reason of his negligence and pusillanimity which I will not speak of: much more were they to be blamed, who had the chief managing and government of the estate, namely, Emanuel Gregare (who was a little before but a very beggar and base fellow,) and one Neophit a Monk 
Emanuel Gregare, Neophit a monk, two pillars and pollers of the state of Constantinople.  of Rhodes: two most notable pillars and not pillours of the common wealth. These two being ordained as tutors or protectors of the estate, and having received huge sums of money, either of such as died intestate, and whose goods were to come to the public treasury, or by the testaments of diverse particular persons (who bequeathed great sums of money to be employed to the reparations & maintenance of the walls and fortifications: they did defraud the common wealth of the same and converted it to their private profit and commodity. Leaving within a while after to the Infidels and Barbarians, the inheritance and possession of all their infamous and ill gotten treasure, which amounted to more than 70000. crowns. By the mischievous 
Constantinople lost by the covetousness of thieves and traitors her own citizens.  and wicked covetousness therefore of these thieves and sacrilegious traitors, did that noble city come to ruin and destruction. Seeing then that all the actions and deeds of the Greeks', were continually foolish and blameworthy, it is no marvel if so worthy a monument and famous a bulwark of the estate of Christendom, founded by so many good Emperors, did now fall to be the prey and reward of thieves and robbers. Feign would they have remedied this mischief afterwards, but than it was all too late: for they wanted two of the most necessary and principal things to effect it: to wit, time and money, both which they might have remedied with great ease and facility, if they had intended it either with opportunity or any importunity at such time as they saw the burden of the wars even ready to fall and light upon their shoulders. But the malice or the negligence of that people, did put off and defer all things from time to time, and from day to day, till it came to ruin and destruction. Now by reason that the Greeks' did put their whole trust and confidence in their utter ditches and the vawmure: when those were once lost, and that they were forced to retire within the main wall, which before they neglected, they were not able in the end neither to man it nor to defend it. Much more wisely and providently did the jews, who did not employ nor adventure their whole strength and forces upon the utter walls of jerusalem when it was besieged by Titus and Vespasian: but they made the one wall still to maintain the other, and the first being lost they retired to the second, and from the second to the third: and so by means of their fortifications, 
Two years by josephus.  they prolonged the siege four years against the Romans'.  
But return we to our History. Whilst the Turks were preparing themselves so busily to a general assault, there sprang a rumour in their Camp, upon the report of some espials, that there was on the one side an army and fleet of the Christians at sea coming to the aid and relief of Constantinople: and that on the other side, that tempest of war john Huniades was marching down towards the river of * Danowe to give battle unto the Sultan, or to make him raise his siege. This rumour 
Or Danubius.  troubled and terrified the Mahometists, causing them to murmur against their chief 
Turk's murmur against Mahomet for continuing so long at the siege of Constantinople.  and sovereign: saying, that it was but rashly and vainly done to continue and make any longer abode under those invincible and impregnable walls (for it was now two and fifty days since the siege began) and they were in great distrust of their own forces, albeit they were inestimable, and they despaired utterly of all good fortune and of victory. Upon these difficulties, Caly Bassa the most ancient and sagest councillor of the Sultan, a man of notable experience in the wars, and one that greatly 
Caly Bassa counseleth Mahomet to raise the siege from Constantinople.  favoured the Christians (though in secret) and had continually dissuaded the Ottoman from persisting in this enterprise: in a solemn assembly which was now called purposely to consult upon this point, he told the Sultan: That it could not but be very perilous and dangerous for him to urge the city of Constantinople any longer, the same being of notable strength and abundantly provided of all things for the war, and furnished with good store of soldiers hardy and resolute either by death or life to defend their liberty: That his ancestors in times past had often, but in vain assayed to conquer it, and were ever repulsed: And which was most worthy to be considered, that he was not to make any doubt, but that all the Princes and Potentates of Europe, especially the Venetians and the Genoese his next neighbours, being advertised of the necessity and extremity of the town, would presently come with a brave and strong power to secure it: That he ought to beware how he did incense them and make those his enemies, who were able in other places either greatly to endamage them, or greatly to profit and pleasure them. Thy puissance (most redoubted Prince qd he) is incomparable, and thou shalt better augment and enlarge it by the peace then by the war, whereof the events and success are always 
Sentence.  doubtful and uncertain, and full of inconstancy and mutability. Calybassa had scarce ended his persuasions, but Zagan second councillor of the Turk: a man that was both younger in years, of a more hot and fiery courage, and one that was emulous of Calybassa, and the mortal enemy of the Christians, interrupting his speeches, thus alleged to the contrary.  
The Ottoman forces (quoth he) are so mighty, and are so seconded with good fortune, 
The Oration of Zagan counseling Mahomet to continue the siege and to assault Constantinople.  and they are generally in so good estimate and reputation, that all the world standeth in awe and is afraid of their power and greatness: so that to doubt of any impediments from Europe, or to hope for any other than a fortunate and glorious issue, were in a manner a crime of manifest treason against the majesty of the Ottoman Empire. Why then should the Sultan leave this siege upon any uncertain news and reports? or upon feigned tales and surmizes of vain possibilities? who knoweth not that the Latins are far unable to furnish them with any succours? The Genoese are in discord and civil garboils: the Venetians have enough to do to defend themselves against the Duke of Milan: as for other Princes farther off, it is well known they are all by the ears amongst themselves, each consuming other with their civil wars.  
The Eunuch, who was the third vizir to the Sultan confirmed the speeches used by Zagan: and Thuraca the Saniacke of Romania durst not take part with Caly Bassa, 
Thuraca Saniacke of Romania.  but encouraged Mahomet more and more to continue the siege, whereunto of himself he was vehemently inclined: in so much that the inferior Chieftains and leaders did all with one consent and voice exclaim, saying: It behoveth the Monarch 
Speech of the Turks captains calling for war.  and sovereign of the Turks both to purpose and to put in execution things high, hard, and difficult: for by such actions only do men purchase honour and immortal glory. Mahomet being greatly animated and egged on by their persuasions, answered thus unto them: Well than my friends (quoth he) you will that we shall try 
Answer of Mahomet to his counsellors and captains persuading him to hold on his siege.  our fortune, and it liketh me exceedingly well. For what was the puissance of the great Alexander? was it incomparable? nay was it not far inferior to our forces? was that army of his (wherewith he conquered the whole world) more to be feared and redoubted then this of ours here before Constantinople? Which of our predecessors, either father, grandfather, or great-grandfather, did ever besiege this place so well accompanied with armed forces, so well provided with warlike weapons, engines, or other preparations, as we now are? Go to then Zagan, make ready our companies, let our troops be set in order for the assaulting of the town, and to the intent that they of Pera may not (during the assault) either hinder us behind at our backs, or give them of Constantinople any succours, let their town be enclosed and beset on all sides.  
Caly the chief Bassa to the Sultan seeing this conclusion, did secretly advertise the 
Caly Bassa advertiseth the Greek Emperor of the purpose of the Turks.  Greek Emperor of the same, persuading him nevertheless not to be dismayed nor discomforted by the temerity and folly of this young Prince so insolent and so furious: that he should not fear their menaces, who were themselves fearful and timorous, howsoever they made show and semblance to the contrary. Only he wished them to keep good and careful watch, & to behave themselves stoutly and constantly in sustaining the assault. The Emperor, whilst the Turks were preparing against the morrow to assail the town, did on his part also call an assembly of the Senate and principal Barons, and chief citizens, with all the Captains and commanders of the general companies both Denizens and strangers, to whom being all together, he began to use these or such like speeches.  
Most noble Lords, most worthy captains, and most christian soldiers, you see the 
Oration of the Emperor of Constantinople to his nobles, captains, and soldiers before the assault to encourage them.  hour now approaching, wherein the city is to be assaulted by our enemies: you know the dangers that do always accompany an assault. Of all military actions and martial services, either in field or fortress, there is none more terrible, none more fearful, bloody or cruel, then to maintain a breach against resolute and hardy assailants, it being an ordinary thing in that case, for men to stand and fight up to the knees in blood, death and wounds attending them on all sides: yet must you not recoil, nor be discouraged, when you shall see your Captains, your kinsmen or your friends, dying and yielding up their ghosts at your feet: but persisting resolutely & with undaunted hearts, you must hold out against the enemy as long as any one of you is left alive. If any of you have that mistrust of yourselves, that you cannot find in your hearts to abide the sight of the slaughter, withdraw yourselves a God's name to some other part of the walls, that you may be there employed about some other needful occasions, wherein also your service shall be very acceptable: for all men cannot be equally and alike resolute. You have had sufficient trial of the fury and forces of your adversaries for these 52. days wherein you have been besieged, and you have no reason now at this present to be more terrified or astonished, than you have been heretofore, for they are the same men still that you have found them in the former fights. You are not now to fight for a petty village: for some small castle of little price or reckoning, and wherein you have little or nothing to lose: but you fight for the church of God & his holy religion: for the honour & safety of the sacred Empire: for your own native town and country, the chief, principal, and Imperial city of the world: wherein your wives, your children, your parents, your friends, and all your chiefest and dearest treasures, do come running under the shelter of your arms both behind and before you, and on all sides, imploring your virtue, your valour, and extremest resolution for their defence and safety, which without your devoir will be utterly lost and destroyed, and even in a moment come to ruin & confusion. What a desolation should we see if these barbarous miscreants, so covetous and thirsty of the blood of Christians, who have sworn to put all to the sword, should come and strew your fair▪ streets, and fill up your sumptuous houses with dead bodies and carcases? how lamentable a spectacle would it be to see so many wives, maidens, and young infants violated? the beautiful temples builded by the piety and devotion of the Christians our forefathers now to be polluted, burned, and destroyed? The only way to avoid these mischiefs is to go against these hell hounds resolutely: to oppose ourselves against them manfully, and to set aside all fear of danger, and all care and respect of death, which though we could shun for the time present, yet in the end will it be sure to make an end of us all without exception.  
Immediately upon this exhortation, the whole assembly with a settled & fierce countenance, 
Assault to Constantinople by the Turks.  did vow & promise that they would all die before they would do otherwise: and so encoraging each other, they followed their General to the several places where it pleased him to appoint them: and there with good deliberation did they attend the time of the assault. It was not long ere they heard the Infidels preparing their artillery and other engines, & drawing of their chariots with their castles or turrets upon them with their ladders upon wheels, their towers of wood, and such like instruments for the assault: and in an instant the Turkish army to the seaward did environ the Port & the walls on that side: for you must note that presently after midnight, the Turks upon a hope & greediness of the prey, being unpatient to stay and attend the breaking of the day, did present themselves in arms before the walls, and began the fight whilst it was yet dark, continuing the same even till it was day: But they were so plied with stones & shot from aloft, that they were not able in the obscurity of the night, to keep themselves out of the danger of the defendants, so that fight still with great disadvantage, they carried away nothing but shame and infamy, with the loss of infinite of their bravest and fiercest soldiers. The light of the day having chased away the starlight: Mahomet himself came forth with the strength of his army, and after he had given the signal to begin the assault, he commanded that Constantinople and Pera should be attempted both together and at one instant, because the Greeks' should not secure each other: himself also appointed every Colonel with his regiment to a certain space and quantity of the wall, to the intent that every one of them being to fight severally, and in the place particularly assigned unto him, both the valour and prowess of them that deserved and did best, should be more apparent and manifest, and by the emulation of praise and glory they might the more animate each other in the conflict. With the like counsel and advise were the companies of the sea army distributed in order, with an express charge & commandment, that every one should make his approach in the quarter appointed unto him at one and the same time. In this manner the soldiers being disposed and marshaled both on the one side and the other, the air resounding with the noise of trumpets, drum's, and cornets, to incense them that fought, the fury of the assault began to increase, and to be renewed still more and more, continuing with great abundance of blood and cruelty. The Pagans bending their bodies, and shrinking in their heads, did cover themselves with their targets and pavishes, and so marching on roundly presented their ladders to the walls, and with an exceeding audacity strived to get up, and to mount upon the rampires which had been newly mended & repaired. The defendants received them as courageously, bestowing upon them great heaps and plenty of stones, pots, balls, and lances of wild fire, scalding oil, seething water, and such like: pouring down also upon them a whole shower of shot, darts, and arrows, and never ceasing to overturn the ladders, and to tumble them from the top down to the bottom. In the mean time they which presented themselves to the breach with the pikes in their hands, were likewise valiantly resisted by others, who pressing bravely forward & rushing upon them, did not strike in vain: but beating down innumerable Infidels, some slain, some maimed, they scattered that battalion: having given them such entertainment, that many being left dead upon the place 
Turk's repulsed from the assault.  were made sure for ever adventuring themselves again in the like hazard: and the residue of the Turks (as men that could do no good, and whose former heat was well cooled) did now seem to desire to be dispensed withal, that they might not for that day return any more to so bad a banquet, and they began to retire themselves the same way they came. Then Mahomet enraged with ire and madness went to meet and to encourage them, and he called sometimes to one, sometimes to another by their names, especially such as were men of mark and chiefest estimate. Some he constrained by menaces, others he persuaded by promises, and did so much prevail, that he made 
Assault renewed at Constantinople by persuasions of Mahomet to the Turks.  them to take part again, and thereupon they reenforced the assault: then might you have seen some climbing upon their fellows backs, other creeping up like cats, and making themselves way up to the walls: against the pikes of their enemies, many also marching close together and in troops under the coverture of their targets, & bearing down their heads, having gained the foot of the wall, did mount to the tops of their ladders: & then with the one hand they laboured to lay hold upon the enemy's weapons, & with the other grasping close by the battlements, they strived to get aloft upon the walls, & there to have raised the Turkish ensigns. But the promptness, vigour, & hardiness of the defendants, did far exceed the attempts of the assailants, still beating them down and overthrowing them in infinite numbers with pikes, stones, and other weapons, and with casting of boiling pitch upon them. It was a brave sight to see how john 
Industry and virtue of john justinian.  justinian with his sword in his hand, & accompanied with a squadron of armed men, now here, now there, did with might and main bear in upon the enemy, where as he saw them thickest, still overthrowing and dispersing them where soever he came. One while would he redress and confirm the ranks where he saw them to fail or to move: another while with a watchful eye and speedy pace, would he give and send succours where they needed, and both with the valour of his hand, aswell as with the eloquence of his speech, he encouraged them on all parts both to do well and to hope well. The presence of the Turkish Monarch did no less further the obstinacy & resolution of his people, both by often exhortations and continual supplies of new and fresh troops who succeeded cheerfully in the places of those which were either slain or repulsed, not suffering the defendants to have any leisure to rest or to breathe themselves, although they performed their devoir & duty beyond all reason & humane power: yet by reason that their numbers were so small, it could not be but they should at length be driven to the last point and exigent of all extremity. Nevertheless they still showed themselves in countenance and outward appearance resolute and deliberate, and that they feared no peril whatsoever. In this estate did they maintain themselves continually stout and unuanquished, not suffering the assailants to glory or to boast themselves of any advantage against the town, until such time as their Chieftain and governor justinian (by the permission of the cruel destinies which now began to contrary this miserable and wretched city) in the heat and fury of the fight, & where the wall was most endangered, whilst he opposed himself most stoutly against the enemy, with a company of brave and gallant men, prodigal & careless of their lives, most unhappily received a wound behind under the arm hole, being shot with an arrow by one of the defendants standing within upon the walls.  
Behold now a strange case and a wonderful: He which of late by the only terror of 
john justinian wounded and fainteth, forsaking his charge  his name did appall his enemies, and did add a courage and confidence unto the Christians: he which showed himself as a second Mars, and with his arm all bloody even to the elbow, did fly like a tempest amongst the Turkish squadrons, preparing the victory for the Greeks', now alas only 3. or 4. drops of blood distilling from his own body, did put him quite out of heart, and as one utterly forlorn he fainted and gave over, forgetting all his former glory, the remembrance of his duty, and the safety both of himself & his country. For perceiving his wound to bleed much, he withdrew himself secretly out of the press, & removed from the place without speaking ever a word, going into the town to have his wound dressed, being unwilling (as himself afterwards confessed) to have a surgeon called thither: for fear lest his soldiers, who were then fight with great fury in that place, should be partakers of his fear, & so be discouraged by his mishap. Thus whilst he thought to avoid one inconvenience he tumbled into a greater mischief. The Emperor hearing of his departure, and supposing that his absence would be the loss of the town, as his presence had been the preservation 
Emperor of Greece his oversight.  of the same, did commit a second disorder worse than the former: for without leaving any man of mark or reckoning to supply his office, or to command in his place, he went himself in person and followed after him to call him back again, endeavouring to cause him to return. But justinian more deaf than a Haddock, and obstinate beyond all reason, or rather transported with extreme fear, could not be entreated by any prayers or persuasions to tarry and abide: but causing the gate of the city to be opened for him, he promised that as soon as his wound was dressed he would return incontinent. All the gates and ports of the city by which men should pass through from the vawmure into the town, were closed and barred up, because all ways, and hope of retreat being taken from the soldiers, every man should determine either to vanquish the enemy or to die with honour. But what followed upon 
The Christians discomforted and out of hart upon the departure of their General.  this accident? The Christians which were at the breach, as soon as they had lost the sight of their General, began to lose courage likewise and to be out of heart. Then might you have seen some of them make haste to retire, and to withdraw themselves out of the press: others began to fight more slowly and lazily, and at last all in general beginning to faint and to despair, betook themselves to a shameful and ignominious flight. Whither do you fly you poor and senseless wretches? doth your safety now consist in your heels? what, doth your resolution depend only upon one man so frail and mortal? If your walls be lost have you any other by which you may be covered and protected? or will you return again into the wombs of your mothers there to hide you from your enemies? Are you ignorant, or have you forgotten it, that these barbarous miscreants are so merciless and cruel, that they have no respect of sex nor age: and that their fashion is to devour and swallow up all sorts and degrees of persons in one and the same gulf of unspeakable mischief without all pity and compassion.  
The Colonels and Captains of the Turks seeing the countenance of the Christians; as soon as they perceived them to faint and waver, they encouraged their soldiers, and with high clamours animated them on to scale the walls, which were in a manner quite forsaken and abandonned. Then the Infidels (who had already devoured in hope the rich promises of the Sultan, and were greedy of revenge for the loss of their brethren, friends and fellows, that lay slain before their eyes 
Constantinople taken by the Turks.  in the ditches of the town:) they began to press forward in good and close array, and with greater fervency and violence then at any time before. Some of them forced through the breaches, others by their scaling ladders got speedily to the top of the rampires, and in a moment made themselves masters both of the second or uttermost wall, and of the rampires and bulwarks thereof, chase thence the Greek soldiers: who being now quite discomfited sought to save themselves by flying into the town, through that gate which was lately opened to justinian.  
In this disarray and foul confusion, the Emperor also forgot himself and his duty, which was to have held good, and to have died with his arms in his hands. But he because he would not fall alive into the hands of the Infidels, turned his back likewise most shamefully, and holding company with the rest that fled, as he 
Emperor of Constantinople smothered in a throng by his own subjects, flying from the Turks.  strived to enter in at the city gate in the midst of the press and throng, being regarded no more than a private person, he was borne down forcibly to the ground, trodden and trampled under foot, and so most miserably smothered. It is a strange thing and worthy to be observed, that in so great a fear and confusion, amongst so great a multitude of soldiers and valiant men, only two were found and no more, who contemning the present peril and all fear of death, did stoutly oppose their bodies as a bulwark for the defence and for the safety of their country: and preferring religion before life, and an honourable renown before their private safety, did even vow and consecrate themselves to the death, fight valiantly even to the last gasp. 
The death and honourable end of Theophilus Paleologus and john of Sclavony.  The one of them was Theophilus Paleologus the Emperors kinsman: the other was john of Sclavony, a man otherwise of a mean and servile condition, but in his end noble and honourable. These two reputing it an extreme shame and disgrace to fly away, did for a great while all alone sustain the fury and violence of the Barbarians, and having slain many with their own hands, in the end being oppressed with the multitude, and rather tired then vanquished, they did yield up their glorious souls unto God, amongst the heaps of the dead bodies of their enemies. justinian who during this time had conveyed himself to Pera, went from thence by sea to the Isle of Chios, where falling sick, either by means of his wound, or for grief and sorrow, 
Death of john justinian.  within few days after departed out of this life, having most shamefully lost the fruit and benefit of that incomparable glory, which he might easily have purchased. For without all doubt most happy and fortunate had he been, if he had continued his first resolution to die valiantly and honourably upon the walls of Constantinople.  
The Turks having won the Vawmure, chased the Christians towards the town: and entering the port, pell mel together with them, they slew of Greeks' and Latins about an eight hundredth within the gate. From the body of the Emperor (being found and known by of his coat armour) they did cut off the head, and fastened it upon a pike, carrying and showing it up and down for a token and sign of victory, whilst others in the mean time having gotten to the top, and gained the chief and main wall of the City, with shot, arrows, stones, and such like, chased thence the citizens: who hearing the alarm at the gate ran thitherwards, thinking to have shut it, and to have made a Barricado to keep the enemy from entering. But the gate being already won, and the walls now void of defence, the infidels became masters of the town, exceedingly triumphing, both for the conquest of the place, and for the infinite riches and treasures which they found there inestimable. The fury and the victory of the soldiers was soon and easily to be discerned by the cries and howl of those whom at the first entry they beat down to the ground, killing and cutting in pieces all those whom they encountered with arms on their backs or weapon in hand. After the fury and heat of the slaughter was somewhat appeased, they gave themselves on all parts to prey and pillage, ransacking the town 
Constantinople sacked with all horrible excess of villainy for three days together.  of all things with extreme rapine and greediness: and after the sack was ended what Iliads are able to recount the particulars of the infinite disorders, excess, villainies, and enormities, which that barbarous, impious, and infamous people, addicted to all voluptuousness, avarice and cruelty, did dare to exercise upon the wretched and miserable inhabitants? O how pitifully and horribly were they forced and violated, no sex nor age being spared or pardoned! they confounded and intermingled murders with whoredoms, and whoredoms with murders, greedily seeking to satisfy their brutish and unsatiable humour of lechery, whereunto that nation of all others is extremely and mightily given over and inclined. They shamed not to put in irons as well the old men who were decrepit for age, as the young lads and tender maidens whom the fortune of the town had reserved alive: whom also being coupled and chained together, they drove before them with great despite and derision. And if by chance there happened any maiden, woman, or young boy, any thing beautiful and comely to look on: every man strived who should have them to abuse them in most villainous and shameful manner: which was an occasion also, that many times they would like brute beasts one kill another. The like also would they do when they lighted upon any booty that was of great value, were it either sacred or profane: for so many would set hand on it together, that oftentimes they would murder each other for the same. And by reason that their army was compound of diverse nations, differing in language and in manners, there was no kind of villainy or impiety (how hateful and enormous soever it were) but it was suffered to the ruin and extreme desolation of this miserable city. The Temple of Saint sophy (whose like was never seen, builded by the Emperor justinian) being spoiled of all her ornaments and sumptuous riches, which were innumerable, both of gold, silver, and other precious vessels: and being contaminated and polluted with all kind of filthiness and villainy possible to be imagined, became now an infamous Burdella or stews, for unclean persons and Sodomites, and a stable for horses, as other churches and holy places in like manner were converted to like profane uses. The bones and honoured relics of the Saints, were cast forth, and thrown about the streets and public places, to be trodden under foot, not by men only, but even by the dogs, hogs, and such like. The images of the crucifix and of the Saints, were either trailed through the dirt, or broken in pieces with axes and hatchets. The rare and exquisite libraries how little were they respected and regarded by those brute and unreasonable beasts the enemies of all sciences and good learning? What notable and extreme torments did they inflict upon the servants of private particular men, to constrain them to reveal and disclose their masters goods and hidden treasures? The report is, that they drew forth from under the earth in diverse places an inestimable quantity of gold and silver, and other jewels of exceeding great price, which the unfortunate and unhappy citizens, for fear of the siege, had hidden under ground: which abundance and superfluity of wealth, had it pleased God, that they had bestowed and employed in munitions, and upon other necessities for the defence of the town, they might perhaps have saved both their lives and goods, and the liberty of their country. But in them was that saying then verified; That covetous men do not 
Sentence.  possess their own gold and riches, but their gold and riches doth possess them.  
The sack of the city having continued for three whole days together, there was nothing now left, nor remaining in the town (which of late was most fortunate, happy and rich) but a most hideous show and sight of all barbarousness and inhumanity, suffering an indign and lamentable servitude of her citizens: who to 
Number of Christians prisoners taken at the loss of Constantinople.  the number of three score thousand, being bound and manacled, were drawn and carried out of the city, into the camp and tents of the Barbarians. It is reported for a certainty, that Mahomet having made a magnifical and sumptuous banquet to his Bassas and Captains, every man being full of wine and dainties, and himself (it may be) little better than drunken, caused all the prisoners to be brought before him, and as if he had a desire to glut the hearts and eyes of his guests with the innocent 
Cruelty of Mahomet more than barbarous  blood of the Christians, and as a man may say, to mix his wine with blood, he commanded, that the principal and chiefest persons, who were of greatest estimate and calling, should have their bodies divided and sawed a sunder in the midst whilst they were yet alive, taking a singular delight and pleasure at this inhuman spectacle and extreme cruelty. Some of the chief Officers and special friends of the Emperor Constantine (which remained yet alive) being called also before him, he reproved and blamed very sharply, for that they did not persuade their Master either to demand peace, or to deliver the town into his hands: and thereupon he put them likewise to the sword, as he had done the others. Chirluck above mentioned, 
Chirluck his notabl● infidelity and treachery.  having determined to curry favour with the tyrant, did impute all the fault, and laid the whole blame thereof upon the Peratines' and the Venetians, who (as he said) did aid and furnish the Emperor Constantine with men, money, munition, and counsel: and that Constantine for the love of them did maintain the war against him. Moreover, the wicked wretch, who had ever sought advancement by lies and sinister practices, did accuse Caly Bassa to be a friend to the Greeks', and that he had often written to the Emperor, comforting him, and encouraging him to 
The death of Caly Bassa betrayed and bewrayed by Chirluck, and executed by Mahomet.  hold out: and to prove his words true, he showed forth the letters unto the Sultan, which he had reserved expressly and of purpose. The Emperor of the Turks being more feloniously incensed then before, did resolve utterly to destroy Pera: and ordained that Caly Bassa, being deprived of his authority, and of all his goods, and being fast bound and fettered, should for a while be put in safe keeping, and shut up within a certain tower at Constantinople: from whence within few days after he was conveyed to Andrinople, and there executed, to the public grief and sorrow of all the Turkish host. But the disloyal and traitorous Greek did not escape the due punishment of his malice and infidelity: for having first lost his two eldest sons in the war, the third being slain before his eyes by the command of Mahomet, and 
The death and deserved punishment of Chirlucke.  the fourth being reserved to the abominable lusts of the profane tyrant, the father was enjoined and enforced to hang and strangle himself with his own hands.  
With no less cruelty did the Turkish Sultan use the foreigners and strangers which 
The death of many noblemen prisoners to the Turk and executed.  were taken upon the loss of the city. The 
* Hierome Minot. Contaren and other Gentlemen of Venice twice ransomed Cardinal of Rome the pope's Legate prisoner and ransomed.  Bailiff or Governor of the Venetians with his son and other Nobles of his company were beheaded. Likewise the Consul of the Caraconensians or Catalans with his two sons had the like end: and Contarin a Venetian Gentleman, of the family of the Contarines, with six other Gentlemen Venetians besides him, who had before agreed and paid their ransom, yet had drunk also of the same cup, if they had not paid seven thousand Ducats more once again for their redemption. Isidore Ruthenian Cardinal of the sea of Rome, who had before been sent Legate a Latere from the Pope Nicholas the fift, having disguised himself, fell into the hands of a simple soldier, and by means of a great sum of aspres which he paid him, he escaped and got him liberty.  
The inhabitants of Pera seeing the desolation of Constantinople, laid aside their arms, and without attending any summons from the Sultan, they came forth of 
Pera voluntarily yieldeth to the Turks.  the town, and bringing their keys with them, they laid them down at the tyrant's feet: who having received them to mercy, with sufficient shows of grace and favour: and shortly after having caused his army to enter the town, against all faith 
Perjury and infidelity of Mahomet to the Peratines'.  and public honesty, he caused it to be sacked, the rampires to be dismanteled and broken down: and afflicting them with a thousand mischiefs and calamities, he caused their children to be sold for slaves, their matrons to be deflowered, the old men to be enchained, the young men to be murdered without any regard or difference had of age, sex or condition: not sparing their temples, palaces, nor other edifices 
The words of the oracle are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Name of Constantine fat all to Constantinople. Helen the mother of Great Constantine daughter of Coilus king of great Britain. Exhortation of the Author to all Christians.  and buildings. Thus we see that the very same happened to the noble city of Constantinople, which was once foretold and prophesied by the oracle to the Macedonians: namely: That the name of Constantyn was fatal to that town, and that during the reign of Constantyn, it should find her best and worst fortune. For as Constantyn the great the son of Helen, was the first that founded that Empire, and did adorn and enrich that Imperial city: so this Constantyn the son of another Helen, also was the last Emperor, after that this Empire had endured eleven hundredth twenty and one years.  
This city that was the Queen and Lady of all the towns in the world, having received and endured so many mischiefs and calamities by the cruel and villainous hands of these thieves and brigands, it standeth us upon to be moved by their examples: to the intent we may more narrowly advise ourselves of the plagues that do hang over the heads of other peoples and cities, and that standing in awe of the rigorous and severe judgements of God, we be the more alured and stirred up to his service and obedience: and having our recourse unto him with continual prayers, and daily sighs and groanings of our souls, we should entreat his divine clemency, that it would please him to preserve his Church and his people, and to moderate the pains and punishments inflicted upon them. And let us not only meditate upon the example of their punishment, but let us remember also what were the sins and crimes of the Greek nation, and of their Emperors in those days. Let us consider their great excess and usurpations, their hateful discords and civil wars, wherewith they rend and tore in sunder that famous Monarchy: so shall we be incited by the sorrowful and lamentable end of that Empire, to live more modestly and soberly, to nourish and entertain concord and amity: chase and repelling far from us, all distrust, ambition, covetousness, and the desire of vengeance, or any other thing unlawful, whereby the common peace and tranquillity should be troubled or disturbed: for fear lest that either being dismembered or consumed by a mutual & intestine butchery amongst ourselves, we fall into the same misfortune and calamity which is befallen and happened unto the Greeks'.  
The end of the eight Book.   

THE NINTH BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
MOses with an army of Turks entereth into Epire, and is encountered by Scanderbag. The private combat of Ahimaz a Turk with Zachary Groppe an Epirot. Moses having challenged Scanderbag to a particular combat dareth not abide him. The battle of Oronichea between Moses and Scanderbag, wherein the Turks are overthrown and Moses put to flight, who at his return to Constantinople being in great disgrace with Mahomet, posteth secretly into Epire, and submitting himself to Scanderbag, is freely pardoned. Amese the nephew of Scanderbag revolteth from his uncle and flieth to Mahomet with his wife and children Isaac Bassa accompanied with Amese, is sent by Mahomet with an army against Scanderbag, who having levied a power to receive them, retireth with his forces and giveth place unto them. Isaac marching freely over the country, proclaimeth Amese king of Epire. Scanderbag having by his feigned flight brought the Turks into security, suddenly setteth upon their Campe. The famous battle of Pharsalia: wherein Isaac Bassa is put to flight, with a notable slaughter of the Turks, and Amese is taken prisoner, being sent to Naples by his uncle, there to be kept in prison. Mahomet being encumbered with great wars seeketh to have peace with Scanderbag, which being refused, he sendeth Hamur and Synam with two strong armies to defend his frontiers. And Scanderbag likewise fortifieth the borders of Epire. The frontier war between the Turks and the Epirots. Hamur maketh a new motion of peace unto Scanderbag. Alphonsus' king of Naples dieth, and Ferdinand his base son succeed him in that kingdom, unto whom Scanderbag sendeth an Ambassade. Amese is brought back into Epire, and is restored to the grace and favour of his uncle, by whom being licensed to go again to Mahomet to practise the delivery of his wife and children, at his return to Constantinople, he is there poisoned by the Turk.  
IN the sacred Scriptures it is written, that Zedechias and the other jews carried away captive unto Babylon, did mock and deride the Prophet jeremy when he for told them of the captivity and destruction of jerusalem. We read also that if Cassandra had been believed by Priam her father, Troy had not 
Prophecies foretelling the ruin of Empires and estates.  been burned by the Greeks', nor reduced so miserably into dust and ashes. If the Romans had given credit to the prophecies of the Sibyls, their monarchy had not been ruinated & trodden under foot. But in very truth, this is an infallible rule, and undoubtedly to be believed: that Empires, Realms and Kingdoms have their undoubted age limited, neither more nor less, then as mortal men have their birth & beginning, their increase, their continuance, and their declining. For albeit such prophecies, 
Empires and ● kingdoms have their time and age limited.  admonitions and divine revelations have and do ordinarily forerun & preceded the ruin of Monarchies and Empires: yet so it is, that when their prefixed time is come, it behoveth them to fall and come to nothing, maugre all the counsels & endeavours 
Predictions of the ruin and destruction of Constantinople.  which human wisdom can devise. The Greeks do affirm, that diverse personages & men famous for the holiness of their conversation & learning, did for many ages long before divine & prophesy of this horrible tempest, which should swallow up and consume the Empire of the Orient. Amongst others, one Leon surnamed the sage (as they say) made a certain table, which being hidden in ancient times, was found within the Monastery of S. George in Constantinople, containing therein certain little squadrons or scutcheons, within the which were several letters, that distinguished the 
Leon the sage his table of the Emperors of Constantinople.  order and succession of the Emperors of Constantinople: and so many quadrants only were contained in the table, as would comprehend all the Emperors from Constantine the great the first founder of that Empire, till the last end & desolation of the same: & that all the said quadrangles were filled with several characters, but only that wherein the last Emperor was to be placed. They deliver also that there was another, a devout 
Morsena his prophecy of Constantinople.  man called Morsena, who prophesied, that a certain people or nation, being excellent archers should arise against Constantinople, who seizing upon her noble port or haven, should utterly exterminate and expel the Greeks out of that imperial City. And last of all, they add the prophecies of Sibilla Erithrea, who foreshowed likewise 
Sibilla Erithrea.  the ruin of the Greeks. But howsoever it be, the final issue and event of that unfortunate City hath made it manifest, that the Great Constantine was ill advised, when he transported and translated the Imperial seat, and all the ornaments thereof, from the city of Rome to that place. For albeit it cannot be denied, but that Constantinople was 
Constantine the Great ill advised in translating the seat of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople.  a place very fit and agreeable for the greatness of that Empire, yet nevertheless the Heavens and the destinies would not permit, that the same should continue still to be the siege of the Roman Empire. For as every region and all particular towns, have their fatal and inevitable necessity and their particular manners, rites and conditions: so cannot those things be translated elsewhere from their natural seat without notable inconvenience: notwithstanding that they be the same persons, and though they do retain their wont laws and customs. For that the instruments and celestial constellations of another climate do ordinarily change and alter the humours and affections of the persons that do there dwell and inhabit: whose manners jointly with the destinies, do in the end cause the alterations which happen in them, which was manifestly seen by the transportation of the Roman Monarchy to the Greeks', and Asiatickes. For from thenceforth their Emperors, their soldiers, their legions, and armed forces being chosen and furnished out of those countries, it came to pass that being divided into factions and partialities, by the natural ambition and inconstancy of that nation: and being grown effeminate by the soft, nice, and tender delicacies of the Orient, they were not able after a while to repulse the incursions and often invasions of the Barbarians. And Rome itself in the mean time and all Italy (whom God had determined to punish) wanting a chief head and supreme commander amongst them, and not retaining, but by little and little neglecting and losing their ancient military discipline, and that martial rigour and severity, which was necessarily to be observed amongst soldiers & men professing arms, they became a prey unto strange nations. Wherefore we may well say, that it is happened unto this Empire, as unto a beautiful and goodly tree, which in her own natural soil doth bring fourth pleasant and good fruit, but being removed and planted in a strange ground, in the end by little and little it becometh barren and withered.  
I doubt not Gentlemen, but both your eyes and your ears have been wearied and cloyed to see and understand the large discourse and recital which I have made of those dolorous and lamentable misfortunes befallen to your Christian brethren. I will cease therefore to speak any further of this sorrowful subject, and will follow the tract of our Moses, whom (me thinks) I hear calling to me and complaining himself worthily, for that I have suffered him to stay so long in the heat and ardour of his rebellion, which leadeth him on against his natural Prince and native country, to the intent we may see what will be the end and fortune of that his journey.  
The season and time of the year, which now began to grow more mild and 
Scanderbag prepareth to receive Moses in Epire.  temperate, the frequent and often renewed advertisements, and the rumour published and spread abroad concerning the approach of Moses into Epire did perwade the king to have his forces in a readiness. Wherefore with a notable good courage and resolution, he attended the coming of this new enemy, howbeit with a more mild affection and less hatred, than he used towards others that came in arms against him. He could not yet let it sink into his mind, that the Dybrian did bear him any hatred, or did carry the mind of an enemy towards him, or that so slight, or rather no occasion, should cause so sudden and great a change of his faith and fidelity, which had been notably tried and approved in so many battles and for so many years. He thought rather that it might be, he used this as a cunning stratagem and policy, to leave some testimony to the posterity of his great renown, and for the confusion and grievous ruin of the Miscreants. And although it were so that he marched as an open and apparent enemy against his country, yet was he in good hope, that the sight of his native soil, and the presence of his ancient friends and fellow citizens would by little and little draw him to a more charitable and friendly respect, and so abolish all his enmity and sinister affections erst conceived against his Prince or country. But howsoever it was he had his army in good order, and in a readiness against all hazards and events: being fully resolved, either with arms in hand to understand the mind and intention of his friend, or with a most sharp and settled courage and indignation to fight with him as his open enemy. Neither did he greatly care to proceed against him with any policies and stratagems to surprise him upon the way, because he knew well that his troops were not excessive great, nor much exceeded his own forces, but that both in number and valour they were sufficient to receive him, and to hazard the fortune of the field with him. And it may be also that he held it no easy matter, nor of small danger to allure or draw him into his snares, who was an old and expert arts master in such sleights and subtleties, and such an enemy as had been familiarly acquainted with his manner of government and proceed in martial services.  
This than was the occasion, that Moses entered free and without any disturbance 
Moses entereth into the lower Dibria to Oronichea or the fields of Pharsalia.  into the lower Dybria and encamped in Epire near to the plain of Oronichea, which hath been so famous for so many great and notable victories, especially through the defaite of Mustapha: yet did not he attempt any thing either by procuring the inhabitants to revolt unto him, or to spoil and waste the country in any cruel and hostile manner. For he was advertised, that the King of Epire did approach, and having a desire and determination to begin the war with a private and single combat between himself and Scanderbag body to body: he thought it more meet and convenient to proceed with open force in plain and set bartell, then by trifling skirmishes, or by roads and invasions to waste, spoil, and sack the Province. Scanderbag made no long delay, but meeting with him even in the open and plain champion, he made ready his forces to the conflict. Immediately began a great murmuring in the army, and the soldiers in a certain disdain and despite to see him, could hardly be restrained under their ensigns, but that they would forthwith have charged upon the enemy. Even as a kind and natural father when he seethe his own son standing and behaving himself insolently before him (whom a damnable desire of rule, and a wild youthful disposition, impatient 
An elegant comparison.  of the yoke hath drawn into arms against him) is then loaden and surcharged with care and grief, and every moment doth temporize and seek delays, marching forward but slowly, and seeketh first (though in vain) by sweet words and persuasions to convert and dissuade him from his obstinate and disobedient course, deferring as long as he can, the punishment of him whom he loveth so dearly, and is loath to triumph in the lamentable victory of his own blood and bowels: even so the King of Epire pressed on with love and piety, did look upon Moses then in arms, and furiously raging against him, did judge diversely of his mind and affection. Willingly he would have demanded a word, and have had some speech with him, and he would gladly have sounded the nature and disposition of his old friend, wherewith he had been so familiarly acquainted; or else he would have treated with him by Ambassadors and friendly counsels: But neither the Majesty of his royal estate and dignity, nor the rigour and severity of arms, nor the fury and insolency of the soldiers (who were now ready to skirmish and to begin the fight) would permit and suffer him to do any of these things, whilst they were more desirous, that his fault should rest between God and his own conscience, rather than the enemy should think they stood in any doubt or fear of him. But Moses his mind ran on no such matter: his thoughts tended to another end: for he preparing himself to put that in performance, which he had erst promised to the Turkish Monarch was in a mind presently to have given the onset upon the enemy, had not the prompt audacity and hardiness of Ahimaz a private soldier, interrupted 
Ahimaz.  and deferred for a while that his purpose and enterprise: for this Turk addressing himself towards the Dybrian said,  
Give me leave worthy General, first to lead thee the way, which the Gods 
Speech of Ahimaz to Moses, desiring leave to fight a combat.  themselves have laid open for thee to attain unto this present glory. It seemeth unto me (I know not how) an unfit thing, and nothing agreeable unto the right use of arms, that we should come abruptly to try the fortune of all our forces in a pitched and main battle, and not to begin the fight by some small and light attempt.  
The desire of this soldier was soon approved, and he was permitted to arm himself for the combat, and withal to send a trumpet to the King of Epire, to understand his pleasure, if he would consent that before the beginning of the fight, both the one part and the other should make trial in this manner of their valour and good fortune. The trumpet being seen to approach, Scanderbag did imagine (according as he wished) that the Dybrian would have drunk water with his wine: but when he understood the sum of his message, the name and regard of Moses began by little and little to vanish out of his remembrance: nevertheless that which he demanded was accorded unto him. But some of the Epyrots (as the report goeth) made this answer: That if the Turks would, they were and would be ready by a private and particular combat of some few persons, to exempt the two armies from the peril and hazard of a set field. Thus at the same time, that the Trumpet on the one side did retire with his answer to the Turkish army, on the other side one of the Epirot horsemen, Zacharie Groppe being followed with the clamours of those of his own company came forth very courageously and in very great haste presented him 
Zachary Groppe desireth leave to fight the combat with Ahimaz.  self to his Prince, desiring him to give him the honour and preferment of this combat. Scanderbag received him very courteously, and with very good speeches highly commended and magnified his virtue. His companions that helped to arm him prayed unto God to give him, not more strength and valour, nor more hardiness or courage, but only the fortune and good hap of Manessey. He made choice of no other than his ordinary and usual weapons: only he wore upon his armour certain rich ornaments as is the guise of soldiers. The Paynim who was in nothing inferior to his adversary, was the first that took the field, imagining that there scant durst any man come to encounter him: but assoon as he saw the party (with whom he should have to deal) to come into the field thoroughly armed, and with his lance upon his thigh marching right towards him, he addressed himself unto him, and cried all aloft: Soft and fair, soft and fair (quoth he) noble 
Speeches between Ahimaz and Zacharie Groppe before their combat.  Knight, we shall have time enough to seek our own misfortune. And therewithal he entreated him, that they might talk together, and having inquired the name and the degree or estate of the Epyrot, he began to propound certain conditions not much unlike those which once were propounded and scorned by Paul Manessey, in the like action. Whereunto Zacharie, interrupting his speeches as vain and frivolous, replied, That he could wish with all his heart, that he had more and better means to content his desire: and (if it were his fortune) to make his victory the more glorious. This said, each of them turned about and withdrew themselves apart, and being gone so far, that the full course of their horses might make 
Combat between Ahimaz and Zachary Groppe.  their strokes the more violent, setting spurs to their horses, and giving them the reins, they took their career each against other with their lances in the rest. Neither of them failed in their course, notwithstanding their strokes were in vain, for that their lances piercing into their targets, which were covered with bars of steel, did fly in pieces without any hurt done unto their bodies: yet they holding on their career, encountered together with their bodies so rudely, that both horse and men tumbled to the ground. The two champions yet whole and unwounded, speedily got up upon their feet, and leaving their horses, with their swords drawn did affront each other, and began a fierce and cruel conflict. Fortune would that the sight of this combat should be diversely enriched and beautified, imparting her favour equally unto them. For having continued a long time in fight, and no blood drawn on neither side, their sword fell out of both their hands: it might be long of the crookedness and heaviness of their Cimitaries, which are fittest for horsemen, and less easy for them that fight on foot: or peradventure it was by reason of weariness, or for lack of advisement, and through their overmuch heat and hastiness in fight. Having lost their swords, they did cast away their targets also, and (as two strong and mighty wrestlers unarmed) with their bare hands, they fastened each on others body, doing their best and worst by wrestling to overthrow each other. The two hosts stood and beheld them, with equal and like measure both of hope and fear. After they had thus a long time wrestled and tugged together, resting themselves now and then among: and neither of them able to move or to force, and throw each other to the ground, they came at length to the last proof of their force and strength, and lifting up one the other from the earth, they tumbled and fell both of them together, the Turk underneath with his belly upwards, and the Epirot full upon him, who very quickly and nimbly setting hand on his dagger, stabbed him with it into the throat. Ahimaz by little and little began to wax faint, and his hands leaving their hold, the vanquisher (having freed himself from him) with great joy and triumph and with infinite acclamations 
Victory of Zachary Gr●ppe against Ahemaz who is stain.  of the Albanians, got up upon his feet, and laying hold upon his sword which lay near him, he did cut off the head of his enemy, yet gasping and drawing of breath. And being thus loaden with that and his other spoils, he went his way fair and easily towards his fellows who were coming to meet him. For you must understand that both their horses at the beginning of the combat, were gotten and fled to the camp of the Christians, which the common sort interpreted as a good token of their victory and good fortune. Zacharie had no less recompense and rewards given him by Scanderbag, than Manessey had before for the like desert; but the praises and commendations given him by the whole army far exceeded, because both the difficulty and the variety of the combat did seem to amplify the merit of the champion, and did more adorn and beautify the honour of the victory.  
This good hap having given unto the Christians an assurance and entry to the entire favour of fortune, and having put Moses in a marvelous anguish and grief of heart (notwithstanding that his troops being terrified with the ill success of their companion did dissuade him by all means possible) yet he giving the spurs to his 
Moses challengeth Scanderbag to the combat.  horse, & galloping over the field (as yet smoking with the blood of the Turks) went apart towards Scanderbag, and with a high voice challenged him to the combat. The suddenness and strangeness of the act did astonish and amaze all the Epyrots, and they did with a kind of horror, detest the novelty and rareness of so wicked and insolent an action: insomuch as they stood still as men stricken mute or dumb with that accident. As yet was not all love and piety quite banished & exiled out of the heart of the king of Albany: but standing for a time in doubt and mammering with himself, he was loath to defile his hands with the blood of his old friend & familiar: but the other persevering in his importunate defiance, and withal upbraiding him in most injurious and despiteful manner, it made him to forget all right and equity, insomuch as being filled with wrath and anger, though his Nobles did enforce themselves to have retained him, and would have taken upon them this revenge, yet would he not be persuaded, but made towards the Dibrian who stayed for him. Moses as soon as he 
Moses flieth from the presence of Scanderbag coming to combat with him.  saw him coming, suddenly turning about, galloped towards his company, and was so ashamed that he durst not abide nor speak a word unto him, but causing his whole army presently to set forward, he made them ready to the battle. The Prince of Albany in the mean time returned to his forces, who were nothing discontented with this adieu between them: and especially the Turks for their parts were very glad of it, knowing well the great and manifest inequality that was between the two parties. He that should compare the bravery of the challenge made by the defiant with the shamefulness of his flight, would think that either Moses being ashamed of his promise made to the Sultan, was willing to be acquitted of it as of an ill debt, and that being terrified with the present danger, it made him to turn his back: or else that he did it of a foolish and rash presumption, thinking that Scanderbag would not have stirred out of his place to meet him, and himself confessed no less afterwards at such time as he returned into Albany. But for my part I am rather of this mind, that God, even that great God which hath established the kings of the earth in their 
Sentence.  thrones, hath imprinted in their countenances certain characters of his divinity, which maketh them venerable and terrible above other men. And so Moses who had never seen his King in choler and displeasure with him, could not then bear nor endure the majesty of his angry visage: so that herein he verified the old and common proverb: namely, when the eye seethe that it never saw, the heart thinketh 
A Proverb.  that which it never thought.  
Immediately upon this retreat, the Albanois began to make forwards, sending forth on all parts such cries and clamours as are usually heard in armies that are victorious. Scanderbag albeit both the strength and resolution of his forces (which were to the number of 6000. horse and 4000 foot) and so many good signs and auguries 
Number of Scanderbag his forces against Moses.  did manifestly foreshow his certain and assured victory: yet did he not omit any thing notwithstanding, that might serve to the obtaining of the same: were it either for his perfect and exquisite art and cunning in setting and ordering of his battles, or in encouraging of his soldiers: for being returned from that vain defy given him by Moses, he used these speeches unto them.  
You have great reason (my good soldiers) to assure yourselves this day of the 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers encouraging them in the battle against Moses.  victory over your enemies, in that God hath sent you these manifest presages of his assistance in these their two Champions: of whom the one with the loss of his head, and the other by his most shameful flight, hath given you an assured pledge of your good and happy success. For my part I could have been content to have employed the strength and fury of my arms else where, if the insolency and infidelity of this rebel would have permitted me. But seeing he (as one transported from all reason and honesty) doth seem to contemn and despise the friendship and kindness which hath been showed him, and doth confound all rights both divine and humane: what charity resteth now to be extended unto him, but that you fight valiantly for your country, for your wives, for your children, and for your Prince, who is borne and dedicated only for your liberty and tranquility: of the which this wretch and miserable fugitive seeketh to deprive you: endeavouring to bring you into the bondage and thrauldome which you have heretofore endured? Many other speeches and persuasions did he use unto them, which were both begun and ended with a great noise and cry amongst the soldiers, and they went on presently against the enemy, who made no less haste to encounter with them.  
The host of the Albanois was divided into two wings, whereof Musache de Ange 
Order of Scanderbag his b●tt●ls against Moses.  line had the charge of the one, and Giurize de Vladienne, had the leading of the other. Scanderbag left not his wont and ordinary place in the middle battle between the wings, which was reenforced and strengthened with a good squadron of pikes and holbards, and certain Italian horsemen. In the head of the wings had he distributed his archers, crossbows, and such of his people as served with shot. And thus was both the Cavallerie and the Infantry disposed as well in the battalions of the vanguard ordained for the first charge and onset, as also in the rearward, and last supplies, which were ordained for the seconding of the fight. Moses made one only 
Order of Moses his battle against Scanderbag.  front of his horsemen, of whom he placed in the head of the battle about a four thousand for the first charge and encounter of the enemy. The like number did he ordain at their backs, in which place also he had bestowed, with especial choice, many of his stoutest and most resolute soldiers, both to stay the former, if they should either be affrayed, or happen to fly before their enemies, as also to aid them if they should be hard bestead, and to repress the fury of the enemy: by means whereof the rearward (which himself commanded, and held near at hand) might have the more leisure to prepare themselves either to assail and charge upon the enemy, or else (if need were) to remedy any disorder: and if any misfortune should befall them, to provide for himself with more surety and security. The Dybrian was environed for the most part with Epyrots, and he had purposely assured and flanked himself with them: both because (the language and the manners of that Nation being most familiar unto him) he might the more commodiously be counseled by them, as also aid them upon any occasion. To many of them also he had given the charge of companies, and other degrees of command in this battle, without any dislike or contradiction of the Turks, because he had absolute and full power from the Sultan to dispose of all matters to his own liking.  
The forefronts of both the armies being come with great fury to handystroakes, 
The battle of Oronichea, between Moses and Scanderbag.  the Christians did press and bear in upon the Infidels with such strength and violence, that they in the forefront of the enemy's vanward were soon beaten back and repulsed: insomuch that their Ensigns also being forced to retire, many of them in the middle battle were so terrified with this chance, that (notwithstanding the cries of their fellows who recalled them from their flight) yet for all that, quitting their ranks, they began to forsake the place, by means of a number of our harguebussiers: who being advanced very adventurously, had so stricken them, both horse and man, with fear and terror, that diverse of them were overthrown and beaten down, and the residue had little list and less resolution to abide there any longer. The Dibrian stood not still at any time, but bestirring himself with notable industry on all sides, sometimes here, sometimes there, with a brave courage, and without all regard of death or danger, did animate and encourage his soldiers both by words and by deeds: and by his presence did re-establish and strengthen the battle in diverse places. As yet was not the second battle fully overthrown and disordered, by reason of those forces which (as we said before) were placed behind for a supply to second and support them. Notwithstanding the continual and often charges given upon them by the Prince of Albany, did in the end make them faint both in courage and in strength, and in despite of all their resistance the Albanois with their swords in their hands did make themselves way through them even to the rearward, there to carry away the honour and last consequence of the whole battle. Moses seeing that, did speedily set forward with his own Cornet: and being attended with a strong battalion of all the bravest men and best mounted, he came to that same place, endeavouring to reinforce and to reassure them. And true it is, that by his coming, the Christians found the victory somewhat more bloody, but of never the less assurance and certainty: For that the other squadrons of the Epyrots following close after their fellows, and even at the back of Scanderbag, and the two wings (which stood in a readiness round about them) did in a manner besiege and hem in the Paynims on all sides. As long as Moses held good, there was no regard had of them that fled, but for a while his abode made the Christians to keep together, by reason that he endured their charge with great courage, and would not for a long time give over, notwithstanding the great slaughter & butchery that was made of his people. When he saw Scanderbag coming against him, he durst not abide nor tarry to encounter him, but shunned his presence with all his power, and would not come to the combat with him: only he did hearten on and press forward against him the strength of all his forces and troops as many as he could possibly, thinking without any hazard of his person to have brought him to his last end, by whose safety the estate of Albany could never come to ruin. On all sides did the Christians press upon the Infidels both in flank and in front, and they never thought of coming to their general, till such time as they had both wholly overthrown the enemy's vanguard, and broken their main battle, and gotten many of their colours and ensigns, together with the slaughter of diverse Leaders and Captains, whose heads being fastened upon the points of lances and pikes by some of the soldiers, did wonderfully augment (as the fashion is) the fear and terror of the rest. For all this was not Moses seen to make any show, or to have any mind of flight, notwithstanding that both his sides were left all open, being altogether disarmed and disfurnished of people, and that the fortune of the fight was now grown utterly irreparable and desperate. Yet nevertheless still rallying and gathering about him those forces which were scattered and dispersed, and with reproaches and rebukes objecting their cowardice unto them, he renewed and continued the fury of the fight, giving unto his adversaries fresh occasion both of travel and of danger, and making the issue of the battle to be long and doubtful. The King of Albany wondering at the obstinacy, or rather fury 
Saying of Scanderbag concerning the obstancy of Moses in the battle of Oronichea.  of this warrior, did openly protest, that he thought that Moses would not have fought so eagerly, neither for his country, in case he had seen it in danger to be ruinated, nor for his proper children, if he should have seen them before his eyes drawn into servitude and bondage. But Scanderbag being accompanied with Amese, Tanusee, and the two Streezes his Nephews, did again make towards him with great fury and violence: and some of the Epyrots calling him by name, did will him to stay and expect the crown of Epire which was prepared for him: but neither the bravadoes, nor the force of them that charged him, could any thing daunt or astonish the noble courage of the Dybrian. For now at the last being strengthened and backed with the reregarde of his army which stood near him, he did with singular valour both receive the charge and repulse the violence of the Albanois. Here now it happened, that one of the Turks (whose dexterity was nothing inferior to his hardiness and virtue) seeing Scanderbag to press directly forwards, and to make towards him, setting spurs to his horse, and with his lance bearing full upon him, he 
Scanderbag felled upon his horse croupper by a Turk whom he killeth.  did encounter him so rudely, that he bore and overthrew him backwards upon the crupper of his horse: and the Infidels supposing he had been dead, did with a huge cry and exclamation testify the triumph and joy they conceived of that accident. It was an occasion also, that both the flight of the Barbarians was deferred for a while, and that the butchery and slaughter of the others was far greater than otherwise it would have been: for their courages now beginning to be revived, and they coming to take hart again, the Barbarian whose hand had once been fortunate against the person of Scanderbag, did now once again demand and urge him to the combat, as though it had been a conquest only due and allotted unto him. But our peerless Chieftain being settled within his saddle, and having recovered his stirrups, and the conceit of this unwonted disgrace making the blood to arise in his face, he would not suffer that any other but himself should take the revenge thereof: And therefore 
Victory of Scanderbag against Moses and the Turks  enraged with anger, he made towards his enemy, assailed him most furiously, and followed him so hard, that having given him many cruel and mortal wounds, & himself not hurt at all, in the end the Infidel fell down dead at his feet. The Turk being thus overthrown and slain, Scanderbag passed on, and with an high voice calling for Moses, he addressed and bend all his fury against him, who (I doubt not) would have abidden and stood to him, if not for any hope of the victory, yet at leastwise 
Moses his flight.  for his honour and reputation: if both the daylight and his company had not quite forsaken him whilst himself was earnestly busied in fight. But his people flying, he was enforced to do the like: and the soldiers which had followed him into Epire as their General, did now accompany him in his flight also. The Epirots, especially such as were young and lusty, left not to follow the chase, and to make after him for the space of a mile and more, in hope to have taken him either alive or dead, whereof they knew Scanderbag was very desirous. Many of the enemies which were found hindmost were put to the sword, but as for Moses he escaped safe and sound: and being very skifull in the ways and passages, yet tired and overwearied with extreme travel and hunger, he got to a place of surety together with the infamous relics of his army which exceeded not above four thousand men at the most. There resting and refreshing himself he attended the daylight. Of the Epirots there were not wanting 
Number of Turks left alive at the battle of Oronichea.  fully one hundredth, and about a four score hurt: who notwithstanding their wounds, and the darkness of the night, did fall to sacking of the Turkish tents, and to gather the spoils of them which were slain. Amongst all the prisoners there was but one only of any special mark and reckoning, and he being grievously wounded, had yielded himself to Zacharie Groppe: only this Turk was saved from the sword, and was afterwards ransommed at a dear rate. As for the others (were it either without the knowledge, or with the command of Scanderbag) they were all of them ordained to diverse torments, being made the subject of revenge, so to satisfy the fury of the soldiers, who were not yet appeased for the cruelty showed by the Turks at Belgrade, so that this execution of these Infidels, did in some sort pay the interest of their former losses and injuries.  
The victory thus obtained, and the baggage, both their own and that of the enemies, being gathered together and trussed up, the army retired to their first lodgings, 
Triumph of Scanderbag & the Epirots for the victory against Moses and the Turks.  where the ordinary garrison was established: there did not they make any long stay, but Scanderbag in great triumph the fourth of April, took his journey towards Croy. Now began the old dolour and grief to be quite forgotten, and extinguished by this new joy and gladness: the time itself (which is the best medicine for such maladies) having by little and little mitigated the violence and extremity of that passion. Now were the spirits and minds of all men refreshed and recomforted, 
Sentence.  by reason of this happy and gladsome victory, the celebration whereof was solemnised among the Dibrians with longer feastings, and with more universal sports & games, than had been used at any time for the triumph of any good success obtained against their enemies: for they did esteem the ignominy to be now purged and taken away, which the fault and offence of another might seem to have drawn upon their whole country, and that they had now given certain and evident gauges and tokens of their faith and fidelity, which was in some sort suspected to their Prince. In like manner there was sent a solemn Ambassade unto Naples with many notable 
Ambassadors from Scanderbag to Alphonsus' king of Naples.  and worthy presents, which were as signs and marks of their new prosperity: and might testify to the contentment and joy of his friend the king Alphonsus, that the dishonour of Belgrade, and the domestical treason of Moses was now revenged and recompensed. This Ambassade was honourably entertained, and within a while 
Plombin in Thuscane besieged by Alphonsus in his war with the Florentines.  after returned home again from the King of Naples loaden with most rich and honourable presents: notwithstanding that (by means of the late war with the Florentines and by the siege of Plombyn which had been in vain attempted) Alphonsus himself was in a manner drawn dry both of men and money.  
In this mean season, Moses and his companions having wandered somefew days up and down upon the marches of Albany, knew not what way to take, nor what course to resolve upon. For the shame of his discomfiture did put him in fear to approach or to repair to Constantinople, or to present himself unto the Sultan: beside to attempt or enterprise any thing further against the King of Epire, either for the abolishing, or for the excusing the blemish and disgrace of his misfortune: the small numbers of his men, & their abated courages would not permit him Notwithstanding as his own mind was haughty and courageous, so did he hope to gain them also to condescend & agree to his devise: and his conclusion was, that he would prove all means to draw them to his mind, and to persuade them to that course. The argument which he took to induce them unto it was upon this: That oftentimes things which are most desperate being hazarded with a settled resolution, do come in the end to be more fortunate than those that are done with best advise & consideration: that unto men vanquished there remaineth no other hope of safety then by victory: and 
Speeches of Moses persuading the Turk his soldiers to make some new attempt upon the Epirots.  that it is the duty of martial men, either by a triumphant and glorious life, or by a memorable death to seek the abolishing of so great ignominy and dishonour. And to this purpose did he use many speeches to the like effect: promising them moreover that by reason of his great practice and skill in the ways, places, and passages of the country, he would conduct and lead them without any danger both by day and by night (which themselves should think best) even to the camp of their enemies: and the rather for that (as he gave them to understand) the army of the Epirots was retired back to Croy, and that the garrison left upon the frontiers was not comparable unto them neither in number nor yet in valour. But how is it possible to persuade them who are in a maze and terror? By the cries which they made, and the clashing of arms and weapons, they showed how they did mislike the counsel of Moses, and immediately they began to take their way towards Greece. Needful it was for the Dibrian to hold his peace and to be silent, and to frame himself to the will and pleasure of them all: the conceit whereof made him so sad and pensive, as one that had been now drawn to punishment and execution. Thus this unfortunate and unhappy man was enforced once again by his ill fortune (which did accompany him) with many grievous and secret sighs and groans, to abandon the sweet soil of his native country, which he had once before forsaken by his over vain and wilful disloyalty.  
Between the time of the departure of Moses from the Sultan, and his return back again to Constantinople, there passed almost two Months, during which space, for that there was no certain report nor tidings brought unto the Ottoman of that which 
Mahomet his imaginations of Moses success in his journey.  had happened: his long stay was an occasion, that he thought things to be in another case then indeed they were. He was distracted into diverse and sundry opinions, sometimes imagining that Moses was beaten and discomfited: sometimes that his army was betrayed and sold by him unto Scanderbag. One while he would imagine (as his desire was) that Moses was come to combat body to body with Scanderbag: But then he doubted lest he being slain by the Prince of Albany his forces should incur the same misfortune, or at the least be brought in bondage and thraldom to his enemy: another while he would think otherwise: and (as every man doth flatter 
Sentence.  himself in believing that which he either hopeth or feareth,) so would Mahomet persuade and soothe himself in this conceit, that Moses was victorious in the combat: that the desire of spoiling the country, and of reducing the province under his command and obedience, did draw him on to prosecute his victory, to follow his good fortune, and to prepare unto himself the crown and sceptre of Epire, which had been promised him. But now the arrival of Moses, showing all things to be far otherwise then he pretended or expected, and the shameful spectacle of those relics of his army which were returned, did breed a most grievous discontentment and offence both in the hart of the Sultan himself, who was even mad for anger, and in 
Moses at his return out of Epire to Const antinople is in public disgrace amongst the Turks.  the eyes of every private and particular person: insomuch that Moses was generally condemned and reproved: all men reproaching and accusing him, that he had either by his faithlessness and infidelity, or by his rashness and temerity destroyed all the flower of Greece, and in a moment had erected and restored the courages of their enemies, who were erst in dismay and confusion upon the calamity of Belgrade. The Dibrian himself being both ashamed and mindful of his misfortune, as also of his 
Moses justified by his soldiers.  flight, could not endure to come in the sight of men, nor to hear the slanders and reproaches which were spoken of him. How be it the good and favourable reports of his soldiers, (who therein did shift the blame from themselves also) did make him well thought of by very many: for they did openly give out and maintain it, that he had done the duty and devoir, and had performed the part both of a wise and prudent Chieftain, and of a valiant and hardy soldier, in the battle against Scanderbag: and that there was never any man that did strive with more obstinacy and courage to renew and restore the fortune of the fight declining to the worst. And whereas they reproached him for not performing his own challenge and defy given to Scanderbag; that they imputed to the invincible virtue and valour of Scanderbag, and to the daily hazard and chance of wars: such and so great was the favour and good opinion, which this worthy parsonage had gotten in the hearts and minds of his soldiers the Turks, by reason of his exceeding courtesy, and the popular facility which was in him: but 
Turks use to honour virtue and valour ●●en in their enemies.  much more by means of his rare valour and virtue in the field, and by his excellent deserts showed in the wars: the which kind of perfections and good qualities, the Turks do usually love and cherish above all other things, even in their very enemies: insomuch that if the doubtful chance and hazard of war (as it oftentimes falleth out) do deliver them any prisoner that is a man of valour and virtue, they do commonly relent towards him from their natural and accustomed cruelty, and do intermit some part of their furious and bloody disposition, which ordinarily doth reign and abound in them: but to such as are cowards and fainthearted, they do always show themselves most severe and extreme: for they say that such men, seem to be borne only for their bellies, and to consume victuals: and therefore they hold them unworthy to live, affirming that it is expedient, that they should be destroyed and made away.  
All the persuasions and excuses used to the Turkish tyrant, could not by any means 
Moses in the displeasure of Mahomet and in danger to lose his life.  mitigate and mollify his hardened and obstinate heart, but that he could and would by some mean or other have wrought the revenge of his losses, & of his anger upon the poor Dibrian, whom the consideration of his own misfortune did sufficiently torment. He would never hearken unto his submission, and nothing could satisfy him but that the venom and malice of this furious and outrageous Prince, would have 
Mahomet his Nobles and friends entreat him in the behalf of Moses.  lighted upon the head, and seized upon the life of Moses (although there was nothing in him to be reprehended but his fortune) if so be that the intercession of some of the most special and inward friends of the tyrant, had not moderated the outrage of his passions: telling him, that the bad and ill usage of this stranger, would alienat all others from his service, and detain them from having refuge or recourse to his Majesty. Thus Moses having obtained pardon of the Sultan his displeasure, though with much ado, & all process & proceed against him being now disannulled, yet did he nevertheless continue in that contempt and base account and so much disdained: that from thenceforth there was scarce any care or order taken for his maintenance. Notwithstanding, wisely and with a good countenance, he dissembled all these indignities and disgraces, casting and discoursing diverse thoughts and imaginations in his heart: he took little or no sleep or refreshing: but being now come to be the just & unpartial judge of his own errors, he began to consider and measure, on the one side the greatness of the danger and peril, and on the other the reproach and infamy which he had purchased, to be esteemed as a rebel and a traitor. Thus was he distracted not knowing what to do, nor what counsel to take, nor what would become of him. For so is it commonly seen, that none is perfect in this world: and it behoveth 
Sentence.  for the most part, those which are the most wise and sagest persons, that once in their lives they do commit some one fault or other. In the end after many long and unprofitable discourses, this was his resolution, and this laudable desire entered into his heart: to leave and forsake the Infidel, who knew not how to esteem nor judge of the actions of men otherwise then by the issue and event of things, and not by the intent of the parties that do them. He determined therefore, to return again to his native country, to yield himself into the hands of his Prince, and to submit himself to the mercy of Scanderbag, whom he had so highly offended: hoping that by this his repentance he should abolish, if not the note, yet at least the pain and punishment which he had most worthily deserved, and in so doing, he should avenge himself also of the ungrateful Ottoman: and a special reason that induced him thereunto was, that he was assured, that the clemency and courtesy of his Prince did far exceed the badness of his merits and misdeeds. By this conclusion having quieted and settled his mind, he did daily devise with himself, how he might escape and get away. The night (as it fell out) was the fittest time for his purpose, and therefore dislodging in the edge of an evening, so as the watch could not perceive his departure: he made one whole and continual journey both of that night and the next day following, not resting in any place, nor suffering his horses to breath themselves, till such time as being entered into that part of the country of Thrace which confineth upon Macedon, 
Moses returneth into Epire  he passed on the rest of his way with more pleasure & ease both for his body and for his mind. Thus within few days being entered into Epire, he took the next and shortest way possible to the garrison where he was wont to command, purposing to go from thence and to prostrate himself at the feet of Scanderbag. Assoon as the Dibrians perceived him to be come, their hearts seemed to relent even at the very sight of him: in such sort, that immediately there began to be revived in them the desire of their former conversation with their ancient and wont Captain. They grew into utter forgetfulness and oblivion, how he had perverted all rights both divine and humane, in being disloyal to his country, to his citizens, and to his proper blood and kindred. They could not welcome him without abundance of tears, and so with infinite salutations & embracements, they consumed and spent the greatest part of that day: and then being given to understand by them, that the King was not far from thence, he changed his determination of going to Croy, and went presently to seek out his Sovereign. A great number of the garrison did accompany him, to the intent he might be the better graced in presenting himself before his presence, and might the more easily obtain his pardon. The evening was now near 
Moses cometh to Scanderbag and prostrate craveth pardon of his rebellion.  at hand, when as he (according to the usage and fashion of that Nation) putting his girdle about his neck, did hold on his way till that he came where as Scanderbag then was, whom he found walking before his tents. Presently upon the sight of the King, in extreme grief and sorrow he fell upon his knees, and prostrated himself at the feet of his Prince, the tears trickling down his cheeks, and in most humble manner, he besought his Majesty to forgive him his offence, and to grant him pardon, not for the respect of any his forepast merits, but only in regard of his mere bounty and royal clemency: protesting and vowing, that if it would please him to remit his fault, and to grant him his life, he would most willingly consecrate and expose the same from henceforth for the increase and honour of his Realm, and for the liberty of his country. They which accompanied him did not fail to entreat for him. Scanderbag took him very graciously by the hand, and caused him to arise, 
Moses reconciled to Scanderbag.  and without any difficulty or delay did freely pardon him, and received him to his grace and mercy: and after many embracements and friendly salutations, he fell into speech with him, devising and conferring most friendly of certain particularities and enterprises of the Turk: testifying sufficiently by the manner of his behaviour, that his heart was thoroughly reconciled unto him, and was free from all passion of rancour, malice and mistrust.  
I do not think it any strange matter in Scanderbag, that he received Moses to his mercy: but that he should so readily and with such facility be drawn to pardon 
Clemency and rare humanity of Scanderbag.  him, who had showed such notable hatred, had vomited forth so many injuries and had attempted so notorious a mischief against his Prince: that he should no sooner have a sight of him or hear him speak: but he should so bountifully and with such assured commiseration and clemency rather divine then humane, receive him into his good liking and former amity: and even then also when the grief conceived for the death of those (who were lately slain) was yet scarcely forgotten, nor the wounds of the hurt yet thoroughly cured: this is a matter so rare and strange that it cannot be thought nor imagined without great wonder and admiration. And besides all this: even at that very time, and within few days upon his return, he took special care and gave order, that his goods, which had been confiscated and 
Moses restored to his former livings, offices and dignity.  divided amongst particular persons, should be restored unto him, together with all his lands and offices: whereat the people took great pleasure and contentment. Thus by this mild and moderate demeanour, this courteous Prince did purchase both unto himself eternal praise and commendation, and to the other, a general abolishment of his reproach and infamy: and all remembrance of offence was quite and clean extinguished out of the hearts of the people of Albany. For the Province 
joy and triumph of the Epirots for the return and restitution of Moses.  imitating the modesty of their King, did seem as willing to bury all their griefs in oblivion, and they made show thereof by bonfires, and such like tokens of triumph which they publicly demeaned for the restitution of their Moses: Whereunto the King also added a perpetual edict and decree: enjoining and commanding all his subjects, that from thenceforwardes no man living should make any speeches or mention of that offence. Wherein he verified that saying of the Poet.  

It is often seen, that facile clemency  
of such as mildly use their victory,  
Hath caused many to find commodity,  
by being vanquished by their enemy.   
Now if Epire and the Albanois on the one side did triumph for joy of the 
Mahomet discontented at the departure of Moses.  reconciliation of their Moses, Mahomet on the other side had lost all patience, when he understood that he was returned into his country. With notable invectives he accused him, not so much for the mishap of his overthrow, as of pure and manifest treason, imagining as a consequence of this accident, that his flight and rebellion which he had so simply believed, was even from the beginning one of the stratagems and policies of Scanderbag. He took counsel therefore concerning his proceed in the war of Epire, and how he might be revenged. But amongst many opinions there debated, that only prevailed, by which he was advised to abstain altogether from arms for that year: supposing it necessary to attend some fit occasion and opportunity, or to employ all the forces and power of the Ottoman Empire for the reducing of this Nation to order and reason. Which opinion was received so much the more willingly, for that there was some rumour and report of troubles and tumults towards from out of Asia, and from the Persians. Nevertheless a garrison was sent to be upon the borders, yet not such as was of sufficient strength and puissance, either to repress the roads or bravadoes of our men, which they made ordinarily upon the country, or to serve the turn and needful occasions of the Sfetigradians and other places near adjoining. The King of Epire likewise having learned the deliberation of the Sultan, both by the advertisements of Moses, and by his own intelligencers, did for a time dismiss all thought and care of the wars, save that upon the news of the coming of this garrison, he assembled a running Camp, and for some few days kept himself close in ambushments upon the borders. But the Barbarians passing no farther than Alchria, made all that expedition to turn to nothing: and therefore having provided for diverse affairs of consequence, and having left Moses in that place, he retired with the Queen to a country on the sea coasts commonly called Redona, there to recreate him 
Redona.  self for the residue of the summer, where he passed most part of the Autumn in hunting and such like exercises of pleasure.  
I cannot but in this place acknowledge in him that which the famous captain Scipio 
Continency of Scanderbag.  the African was wont to require in all excellent chieftains and generals of armies, and that was his notable continency towards womankind, which was admirable, aswell in regard of his own wife, as of others likewise: for he would commonly say: 
Saing of Scanderbag touching incontinency in soldiers.  that nothing was a greater enemy, nor more pernicious to the strength & vigour both of the body & the mind, than the immoderate company of women, and that it behoved soldiers by continual travail and labour, by daily watching, by sleeping upon the ground to tame their bodies, and to subdue & keep under those immoderate passions and hot affections of luxuriousness: thus by such kind of speeches & by his own example, he would use to repress & restrain the soldiers from visiting their houses too often and with overmuch curiosity. This one thing is most memorable also in Scanderbag, 
Discipline observed by Scanderbag in his Campe.  that there was never seen in his Camp any whores, or such like baggage, or trugs (as they now term them:) but he observed amongst his soldiers a certain and severe kind of discipline, according to the usage and custom of the ancients, and he retained them in a wonderful and reverent regard of religion, both in words and in deeds. And it may be that this was it that increased and maintained so long time this estate of Albany in so great glory and felicity: neither is it unlikely but that God being by those means drawn to favour and bless them, did so sharpen both the swords and the spirits of the Albanois.  
During the time of this rest from arms, Moses had his mind set on nothing so much, as to seek out some invention, and by some notable enterprise, both to repair his own honour, and with one and the same mean to be revenged upon the ingratitude of the Sultan. An evident example, that we ought not altogether to despair of the amendment of men when we see them in any ill course, but rather that 
Sentence.  we receive them kindly to grace and favour. For Moses having augmented the garrison, and the numbers of his bands being doubled, he did daily exercise himself in sacking of the country, thinking to have drawn forth the Turks to encounter with him: sometimes in the day would he make out with a small company, sometimes in the night and in secret with greater forces: and continually would he light upon some one or other, putting them to the sword whom he found either as spies, or going on foraging, or upon such like services, but the Mahometans not dating nor venturing to come abroad to any purpose, nothing was done worthy the remembrance.  
As Moses on the one side did all his devoir and employed his best means to abolish and wash away the infamy of his former misdeeds: so on the other side (I know not how) it came to pass, that some devil and wicked spirit, or rather the misfortune of Scanderbag, or the inevitable force of the destinies, did raise up Amese to 
Rebellion of Amese against Scanderbag.  be the inheritor and successor of the like wickedness no less damnable and mischievous. There are many things in this place which do deprive me of all desire to proceed any further in this discourse, for that the remembrance of these domestical and civil affairs, and of the ingratitude of men, is not only unpleasing and grievous unto me, but I do even abhor to write of them, and the rather for that I could never find any certain cause of his flight. Every man hath his opinion, and the most part of the reports which go upon it, are without any ground or foundation of truth. For this cause I will imitate the Painters, who as they use with their Penciles to shadow things, so will I cover and conceal this in silence as a thing both superfluous in this History, and little pleasing to the readers. For omitting the jealousy which he conceived at the kind entertainment and reconciliation of Moses, I do think for my part, that there was no other cause nor occasion of his revolt, out that only which (as we have said) was practised to corrupt Moses: to wit: The working & solicitations of the Turkish officers near adjoining, and of their agents interposing and dealing between them: for you must suppose, that this was no hard matter for the Infidel to do, but that he might many and often times by secret messengers communicate and treat with Amese: for he was possessed of a goodly country, fair and large in the confines of the Turk, by the liberality and bounty of his uncle: who thought it not good nor convenient to retain him longer in Court, without any patrimony or means to maintain his estate. There was another respect also which did incite the Ottoman who (as we have said before) was now occupied and busied in the affairs of Asia, to practise with Amese and to gain him unto him: because being of the blood royal, and near unto the Crown, and withal knowing him to be in credit and favour with the people, he was persuaded, that they would gladly yield to submit themselves to his dominion, much rather then to Moses, if they were once pressed with any the least peril and danger that might be. These overtures and fair hopes being presented to the thoughts and imaginations of Amese, by persons purposely appointed to insinuate the same unto him, did find ready and easy entrance into his young and tender heart. Thus we see, that the mad and frantic desire of rule and Empire, doth make men not only 
Sentence.  faithless and disloyal, but also over credulous and light of belief.  
Now Amese being made wary and advised, as one whom the misfortune of another had sufficiently warned, and sufficiently instructed in all points, because he would 
Amese goeth to Mahomet with his wife and children.  not go nor present himself to the Ottoman with the peril of his life, or with any show or shadow of suspicion: he took and led away with him both his wife and his children, as those that should answer for his true and plain meaning, and should acquit him from the suspect of any crime: and he delivered them unto the Infidel, as the sure and certain gauges of his faith and fidelity. His departure bred marvelous tumult and astonishment throughout all the Province: every man thought it very strange, and was inquisitive after the cause and motive of this his rebellion, considering that besides his near kindred, he was continually held and reputed by Scanderbag, as the companion and consort of his Empire and royalty. This accident being reported to his uncle, he took it very impatiently, and with his friends and familiars, he began to complain and bemoan his hard fortune. Must this (said he) 
Speech of Scanderbag touching the rebellion of Amese.  needs fall out to make up the measure of my travels and sorrows, that I must be assaulted with domestical and civil wars? Am I so odious, or is my country so ungrateful unto me? or is it the honour of this Crown and sceptre, that is so desired and held so precious: but Amese (it seemeth) did bear envy to Moses, well, if God, if the right and law of nations, and if your virtue do not deceive me, he shall yet have greater cause than ever to envy him.  
The winter season being now begun, and the fields being naked and bare of gra●●e or other fruits, did put Scanderbag in hope, that he should for a time be freed from the preparations and trouble of the enemy: and there was good and apparent occasion to induce him to be of that mind, and to believe that Amese would attend and stay for the spring of the year, for the setting abroach of his new plots and enterprises. For this cause he retired with all his train to Croy, not taking any care for the levying of any forces or other preparations of the war: and there he spent and consumed the winter, oftentimes visiting the garrison of the Dibrians, and preparing himself by his espials and ordinary guards to be in a readiness for the travels and dangers that were shortly to ensue.  
The sight of Amese did not so much move the Turkish Monarch, as did afterwards the speech which he used unto him: for the valour and sufficiency of this parsonage caused him to have him in admiration, after he had once heard him 
Description of Amese his person and qualities.  speak, and that he knew his prudence and wisdom by the gravity of his discourse and sound reasons. For as touching his stature, it was so small and so unsightlie, that at the first appearance it could not yield any show of those secret and rare perfections of his mind: but in recompense of that defect of his person, he had an heart extreme haughty, and he was of so quick and sharp a conceit, and of so delicate and subtle a spirit as none could be more. Of all men he was most impatient, and could lest away with ease and idleness: and (which in men covetous and desirous of Empire are the principal and chiefest parts to get them honour, and the good grace of every man) his liberality and courtesy were no whit inferior to his other virtues. What so ever he got either by the purchase of his own virtue and valour and by the fortune of the wars, or by the beneficence and bounty of his uncle, he did wholly departed and distribute it amongst his soldiers and his friends: he was very officious and serviceable to all men, very familiar and easy to be acquainted with, and (as occasion did require) he could dissemble singularly, and with excellent good skill and cunning. By these qualities had he gained so great authority and good liking in the hearts of all men, that next to Scanderbag I do not know any one man that was so beloved, and reverenced both of the people and of the soldiers: in so much that some have affirmed, that there wanted not diverse of the most private and inward friends of his uncle, who did often admonish him to take good care and regard to a mind that was so stirring and suspicious. But as he would not be persuaded to credit any such conceit, so did he make little or no account thereof. Notwithstanding in process of time, when his flight and rebellion came to be known and manifested, he was sooner drawn to believe the report thereof in him, than he was before of Moses, and he then began to call to mind the natural disposition of the man, which had been better observed and marked by others then by himself. But to our purpose.  
Amese being admitted to the presence of Mahomet, did not fill his ears with idle and insolent promises and vaunts as Moses had done: but colouring the cause of his revolt and repair to the Sultan with one only reason, to the intent his speeches might not be accounted either vain and inconstant, or feigned and dissembled, he began in this manner to speak unto him.  
Thrice happy and invincible Monarch, if it be lawful for us to recall to memory 
Oration of Amese to Mahomet.  the errors and injuries which we have in times past committed against thy Majesty: it might well and rightly be said, that we are now come to receive the worthy and deserved punishment of our offences, rather than the hope and expectation of any honours and dignities. For wherein could we have trespassed and offended more grievously against the Empire of Ottoman, than we did in that action of ours heretofore executed in the war of Hungary? at that time, when with equal and no less infidelity we both betrayed thy army in the battle of Morana, and when we took Epire, by deceit and fraud out of thy hands? the true original and fountain of so many mischiefs and calamities? of all which enterprises and practices I do confess that I was a partner and consort. For it behoveth me now, being in the presence of your Majesty, not to stand upon the defence and justification of my doings, but only to plead my contrition and repentance: but I hold it a vain thing to stand in any fear or doubt before so prudent and gracious a Prince, considering that my age at that time, and my youth inclining to his own misfortune, and my mind being but badly stayed in her deliberations and counsels, did then perhaps deceive and beguile me. I was then lead to believe my uncle, and did suffer myself simply to be persuaded of many things, and being enticed with a desire of rule and government (a disease properly incident to that age) through too much credulity forsaking thy service, I followed him and the hope of his fair promises: but as my understanding increased with my years, I soon began to discern the secret disloyalty of my uncle, and that this my revolt from the Ottoman obeisance, was more pernicious to me then to any other. By my labours and by my aid, hath Scanderbag recovered and amplified his estate. Long did I stay and attend to see, if he would offer me any part or portion of the possessions which were mine own inheritance, descending unto me (if not from my ancestors) yet in the right of my father: and I did look that he should have yielded me some recompense and reward for so many traveles and perils which I had endured. Within a while after he got himself a wife, and begat a new heir and a new successor to his Crown: and as concerning that little which he did for me, the very shame of the world did drive him to do it: for perceiving that he could not with any honesty suffer me still to remain and to continue within his Court as a private person, he assigned me out a little corner of Epire, the most vilest and worst place of the country, where (whilst he usurped all the rest unto himself) I should have spent and consumed my days in obscurity and base account. I had much a do to moderate myself, my heart being not able to digest the ignominy: nevertheless the quality of the time, and the natural pride and arrogancy of the man, did enforce me to conceal and dissemble all things, for fear least under pretence and colour of some suspicion, he might suddenly cirumvent and surprise me, as he did of late George Streeze his sister's son, whom with suborned accusations of supposed crimes, he despoiled well near of all his livings and dominions. Willingly would I (most worthy Ottoman) have had recourse unto thy Majesty, and I would gladly have forsaken and abandonned my ingrate uncle, and the infamy of his Empire: but the remembrance of our former rebellion, and of our so many outrages, done against the Crown and dignity of Ottoman, did terrify and detain me until this present time: wherein by the divine permission, following the assurance of thy faith and promises, I am now come unto thee glad and joyous. Thou hadst no sooner given me any sign and token, thou hadst no sooner called and invited me, but that speedily and with all diligence, I conformed me to thy will, and I came running unto thee, to whom my mind had so long time been affectioned. I did not defer & put off my coming, neither did I stay till some misfortune might befall to Scanderbag, or that thy good fortune were increased, as did Moses lately: so that thou hast no cause to think or to conjecture, that either fear, or the doubt of any imminent danger, did make me to have a regard rather to my own good, than the fulfilling of thy commandments. And in truth, (most noble Mahomet) I have not left any matter of suspicion either for thee to distrust my fidelity, or in my country of Epire, whereby I should desire to return thither hereafter: behold here the assured bonds of my advised and settled determinations, and the perpetual gauges of my faith and fidelity, even my wife and my children. Behold (O Mahomet) all the goods that nature hath granted unto me: whatsoever it be wherein I can take any pleasure or delight during my life, even that which is most dear and precious in the eyes of mortal men, thou hast it here presented unto thee. I have brought unto thee those precious jewels, which if they were in the hands of enemies, I should labour to free them: even such a pledge as may make any faith (howsoever doubtful and suspicious) to be most firmly tied and bound in all assured loyalty: all other things (save them) I have left behind me, because in my hasty and secret flight, I could not possibly make provision of any other carriage or necessaries. And albeit I might all at leisure and in security have trussed up and brought my baggage with me: what honour had it been for me to bring unto the presence of so puissant and rich a Monarch, the ordures and dregs (as it were) of my former estate and fortune? The greatest and the only thing which I can present unto thee is my faith and loyalty, which in truth is the uttermost that my ability can afford: of the which if thou require any further, or more certain assurance, I submit myself wholly to any other order whatsoever your Majesty shall ordain. I am not come hither to give or to prescribe laws, but to take laws and to be commanded: I will not promise with fifteen thousand men to overthrow thy adversary, and to tame the pride of the Albanois: the misfortune of Haly Bassa, and of so many other brave and valiant Chieftains, and the fresh and rare (though most bloody) victory of Sebalias, may serve for an example, to teach and learn me, how I promise any thing beyond my power and ability. But this I protest unto thee (most puissant Ottoman) that thou shalt not want in me any readiness or willingness of my best service and fidelity. As for other matters, either concerning the event of these affairs, or the revenge of thy injuries or outrages, thou hast no reason, as the Lord and master of his slave: a most expert and approved warrior of an unskilful and simple soldier: to expect or look for any counsel, or to think that I am to give any advise or direction.  
This Oration of Amese could not seem to the Ottoman to be dissembled or disguised, both for that he propounded many things true and apparent, as also because his faith did manifest itself sufficiently in that he had brought with him his wife and children. Some say that she was abused and deceived by her husband, and against her will drawn out of Epire: others (as it is most likely also) do affirm, that she yielded herself voluntarily to be the companion of his flight and fortune, having been secretly informed by him, that the Crown of Albany was promised him by the Sultan. So we see, that ambition is common both to the one and the other 
Sentence.  sex indifferently.  
The tyrant did very well accept, and did greatly approve the deliberation of Amese, and did assign him an exceeding great and honourable pension. As for the means and manner of proceeding with the wars, there was no speech nor talk had at that time: for that such matters (according to the wont custom) were appointed and debated in full council and assembly of the Bassas: for the late calamity and rude discomfiture received by Mahomet before Belgrade in Hungary, once called 
Belgrade in Hungary: alias Alba Graeca: or Taururum commonly called Greiche● Wissemburg.  Alba Greca or Taururum, had greatly weakened the spirits, and abated the courages of the Barbarians: for in that battle had Mahomet himself been grievously wounded and put to flight by Huniades, with the loss of 40000. men, besides all his artillery, baggage and munition, which he was constrained to leave there behind him, for the gauges of his rashness and temerity: and in very truth such and so grievous was that overthrow, 
Battle of Belgrade in Hungary wherein Mahomet was wounded & overthrown by Huniades.  that Mahomet did never show himself so pensive and sorrowful for any damage or loss that he ever received: his mind being continually both night & day disquieted, on the one side with an extreme desire of revenge: and on the other side being perplexed and mightily troubled for fear of the like fortune, which had once befallen him so unhappily. Wherefore the affairs of Hungary being soon intermitted and given over by a common and general advise, it was concluded & agreed, that the revenge 
Counsel of Mahomet and his nobles for the war against Scanderbag.  of that dishonour should be taken upon Epire, and the rather for that they could not at one and the self sametime conveniently intend both the one & the other expedition. Besides Amese had told them, that they were not to think upon any attempt against the Hungarians with mean preparations, but with great & strong forces: for that the fierceness and valour of that people, did require a stately and royal kind of puissance: and themselves also were not willing no● thought it convenient, that the advantage of this occasion, offered them by means of Amese his presence, should be delayed or deferred. For these causes (Amese being appointed to go as a companion, and in a manner as a guide and director in the journey) there was a public commission granted forth for the levying of an army of 50000. horsemen: and the Sultan would not have refused to yield to the gathering of a greater puissance, if the same had been demanded; so greatly did he affect the revenge both of his own injuries and his subjects, desiring in some sort once to determine and to bring to an end these difficulties and troublesome tumults of Albany.  
The spring being spent in these preparations, the heat of summer began now to 
1456.  come on, by which time all things being in a readiness, the king of Turks instigated and uncessantly urged on by Amese, who (as some say) was created a Saniacke, did dispatch 
Amese created a Saniacke by Mahomet. Isaac Bassa and Amese sent with an army of 50000. horse against Scanderbag. Amese captain over 5000. horse.  away his army, encouraged with great promises, and well instructed with good precepts and directions. Isaac the Bassa of Romania had the honour to be General of those forces without any dislike or discontentment of the Christian fugitive, who notwithstanding (because he should not be seen altogether without any degree of honour or authority in the army) had the charge of five thousand horsemen.  
The Epirots were little pleased or contented at the news of these mighty preparations, but especially the Dibrians: for the soldiers in those parts had diverse conceits and imaginations (as it is ordinarily seen in such cases) what means might be used either to receive or to repulse the enemy, whether by ambushmentes, or in the plain and open field, and in some place purposely appointed: or whether this war should be decided by delaying and temporising, and by observing of opportunities and advantages. One thing there was that did more astonish them then all the rest, and that was: that though the rumour and report of the coming of the enemy did increase daily, yet on their parts, they saw not any levy nor muster of any army yet begun, nor no remedy prepared against a mischief so imminent, and a danger that was so near hastening upon them. For, to say the truth, this rumour at the first did not greatly move Scanderbag, for that especially he could not be persuaded, that Mahomet bending all his hatred and malice against Epire, would let pass in silence, or forget the shame and dishonour of so great and foul an overthrow as he had lately received in Hungary. Nevertheless he made all possible and diligent means by his intelligencers and espials dispersed here and there on all parts, to learn the certainty of all the attempts and actions of the enemy, as well as the tumult and confusion of those new troubles and commotions would permit him, to the intent he might shape himself some new course in his counsels and proceed: But upon the many advertisements brought him, and especially upon the coming of certain fugitives when this doubt began to be discovered, and that he was certified both of the numbers and of the quality of the army that came against him: and that his nephew also was there in person, with express commandment to the Bassa to crown and invest him King of Albany: he did not any further prolong the raising of his forces, which he had forborn till then to assemble and gather together. 
Council called by Scanderbag for the resisting of Isaac, Amese and the Turkish army.  He called therefore a council of the Princes his confederates, and of the chief and principal of the country, and certain Dibrians, to deliberate & take the advise of every man upon this matter. All of them repaired into the lower Dibria into the same place where their camp was wont to lie: thither also came Moses with some of the principal of his garrison, to understand the resolution and conclusion of the council. There was a great number of voluntary men which came thither out of diverse countries, and a multitude of young and lusty persons drawn thither only for the desire of prey and booty: by means whereof, even in an instant, he had gotten together a sufficient, fair and goodly army, and (it may be) nothing inferior to that of the enemy, if you regard their valour though far unequal in respect of their numbers. You should not have heard of any thing amongst the soldiers but bravadoes and vaunts. Each man conceiving in his hope the honour and spoils of the enemy, and magnifiing their own prows and fidelity, and promising unto themselves wonders, did think it long that they did not encounter with the enemy, who (said they) ought to be prevented & to be assaulted before he should be able to come within their borders. Neither the numbers ofso many thousands, nor the redoubted name or renown of the Bassa could terrify or astonish them. They had forgotten Sebalias & the wounds and slaughter received before Belgrade, so greatly were the haughty courages of our Albanians increased by the fresh victory obtained against Moses, & the new desaster of Mahomet in Hungary: and the latter Belgrade made them forget the former. Yet did they all rely upon the counsel and directions of their Prince: who judging that this forwardness of his soldiers was in some sort to be repressed, he began to cast his eyes down to the ground, and so dissembling by his countenance part of that which he carried concealed in his thoughts, as if he had been devising & imagining upon some high matters and of great importance, he propounded unto them all in general the sum and substance of his deliberation: acquainting them also with the means which he meant to use against the enemy, and with the consequence and greatness of the peril, speaking unto them in these or the like terms.  
Amongst all other things which the divine wisdom hath left unto mortal men 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers being ready to march against Isaac Bassa and Amese. Nature of hope and of fear or distrust.  in the strange variety and diversity of worldly actions, to afflict and torment their minds: these two (most worthy Albanois) are the most principal, to wit: hope and fear: the former is more plausible, and befalleth commonly to minds that are high and haughty (I will not say) vainly addicted: the other is more prudent and less given to blood & cruelty. For albeit she do in some sort prolong and protract the desires of men, yet doth she nevertheless season them, and is as it were an excellent good medicine to cure many infirmities within them. Hence it is that those ancient Captains were wont more usually to be victors who feared and misdoubted all things, than those who never doubted nor feared any thing. Hence also it proceeded, that 
Saying of Hannibal touching Fabius Maximus & Terentius Varro.  the great Carthaginian termed Quintus Fabius his most grievous and dangerous enemy, who to his own Citizens seemed slothful and timorous: saying that Terentius Varro was more dangerous to his own country, the State and people of Rome, than he was to his enemies. But why do I attribute that strange and dishonest surname of fear to that thing, which more properly doth merit the name of counsel and sage advise: for my part I care not how you name it: this is certain, & cannot be contradicted, that from it only is derived all the ancient discipline, and the severity 
Martial discipline derived from fear or distrust.  of martial government, invented and practised by our forefathers. She it is that doth nourish and entertain hope, and she never doth any thing but it cometh to a good and happy end. She carrieth her eyes before her, behind her, and on all sides, and with equal balance she doth poise and measure things present with things future and to come hereafter. You may now guess what my meaning is by this my speech, which is very fit & prope● for this time, and to correct & chastise your overmuch forwardness. I thought it good (my fellows & companions in arms) first to discourse with you, & to sound your affections before I would innovate any thing in the considerations of this war, to th'intent that I might either frame myself to your opinions, or (as your discretion hitherto hath been) you might conform yourselves to my judgement and discretion. You have heard of late, and your ears are full of the daily rumours and reports touching the stirs and tumults of the wars which are daily prepared and addressed against us. Behold the Bassa of Romania who with the flower of all Europe, and with the strength and puissance of the Ottoman Empire doth now knock even at our gates: and yet my courage would serve (as ever hitherto it hath done) & I durst adventure and hazard the battle against him: neither do I doubt but you have the advantage. Notwithstanding against so mighty an enemy, whose forces are so huge and immoderate, it behoveth us rather to use prudence and good counsel, than the wont fury and fierceness of your courages. The notable and famous defait of Haly Dassa, so many famous and memorable triumphs and victories obtained even till this time, your resolution gotten and testified by so many goodly exploits succeeding so happily, do persuade and assure us, that we have both the courage and the power to meet and affront the Turkish forces in open field: but the unstable and unconstant changes and alterations of the wars, and the natural disposition of fortune so unknown and uncertain, will make men who are sage and wise, to forget and to misdoubt all these matters. To overcome always was never particular nor proper to any 
Sentence.  man, nor was it ever hereditary to any person. New actions and attempts do daily demand new counsels and directions: Albeit yesterday you did overcome as conquerors, yet cannot you assure yourselves to day that you shall have the spoil of your enemies, or the ransomming of their prisoners. Victory is like a traveler or passenger 
Similitude.  upon the way: she turneth and windeth hither & thither, not having any certain dwelling or abiding place. Howbeit that virtue and prudent counsel bethe principal means both to purchase and to retain her: yet nevertheless oftentimes it falleth out that when you have sagely and advisedly guided and conducted all things, yet will fortune, the chance of war, and certain casual accidents challenge a great part and portion of the victory.  
In the end and conclusion of his oration, he laid open unto them the inconveniences 
Scanderbag deviseth with his soldiers for the manner of his proceeding against Isaac Bassa and the Turkish forces.  that do usually and infallibly accompany a battle, be it either gained or lost: and that therefore it was requisite to entrap the enemy by trains and ambushes, and not in the plain and open fields: yet so as this must be done with judgement and discretion, and that they must be surprised when as they lest dreamt and thought upon it, when in full hope and joy of victore, their hearts were carried and transported with overmuch licence and liberty, and that they did neither fear nor misdoubt any sleight or subtleties, which as then he said could not be done, because they had been before instructed and learned to beware by others mishaps, and the examples of their own fellows: and beside for that they had Amese his wicked nephew, the domestical plague of his own native country, who would instruct the Infidels to foresee and avoid the policies which himself at other times had learned and practised in the school of his uncles experience. Notwithstanding in the mean while, because he would take away all matter & opportunity from the enemy of exercising any cruelty, or to obtain any victory upon his subjects, his opinion was, that all the people and inhabitants of the plain country should retire themselves into the fortresses and strong holds: which also should be assured with sufficient garrisons, against all accidents & chances whatsoever. For (quoth he) who knoweth the secret deliberations of Mahomet? It may be, that himself in person doth follow after the Bassa, pricked on with the desire which he hath had of a long time to work some notable & singular revenge against us: and therefore it is good to fear and doubt all things, to the intent we need not be in fear nor doubt of any thing.  
This oration of Scanderbag being pronounced with the great silence of the whole assembly, Tanuse & Vranocontes who had earnestly intended to his speeches, did arise out of their places, and with infinite praises did publicly approve the same, saying, 
Speech of Tanusee & Vranocontes touching the oration of Scanderbag.  that Scanderbag had so exactly discoursed of this matter in every part, and that his divine spirit and admirable prudence had so well comprehended and conceived all points: that nothing was wanting to be consulted on, or to be put in execution, which concerned the common and particular good of them all. Hereupon the former heat and forwardness of the common soldiers began to be mitigated, and their 
Answer of Scanderbag to his soldiers being inquisitive what course ●● would take against the Turks.  audacity grew into a wary and profitable kind offeare. Some of them could not be contented, but they would needs entreat and humbly require their king, to show them by what course and means he meant to overcome and repel the enemy: But Scanderbag smiling answered, that it ought to suffice them, if they did rely and put their trust in him, and that himself would incur one and the same fortune together with them, and that if he should promise and assure them of any thing, it would be to small purpose in this case, where fortune might usurp unto herself so great power and privilege.  
Immediately hereupon Scanderbag having taken order for the parting of the 
Scanderbag fortifieth and furnisheth his country with all necessary provisions against the coming of Isaac Bassa and the Turks.  Province, and the distributing of the several charges and offices: the Siegniours and chief Captains, by the appointment and command of their General did sever and betake themselves into several parts and places of the country: sometimes disposing and bestowing the garrisons which had been delivered them, into the fortresses and strong holds, and sometimes conveying thither victuals and other munitions to furnish all of them, both one and other. This was the occasion that there was some delay made, and the rather also for that the harvest was not yet thoroughly inned, nor the corn clean carried out of the fields: and the rumour every day growing more & more that the Barbarians approached, (for that the case required haste and quick dispatch) the soldiers as well as the husbandmen were employed in that business: and they conveyed all their corn partly in the sheaf, and partly threshed out, into the towns and castles, to have it safe and sure from the hands of the enemy. By this means, they were well and sufficiently provided both of men and victuals for many months. Scanderbag having left Moses to command over the residue of the army, went to Croie, and stayed there some three days taking order for diverse matters and urgent affairs: especially for the removing of the Queen and her household from Petralba. From thence returning to Dibrya, he began to go in hand with his business, and with a watchful eye and diligent care prepared himself for the receiving of his nephew, whom he determined to entertain and use as a mortal and 
Isaac and Amese with the Turkish army enter into Albany.  mere enemy.  
By this time had the host of the infidels cut over the greatest part of Macedon, and were now entered upon the confines of Albany, and having sent forth their vant●urrours before them, they did warily discover the country far and wide on all hands, to the intent they might not fall into the usual and accustomed ambushments of Scanderbag. And the report is that for that only consideration Amese would never suffer them to march by night: affirming, that his uncle would never be so foolish, as to encounter or stay for so mighty and puissant an enemy either in the day time, or in the open and champion country: but would assay rather by the favour and benefit of the dark night to put in practise his accustomed stratagems, and those subtle trains which were most usual and familiar with him in martial exploits. But Scanderbag on the other side, although he had long before hand provided all things in a readiness for his retreat, if need should require it: yet would he not by any means dislodge, till he had true and perfect intelligence, that the Turks were come very near him, and that he might in a manner perceive the dust of their 
Scanderbag retireth from the Turks.  horses: and then trussing up baggage, he speedily discamped and forsook that place, in such sort, that they which followed and came on behind him might very well discern him, as he marched on before them. The Turk would not follow after, nor put himself in pursuit of him, by reason of the difficulty and roughness of the way, and for fear of ambushes. Only he sent certain horse after him, giving them in charge to trouble and molest him as much as they could possibly, and to learn, what course and way he held, and whither he went. Wherefore the army of the Infidels being entered into the upper Dybria by the way of Alchria, they did march on still with a fair and easy pace: continually discovering and searching far and wide on all sides. When the coast was found to be clear and safe from the enemy, the Turkish company with exceeding great joy did disperse themselves abroad over all the country. But as this kind and manner of victory, so easily gotten, was very pleasing and gracious unto the soldiers, now waxing insolent through security: so did it no less grieve them afterwards, for that they could not find nor meet with any pillage in the fields, nor light upon any fit matter to satisfy their covetous minds and inordinate appetites. Thus held they on their march till it was about an hour before noon: and then both because they would stay for the return of their vauntcurrours, and also for that they would rest and refresh themselves of their long journeys, and the extreme heat of the weather, they began to make a stand, and went to lodge themselves near to Oronichea in the same Dibria, near adjoining to the same place, where our men at other times had used to encamp 
Oronichea in the upper Dibria.  themselves. There pitching their tents, they spent the time in council and consultation, till such time as their vauntcurrours returned unto them: abstaynig in the mean while both from meat and drink, or any other kinds of refreshing. For before their dislodging in the morning, they had taken a sufficient repast, by the advise of their General, for fear lest if by some chance and casualty that morning, they should have been driven or enforced to fight, and that the hazard of the battle should have protracted the conflict, as many times it doth: they might not be enforced also to fight with hunger as well as with their enemies. All this while did the soldiers take great delight curiously to survey the place where, our men had of late encamped, and they walked up and down on all sides, yet not without some suspicion of danger: in so much that they neither durst disarm themselves, nor yet leave their watch and ward: but the most part kept continually near to their standards and guidons all on horseback. And thus for two hours at the least did they patiently abide, keeping good watch and ward, till such time as they which had been sent abroad for the discovery, being returned again, did bring report of that which they had seen and learned: namely, that the Epirot and his troops did draw down towards the sea coasts on that side whereas the City of Lissa lay: 
The city of Alexium or Lissa  and being demanded what numbers they were, they answered, that they were seant sufficient to make up a good and perfect * Legion. Howbeit the truth was, that 
A legion containeth 6000.  the army of the Albanois did amount to more than eleven thousand fight men, whereof six thousand were horsemen, and the rest footmen. But the error of the Turkish scouts (as I suppose) grew of this: that our men being in Dibria, had sent all their infantry with their carriages, to pass on fair and easily before: fearing lest if they should have expected the enemies coming any thing near at hand, and so should have been driven to march in haste, they would not have been able to have made such speed, as to have gotten time enough into some sure place of safety: and after the footmen (as I have said) marched the horsemen, even in the sight almost of the Turkish army. So you see the occasion why the foot forces of the Epirots were not discerned by the vantcurrors of the Turks.  
It may be, that some perhaps more curious observers of matters than others, will demand upon what reason, or what commodity Scanderbag could find in this advise and conceit of his, in not giving place to his adversary, till he saw him even close at his back? & why he made his retreat rather towards Lissa, then to any other part of the country? But I will, if I may, satisfy these men with the same reason that persuaded me: & my opinion herein is nothing repugnant unto those men, whose faith and diligence I have most followed in the continuance of this history. Besides, the effect and success of things being curiously conferred together, may sufficiently manifest the truth thereof. The dissembled and counterfeit fear of Scanderbag did evidently 
Stratagem of Scanderbag in retiring from the Turks.  declare, that his first stratagem in staying for the coming of the enemy so near him, was to make a show, that he meant to fight, and to hazard the fortune of the field in a main battle: but that, seeing the infinite multitude of his enemies, and the present danger and extremity of the peril considered, did seem to put him in such fear and terror, as if he had been enforced to give back, and to change his mind & resolution: to the intent that by his show of flight, he might make the Barbarians more confident and hardy, and with more looseness and licentiousness to scatter abroad, & to disband themselves from their standards, which he could not by any means have wrought without great suspicion, if the flight of the one & the coming of the other had been more distant and farther off. Moreover, he directed his course & show of flight rather towards Lissa then to any other place, because that way seemed to be chosen as the fittest and safest for men who made show of fear: whereas otherwise if he had put himself in the other way amongst the thick forests and woody valleys, it was to be doubted, that he should have made less show offeare, and have given greater cause of suspicion and conjecture to the enemy pursuing him, of some secret ambushments laid and disposed to entrap them. Besides it is to be believed, that he had an intent & purpose, by this fair show and policy (which the issue also did after make manifest) to deceive and overreach his enemy: upon whom being carried away with credulity, and straggling loosely abroad, he purposed to give the onset on that side, which neither the footsteps of them that fled, nor the manner of the place to which they fled, did any way make to be suspected. For we should do Scanderbag great wrong, to think or to confess, that so sage and advised a Chieftain would have made choice of this course, only upon a vain and light consideration, without any especial conceit and 
Isaac Bassa demandeth Amese his opinion concerning the flight of Scanderbag.  purpose. Hereof was Amese an infallible witness, who albeit he were of a very subtle and searching spirit, & had a sharp and quick insight in all matters, yet could he not keep himself from the trains of this old warrior: for when the Bassa (being somewhat doubtful & troubled in his mind upon the sleights & subtleties of Scanderbag, did demand of Amese what he thought to be the cause of this his so extraordinary and continual flight, the like whereof he had never used?  
My uncle (quoth Amese) did expect and attend for the forces of Moses: and therefore 
Answer and censure of Amese touching the flight of Scanderbag.  having suddenly assembled only a running camp, according to his wont manner, he did feed himself with his wont hope of victory, till such time as seeing himself deceived in his foolish imaginations, and that he can not abide in safety within his own dominions, nor be able to oppose himself against such huge and puissant forces, he is fled towards Lissa to get aid and succours of his neighbours the Venetians.  
This reason of Amese seeming very likely and probable, was allowed and held for good, no man speaking or alleging any thing to the contrary. Howbeit to those that shall with wisdom and advised deliberation examine matters according to the rule of reason, this interpretation made by Amese of his uncles actions, can not but seem very rash and temerous, if not vain and foolish. And to prove that Scanderbag did not think any thing of so small a troop as that whereof Moses had the command, nor did any whit fear the greatness of the danger, this only point doth sufficiently confirm it: because that all things in the country of Dibria were disposed in as good order, as if the Turkish Monarch himself had been expected there in person. There was nothing at all, neither cattle nor any other thing of worth or value left in the whole country: and was not that a peremptory argument of some notable fear, and of a counsel most advised, and of a sound deliberation: save only to such men whom either fortune, or rather the immutable will of God, having predestinated some mortal and deadly chance, had deprived of all sense and understanding, as of the principal part of their strength and puissance? But I will not any longer blame this credulity and light belief of our enemies, seeing it ministered occasion to our Christians of so notable and famous a victory, and of immortal renown & glory.  
The Bassa perceiving that by the flight of the Epirots, all hope and occasion was taken from him to purchase any honour by deeds of arms in that journey, after dinner was ended, he assembled the chief Captains and commanders of the army to consult and deliberate upon their occasions. In this Counsel it was propounded and debated, 
Council held by Isaac Bassa and the Turks for their proceed against Scanderbag.  whether the camp should stir for that day or not, and by what way, manner, and means they should pursue the enemy: whether it were best to continue in that place, and there to abide till such time as they might have some certain news of his attempts and practices, and what the enemy intended to do. Amese and some others were of opinion, that they should not stir for that day, but stay there till the next morning: notwithstanding the plurality of voices carried away the matter, and the worst opinion prevailed against the better: for they alleged, that the return of Scanderbag, after he had prepared and gotten new succours, would scarce be performed in four days: that they ought to take the benefit of the time and the occasion: that it behoved them to march forward cheerfully and roundly in sacking and harrying the residue of the province in their passage, and not to stay till (Scanderbag having reinforced and augmented his troops, the inhabitants of the country might in the mean time (upon the fear and terror of the report) fly into the strong holds, and forsaking and leaving their houses, graunges, and sheepe-cotes void and empty of all prey and booty, might by that means make their victory uncertain, and their voyage without all profit and commodity. Wherefore the trumpet sounding speedily to horse, no man showed himself backward in executing the commandment of their General: but all of them (testifying by their high cries and clamours, that they did approve the new decree and conclusion of the Council) in a moment trussed up their baggage and with Ensigns displayed began to march forward. Amese likewise was not much discontented with this their resolution, but being of a cheerful and good courage against all casualties and occurrences, he imagined there would be little or no danger for a day or two, of any alarms, or attempts made by Scanderbag: howbeit, that in matters of warfare, those counsels which 
Providence and circumspection of Amese in the wars.  did forecast and doubt most dangers, and which were most wary and politic, did continually more please and like him then any others, because even in the least error and oversight, there consisted no small weight and importance. And therefore he admonished the Bassa to proceed in these affairs prudently and with good order and direction, for fear least by the immoderate covetousness of the soldiers, their prey and booty might not only turn to their infamy, but might also prove lamentable unto his people. All these things therefore were carefully regarded, the battalions and squadrons were wisely ordered and divided into diverse parts, with a straight and express charge and commandment, that no man upon pain of death should disrank nor disband himself out of the battle where he had his place assigned him, without the special leave and licence of the General, albeit they should happen to see all the wealth and riches of Epire before their eyes: for that where time should serve, they should have free liberty to take whatsoever they could seize upon. The soldiers for that time showed themselves very conformable and obedient in that which was commanded them, till such time as their covetous fingers (itching at the fair show of the goodly things forbidden them) did find fit matter whereupon to seize and to lay hold. But before the departure of the army, the Bassa having made his prayers to God, that he would vouchsafe to grant him the grace to be able to tame the insolency of the Albanois, and to obtain the honour of all those trophies and victories befallen to Scanderbag for so many years together, he called Amese unto him, who was then ordering and 
Amese proclaimed king of Epire by Isaac Bassa and the Turkish army.  disposing of his regiment: and after he had openly graced him with many goodly praises and commendations, he caused him by the voices of the soldiers to be proclaimed king of Epire: and with a long and superfluous invective, detesting and disgracing Scanderbag and all his worthy deeds and notable exploits. Amese refused not this good fortune, but from thence forward he showed himself prompt and cheerful in all his doing: dispatching his affairs with singular diligence, and currying the favour and good will of the people both in deeds and in words.  
These things thus done, the host of the Barbarians (having sent forth their vantcurrours to discover and beat over the plain country) did now begin to march forward: part of their baggage being put before in the vaward, and part following in the rearward of their army. The way which they took was (by the conduct and direction of Amese) to that part of Epire which lieth to the Eastward of Croy, and was distant from thence about 80. miles: the which for that it was least furnished with forces, did seem to be more easily exposed to prey and pillage: beside they had an intention also, that as their troops should approach nearer unto the walls (if occasion did so serve) they might all under one make themselves Lords of the town. Nevertheless by reason of the continual and vehement heat, they went not far that day, neither did they find upon the fields, any the least recompense of their pain and travel: so wild and waste did the country appear on all parts, as if it had been a mere and solitary desert. This made the Mahometan to redouble his fear and suspicion, besides that the ambition of the man did mightily trouble and torment him, lest that the Christian either by his absence, or by his continual delays refusing the fight, should constrain him to return unto Constantinople without any purchase or increase of honour and reputation. For there was no kind of booty to be found at all (which ordinarily, is esteemed to be a part of the victory) neither had they any ready means without artillery, to get them any honour by the besieging of any towns. As for the wasting and spoiling of the corn, fruits and trees: the burning and firing of towns, and such like calamities, being the ordinary appendants of the wars, they are commonly and oftentimes reserved to the last and extreme rigour: for that in very deed, they do seem rather to testify and to declare a certain rage and fury, than any benefit or commodity of revenge. Besides, they had some hope also (such as it was) to come to fight with Scanderbag, and to bring the Province under their subjection, if so be he durst present himself to the combat. And these (it may be) were the especial causes and considerations, that detained and withheld them from such acts of hostility.  
The heat of the sun growing by little and little to be abated, by reason of her declining towards the West, the sweet and pleasant shade yielded great refreshing to the bodies of the soldiers, who were sore wearied, and well near spent with extremity of heat, of hard travel, and long iournyes. To the intent therefore they might take the benefit of so sweet a refreshing, they doubled their way and began to ride a good round trot. But the Bassa commanded them to make a stand, not daring to pass on any further, by reason that the night approached and drew near. In the mean time himself in person with part of his army encamped on an high mountain which lay aloft on the left hand, after he had first caused Amese and certain horsemen to take a view of the conveniency and situation of the place. The residue of his army was lodged all alongst the valley, and in other places in as great safety as might be: and there was ordained good watch and ward, several courts of guard being placed both in the plain and upon the mountains round about, especially on that side that lay towards Lissa, and which they most suspected. In this place, the night being thus spent and consumed, the next day by the common advise and consent of them all, they purposed to take their journey into * Emathia. 
Or Pharsalia.   
Here hath it been averred by some writers, that certain Peysants of the country 
Peysants of Albany surprised by the Turks.  of Albany were surprised as they descended undiscreetely out of the forests next adjoining: and being put to torments, for fear of death they did reveal many of Scanderbag his secrets▪ For you must note, that there be in Epire many mountains full of such huge thickets, so woody, and so difficult of access, that the people of the country do hold themselves in more safety in those places, then in the best and strongest fortresses: and there is no power nor puissance of the enemy (be it never so great) that can drive them to forsake those places. Some also have added this moreover, that certain fugitives came the same night to yield themselves unto Scanderbag: and that certain Scouts or Espyals of the 
Spials or Scouts of the Turks surprised by the Albanois.  Turks, falling into the hands of the Christian courts of guard, were put to the sword, excepting one only: who being by good hap saved alive and brought before the King (who was then preparing for his journey against the next morning) did inform him of many things particularly concerning the purpose of the enemy: by means whereof it may be easily imagined, and not without show of credit, that he was a principal mean and author of the victory of the Christians which followed soon after. For my part it shall suffice, that without either approving it for a truth, or reproving it as fabulous, I have simply made recital of it. And therefore referring the truth thereof to be judged by others, I will betake myself to the prosecuting of those affairs, which having been for a while intermitted upon the coming and arrival of the Turks, do now revoke and call us back to consider of them.  
You have heard how the flight of Scanderbag towards the town of Lissa, was not such as the adverse party had imagined: but having now gotten far out of the sight of the enemy, he went unto those parts of the country which lay upon the frontiers of Albany, where were many and diverse passages into the Province by which the enemy might easily be surprised. There did he abide for that day, attending the setting of the Sun: and then leaving there his Ensigns, and being accompanied with a very few horsemen, he went up to the tops of certain mountains, from whence he might well discover all the plain country about * Emathia. Then calling to remembrance the speeches of his 
Or Pharsalia.  prisoners afore mentioned, he disposed and bestowed certain Scouts upon the 
Scouts placed upon the mountains by Scanderbag to observe the passing of the Turkish army.  tops and edges of the mountains, who having little streamers or pennons (according as the manner is) were admonished and charged to hold them up aloft, that they might be seen waving in the air, and that towards the same side where they should see the enemy encamped, they should throw down those pennons from the top to the bottom. Other signal than this they had not at that time, neither by fires, nor other watches for the night. True it is, that the most worthy, and in a manner, the best soldiers were appointed to stand Scout in that place, amongst whom was Peic Manuel, a Gentleman of no less wisdom and policy, 
Peic Manuel.  then of hardiness and good resolution in deeds of arms: because that the weight and consequence of their whole affairs did consist in the diligence and trust of these Sentinels. This done, he returned in the dead of the night into his camp, 
Ambuscado dressed by Scanderbag against Isaac Bassa and the Turks.  where having past the most part of the same in rest and silence, he dislodged very secretly without any noise, and he had not ridden far with all his forces, but that he put himself in ambuscado in the bottom of a certain valley very near unto that watch which we last spoke of: determining not to departed, or to remove from thence before he had deliberated and taken counsel for his proceed, and that he might take his directions, by the sign and token which should be made unto him by those streamers.  
It was scant fair day break, but that the Bassa drew his troops forth of the camp, having a purpose and determination by preventing the heat of the day to enter into the plains of Emathia, where (as he understood) was remaining some booty that would be abandoned to the prey of the soldiers. Not pausing therefore upon 
Isaac Bassa with the Turkish army in the plain fields of Pharsalia.  the matter, he began to march forward very early, whilst the leaves and grass of the fields were yet moist with the dew of the morning: and trod with their feet, greedy of prey and pillage, upon those fields that are even yet famous through the blood and slaughter of the ancient Romans'. But to the intent that a case and accident so marvelous, and so shortly after ensuing might not be without some presage, there be many who do affirm, that the General his standard-bearer, having 
Signs and tokens prognosticating the great slaughter in the future battle between the Turks and the Christians.  stumbled at the ruins of an old wall (as there are many such in those quarters which do bound the lands and possessions of private persons) both horse and man with the standard also fell so rudely to the ground, that his companions were constrained to take him up half dead, and to help him again to horseback. Notwithstanding they made not any account of the matter, but only took it as a warning to the residue to look better to their feet, and to eschew that place. And it may be, that we also ought to make as little account and reckoning of such signs and tokens, rather than to follow the vanity of such fond conjectures in this accident: seeing that both the liberty of man's free will, leading and guiding him in such actions, and the good doctrine and instructions of Christian religion do seem to argue and teach us the contrary. But yet one other thing there is, wherein I know not how I should gainsay it, or dissent from others who have affirmed, that the Vultures, and Ravens, and such like fowls which use to frequent and hunt after carrion and dead carcases, did fly in such abundance into those places, (as it were foreshowing the great effusion of blood that was likely shortly to ensue) that the very heavens seemed in a manner to be darkened with their huge numbers. Besides, there was an other very strange and wonderful sign (which I had almost forgotten) and which I see no reason why it should be neglected or nor regarded, and that was, that in the end of the spring that self same year, (as it is reported by them that saw it) the heavens did rain down blood upon the earth Of which signs, there is not any of them that proceeded from the act of any man or earthly creature: neither was it in the power of man's counsel or prudence, to foresee, or to prevent the effect of those accidents.  
Many are the influences which did descend down from the heavens by certain 
Discourse of the author upon celestial signs & prognostications of future accidents.  secret and unknown causes of things, and it is often seen, that sundry both good and evil chances are manifested unto us by the operation of the stars and the celestial bodies, the which whilst we do disdain to observe, we do refer them to mere accidents and casualty, and we do not use either the service and ministery of our own prudence, nor the industry of our own counsels to purchase unto us the favour and blessing of the divine bounty, nor to turn away the anger and threatenings of the heavens. For what reason have we to think, that this extraordinary flight of so many birds and fowls of the air, or those showers of blood, which fell from the heavens should denote or foreshow the ruin and destruction of the Infidels rather than of our own friends the Christians? were it not perhaps, that by the sage advise and counsel, and by the temporising of the Christian Chieftain, and dexterity of his good invention: The stars were (as it were) forced, and this notable victory was in a manner purchased from the 
Sentence.  heavens▪ For as the saying is, The wise man hath Dominion over the stars and celestial bodies: and for my part I do assuredly believe, that the hunger of those 
Sapiens dominabitur astris.  Vultures, might very well have been deluded, and the earth might sufficiently have been satisfied with that blood only which fell from the heavens, if the obstinate and wilful prudence of men had not drawn down upon themselves the violent influence of the destinies. The truth whereof appeareth in this: for that if we ourselves have not any virtue nor puissance, if we can challenge unto ourselves no right nor interest in our earthly actions, but that these presages must of necessity be followed with such inevitable effects: then what should it profit or avail to command or admonish men to take arms and to have recourse to the just defence of wars, if our resistance should be vain and bootless? Or to what end should we surcharge mankind with the denunciation of long griefs and lamentations only to make their eyes the beholders or feelers of that mischief which shall never befall nor come upon them? assuredly much more cheerfully and comfortably should we leave this world, and departed out of this life, if that hope did entertain and feed our hearts even to the last gasp: and it would make our death and last end more pleasing & less terrible unto us. Howbeit that it is a common proverb and usual in the mouths of all men, That mischiefs foreseen, do lest harm and offence: the which (it may be) 
Sentence.  we will grant to be true in those kinds of mischiefs, which are wont to dispose and prepare the mind of man, & not to discourage or dismay them. For there is no thought nor cogitation more deadly and pernicious, then that which ministereth unto men equal abundance of tears, and like rage of passions in the time both of life and of death.  
But whilst I busy myself I know not how to play the part of a Philosopher, I fear me I do digress from the office and duty of an Historiographer. Return we therefore to our discourse where it was discontinued.  
The entry of the Paynims within the plain country of Pharsalia, was quickly manifested and made known to the inhabitants by the sound of the artillery, in the fortresses next adjoining: giving thereby an advertisement to some of the people, who were issued out with their beasts to feed them in the fields. Upon this signal and token given them, you may imagine that there was none of them, but made haste speedily to avoid so great and imminent a danger: and it is to be supposed, that some of them which were dispersed and scattered farthest off, did make so great haste to free themselves from the enemy, that they left part of their beasts for a prey and booty unto them, not being well able upon such an extremity (wherein they were) to use convenient speed, to save and preserve them from their violence and fury. At the same instant likewise, the streamers which were placed for a token upon the mountains, did give Scanderbag occasion to dislodge 
Scanderbag coasteth the army of the Turks with his forces c●nertly amongst the mountains.  with his camp, who with good reason and judgement, conjecturing which way the Barbarian took, calling back his scouts, and arraunging his companies in good order, he dismarched secretly by the coverts of the valleys, and the secret passages of the mountains, still following the Bassa a far off without being apperceived, till such time as he thought that he had gotten near enough unto him. Then also putting himself again in an ambush with all his forces, and attending till it were night, he rested himself near unto a certain hill, named by the inhabitants, Tumenistiola: after that he had first sent forth some to stand scouts, and 
Scanderbag putteth himself in an ambuscado near the mountain Tumenistiola.  had set the watch, ordering all things in good and convenient sort. The Mahometans in this mean while were not idle, but they spent and employed, not only the morning, but the whole course of their march all that day in overrunning, spoiling, and ransacking of the plain country, being grown to a certain contempt and licentiousness which by little and little was engendered amongst their troops, because they saw no body to resist or to encounter them in the way. All this did Scanderbag discern full well, but his deliberation was not to pursue after them with so small forces, they being scattered and dispersed in a plain that was so large and spacious, nor yet was he minded to give the onset upon them in such sort as he might any way endanger his forces in the fight, but he did rather desire that their audacity and licentiousness should still increase and grow more and more. In that manner therefore having followed them all that night, he forbore to touch, or in any sort to meddle with their camp, by reason of the difficulties of the places, being not able, but with great trouble, to carry his troops in the dark through those thick and huge forests and woods: as also because he aimed at a certain draft and policy of war, which he had of long time before conceived in his thoughts, by means of certain drums, trumpets, and clarions (whereof shall be said more hereafter) and by which he did reserve himself to a strange and miraculous kind of combat. For this cause the Infidels being suffered to rest in quiet, they spent that night in diverse pleasures and pastimes: and even Amese also took a great joy and contentment to see himself carried and attended (though somewhat too soon for his honour) through the camp, with divers songs of joy and merriment amongst the common soldiers, as if he had already obtained the sovereignty and peaceable possession of the estate of Albany. Not that their minds were wholly freed from all fear or suspicion,  
But rather (such is the desire of mortal men) that it draweth with it most commonly 
Sentence.  a kind of credulity, and maketh us to believe that things will fall out according to our own desire and expectation. So did that leisure and quietness of three days continuance (wherein they were without any disturbance of their enemies) cause the Barbarians to frame and conceive unto themselves a vain licence in their own conceits and imaginations, as if they had been already possessed of the victory. 
Negligence & security of the Turkish army.  Thence it proceeded, that all things more and more inclining to negligence, the watches were less carefully regarded, insomuch as they placed not any scouts nor court of guard, but only on that side where they feared most danger, namely from the way and coast bending towards Lissa.  
The darkness of the night being now chased away by the coming of the day light, the Turks were providing and preparing themselves to follow on their roads and excursions: and therefore by the break of day displaying their Ensigns, they fell to spoiling and robbing that part of the country which remained as yet unspoiled, filling it with all kinds of outrage and beastly cruelty: and their host with their 
Isaac and the Turks encamp between the river of Mathias and the waters of Albulae.  baggage also removed to a certain plain lying between the river of Mathias and those waters which the inhabitants name Albulae: placing their guards and Sentinels towards Lissa only, where they doubted and imagined the greatest danger. At the foot of the mountain Tumenista, which hath his aspect to the West, towards the open champion were placed certain horsemen to assure that passage. As for their camp, it was excellently well fortified: for the one half of their army remained there still for the guard and defence thereof: and I find that the Bassa himself, and many of the chiefest and most principal persons of the army did continue and abide there with the camp, whilst that Amese (as being more skilful and better practised in those marches) had the conduct of those forces that went abroad to forage and pray 
Suffades.  the country, with the which all at random he ran up even to the Suffades (as they term them) and to the seacoasts. The husbandman and the peysant had not withdrawn and conveyed away all from the fury, spoil, and covetousness of the Barbarians, because they did not think that the King would have suffered them so long to use that licence and liberty, and to have been unmet withal. True it is, that he might at that time have done some worthy and notable exploit, whilst their forces were so divided a sunder, if he had roundly invaded their camp: but he was not yet come so near them, neither could it so conveniently have been done, but that the forces which were harrying and overrunning the country, upon the noise of the alarm might have been called home, and so they might easily have enclosed the Albanois between both their powers. But hunger and the heat of the day having now caused them to return to their camp, the booty was divided amongst the soldiers: howbeit, it was but of little or small value, and did rather sharpen their appetites, then satisfy or content them. By this time were our men also drawn together, and being gotten up to the tops of the mountains, they were seized of the advantage of the place: whereupon with their arms now ready in their hands, they did prepare themselves to call the Mahometans to an account of their voyage and journey which they had taken.  
If you had seen how Scanderbag was busied and did bestir himself, you might 
An ellegant and excellent comparison.  aptly have compared him to one, who expecting at his house some great company of guests, and being to make them some magnificent and sumptuous banquet, with most exquisite dainties and viands prepared more than ordinary, dareth not to trust his servants, nor yet to refer the care thereof either to his friends, or to his wife, but will see it done with his own hands: ordaining, fitting, and disposing all things most carefully: and with a doubtful countenance casteth his eyes upon all the dishes, and upon all parts of the table, especially if by reason of the mean estate of the man, the preparation be more sparye than is convenient for the number of his guests: and setting out all things to the best show, with a skilful and diligent hand, he doth so amplify and increase them, as they may at the least satisfy and fill their eyes, if not the hands and bellies of the banquetters. In like manner the King of Epire coursing and galloping up and down the hills and mountains near adjoining, stayed not long in any one place, but he placeth Moses in one quarter, and Tanusee in another: the Streezes on this side, and others on that side: and appointing unto every man his particular charge and office, he admonisheth and instructeth them: and not trusting in the sufficiency and capacity of any of them in a case of that consequence, and in that importance of his affairs; sometimes he goeth before, sometimes he followeth after: and to be brief, he maketh his hands and his eyes the witnesses of all that is done. He vieweth and revieweth all his troops, he examineth if all be well, and still is he devising and casting, how to dispose and order all things to the best. And to the intent that the terrible object which he provided for his enemies might the more astonish and confound them: he used this sleight and invention which I will show you.  
To every squadron he assigned a great number of trumpets, drums and such 
Stratagem of Scanderbag.  like instruments of war, more than is ordinarily he used any troops, the which he had expressly provided of purpose. After this he ordered his army both horse & foot according to the commodity of the place, and the quantity of his forces. He reserved for his own regiment the most part of his army to wit, 4000 horse, and the like number of footmen, with the which he went without delay, and seized upon Tumenista.  
The Bassa his army, namely they which were wearied with their long and tedious 
Security and negligence of the Turks.  incursions in harrying and preying of the country in the morning, at their return were laid all along, and did rest themselves here and there over the large plain, having left their horses feeding without either saddles or bridles: besides that, few or none kept near their ensigns or any good order. Some lay in the shadow and made merry with that which they had purchased: others having fed at full, lay wallowing on the grass and slept without all fear or suspicion. Some passing away the time in plays and sports of all sorts and usual amongst soldiers, did joyfully beguile their eyes of sleep, and the extreme heat of summer: albeit they were scarce able to hold up their heads for weariness and want of sleep: for than was the worst time both of the year and of the day, by reason of the extreme heat of the month of july, and the height of the sun which was not then past the midst of the heaven, which made their watches & courts of guard also to be as negligent in the other parts of the camp. For amongst them likewise, every man was bend to take his ease and to spend away the time in mirth. No man had his arms nor his horse in a readiness: but the most part having cast away all fear and doubt of the enemy, had laid aside also the care and consideration of all good order and martial discipline.  
The Bassa himself with the great men and Commanders of the army, and Amese 
Consultation of Isaac Bassa and the Turkish Chieftains for their proceed against Scanderbag.  their councillor (whom the business especially concerned above the rest) being in consultation within their tents, were in a marvelous care & perplexity, what course they should resolve upon at their next remove from thence, and on what side they should find any new subject of honour and commendation. The counsel was divided into two diverse opinions: one was, that they should overrun all the Province with sword and fire, and so make the ruins and spoils of the country to remain as the marks of their victory: the other (which was propounded by Amese,) was, that they should march right towards Croy to sound the wills of the inhabitants whether they would submit themselves to the nephew of Scanderbag & accept of his government: & that they should terrify them by threats and menaces in case they did refuse to hearken unto them: as that they should see the total ruin and destruction of Albany, & a perpetual siege before their walls, and that in the end they should be enforced to endure the yoke of a most miserable and shameful servitude and bondage: That they should not build upon the slow succours of Scanderbag, nor trust to their fond counsels, who should persuade them to attend and depend upon the hope and expectation of his long lingering presence. This latter advise was approved as the most certain and best opinion, and the other was in no part followed: only they made some stay for a while, and thought it not yet best to remove their camp till such time as the ferventness of the heat, and the weariness of their bodies were somewhat abated and refreshed. But Scanderbag did not any longer temporize: for having both satisfied and instructed his eyes from the top of Tumenista, he animated and disposed his 
Scanderbag marcheth to fight with Isaac Bassa and the Turkish army.  soldiers, telling them what order they should observe and keep: how they should by their invasions terrify their enemies, and on what side they should charge and press upon them. But first of all beholding that court of guard of those Turks which lay at the foot of the mountain, some of them sleeping sound, other keeping but slender watch and ward, himself descended in great silence by the other side of the mountain with eight men only, and had the cutting of all their throats, leaving 
A court of guard of the Turks cut in pieces by Scanderbag.  them there to keep an everlasting watch, one of them only being excepted, whom the swiftness of his horse, and his flight saved from the like slaughter. By this means the other troops of the Christians (after that this court of guard was dispatched) began to descend upon the plain unknown to the enemy. He that was escaped, went running in the mean while with all posting speed towards his fellows, and with a fearful cry, he filled all the host of the Barbarians, giving them the alarm, and telling them: that Scanderbag was there: that the guard was cut in pieces, and that all the forces of the Christians were coming, and were even at hand. Hardly would the Turks have believed these news, if his fear had not given them sufficient likelihood thereof through the death of his companions. For neither did they fear any danger on that side, neither did they doubt of the so sudden coming of the enemy. But Amese was not of that mind: for he was easily persuaded of the truth of this alarm: and therefore hasting speedily and readily to his troops, he enforced them quickly to mount on horseback, & encouraged them to the uttermost of his power. Many of them were wakened, partly by the noise of the enemies coming upon them, and partly by their companions, who caused them to leave sleeping. For now that Scanderbag saw his ambushments to be discovered, he commanded his infantry presently to follow him with as great speed and celerity as was possible: and immediately as the enemy was preparing to receive him, he charged and gave the onset upon them most furiously with the huge clamours and horrible cries of his soldiers, the same being augmented and increased with the brim noise of the drums, 
Scanderbag surpriseth the Turkish camp by a sudden invasion.  trumpets and tamborins which were purposely placed on all sides to annoy and terrify the enemy by the conceit and imagination of a great and mighty army: and also to give advertisements to the other bands that lay close embusked in the mountains. Amese being seconded with his own regiment of horsemen, and with certain others who had been appointed for the guard of the camp, was the first that made head against the Christians, and did most stoutly sustain the first charge. Many also came thither on foot, having no leisure in so great haste and extremity, to saddle and make ready their horses. The tumult and the terror was wonderful in all parts of the camp, and the Turks stood as men mightily amazed and astonished: so great and extreme was the fear which seized upon them at the very sight and name of Scanderbag. The Bassa stood firm within his camp and would not move a foot, till such time as he saw all his squadrons in order and good array, and that his flanks were well defended with triple forces of the choicest horsemen well armed and appointed. But during these preparations, it seemed that the heaven & earth were confounded by reason of this new and unexpected alarm, and with the strange clamours & diverse sounds of the ambushments now discovered. On every side did the mountains and next valleys resound with the noise, sometimes of the men, sometimes of the trumpets, drums and clarions: and sometimes with the marvelous sound of infinite harguebusses, which did incredibly augment the fear and terror both in the hearts and in the eyes of the Turks: who esteeming themselves as men lost and utterly undone, did think that the power and puissance of all Epire, Sclavonie, and their confederates, had been assembled and conspired together to their destruction. And therefore they began to fly on all hands before that ever Moses with his troops alone could get down into the plain from the mountains: and yet did not their flight seem sure and safe enough unto them, by reason that all the ways and passages were in a manner shut up and taken from them. Besides, even their horses being frayed in diverse places, did either shake off their headstals, or break their bridles, and being thus feared, did scape out of the hands of those who were making them ready. Nevertheless Amese mistrusting the stratagems and the politic inventions 
Amese encourageth the Turks against the Epirots.  of his uncle, did soon and easily comprehend this his cunning and subtlety. And therefore he cried out unto his company on all sides: that they should not in any case be affrayed of these false alarms: that these devices were for the most part the only hope and refuge of such as had but weak and small forces: that they should quietly attend and sustain their enemies, without any misdoubt of these vain clamours, and that the jangling noise of their trumpets, and other such brazen instruments, and the echoes and outcries of their fearful voices, were but fruitless and idle shows purposely doubled and augmented to put them in fear and terror. With these persuasions he drew many of them out of every company, yet in a great doubt and mammering, being unresolved, whether it were best to fly or to hold good against the enemy. For neither did the one seem to be honest in the presence of their Captain, and things being yet in good estate: neither were they of sufficient strength to resist against their enemies, their courages being dismayed and abated in so sudden an astonishment: insomuch, that it would have required a long time to have confirmed them in a good resolution, and to have put them in full heart and courage again.  
All this notwithstanding the Bassa being no less resolute than Amese, caused his 
The battle of Pharsalia between Isaac Bassa and Scanderbag.  Ensigns to march on and entered the combat with notable resolution. As he was advancing himself to the aid and succours of Amese, in hope if he met with Scanderbag to oppress him: Moses and the residue of the Christians following close at their backs, were now come upon the open plain, and held him short from proceeding any further. Nevertheless the Dibrian caused his men to make a stand and to hold bridle, staying till Tanusee and Piec Manuel (who had the charge and command of a squadron of archers and harguebussiers) were advanced and came forward as far forth as himself. They being now drawn and united all together, the battle began to grow rough and furious on all sides, and the horsemen from all parts did rush violently upon their enemies. The footmen for their parts also wrought wonders; and the harguebussiers played upon the troops of the Paynims where they saw them thickest not bestowing any of their shot in vain. Whereupon the Bassa being hardly pressed and annoyed with the mortal shot of those bullets, was constrained to give backwardly: and being repulsed and driven to retire within his trenches, he saw his squadrons disordered and out of rank. Then our footmen casting their bows away at their backs, and leaving their harguebusses, began very nimbly and lightly to come to handy blows and to use their swords, still following and pressing hard upon the Turks in wounding and killing of those which were next unto them, and whom they found scattered and out of order. Great was the slaughter and butchery throughout all the companies, and much blood was shed both of them that fled, and of them also that fought. But he that had seen how Scanderbag and his troops did bestir themselves on their parts, would have wondered and admired at the sight and spectacle of so many mischiefs, and mortal misfortunes that represented themselves on that side of the field. For it was another manner of slaughter that was made there then in any other part of the battle, by reason that their forces and power being the greatest, might the more easily work the greater effects. Besides that, the Infidels on that side were surprised more suddenly, and almost all of them were found disarmed and unprovided, lying sleeping along upon their bellies: by means whereof their enemies might the more freely pass over their bodies being the more subject to their fury and violence: and they might make themselves the better way by their sword. Here also did the footmen abandon the use of their arrows and harguebusses, and having only either swords, darts or pikes in their hands: sometimes they did wound those which fled, behind and at their backs: and sometimes did run their horses through the bellies, overthrowing those that were mounted upon them. All the hardiness and audacity, or the fear and flight of the Turks on that side did wholly depend upon the resolution of the Christian fugitive, who with a countenance more and more assured, made head against the Albanois: and one while by his voice, another while by the dexterity and valour of his valiant deeds and prows, he would advertise 
Amese encourageth the Turks in the battle.  & will his troops to hold good, and only for a little while to endure with patience, till such time as the first fury & violence of the Albanois were broken, saying that afterwards he would undoubtedly deliver them an easy and unbloody victory: that the small numbers of the Christians had nothing to hope on but the fury of their first charge & onset, the which being once past & cooled, their forces also & their courage would soon faint and fail, and come to nothing. This did he as long as he could prolong the conflict, hoping that the other hands which were dispersed over the champion would rally themselves and renew the combat. But his expectation of those succours grew still more and more to be vain and frustrate: for many of them were surprised and taken up by the way, and the rest by the extremity of their fear were advised to betake themselves to flight. In such sort, that the number was not great of 
Amese his companies put to ●light by Scanderbag.  those Turks that presented themselves to the encounter of a just and full battle: but the most part of them were murdered and like a many of hogs, had their throats cut by the Albanois. Moses embracing and laying hold upon this occasion, and so goodly an opportunity, and having an earnest affection and desire to repair and recover his former honour, would not suffer the Bassa to take any breath: but crying with a loud voice, (as he was a man very fierce and vehement) at every blow given with his sword, and at every motion and cast of his eyes. 
Speech of Moses encouraging his soldiers to the battle against Isaas Bassa.   
Here, here (quoth he) my companions: cheerfully let us charge, and bravely let us break in upon these dogs and barbarous Miscreants: let not this glorious show of their great and huge battles, let not these magnifical names of Bassas astonish nor amaze you. These are no other than the infamous relics of the overthrow of Belgrade in Hungary: they are all overvehelmed and buried in fear, in sleep and in drunkenness. Press upon these their bootless and unprofitable guards, follow on and pursue them bravely and courageously, satisfy your hands with their blood, that you may satiate your hearts afterwards with the rich spoils and booty of your enemies.  
If these speeches and persuasions had the power to chafe and incense the courages of the Christians, much more were they encouraged by the consideration of that precious recompense which they saw provided for them by means of the victory, and which they had in a manner already gotten. Notwithstanding there were some squadrons of Turks, who being more mindful of the honuor and duty of good soldiers, then of the safety of their lives: being assembled together in gross, and a good band also of others on foot, could not in any case be broken by their enemies. The fight standing upon these terms, Scanderbag had sent certain horsemen after his nephew to pursue and follow him, straightly charging and enjoining them in any case not to kill him: who having taken him alive, and the victory being made sure on that side of the field, he hastened with a thousand footmen or thereabouts, and some few horsemen to that place where the Bassa stood upon his defence. For, 
Amese taken prisoner.  the residue of his troops after they had gotten the victory, would not be drawn from following the chase as long as the flight continued. But on the other side also, the resistance of the Turks was clean broken and ceased by the promptness and valour of certain Harguebussiers whom Moses had led thither. And the General of the Infidels with all the rest had quite forsaken and abandoned their camp. All those which were found on foot (excepting such as by good hap had 
Victory of Scanderbag. against Isaac Bassa and the Turks in the battle of Pharsalia.  found either their own or some other men's horses and so did escape) were either slain or made prisoners, Scanderbag (as long as he saw any possibility or likelihood that the enemy might again join or reinforce themselves) did follow and pursue hard after the Bassa: but he saved himself by the favour and swiftness of his horse who carried him clear away out of the sight of them that had him in chase. Those which accompanied him in his flight, had not so good fortune as himself, but a 
Messeit a Saniacke taken prisoner.  good number of them were taken prisoners: and amongst others a Saniacke called Messeit. Neither the Dibrian nor any other of the Christians had never any mind nor care of profit and commodity as long as the chase endured, and whilst they had the means and power to kill and to follow in execution of the enemy. On all sides there were bound and fettered great troops of those who yielded themselves, and had thrown down their arms.  
This battle, (or howsoever you list to term it) continued until such time as the night coming upon them, did find them to be both conquerors, and to have the victory. Neither the excessive weariness of the soldiers, nor the darkness of the night approaching and coming on, could not withhold their hands from labouring to reap the accustomed prize and reward of their victory. The carcases of the dead yet hot and trembling were despoiled, and many were even then also put to the sword. There were gotten from the enemy twenty fair and goodly ensigns or standards. Of prisoners there were about five thousand: the horses and other movables of all forts were given to the soldiers as the recompense of their long labours and traveles, and they were so many that they could 
Number of Turks slain in the battle of Pharsalia.  hardly be valued. Touching the number of those which were slain, the reports are diverse: they which do reckon with the most, do account 30000. and they which do reckon with the least, do yield to 20000. Of the Christians there were wanting above a sixty or little less, as is generally agreed ●o all parts.  
It is not to be denied, but that this so notable a victory▪ and which cost ●● little bloodshed, did far exceed and subfaste all human sense and reason: yet ought not the strangeness of the thing to be offensive to the ears of the readers: for if we will look into the infinite examples of antiquity which are equally to be marked as being of the like quality, be they either Romans, Greeks, or strangers: this ou● accident cannot want either saith or credit. There were found many tents and pavilions in their enemy's camp ready dressed ●● appointed, which for that night were not at all removed, but were generally assigned to the use of the victors, to the end they might safeguard their bodies which were sore wearied and we● with blood and sweat, from the unwholesome air of the night and making within them good and great sweat, they served them as fit and convenient places to feast and triumph in for the public joy of that victory till the next morning. O the pleasant sport of unconstant fortune▪ o the ridiculous estate of human affairs▪ Scanderbag is now Lord and Master of the lodgings of the Bassa the General of the Infidels: and the rest of the Epirots likewise do enjoy and possess the tents and commodities which were not prepared nor provided for them. In many places they found cloth, and napkins ready laid, and the victuals set upon the tables; wherewith they were merry and made good cheer at their own pleasures. Thus was the common and usual proverb verified. That there is a great distance between the cup and the lip. Many horses were found there also ready saddled and bridled, as though they had stayed and attended for their masters to mount upon their backs, but they saw them lying dead at their feet. But this notable spectacle of this new accident and event, and an evident testimony of the mutability and inconstancy of fortune, was Amese the King his nephew. Of late he being a King of three or four days continuance, 
Amese brought prisoner to Scanderbag  with singular arrogancy and insolency, did overrun all the fields of Emathia, and was attended up and down the Turkish camp with the hands and voices of the common soldiers: but now behold how with his hands bound behind him, with out any words speaking, and his countenance cast down, he is led towards his uncle, to be made a spectacle, to the eyes of the common soldiers: who being victorious against him, were assembled to contemplate and look upon him, inviting them all to commiserate his mishap: and some of them to lament and bewail his hard for me.  
The next morning, Scanderbag fearing lest so many dead carcases heaped up together, especially in that hot season, might with stench infect the air, he did use towards them the last work of charity which could be showed toward enemies, burying the masters and horse● (altogether in many pitte● digged up of purpose. There was a great number found dead upon the shores and banks of the next river, and of the waters of Albulae, according as their fear and flight had carried them. The fields of Emathia (which had been of old times of antiquity much renowned for many great and notable battles) were made much more famous by this journey and by this great slaughter of the Turks. The greatest part of the day was employed in burying and enterring of the dead bodies: so that by this means, the resort of so many birds and fowls to that place (as is before mentioned) fell out to very little or no purpose at all. These things thus accomplished, the Albanians took their way towards Croie: for having gotten such good store of pillage and sped so well, they took no great care of foraging: besides that, the territory of the enemy was a good way off; and many of them also (as you may guess) were not escaped scotfree and unwounded from this long fight and conflict.  
At their disloding from thence, there were two soldiers of one squadron or company 
A quarrel between two private soldiers, for sharing of their booty.  who fell to some words, and were an occasion that the departure of the King of Albany was somewhat hindered. These two at the beginning of the battle, had agreed to join together in the Fortune of that days journey, and whatsoever booty was gotten by either of them, should be divided and shared equally between them. After which, having plied themselves well in there business, and having made a good hand, when they came to make partition, they fell to some difference and altercation upon the matter: and (as is usual in such cases) from thence to injurious and reproachful speeches of the one against the other: so that in the end coming to try the matter by the sword, they were ready to cut each the others throat, for the deciding of their controversy, & to know who should be the master of that which was the cause of their debate. Scanderbag being advertised hereof, caused both of them to be called before him: and demanding of them if they had dined, they told him, yea: then smiling (as 
Speech of Scanderbag to two soldiers quarreling together.  he was a man given to be merry, and one that delighted in jesting) Bacchus (quoth he) hath made you enemies: and I will that Bacchus and not Mars, nor any other of the Gods shall make you friends. And after he had secretly reprehended & rebuked them, he sent them away, commanding them to go and drink together: and he willed Vranocontes to make an end of the contention between them, and to see that each had his right and share of the booty equally and alike.  
As the Albanois were now marching towards Croy, there met with them a multitude of the country inhabitants, and others who had hidden themselves in the next forests till the end of the fight, besides the citizens of Croy also: all which with a wonderful 
Triumph of Scanderbag for the overthrow of Amese and the Turks in the battle of Pharsalia.  joy, with high cries and sounds of instruments went with them on to Croy, so as a man could hardly have seen a more goodly triumph: nor a more pompous show: so gloriously and triumphantly did they march into the town. For Scanderbag (to make the sight the more beautiful and notable) caused all his army to follow after the multitude, well and orderly arraunged in battle array, and so to pass on even into the suburbs. There was not any one of them (were he never so base and mean) but had at the least one horse gotten from the enemy, and loaden with infinite spoils, which they caused to march before them. Moreover the prisoners being bound and tied together by two & two, in a long train went before the King, and did greatly augment the pomp and show of the triumph: and many of them, for the better acknowledgement and confession of the victory unto their enemies, were made to carry the ensigns and standards which had been gotten from them. Likewise the pavilions, tents, and canapies of the Turkish General being of purple colour, and making a goodly show and ostentation, were carried by some of the soldiers of the Albanians, who bore them aloft, openly displayed, and spread abroad of purpose, as if they had been ready dressed and prepared for the General: which gave no small grace and ornament to the rest. Amese had most earnestly and humbly entreated his uncle not to lead him to Croy in this infamous and miserable estate of a slave and captive: and therefore he was suffered to go at liberty, and in another manner of order then as a prisoner, marching side by side with the Saniacke that was captive also. To conclude, at their entry into the city gate, the companies were dismissed and licenced to departed: the soldiers were sent away joyful and glad to their own homes, after that the prey and booty, both prisoners and all the rest, had been equally divided and parted between them, as largely as they could expect or demand. The ensigns and other things which served for public show & ornament, and fell as due to Scanderbag, were carried with great demonstration of joy into the city. The Saniacke & Amese were put under safe custody, till such time as they should be otherwise disposed of.  
I mean not to speak any thing of the great feastings and solemnities which were used by the Albanians, for the celebrating of this victory, and which for many days together they never intermitted. For it is now time that I convert both my mind and my matter to strange and foreign nations: and to consider what joy they conceived upon the report of this victory. The fame and renown thereof being dispersed into all the regions near adjoining, and even into the heart and midst of Italy and other countries of the Christians, it seemed little inferior unto that which had been formerly reported of the victory gotten against Amurath before Croy, and it was held to be comparable to any other exploit were it never so happy and fortunate: the admiration thereof did even ravish every man, and they could not cease to wonder at the rareness of the matter, when they heard the discourse of the singular sufficiency, and of the notable dexterity of spirit of this prime and peerless Chieftain: and even to this day is the memory of this notable victory preserved in those parts: for whereas the inhabitants of that Province have a use and custom (according to the laudable manner and usage of the old and ancient ages in times past) to sing songs and sonnets in their solemn banquets and public feasts, containing a rehearsal of the most famous and noble deeds of their ancestors, and of the worthy personages of that country; this victory especially (as one of the most notable, and more excellent than all others) hath been inserted amongst the rest, and it is more often and commonly used in their songs & ballads then any other whatsoever. Infinite were the presents that were sent unto Scanderbag, infinite were the feasts and bankers which were every where frequented: and infinite were the congratulations which were used from all parts, according as that nation hath ever in such cases used and accustomed. This present victory seemed to have annihilated and entinguished the memory of all those losses and discomfitures which the Turks had sustained, under Haly Bassa and Mustapba: yea all the honours and commendations purchased by their old and later acts, were now no more talked of in regard of this last exploit. The calamity of Belgrade seemed now fully & sufficiently revenged: and this revenge had sufficiently refreshed and discharged every man his mind, from all sorrow, grief, and sadness. The only pleasure and whole delight of all men both strangers & others, was to walk and wander up and down those victorious fields, and often to visit & survey the grounds which did seem yet to carry a froth with the blood of the mahometans: their only solace and recreation was to inquire of every particularity, where such an ambuscado was laid in covert, and on which side the enemy was surprised & assailed? even Mahomet himself was no less amazed & marveled at the strangeness of this victory: for by a shameful confession of his own fear, within a while after, he did allow the honour of this journey, unto his enemy: for when he saw his forces so broken & dispersed, and had learned by the Bassa the order of the battle, and the occasion of his overthrow, (although perhaps there were many points wherein both the General & all the host did deserve worthily to be blamed) yet without any manner of reproof given them, or in any sort inveighing against them: he swallowed up in silence (contrary to his wont manner) the grief & bitterness of his sorrow and discontentment. It behoved him now to think upon the redeeming of the prisoners, especially of the Saniake, whose imprisonment vexed and grieved him extremely, and made him greatly ashamed, in regard of his degree and the greatness of his merits. He concluded therefore to take order 
Mahomet maketh means for the ransoming of Messeit his Saniacke and other prisoners.  for his deliverance, and some other of the chiefest and most especial persons: as for the rest he made no reckoning of them. Wherefore the money was made ready & provided, partly by the friends and kinsmen of the prisoners, and partly out of the coffers of the Sultan, as the custom and manner is. The only thing they stayed on was. That Scanderbag should set down the sum of their ransom, and that some messenger should be sent from Epire, which might bring a safe conduct for them who were to deal in this matter. Scanderbag at the request of the Saniacke (who nominated two of his most faithful and trusty servants to that office) dismissed them to go unto the Sultan, and to procure some order for their delivery: the sum demanded was fifteen thousand Crowns for the Saniacke his own person, and about forty thousand for the others, which was soon agreed unto and granted accordingly.  
Before that this Ambassade was to pass into Epire, Ottoman being destitute of all 
Consultation of Mahomet with his Bassas touching the war of Epire.  good counsel, and being rather broken then chastised with so many & so great losses, did in vain torment his mind perplexed with so many cares, and the sundry opinions of his Bassas did diversly distract him, not knowing what course to take. Some advised him wholly and altogether to abstain from the war of Albany, till such time as the tyrant being free and discharged from all other troubles and disturbances, might himself go in person with his best forces, and the whole strength of his Empire, for the final subversion of the Albanois. For by reason of his late misfortune in Hungary, and the tumults newly raised in Misia, he had but bad means then to undertake or effect any such matter. Others not misliking nor reproving the former opinion, did persuade him to send a strong garrison to the confines of Macedony, which might be enjoined not to enterprise any thing upon the enemy, neither of their own voluntary motion, nor yet by any provocation of their adversaries, but only to have a care to the safety & security of the frontiers. Many also (upon the former reasons of the wars wherewith the Sultan was encumbered) thought it not amiss (and they had reason) if that a truce for certain years were demanded of Scanderbag: during the which, the Ottoman Empire might breathe itself from so many mischiefs, and till such time as they might find some better opportunity, to bring this fierce and unruly enemy under the yoke of subjection: for the second opinion seemed not to be allowable, because in the midst of so many ambushments, and against such stirring spirits as the Albanians were, there was no safety for any weak and small garrison: and to send thither any strong and puissant forces amidst so many new accidents, and in such commotions and troubles of the wars, could not be done conveniently without a thousand discommodities. This council being the most profitable, albeit smally honourable, and in some sort too too base and servile, was best allowed by the greater part of the assembly. Mahomet for his part though this counsel did not a little displease him, who had always abhorred to make show of such base and vile humour, yet because he could not well compass all matters, nor settle his affairs, having so many enemies conspired against him, and his estate being in a manner rend a sunder and distracted, with so many great occasions, his proud and haughty courage did not think any thing what soever to be either shameful or infamous, or to his dishonour. Hereupon he caused one 
Mahomet seeketh to have truce with Scanderbag.  of those to be called before him, who was to carry the ransom of their companions, and to him he opened the whole secrets of his conceits: enjoining him expressly to deal with the Saniacke in his name, and to will him to take upon him the charge and managing of this matter, and to confer with Scanderbag upon the same. He sent also particular letters unto the Saniack (which afterwards came into the hands of the Christians) wherein he wrote unto him: that in seeking the amity of the Albanois, and in the treating of the peace between them, he should have a special care and good regard to the reputation and dignity of his Majesty: for fear, lest if he should show himself too affectionate or too humble in the purchasing of the same, the enemy might grow too proud and insolent, and fall to disdain both the demander & his demands equally and alike. The messenger went on his journey more glad and cheerful for this his commission; then for the redemption of his own person, and of his companions: for he was fully persuaded, that now for a time this thorn would be drawn out of their feet, & that the Turks being in rest and quietness on those parts, should a little breath & refresh themselves, from so many travels which they had endured. But his expectation was frustrate, & Mahomet found himself much deceived of his hope: as at other times both he & his father Amurath had been the like. For when as Messeit (in counting of the money brought for their ransom, did interpose and propound many speeches unto Scanderbag according to the intent and instructions of his Lord & master: the Albanois took the money very willingly, but as touching those motions & overtures propounded for the peace between them, he showed himself so unwilling, that cutting off his talk, he would not suffer him to proceed with his speeches, but gave him this answer.  
I have not (said he) so often heretofore even in the worst & hardest times of my adversity, 
Answer of Scanderbag to Messeit refusing to have truce with Mahomet.  refused the conditions of the peace which you then demanded, to the intent I would now agree unto them in my prosperity: neither hath this my good fortune (such as it is) so deprived me of the knowledge of man's estate and frail condition, or of the instability of humane nature, that I do dare to promise unto myself, the continual & permanent possession of the same: or that I do assure myself, that I will always so insolently disdain your amity. It may well be, that Fortune may put on her false mask and visage, & may make us in time petitioners unto you for a peace perhaps far more shameful & ignominious. Notwithstanding whatsoever it be that the secret original and occasion of matters, and the unknown order of the destinies, may bring upon a man: yet are not we determined at this time in any point to alter our minds, or to detract any thing from our former resolution. We do repute all kind of amity with you most shameful and ignominious, as long as we see so many outrages & injuries offered on all sides unto the Christians: as long as we see so many wounds, and so much blood lately and newly shed, wherewith both all Greece and the fields of Hungary are now overflown. Shall we recompense the late loss of Morea with such a peace? shall we with a most base and cowardly truce, shame and disgrace that notable victory, and the late glory of the Hungarians before Belgrade? let Mahomet as long as he will seek for peace, as for us we will purchase our quietness by the sword: and having once gotten and attained it, we will by the sword likewise seek to maintain it: and the rather for that it is not only your excessive injuries, or your notorious disloyalty, but a certain natural disposition that hath made us your enemies, & the hatred (wherewith the one of us is armed and hardened against the other) is perpetual and immortal. For my part I am your enemy, even by birth & by nativity, and the enmity which I bear you is hereditary: my desire is not so much to get me honour & reputation upon you, as to seek the just deserved revenge of the blood of my friends which you have shed, and of the bondage both of myself and my people the Albanians: and I am fully resolved, never to make an end of these my travels, till such time as I have either restored my citizens to their ancient estate, or rendered this my life unto you, to whom it is so hateful.  
All this could not make the Saniacke to desist from his pursuit: but putting him in mind, of the variable success of wars, & withal repeating unto him many accidents of divers ages and times past, as fit examples to that purpose and effect, he told him, that if he did take so great a pleasure, & were so desirous of war: he might after the truce was once expired, return to arms, and that he could never want occasion to revive the wars: that he demanded only truce for ten years, during the which time the forces & courages of the Albanians might be greatly repaired, and might be the better able to attain to a more notable revenge, and to purchase themselves new honour & reputation. Scanderbag by little and little suffered himself to be persuaded, & he began somewhat to relent from his first obstinacy, seeming to hearken more willingy to the demands of the Saniacke Nevertheless he would not in any case yield to any abstinency of arms, not so much as for a month only: except that both Sfetigrade and Belgrade might be 
Meisset Saniacke and other Turks prisoners ransomed.  yielded unto him for a recompense. Thus without any thing concluded, did Messeit and his companions return to their own country: howbeit he had truce granted till such time only as he had acquainted the Turkish Monarch with the conditions propounded by Scanderbag in case the peace proceeded. There were many other Turks permitted to departed in the company of the Saniacke (besides those 40. which were ransomed:) unto whom the king of Epire did freely, and of the magnanimity of his own mind, grant their liberty, suffering them without ransom to return into their country: the rest also which remained, were delivered out of prison: some of them becoming 
Scanderbag sendeth presents & ambassades to most christian princes persuading them to concord and to take arms against the Turks.  Christians and being baptised, did plant themselves to dwell in Epire: the residue were dipersed abroad for presents in a manner to all the kings of christendom: to the kings of France and Spain, besides those slaves was sent a great quantity of horses and other spoils of all sorts: and to other Princes were sent other the like presents. The city of Rome as it had been filled with the renown of this victory, so was it replenished with many of the trophies & ornaments of the same. Thus did Scanderbag determine to the uttermost of his power to bind unto him by his courtesy almost the whole world. Together with these gifts and presents did he send solemn ambassades, who had given them in charge to exhort all Prince's Christian to concord and amity, and earnestly to pray them, that they would now at the length awake out of their long & dead sleep, and that they would chase away that mist of darkness wherewith they had been so blinded: and consider more advisedly, the imminent ruin which was threatened to the Christian liberty and religion: that they would at the last seek to redeem it from the miserable and wretched yoke and servitude of the Infidels & Mahometans, otherwise they should be well assured, that the plague which by little and little did grow within their bowels, would in the end pierce into their hearts. Scanderbag sent also (which I may not omit) divers presents unto his great friend Alphonsus, which were so magnificent, that they carried the show of a very beautiful and goodly triumph. Amese his nephew was sent also together with these presents unto Naples, where he was kept in a most strait and close prison, for the Sultan took no care for his deliverance: and if he had made any such motion, I do assure myself, that all the gold of the world would not have redeemed him, for he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment.  
The mind & last resolution of the king of Epire, touching the treaty of the peace between them being related unto Mahomet: he esteemed so slightly of the matter, that he would not vouchsafe him any answer: such was the haughtiness and fierceness of his mind, notwithstanding, that he were hard pressed on all sides with infinite affairs of great importance, both from the parts of Hungary, and by daily diets and assemblies which he knew very well were continually gathered against him throughout all christendom, by the procurement and earnest means of the Pope's holiness. He provided therefore a most strong and puissant garrison to be sent into Epire, for the surety of his 
Hamur and Synam sent with two sundry garrisons to defend the Turkish frontiers against the Albanois.  country, according to that which (as we lately told you) had been before decreed in his private and secret council. Hamur and Synam had the charge of this commission, both of them being expert and politic warriors, and each of them had 10000 horse, and 4000 foot: which number was judged to be sufficient both to weary out the forces of Epire, and to have terrified even a most stout and puissant enemy: notwithstanding each of them was expressly forbidden to attempt any thing against him, whatsoever occasion and opportunity were offered them, only he recommended unto them, & gave them in charge to look to the defence of those limits which were assigned unto them.  
The whole summer being spent in this manner, both on the one side & the other, it was now about the midst of Autumn: at which time these troops being dislodged from Constantinople, the report thereof prevented their coming, & was brought to the ears of Scanderbag, who was ignorant of all this practice, for that he relied upon the word of the Saniack, & he did expect some answer from the Sultan, whether he would either accept or reject the sum of his demands: for this cause departing from Croie with all speed possible, he went presently into Dibria, where having levied new forces, & renewed his old companies, he attended the adversary with great devotion, who stayed not long but that they came within 10. miles of the Albanois, where they encamped: but did not in any sort enter upon their confines. Scanderbag stirred not at all, but hearing that the Infidels approached, he presently ordered his troops ready to the fight, & so kept himself quiet within his camp. For the common bruit which ran upon the coming of these forces, did give them out to be so great & puissant, that it made him 
Hamur and Synam with their forces encamped near Alchria in Macedony.  to imagine, that the enemy would come & seek him out in that same place, & would not stick to assault him in his camp. And afterwards having notice by his espials and scouts, placed upon the mountains, that they were encamped under Alchria, & that all their carriage were disposed in that place: he supposed that the morning next following after they had refreshed their bands, they would make towards him, and offer to give him battle: wherefore in the dark of the night, and in great silence & secrecy, he filled certain woddy places, & valleys near adjoining with armed men, thinking to have enclosed them in the midst of his forces, and so to have surprised them, if they had come forward according as he expected. Two days and 2. nights did he expect them in this manner: but he could neither have a sight of the enemy, nor yet hear any news or tidings of them. Wherefore Scanderbag being impatient of all delays, determined the day following to go and visit them, and to provoke them forth to fight: but word was brought him, that the host of the Infidels being divided into two parts, Hamur did abide still at Alchria, & that Sinam with the residue of the army, did take the champion plain fields of Pologue towards Mocrea, where was the common entry into the lower 
Synam marcheth with half the Turkish forces towards Mocrea & the lower Dibria.  Dibria & Modrissa. For Alchria where Hamur did make his abode, was adjoining to the upper Dibria & to Sfetigrade. Thus with notable advise, they lay close upon both the Provinces of Dibria: to the intent they might hold the Albanians in continual alarms, both on the one side & the other. Between these two garrisons or armies, there was 30. miles at the least: for so much is it from Modrissa to Sfetigrade. Wherefore the king of Epire having drawn together his ambushments that lay here and there dispersed, and having joined all his forces in one camp, determined to levy a new supply for the strengthening of his bands, to the intent he might the more conveniently part them into several quarters, & so provide for the preventing of all perils on either side. All things being sufficiently prepared, and his troops being quickly augmented with 1500. footmen, newly levied (for it was not possible so suddenly and readily to levy horsemen) he divided them as speedily, though not into like and equal numbers: Tanuse, and one of the Streezes Scanderbag his nephews, and Peic Manuel, with the third part of those forces were appointed to have the custody of the lower Dibria: & in case they found Synam any thing earnestly inclined to the spoil of the country, that they should make head against him, & repress his attempts: for on that side was the danger much lesser, & the entrance into the confines of the Albanians was the more difficult, by reason that the places were not so accessible, but (being naturally strong and defenced) were intermingled with the valleys of Mocrea, and with many rough and ragged mountains, each severed & divided within themselves, yet so entangled & combined, that although they were reckonned and comprehended within the lower Dibria, did they distinguish nevertheless the realm of Albany from the territories of the miscreants. Notwithstanding, both Tanuse & his company were straightly charged, that they should not in any case scatter themselves, nor be drawn out of those limits which 
Tanusee with others appointed for the defence of the lower Dibria against Sinam  were prescribed them, nor that they should not in any sort adventure upon the enemy, but only in the defence of their own safety. The rest of the army did Scanderbag retain to himself in the upper Dibria, having also Moses in his company. Wherefore having thus reserved the better part of his forces, and especially his horsemen, & considering that the passages there were more free & open for the enemy to enter on that side into Albany, he determined (if he could) to draw forth the Infidel to hazard the fortune of the field, and to adventure the chance of a set battle. And he made no long 
Scanderbag marcheth against Hamur purposing to draw him to the fight.  delay, nor dwelled not upon those dampish conceits of his imaginations: but (because winter approached, which is an enemy to warlike exploits) before the daylight of the next morning did appear, he departed from his camp, having with him 1000 horse, and took his way directly toward Alchria. Before his departure he very warily conveyed a good number of soldiers into certain thick woods and other dangerous places, for fear of being enclosed between Sfetigrade and the camp of the enemy. Having marched on for a while in the dark of the night, & placed his men here and there in ambushments near the town, he went back again to his camp: and not resting himself any thing at all (for that now it was about the dawning of the day) he commanded his companies to march, & to carry with them victuals only for one days provision. As for the carriages and their tents, they were not at all removed, but he left a strong troop of good soldiers for their safeguard & defence. The whole morning was in a manner spent in these preparations and in marching: so that he came at length within a mile of his ambuscado. By that was it time to take their repasts, and it behoved him to devise upon some new mean how to begin the fight, and to draw forth the enemy. This was an easy matter for men that had been long practised in that faculty, and yet nevertheless it required great wisdom and good advise. Moses desired to have the honour of that employment, and it was not denied him: and in very truth amongst all the Albanians hardly could a man have chosen any other more fit or expert to entice forth the enemy, & to surprise him. Scanderbag gave unto him 600 horse, doubting lest if he should go more meanly accompanied, the policy might be the more easily discovered. But altogether in vain was this his enterprise: for Moses having spent the greater part of the day in fruitless skirmishes, returned again to Scanderbag, whom he found at his wits end, and not knowing what course to take against the enemy: for to set upon the Painim within his trenches with his whole forces, both the discommodity of the place, & the town being above him, which commanded over the place, under the succour whereof, Hamur had entrenched himself, did certainly assure him that he could not do it without evident danger. Notwithstanding having lead his forces to a hill near adjoining, he stayed there until night, and then he made a sign to his ambushments, that they should retire to the body of his army: the morning following he displayed his ensigns in the field, & by light invasions, he wasted all the country on that side: thinking by the indignity of that miserable sight, to have moved the enemy to make forth of his trenches, but the Pagan continuing in his wont patience, & disdaining the defence of a thing of so small value, & which might be so perilous unto him, kept himself still within his camp: notwithstanding I have heard, that immediately after the havoc made by the Albanians, & even as they were 
Messenger sent from Hamur to Scanderbag.  ready to truss up their baggage, there came an Herald from Hamur to Scanderbag, to acquaint him with the intent and meaning of the Ottoman: and beside to pray and entreat him, that he would not weary both himself and his enemies with this unprofitable kind of revenge, by which he did destroy rather that which was his own, than what was belonging unto others: and considering that no man made any means, nor had any intent to hinder him, but that they did leave all unto him to use it at his own will & pleasure: whereupon the king of Albany is said to have returned him 
Answer of Scanderbag to the message of Hamur.  this answer: that well might they for a time delay and put off their misfortune, but they should not be able altogether to avoid it: for that he was resolutely determined to spare for no dangers nor mishaps, but he would in the end bring and enforce them to the combat. In this manner did they departed a sunder, for the coldness of the winter now beginning to approach, it was thought requisite that these determinations should be deferred to another season. Wherefore Moses being appointed with his ordinary bands to have the custody and defence of the province, and the most part of the army being licensed to departed, Scanderbag in the mean time with a small company went to visit the lower Dibria, which was then under the command of Tanusee. There likewise did he not forget to put in practise the like sleights and policies, in hope to have entrapped Synam: but all his cunning and devices vanished away to nothing: wherefore leaving there one of the Streezes with a very small company, Scanderbag himself took his journey towards Croy.  
During this winter was Moses very troublesome unto the Mahometists, & he continually disquieted them with his daily alarms: notwithstanding it was more in show then in substance, and therefore Scanderbag willed both him & those of the garrison of Modrissa to desist from pursuing any such further attempts, for that they lost both their time & their labour. Moreover it is reported, that those of Mahomet his garrison, as they had before in times past, so did they now again vehemently pray the Christians, that they would not with such obstinacy seek to purchase unto themselves an enemy, who would not be drawn to have any hostility with them: insomuch that neither condescending nor according any thing to their desire, nor yet much contradicting their requests, matters were protracted and drawn on till the coming of the new year. The spring being now come, Scanderbag reassembled his forces, and lead them against 
1457.  the Barbarians, hoping by his daily skirmishes, to draw them forth to fight. One day amongst the rest he had a desire, being entered with great bravery upon the country of Alchria, to force and give an onset upon the camp of the enemy, but he was soon repulsed without any great labour, both by the lively resistance of the Infidels, as also by the situation & advantage of the place, which of itself was very strong, and hardly to be approached. The Epirot, how beit for that time he was disappointed of his hope, yet being no whit discouraged, determined to augment his troops, that so he might be the better able to effect his desire, but he made no great haste to put it in execution, both because the glory and profit would be very small that would grow by that attempt, as also for that it could not be compassed without great peril and manifest danger: nevertheless he maintained the enterprise, only to the intent that the soldier being kept still exercised in arms (as it were in their particular trade and profession) should not wax slothful, and be spoiled with idleness.  
Thus whilst that the wars went coldly on, both on the one side and the other, 
Hamur conferreth with Scanderbag, & persuadeth him to peace.  Hamur supposing that it would not only be for the great profit & public good of the province, but that it would purchase himself in particular great honour & reputation with the Sultan, if he could by his dexterity dissuade Scanderbag from the pursuit of arms: he procured from him, by means of one of his people, licence to come and speak with him. Hereupon purposely he went to Dibria, carrying with him very rich presents, where Scanderbag at that time did sojourn with his camp. After mutual greeting and salutations passed between them, he took occasion to begin his speeches upon the great benefits and commodities which ensue of peace, & upon that concerning which he had before time treated with him▪ & so by a long circuit of words he endeavoured to alter his mind, and to persuade him to yield to his request. Afterwards giving him to understand the particular desire which he had to be in his good grace and favour: he came to the end and conclusion of his speech, wherein he oftentimes repeated and sounded it in his ears: how goodly and pleasant a thing it would be to see those two great and puissant Princes conjoined and united in amity and concord. Scanderbag would not with discourtesy reject the gifts of the Barbarian, but accepting them very graciously, did return him other in counter change of no less value. And as touching that which he propounded unto him concerning the league of peace with his Master, he made him this answer, as it were in choler and discontentment.  
So suspected (quoth he) is the faith, & so captious and deceitful is the demeanour 
Answer of Scanderbag to the speeches of Hamur persuading him to peace.  of Mahomet towards us, that we can hardly digest and endure any speeches of his friendship & amity. It is not long since that we had an Ambassade from him, by which we understood the sum of his demands: and we returned him again with such conditions as we thought meet and convenient for the honour and profit of the estate of Albany: whereupon we expected his answer (for as touching other matters he was at liberty to follow his own will and pleasure:) but whilst that we rested in this expectation, and that the treaty remained in suspense on either party, and though we in the mean time had laid aside our arms: yet did he so despise and contemn us, that he thought us unworthy of any answer, which he ought not to have done to his mortal enemy. Wherefore touching this motion of peace which thou hast propounded, we are not minded to hear any further speeches: but as concerning thyself in particular, if there be any thing wherein we make any offers of courtesy to our enemy in the midst of our common rancour and hostility, there shall be no default nor goodwill wanting, so far forth as thy deserts shall require it. As touching the surceasing from arms, and giving over the ordinary roads and excursions of our soldiers, I can promise thee nothing, neither will I tie myself to any thing: for I cannot be drawn to like of any appointment: but seeing that I myself have been so disdained, as greatly do I disdain to grant it. And albeit our vehement and ardent desire of revenge, in regard of thy own honest and good carriage, may be somewhat abated and mitigated, yet assure thyself, that our public hatred and enmity shallbe in no part diminished. And if peradventure either the variety of times or of fortune, do make us that we show not ourselves so favourable in this case: yet (it may be) that this our private friendship shall not be altogether unprofitable, but that it may fall both to thy benefit & honour.  
Hamur, after he had kissed the hand of him that was both his friend and his enemy, retired himself to his company, being neither altogether contented nor yet discontented with this answer. Simum in like manner within a while after presented himself with the like flatteries before Scanderbag, at such time as he understood of his being in those quarters: and he found him not more obstinate, then did his companion: for both the common people, and the most part of the Albanian soldiers inclining to the peace which had been so long demanded, did show that they would not make it very strange nor difficult to accord and agree unto it. Wherefore their minds growing by degrees to like of ease and quietness, the garrisons were in some sort lessened and diminished: in such sort, that that Summer was spent and passed over without any troubles or tumults, or rather in great sloth and idleness.  
About this time happened the sorrowful and unhappy death of Alphonsus king of 
The death of Alphonsus king of Naples.  Naples, the report whereof being brought to Scanderbag (who was then busily employed in civil matters concerning his estate, and in other affairs of the provinces) it did so sequester and withdraw him from all occasions both public and private, and it did so wound his heart with such extreme sorrow and deep grief, that (having lost all remembrance of his late victory, and letting pass all care and regard of his enemies) for many days together in great discomfort he mourned for the loss of his dearest and best friend. And to speak the truth, this king was not unworthy to be lamented with the long and continual plaints and tears of the Epirots and other his confederates, but even the whole world might well deplore his death. And how beit the clear testimony of his heroical virtues hath been published and highly 
The praise and commendation of Alphonsus king of Naples.  advanced by so many worthy and excellent personages, yet might it be imputed unto me for a great fault & oversight, if I should not by the way (as it were) in a word or two touch it. It may well be said: that when this Prince died, there departed the only and best Maecenas that then lived. For all degrees and qualities of persons, both learned and martial, as well scholars as soldiers were left desolate & destitute of their best patron, and had just cause to be sad and sorrowful for his loss. With him was extinguished the just and true reward both of letters and of arms, and the true ornament of all commendable exercises. There was not his like seen for many ages before: nor (be it spoken without the displeasure of the posterity) was there ever any one since him that was so upright an estimator of the virtues and merits of other men. And it is no small matter to be wondered at, that being a Prince of so rare & incomparable courtesy, affability, clemency and liberality, yet no one Prince of his time did leave so great riches and treasures behind him. Good cause therefore had Scanderbag to bewail and lament the loss of so trusty and puissant a friend: from whom (if we respect either his ability, or his willingness) he might at all times and upon all occasions have drawn any thing, both for his honour, and for his profit, as out of a plentiful treasury & storehouse prepared for his own private and particular use. One thing only there was, which did in some sort comfort him, & assuaged the bitterness of his grief that was that he saw himself deprived ofso good a friend, by the extremity & course of his aged years, and not by any rigorous or injurious right of nature, or by other casualty. That piety and duty which rested on his part to be performed in this behalf, he dispatched it presently with all prudence and celerity, sending away with all speed his Ambassadors 
Ambassidors' sent by Scanderbag to Ferdinand king of Naples upon the decease of his father Alphonsus  unto Ferdinand his son: both to deplore the accident of the king his father, as also to congratulate him (as the manner is) of his new crown and dignity: and by the remembrance of his father's benefits, & of the friendship and amity which he bore to the estate of Albany: to renew and increase this alliance and confederacy between them. This ambassade was also accompanied & furnished with most sumptuous presents, as he had always used and accustomed: and they had express charge and order to bring back Amese with them, who had never ceased to practise and make means by the authority and favour of his friends, and the commiseration of his own misfortune, that he might be reconciled and restored to the favour and good grace of his uncle. He was as yet prisoner under sure and safe custody: and albeit in this change of the affairs of Naples, & in this new greatness of Ferdinand, there were many and great alterations: and that in this new and public time of joy, the prisons were set open, & most of the prisoners set at liberty, yet to the intent that Scanderbag might not have cause to find himself aggrieved, if he should have been freed, there was especial care and order taken to keep him still in ward, as a certain & sure pledge of his uncles just anger. This Ambassade was received and entertained with great honour & good cheer, such as the tumult and stirs of that new kingdom would permit: for so it was in very truth, that all things were then in trouble & disorder: and the peace of all Italy was broken and disturbed by the decease of the late king Alphonsus.  
Amese being brought back into Epire, was again committed to prison, and carefully 
Amese returned into Epire: and reconciled to his uncles favour.  kept in sure and safe custody by the order of his uncle, though not so straightly as before: and that severity and rancour which yet remained, began by little and little to be assuaged, by the daily lamentations, tears and petitions of his nephew: in such sort that within a while after of a fatherly love and tender affection, he gave him both his life & liberty, and restored him to his former estate & dignities. Then Amese bethinking himself of the gauges which he had left with Mahomet, was in great fear & doubt that if he should take the benefit of his uncles liberality, it might fall out evil with his wife and children. For this cause, after he had with great reverence and humility yielded thanks unto the king for his great bounty and singular favour, he spoke unto him in this manner.  
Sir, it hath pleased you only in respect of your own patience & clemency without 
Speech of Amesa to Scanderbag upon his delivery out of prison.  any particular merits or deserts of mine, to have a regard of my safety, and to grant me my life: it is reason therefore that I also have some care to the life and welfare of others: for fear lest if my over careful desire to maintain my own safety & estate do make me to embrace your liberality, it may cause me to lose them by your beneficence & bounty, which I have heretofore too carelessly lost by mine own disloyalty. My poor and guiltless wife is abiding with the Sultan, my tender infants and innocent children are there likewise: as yet are they safe and alive, and so long will Mahomet suffer them to live, as he shall think me to be your prisoner. But if the cruel tyrant shall once perceive, that by giving me my life & liberty, you have estranged me from him, and that I am retired to your obeissance, the rigorous and severe creditor, will presently either tear them in pieces, or will make sale of those gauges of my faith and promise, and their innocent blood shall bear the pain of their father's fault. It behoveth me therefore (if your Majesty think it good) that with some device I delude the Ottoman, to the intent that I may preserve those my pledges, and till such time as I may find some good opportunity to free them for altogether. This night will I fly out of the town, as though without your knowledge I had broken prison, and so will I return unto Mahomet. There, partly by detracting and slandering of their actions, and partly by hearing them detracted by others in the presence of that credulous Prince (as I was wont to do when I was in favour with him) I will bring him into a persuasion by my dissimulation and feigning: that I am as much or more devote to his service now at this present than I was at anytime heretofore: to the intent that all matter of mistrust being taken out of his mind (if he have conceived any during the time of my imprisonment, and by reason of my long abode with you, I may be the better able in the end to get away with all my family. It is in you much to further this my invention, if you will make show openly, that you are highly discontented at my flight, and do impute the fault to them, unto whose charge and custody you had committed me. In the mean time, you may be fully assured, and I humbly beseech and entreat you so to think of me, that during all that time which I shall be there expecting the hour of my escape, you shall have me to be a faithful espial and intelligencer, to advertise you of all things which the tyrant shall consult or determine upon. He shall not imagine any thing, he shall make no preparation that shall come to my knowledge, but you shall have present and speedy notice of it.  
Scanderbag did easily accord to his request: telling him that seeing he had granted 
Answer of Scanderbag to the speech of Amese.  him his life, and all other things which might serve thereunto, either for an ornament, or to his contentment: that he should not any way hinder him to use it to his best profit and advauntauge: that he would in the name of God take it and employ it to the preservation of himself, and those also who might lawfully claim and challenge him to be their debtor, both for their lives and also for their liberty. Go thy ways therefore (quoth he) take thy time and do as thou seest cause, and onec at the length correct thine own folly whilst thou hast time and leisure so to do. We do give credit to thy speeches, and do allow of thy enterprise. If thou dost give any faith or credit to the Barbarian, or dost continue & sojourn any long time in his company: thou shalt neither hurt nor deceive any body but thyself only: for thou must think that thou shalt bring both thyself and thine into extreme danger both of body and of soul. At what time soever thou returnest, thou cannest not do any thing more to our liking and contentment, and thou shalt be always kindly and heartily welcome.  
All things being conveyed & accomplished according to the plot which they had laid: Amese by the means of his uncle, was soon shifted both out of prison and our of Croy. The next morning his flight being published and spread abroad, the negligence of his keepers was reproved with some sharp and hard words. At his coming to Constantinople, he did soon and easily persuade the Sultan what he listed. Notwithstanding he was not fully and wholly restored to his former estate, honours and pensions, which had been at the first bestowed upon him: the default whereof was not because his faith was in any sort suspected, but for that such was the iniquity and defect of his fortune. As concerning his return again into Epire, all his promises fell to be vain, and sorted to no effect, were it that he took no care, or made no account of it, o● that he wanted the means and opportunity to convey himself away from thence. Whatsoever was the cause thereof, the report is that within few months after he died at Constantinople, leaving there behind him both his wife and his children. Many do hold that Mahomet caused him to be poisoned, being not able 
Amese poisonned by the Turk at Constantinople.  to suffer and endure him in his sight, whom he held to be the author of his memorable desaster and misfortune in Emathia. Thus when he least suspected and mistrusted, there did he find the vengeance and punishment of his treason. Such was the end of this parsonage, worthy no doubt to have his name made immortal, if the greatness of his mind, which was so greedy of reign and Empire, had been by nature seasoned and tempered with some more moderation of spirit. But he that would be the chief and above all others, and could not endure the gracious and gentle yoke of his uncle, it happened unto him as to those of whom Plato speaketh: who shunning the smoke and shadow of servitude, do fall into the very flame and raging fire of bondage.  
All this while did Hamur and Synam continue in quiet, not being in any sort molested by Scanderbag, unless that the licentiousness of the soldiers might sometimes perhaps, without his leave and licence, innovatand make some change and alteration. He himself riding up and down the country, sometimes amongst the Dibrians, and sometimes in other places of the Province, did erect many buildings, and enlarged many things to the benefit and ornament of the Province, especially in Emathia: where many goodly marks of antiquity lay defaced and overthrown. The Ottoman in the mean time ceased not by the hands of Hamur, and Synam still to solicit and to set forward the matter which he had so many times assayed: for the idleness and long rest of the Christians, did put him in a certain and assured hope, that he should attain to the end of his desires: but he could never effect any thing touching the general truce which he so desired: how beit that Scanderbag did observe his private amity with the people of the Ottoman, by means whereof the minds of all men being by little and little alured with the sweetness of rest and quietness, the hatred and enmity on both parts began to grow more moderate, and all the effects of a public and general peace, the bare name and title thereof only excepted came to have their full force and operation.  
The end of the ninth Book.   

THE TENTH BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
THE war between Mahomet Emperor of the Turks & Vsuncassan king of Persia. The original, continuance, the variable accidents and success of the war of Naples between the families of Arragon and Anjou, with the descent and acts of the kings, of Naples to the time of Ferdinand the son of Alphonsus. john the son of Rene Duke of Anjou warring upon Ferdinand king of Naples, is aided by the Count Picenin and the subjects of Ferdinand who rebel against him. Ferdinand aided by the Pope and the Duke of Milan his confederates, and being overthrown in two battles is besieged within Barletta. An Ambassade is sent from Ferdinand and his confederates to Scanderbag praying his aid against the Duke of Anjou. Scanderbag making truce with Mahomet passeth with an army by sea into Italy, and raiseth the siege of Barletta. The army of the Pope and the Duke of Milan join with Scanderbag. The battle of Segian between Picenin and Scanderbag, wherein the army of john Duke of Anjou being discomfited, he flieth out of Italy into France. Ferdinand is restored to his kingdom and reconciled to his subjects by Scanderbag, who having been highly honoured by the Pope and the Princes of Italy, and royally feasted by Ferdinand, hath certain towns in Apulia given unto him and his heirs, and that done he returneth again with his army into Epyre.  
IT is most evident and apparent, that the changes and alterations which do occasion the ruins & grievous accidents of Empires & estates by seditions or wars either civil or foreign, do not happen in this world by any fatal kind of destiny: especially, if they be such as they fall together in divers and sundry places, or near about one and the sametime. For we see that such changes do never chance, but that first some frantic humours, & inordinate desires in the spirits of great personages do always preceded & go before them: and they are the ordinary means to stir up the authors of such accidents to move or to provoke needless & unnecessary wars. Whereby you may see, that the judgement perverted, & the furious passions of Princes are the first & next punishments of their sins and offences, and the original causes of their ruin & miserable end. For when God (being angered at their iniquities) doth draw some men to the just execution of their deserved punishment, he doth deprive them of their senses, & he doth so bind & shut up their eyes, that they do inconsiderately cast themselves headlong into the gulf of their own perdition which they have drawn upon themselves for want of good advise & counsel. For the reasonable part of their mind, and the natural understanding being troubled and distracted by that inveglement & blindness laid upon them, doth produce erroneous counsels: and their mad and outrageous affections do carry and transport them out of the bounds of reason, and make them cruel & unsatiable, even without any respect of their own lives and welfare. Hence it is that rancours, partialities & distrusts do proceed & have their original: and then of these do arise wars both civil and foreign, in the which men being drowned and overwhelmed, they find themselves plagued and afflicted with notable mischiefs and calamities, or with perpetual ruin and endless destruction.  
Now seeing the forepast ages of antiquity have often felt the like revolutions of estates & governments in the body of the Christian commonwealth (by means whereof the Turks and Mahumetists have appropriated unto themselves the Empire of Constantinople, and have gotten firm footing in their Signiory, increasing it excessively only with the relics of the estate of the Christians) we ought therefore to acknowledge & confess, that all those changes have happened by the secret and immutable decree of God for the punishment of our sins and impieties. For in stead of reforming ourselves by his divine admonitions, and making profit of those examples, which he from time to time hath sent us, not only the Kings and Potentates secular & temporal: but even those also who were the chief Prelates, and had the rule & government of the Church, would never be drawn to consider of the same, but neglecting their own duties, suffered themselves to be carried away by fond & foolish desires, & by the unreasonable ambition of their corrupt humours, stirring up troubles and lamentable tragedies both by Schisms & dissensions amongst themselves, & by mutual hatreds & divisions amongst the peoples of all estates christian: by means whereof, they have let slip out of their hands, and utterly lost (which I cannot but deplore and lament) the most excellent & fittest occasion that could ever have happened, to tame the pride and insolency of the paynim with ease and facility: and to abolish both the law and memory of the Turks out of Europe. The order of the times, and the course of this my history do admonish me to make some mention, and to discourse of this matter.  
You have heard how Mahomet being beaten in one year with a double misfortune in Hungary & in Epire, was brought to this exigent & necessity to demand peace 
War between Mahomet king of Turks and the Persians. Vsuncassan king of Cappadocia and Armenia. Malaoncre or Demire king of Persia. Gampsa Sultan of the Parthians. Despina daughter of john Connenes Emperor of Trapezond. Ambassade of Vsuncassan to Mahomet.  or at least a long truce, of one who was but a mean & petty Prince of Albany, to the intent he might breathe himself a little from so many mischiefs & grievous losses, & to re-establish his estate which was sore shaken & encumbered. On the other side you are to know, that in a manner at one and the same time, Vsuncassan (descended of the Assumbeians of the Turkish race) and king of Cappadocia, Armenia, & other Provinces near adjoining, having lately slain in battle Malaoncre, or (as others will) Demire king of the Persians, a Prince issued from the ancient stock of Gampsa great Sultan of the Parthians: & having usurped his Realm & Seepter, did join himself in marriage with Despina the daughter of john Comnenes Emperor of Trapezond, and the cause why these two monarchs did so contract alliance together, was to be the better able to prevail against Mahomet king of the Turks.  
This new and gallant Conqueror Vsuncassan being puffed up with the wind of his prosperous fortune, and with the forementioned crosses and adversities of Mahomet, did send unto him an ambassade with most rich and sumptuous presents, selected out of the huge treasures of the Persians, for a show and ostentation of the glory of his victory, praying him that he would abstain from molesting of Trapezond & Cappadocia, in regard they appertained unto him as the right & dowry of his wife: (for even lately before had the governor of Amasia overrun and sacked Cappadocia, and did make even Trapezond itself to stand in fear of the alarm.) The Turkish Monarch taking it very scornfully and in ill part, that one (as he thought) inferior unto him, should seem to give & prescribe laws unto him, & (as it were) brave him in his fresh and late received calamity: and therewithal the felicity and reputation of this young Prince being very displeasing unto him, he prepared with extreme speed and diligence, a mighty army, making provisions for the war both by sea and land against him, and transported it into Asia: and having caused one part of his navy & sea forces to go before right to Pontus & Sinope towards Trapezond, himself followed after with incredible celerity, & as if he had wings to fly withal, he went clean through Asia with all his forces, & presented himself (beyond the opinion & expectation of all the 
Mahomet broken and defeated in two several battles by Vsuncassan  world) even to the view of Vsuncassan, by whom he was bravely received, roughly & ill handled, and greatly weakened in two most fierce & cruel battles. The one of which was fought by his Lieutenant Amurath Bassa a Greek (descended of the blood of the late Emperors of Constantinople, and who lost his life in that battle) upon the banks of the river of Euphrates: the second by Mahomet himself in proper person, in which he was repulsed & beaten back, & pursued even into the trenches of his camp. 
Battle of Toccara between Mahomet and Vsuncassan.  Howbeit in the third battle fought at Arsengua or (as some say) at Tabenda now named Toccara in the fields of Anserina, he revenged his former losses, breaking the course of the good fortune & precedent victory of his adversaries, by the help of his artillery, whereof he had infinite store, causing it to play upon his enemies even at the instant that they were to begin the fight, & to give the onset. For the horses of the Persians being terrified & dispersed with the unusual noise & thundering of the ordinance, 
Vsuncassan overthrown in battle. Zeinalda eldest son of Vsuncassan slain.  did constrain Vsuncassan to yield to his misfortune, & to lose the honour of the field, and being put to the retreat, he left his eldest son Zeinalda dead upon the place. Now come I to my matter, & I say, that Mahomet being reduced to terms of some extremity, and his affairs standing but in an evil case by these cruel overthrows which did in a manner shake his estate & Empire, might at this time have been beaten down without ever being able to rise again, if Italy & the other Provinces of Christendom would have given ear & hearkened to the continual prayers and admonitions of the 
Christians by their civil dissensions have occasioned the greatness of the Turkish Empire.  Hungarians, the Greeks', and the Albanians. But they contrariwise being more deaf than had docks, did pursue their private quarrels, and mutual hatreds & contentions, and (which was much worse) not contented to nourish the fire of domestical & civil wars, they drew strangers to be partakers of their wars, and to bear a part in the subject of their passions: for they implored the aid & succours of the Albanois in favour of Ferdinand the bastard son of Alphonsus (who had appointed him to be his heir to the Realm of Naples) against the house of Anjou, to whom in right that kingdom 
Kingdom of Naples an example of the variety and unconstancy of fortune. Neapolitans their humour & disposition. 1458. Ferdinand bastard son of Alphonsus succeed unto the kingdom of Naples.  appertained. And in very truth that Province or people of Naples hath served in all ages & times of antiquity, for a notable example of the variety of humane things, and of the unconstancy of fortune. For finding the yoke of them that commanded over them to be smally gracious or pleasing unto them: they were never contented, and (as Publius Sulpitius well said of them) they did never live in quiet, except then only when they had none from whom they might revolt, or against whom they might rebel. The manner thereof behold by that which followeth.  
Upon the decease and death of Alphonsus King of Naples, (whereof we have already spoken) Fernand or Ferdinand his natural son, though illegitimate, did enter upon the crown, and was seized of the Realm by the order of the last will and testament of his father, & by the dispensation of Pope Eugenius the fourth, which was confirmed also by Nicholas the fifth. But Calixtus the fourth within a while after understanding 
Calixtus 4. claimeth the kingdom of Naples by Escheat.  of his death, the tenth day following by an express Bull pronounced the crown of Naples to be void and escheated to the See of Rome, forbidding Ferdinand under the pain of excommunication, any way to intermeddle with the administration & government thereof: absolving also all the Princes & Nobles of the kingdom from acknowledging any duty or allegiance unto him. Ferdinand having gotten the copy of his deprivation, did appeal from the Pope to the next general Council: but Eugenius being taken away with a sickness only of some three or four days continuance 
Peter Lewes Borgia Nephew to Pope Eugenius competitor of the crown of Naples against Ferdinand. john Duke of Calabria.  (even at the instant that he had stirred up Peter Lewes Borgia his Nephew, to be a competitor to the Realm of Naples) it was the occasion that Ferdinand found some remedy against the troubles that were prepared against him. Notwithstanding this death of the Pope did not extinguish all tumults within that kingdom: for john surnamed Duke of Calabria, the son of Rene Duke of Anjou was then (as it fell out) at Genes in Italy, and the faction of the house of Anjou did stand waiting but for some opportunity being ready to take arms, & to begin some tumult upon the least occasion that should be offered: notwithstanding that Frances Sforce Duke of Milan (who 
Frances Sforce Duke of Milan  took part with the Arragonois) did by an ambassade sent unto the Princes and Nobles of Naples, encourage and exhort them to persever in their fidelity and devotion to their new Prince, and had retained them for the most part either by love or by force in their duty and allegiance.  
But because the original of this war, and the subject of so many hatreds & enmities which have both given cause of increase to the power of the Ottomans, & did keep the States of Italy for a time in suspense, & held the greatest Princes of Christendom for many years in care & perplexity, shall not remain unknown unto us: it shall be needful for us to have recourse unto the times that were before, & in continuing the discourse thereof from those days to this present, we must in some sort repeat the matter (as it were by way of an Epitome) from the first original of those troubles.  
Charles the 2. king of Naples, Sicily, and jerusalem, nephew to the French king S. 
Charles the second king of Naples, and Mary his wife their issue. Charles Martell king of Hungary.  Lewes, & his wife the Lady Mary, daughter of Stephen king of Hungary, had 9 male children borne in wedlock between them. Of those 9 we find that four had issue, & of them we are now to entreat. The first was Charles surnamed Martell, the other three, Robert, Lewes, and Philip: Martell the eldest son succeeded by the right of his mother to the kingdom of Hungary, but he died before his father, leaving Carolobert, or (as the Italians in one word corruptly do call him) Caronumbert: his son & successor in Hungary. Charles the 2. being departed this life in the year 1309. Carolobert 
Carolobert king of Hungary.  pretending a claim to the crown of Naples, as descended unto him by the right of his father, did stand in contention for the same with his Uncle Robert, who alleged on the other side, that because Martell the father of Carolobert, & his elder brother was never seized of that kingdom, therefore the same was to descend unto him immediately by the death of his father. This great & famous question being debated and vehemently argued amongst the Lawyers of that age, (to know which of them ought to succeed in the realms & dominions simply descending) either the Uncle or the son of the elder brother, who never was king: it was in the end decided by Pope Clement the 6, who gave sentence for Robert and adjudged that he should succeed into the kingdom & crown of Naples. And Baldus of Perusa a famous Lawyer in that age, saith, that the 
Baldus a famous Civilian of Perusa.  reason which moved the Pope to give that judgement, was inregard of the public & common commodity, and in respect of the great good merits and admirable wisdom of the said Robert; and he ordered the kingdom of Hungary to the Nephew.  
Carolobert then king of Hungary had two sons, Lewes' king of Hungary & Andrew or Andreas, and Robert who was crowned king of Naples, Sicily, and jerusalem begot 
Lewes' 3. son of Charles the second king of Hungary Duke of Duras. Philip 4 son of Charles Prince of Tarentum.  Charles surnamed without land, who likewise dying before his father, left 3. daughters jone, Mary, & Margaret. Now Lewes the third son of Charles the 2. was Duke of Duras, & had issue Charles of Duras hereafter mentioned. The fourth son of the said Charles was Philip Prince of Tarentum in Italy, and he had issue a son named Lewes who succeeded his father in that principality. Now Robert king of Naples approaching near his end in the year 1342. did ordain by testament that jone the eldest daughter of his son Charles should inherit his crown and kingdom of Naples, on condition she did espouse herself to Andrew his Cousin the son of Carolobert. This young Princess 
jone Queen of Naples married with Andrew younger some of the king of Hungary. Auersa.  being thus made Queen upon the condition afore mentioned, did marry with the said Andrew, with whom being upon a time at Auersa, she sent unto him in the night time, praying him to come unto her, pretending that she had matters of importance to impart unto him: who coming to her in great haste, was there taken and hanged up at an iron grate with a lace or girdle of silk and gold wrought by the 
Andrew the husband of jone Queen of Naples murdered by his wife. Second marriage of jone Queen of Naples.  hands of the Queen herself. The occasion of this murder (as many pretend) was for that this young Prince (albeit he were of a youthful and lusty constitution) yet could not satisfy the insatiable lust & appetite of his wife: beside that she was incensed thereunto by reason of the conspiracies of those of her blood and kindred, who did aspire to the sovereignty & crown of Naples. But whatsoever was the cause thereof, she took immediately to her husband (or as some say) for her paramour, Lewes' Prince of Tarent above mentioned, her cousin german. This crime and horrible fact of Queen jone, did seem unto all men so odious & execrable, that she made the good renown & memory of Robert her grandfather, to be now very ill reputed and badly thought of, and the 
Lewes' king of Hungary cometh with an army against jone Queen of Naples for revenge of his brother's death.  report of her detestable behaviour was speedily published and spread abroad in all places. The Pope himself began to take the matter in hand, & persuaded with Lewes' king of Hungary to undertake the revenge of his brother's death, and so drew him into the Realm of Naples with a most puissant and mighty army, in the year 1348. notwithstanding the often letters of Queen jone wherein she excused and purged herself of this misdeed and the murder of his brother.  
At the coming and arrival of the Hungarian king into Italy, the sudden taking 
Sulmo.  of Sulmo did so terrify the rest, that they presently submitted themselves to his devotion, insomuch that the Queen having her Tarentine in her company, fled into Proence, leaving in her place Charles of Duras to have the command and government of her kingdom, who being also vanquished and taken in battle, was by the sentence 
Charles of Duras overcome in battle, taken and beheaded by the king of Hungary.  of the king of Hungary beheaded, as being privy and party to the death of Andrew. Of this Charles there was a son left, likewise named Charles of Duras. The Hungarian by this means in less than three months had gotten the possession of the Realm of Naples, and having left a strong garrison of Hungarians within the country, he retired himself into his own kingdom, carrying away with him that young Prince of Duras. Hereupon the Pope being urged and pressed with the daily and continual pursuit and entreaty of the Queen, took the care of her affairs into his own hands: sending into Italy Guy of Lymoges, Cardinal of Port being his Nephew, who knew so well how to handle & convey his matters, that he brought both parties to an accord upon these conditions, that jone should be restored to her realm and title of Queen of Naples: and as for the Tarentine, that he should only enjoy the name of Prince of Tarentum: & moreover, that after her decease, all her right & interest in her kingdom should remain to the king of Hungary & his successors. Thus jone being re-established, within a while after, she knew so well how to handle her matters, & so to practise with Pope Clement, that in the year 1352. he crowned Lewes the Tarentine Prince, King of Naples: and yet so that he procured also the King of Hungary, to confirm the peace with both of them which had been formerly concluded between them. In recompense whereof the Queen granted unto the Pope by way of contract and sale, the city of Auignyon, which was part of her patrimony 
Auignion purchased to the See of Rome by Pope Clemens.  and inheritance, but so as all that money which was due unto the Church for the yearly fee and service of the kingdom of Naples, from the time that she came to the crown, was allowed and deducted in the bargain between them. About a three years after, the Tarentine died, being wasted and consumed away by the excessive use, and overmuch companying with the Queen. But she stayed not long without 
Third marriage of jone of Naples.  a companion, for she coupled herself in marriage with james of Arragon, the infant of Maiorque: who was reputed the most gentle and courteous Prince living in that age. Him did she retain with her, not in the title of King, but only as Duke of Calabria. Within a few months after, this Prince also died, the Queen causing him to lose his head, for that (as some say) he was somewhat too amorous with another woman besides the Queen. Yet there be some who affirm, that she did only divorce 
Fourth marriage of jone Queen of Naples.  herself from him joining herself in the fourth marriage with Otho Duke of Brunswick descended of the noble family of Saxony, who at that time warring in Italy was in the pay of the Church, in the year 1376. and with him she lived in solace and great pleasure: during which time, it happened that Pope Gregory the second died in the year 1378. This Pope brought back the Court and siege of the Papacy, unto Rome after seventy four years, that Clement the fifth had transported it to Auignyon, to the great grief and prejudice of the Romans', whereof immediately proceeded that great Schism in the Church, upon the which our history doth in some sort depend. And to the intent the matter may be the more apparent, it shall be necessary that I set down the motive and first occasion of that Schism.  
The chief and principal men of Rome did secretly desire and entreat the Cardinals 
The motive & occasion of the Schism in the Church of Rome.  which were assembled in the Conclave for the election of the Pope, that they would at their request choose one that was a Roman, or at the least an Italian, to the intent the Court might be stayed, & not removed from Rome. The people with high voices and mighty clamours, cried out in all the streets and places of the city, that they would have one of their own nation: by means whereof, those reverent Prelates, fearing the tumult or the violence of some sudden outrage, did agree with one mind and consent to elect an Italian, with an intent afterwards (when time and place should serve) and that the stirs of the popular sort were appeased, to proceed to a free election of some other who should be taken & acknowledged for true Pope indeed. They therefore being entered into the Conclave, and the commotion and insolent demeanour of the common people continuing and increasing, and being ready to break open the doors upon them, they made choice of one Bartholomew of Naples, Archbishop of Barie: upon the tenth of April in the year above mentioned, and they named him urban the sixth. Some writ that they chose him upon these conditions 
Vrban the 6. created Pope.  expressly, that notwithstanding that election, whensoever he should be warned thereunto by them, that he should renounce and resign the name and dignity of Pope, and that they bond him thereunto with a straight and solemn oath, which he promised and swore to perform. The election being accomplished, the College of Cardinals wrote their letters unto the Potentates, and Catholic Princes of Christendom, that the same was holily and lawfully done, and themselves for a time did acknowledge it to be so. Within a while after, eighteen Cardinals, or (as some say) fewer (of which the most part were French men) obtained leave and licence of the Pope (who then lay at Tyvoly) under pretence of the extreme heat of the month of july, that they might leave and be absent from the Court for a season. Hereupon by several ways, they took their journey & met all together, first at Anagni, and from thence at Fondi, to the intent they might proceed in the election of a new Pope, and this they did by the intelligence and practice of the Queen of Naples, who under hand had offered free liberty and security within her dominions to conclude and go through with this election: her reason was, because she perceiving herself not to be as yet thoroughly assured of the Hungarians, did desire to have a Frenchman made Pope, and such a one as might be at her devotion. In the end, when Vrban and they could not, or would not be brought to any good nor friendly accord: they caused him to be cited to appear at Fondi, and there they debated and handled the matter by certain acts and proceed in law, only (in a manner) at the direction and pleasure of Master Nicholas of Naples, who at that time was a most famous Lawyer, and 
M. Nicholas of Naples.  one of the Queen's Counsellors, and a most mortal and deadly enemy to Vrban. On the other side the Pope caused them to be cited, and in the end did excommunicate them for contumacy: and in the end, both parties caring but little the one for the other: the Cardinals pretending that the See was void, in September following at Fondi did make a new election, observing therein all the usual and accustomed solemnities: and they declared for Pope, the Cardinal of Geneva, named Clement the seventh, and immediately they made it known unto all Kings and Princes Christian that they should account Clement for the true Pope & not Vrban. To Vrban did cleave and adjoin themselves all Italy, Almain, Hungary, and England, with many other Princes and Estates of Europe, and he kept his seat at Rome: Clement removed his seat 
Clement the seventh made Antipope.  to avignon, and to him did adhere the Realms of France and of Spain. Thus you see the first motive and occasion of this Schism and division in the Church, by the which (continuing above forty years) both the whole estate of Christendom was greatly prejudiced, and the insolency and power of the Turks was mightily augmented. 
The Cause of the enmity between Pope Vrban and Master Nicolas of Naples.   
But to the intent you may both the better conceive that which hath been already declared, and be instructed of that which is yet behind: I hold it expedient not to conceal the cause of the enmity which grew betwixt Pope Vrban and that lawyer above mentioned. This Master Nicholas was an excellent advocate: and in many causes and process which Vrban had had in the Court of Rome before his advancement to the papacy: he was for the most part retained with the adverse parties against Vrban, as it often falleth out to such as exercise the office of advocates. Vrban being afterwards become Pope: diverse Kings and great Princes (as the manner is) sent their Ambassadors from all parts to congratulate the holiness of his advancement to the papacy, and to swear obedience unto him. The Queen of Naples was not one of the last: but she sent unto him Master Nicholas. The Pope (according to the usual custom) made a great and sumptuous banquet for all of them: at the which every 
Disgrace offered by Pope Vrban to M. Nicolas Ambassador for the Queen of Naples.  one having taken his place, and the Ambassador of the Queen being seated in one of the most honourable and highest places, as representing the person of his Queen: Vrban commanded the usher of the hall to displace him and to set him lower with some disgrace to the honour and reputation of this Ambassador. He wisely dissembling the injury and his discontentment, took it very patiently: and at his departure from the feast being in the company of a certain Cardinal his friend, who 
Speech of M. Nicholas touching the disgrace done him by the Pope.  was offended likewise at this disgrace offered him: and used some speeches to comfort him, willing him to attend and stay his time. Master Nicolas then made him this answer: tush (quoth he) I have two souls, the one of them I have vowed to God only: the other I will give to him that is willing to have it: and from thenceforth he persuaded with the Queen (who of herself was sufficiently unconstant) to become the extreme enemy of Pope Vrban: and Master Nicolas, was the chief Counsellor and principal procurer of the proceeding of the election of Pope Clement. Thus you may see how great and wa●ghtie a matter it is, to outrage or injury any man of a haughty spirit and of a great courage.  
Vrban having made peace with the Florentines, Perusians and others that had rebelled 
jone queen of Naples deprived of her realm by Pope Vrban.  against Gregory the eleventh his predecessor: bent and employed all his endeavours and devices, how to revenge himself upon the Queen of Naples: insomuch as by a solemn judgement he deprived her of her realm and Kingdom: in regard of many crimes and offences, and especially for that she had favoured and maintained the Schism, and had yielded her obedience to Pope Clement. hereupon he invested Charles of Duras, with the Kingdom and crown of Naples, and he wrote his letters unto the King of Hungary (with whom the said Charles 
Charles of Duras invested with the crown of Naples by Pope Vrban.  was then abiding) That he should send him unto him, and that he would crown him, and put him in possession of that Kingdom. On the other part Clement the Antipope, not thinking himself safe enough at Anjou, for fear of the army of the Romans' which had already taken the field: he speedily sent a message unto the Queen, willing her to send him certain forces, and a good and sufficient convoy to conduct and bring him safe unto Naples: but the Neapolitans being advertised of his coming, betook themselves to their arms, and with great tumult they told the Queen plainly, that they meant not to be troubled with two Popes at once, not to enter into the war upon that cause and quarrel. She therefore and Clement retired to the castle, where having fortified themselves for certain days, and in the end finding that it would not be for their benefit to sojourn or stay any 
jone Queen of Naples and Pope Clement fly to Auignion.  longer in Naples, the Queen caused three galleys to be trimmed and made ready; in two of the which she embarked Clement and his Cardinals, and herself getting aboard the third: and with a prosperous gale of wind, having put to sea, in few days arrived safe unto avignon.  
Clement being visited in great honour and reverence by the French men, and (the process of the two Popes being seen and examined by the parliament of Paris) he was pronounced to be the true and lawful Pope, and Vrban was denounced to be no Pope but a Scismatique: in such sort that both the kings of France and of Arragon did so take and acknowledge him, and did yield him their obeissance and sovereign honour. In like manner the Queen jone being royally entertained & honoured, did receive great and rich gifts, but principally of Lewes Duke of Anjou, the second son of john king of France, whereupon she seeing herself to be a sole woman and without any issue, and more than that, being truly informed of the practices and enterprises of Charles of Duras and the Bishop of Rome (who did daily multiply and increase in strength and puissance) she did adopt the said Prince for her 
Lewes the first Duke of Anjou, adopted by Queen jone.  son: and ordained him to be the heir and inheritor of her kingdom, giving the same expressly unto him after her decease: and Clement by his authority did approve and allow the donation made by the Queen, and in the year 1379. there were made letters Patents and authentical Charters to that effect. This was the first ground and foundation of the rights, which the second descent of the house of Anjou did for a long time pretend unto the realm of Naples. These things being fully 
jone returneth to Naples.  established and concluded, jone returned to Naples, whilst that urban in the mean time, persisting continually in his deprivation of the Queen, and the investiture of Charles of Duras, did earnestly and vehemently solicit the King of Hungary both by letters and by agents to set forward that enterprise, and he pressed him so much the more, for that Charles being then with a great and puissant army 
Trevisa.  of Hungarians upon the confines of Trevisa against the Venetians, by the direction of the Hungarian King, who was confederate with the Genoese and the Siegniour of Padua against the state of Venice: he was already in a manner at the end of the journey. Charles being fully informed and very well acquainted with the intent and pleasure of the King, and very desirous to revenge the death of his uncle, but much more greedy & desirous of so rich a crown: in the year 1380. took his journey with eight thousand Hungarians and a thousand Italians, and came to Rome, where Vrban received him with the greatest pomp and triumph that can be imagined, and created him Senator, which is the chiefest degree of honour amongst the Romans. Afterwards the year following, having strengthened himself with many other companies, especially with the army of the church, he marched directly towards Naples: into the which, by means of his practices with the Citizens, he entered at one of the gates: whilst that Otho being accompanied with the Queen's forces, did issue out at another gate, of purpose to affront and fight with him. In conclusion, being possessed of the town, and consequently of the whole realm and especially of the person of the Queen: he caused her by the judgement and direction of the King of Hungary, who had expressly written unto him to that 
jone queen of Naples put to death.  effect, to be executed and put to death in the same place, and with the same kind of punishment, which she not long before had caused Andrew her husband most wickedly to endure and suffer. Her sister the Lady Marie was executed in like manner 
Marry sister to Queen jone executed.  being at that time the widow of Robert late County of Artois: to whom she had been a most disloyal and unchaste wife, and was greatly defamed for her dishonest familiarity with Master john Bocace so greatly renowned amongst the Italians 
john Bocace.  for his eloquence and great learning: who in favour and commendation of 
Flammette & Philocole.  this Lady, made those two elegant books in the vulgar Italian, entitled Flammette & Philocole.  
The affairs of Naples being settled in good order, Charles returned to Rome where 
Charles of Duraz crowned king of Naples  he was anointed and crowned King by Vrban with great solemnity and triumph. Yet for all this were not the troubles appeazed nor suppressed in those countries: for the Duke of Anjou Lewes, having been before solicited by the Queen, and 
Lewes' Duke of Anjou entereth the realm of Naples with an army.  being supported both by Clement and also by the French, both to aid and secure that unfortunate Princess, as also to dispossess urban of the Papacy, being ready to march with an army of thirty thousand men, or (as some say) of five and fifty thousand, notwithstanding the death of jone, he entered into Italy in the pursuit of his own right and title: and coming into the kingdom of Naples, he passed as far as Apulia upon the territory of Barie with good success of victory: but there being enclosed and pressed upon with the troops of the Count Alberic of Barbian 
Alberic de Barbian.  General of the church forces, and being enforced to come to the trial of a battle, he was overthrown with a great slaughter of his people in the year a thousand three hundredth eighty three: by the default of the Count Anguerrant, called the 
The overthrow of Lewes the first Duke of Anjou.  Lord of Consey: who being sent after the Duke with a supply of twelve thousand horse did not keep on his way directly: but a desire took him to force Arezza in Thuscane, whereas he should have made haste on his way, and have gone on to have joined himself with the Duke: who being sore hurt in that battle with five several 
Lewes the first Duke of Anjou dieth at Biseilles.  wounds, (whether it were that his Physicians and surgeons did not well heal and cure him of his wounds, or were it through the grief and sorrow of his misfortune) he died the year following at Biseilles.  
The French being expelled out of the realm of Naples: to the intent it should not want new troubles and tumults, fortune made Pope Vrban and Charles King of 
Charles King of Naples & pope Vrban enemies.  Naples mortal and deadly enemies. The occasion thereof was thus: The Pope being by nature somewhat rude, and of little civility in conversation, was come to Naples to obtain his part of the fruit and benefit of this late obtained victory: where he claimed a promise of the King of Naples, & urged him upon the same a little too rudely, 
Boutill nephew to Pope Vrban  to make one Boutill his nephew Prince of Capua: who was a most vile and base fellow & a man of no virtue nor other good desert, and beside he would have had the King to have given him also the Duchy of Duras. The King was not very well pleased at this motion, but delaying his answer, he put him off cunningly for a long time. The Bishop of Rome on the other side did insist and urge him very hard to bring his purpose to effect, but all was in vain: insomuch that growing into suspicion the one of the other, from thence they proceeded to open enmity. Charles making a fair show and carrying all matters honestly, yet did bear so good an eye upon the Pope, that he could neither go nor speak freely at his pleasure: but he being willing to get from him, obtained leave to go only unto Mocrea to change the air: where he began to devise and to consult upon the depriving of Charles, causing him to be cited, and that process should be framed against him. The King in like case did practise with some of the Cardinals his friends, to depose urban from his seat: and to this end, himself in person accompanied with his forces went to Nocera, saying: That he was come thither by his assignment 
Vrban besieged by Charles within Nocera.  to present him with his obedience, and to the intent he would be near at hand, to hear the judgement that should be given against him. During this siege, some sallies and skirmishes there were made, in one of the which Boutill was taken and imprisonned. The Pope being inflamed with wrath and anger, discharged his choler upon seven of his said Cardinals, whom he caused to be shut up in close and straight prison, and in the end having them tormented caused them to die as Sismatiques and favorors' of Charles. Whilst these things were in working, the Pope invented a mean to get himself out of Nocera by the help of a great 
Vrban escapeth out of Nocera to Genes and curseth Charles king of Naples  sum of money which he gave unto Saint Severin and Raimond Vrsin: who conveyed him in galleys to Genes, where being retired, he cursed the King of Naples. This Prince being near to the end and period of his fortune which seemed to fawn upon him and to flatter him: under the pretence and colour of a new crown, 
Death of Lewes King of Hungary.  took his journey into Hungary: where the Princes and Nobles of the country did greatly desire and very earnestly expect his coming, and did offer unto him the sceptre of Lewes their King, who was of late deceased without any other issue then one only daughter.  
Charles before that time had espoused Margaret the sister of Queen jone, and by her had two children a son and a daughter, Ladislaus & jone: at his departure from Naples into Hungary, he left the government of the Kingdom unto the 
Charles king of Naples chosen and crowned King of Hungary, slain at Bude.  Queen his wife and certain of the chiefest and most noble Barons of the realm: himself being crowned King of Hungary with the outward consent and liking of Elizabeth the Queen and widow of the late King, and her daughter Marie: (who notwithstanding did it altogether of dissimulation:) with in few days after by their practice was slain at Bude in the year 1388. The death of this Prince gave occasion of new troubles and tumults at Naples: whereby the house 
Margaret Queen of Naples and her children fly to Gaietta.  and faction of Anjou grew to be so favoured by fortune, that they became Lords of Naples: and the Queen with her children was constrained to retire herself to Gaietta. This mean while Lewes the second son of Lewes above mentioned, (at the request of those that were of his faction) sent to Naples for their aid and succours five galleys. But Boniface the ninth a Neapolitan having now obtained 
Boniface the ● made Po●e.  the Popedom in the year of our Lord a thousand three hundredth ninety, did disannul and revoke the censures and curse which urban his predecessor had denounced 
Ladislaus son o. Charles crowned King of Naples by Pope Boniface Lewes second Duke of Anjou corwned king of Naples by Pope Clement & entereth Naples.  against King Charles: and he investd Ladislaus with his father's kingdom: and caused him at Gaietta to be crowned King of Naples, Sicily, and jerusalem: as in like manner the same year Lewes the second Duke of Anjou took the crown of Naples at the hands of Clement, by the pursuie of the King of France, and thereupon made his entry and was received into Naples in great honour and magnificense by those of his faction: howbeit that many of the Nobles and gentlemen, adhering and taking part with Ladislaus, did openly refuse to acknowledge Lewes for their Sovereign. Thus these two Kings contending for one only crown, did confound all things with most piteous disorder, and destroyed the country: which they laboured and strived each of them to obtain as his proper patrimony: till such time as the Partisans of the house of Anjou (wanting money and treasure (the sinews of the wars) caused the vessels and vtensiles of gold and silver belonging to the Churches of Naples, to be melted and made into money for the payment of their soldiers, by the leave and permission of Clement: who showed himself to have small devotion and little conscience. But all this notwithstanding, the Count Alberic of Barbian being created Constable by Laaislaus, presented himself with a strong army before Naples: and after many assaults and brave repulses, he entered the town and brought it under the obedience of the Dirrachium, 
Ladislaus the son of Charles of Duras recovereth Naples.  with the rest of the realm also: and the sooner for that Lewes himself was absent: (who seeing himself in weak and feeble estate, and the town to be divided by the tumults and practices of Ladislaus (whose places and strong holds were well and sufficiently furnished) had withdrawn himself apart out of Italy into Provence.  
This done, Ladislaus in the year of our Lord 1403. went into Hungary, to 
Ladislaus made King of Hungary.  take upon him the crown of that kingdom, which the Nobles of the country did cast upon him: and even in an instant returning thence again to Naples, he conceived in his haughty and ambitious heart the dominion of Rome itself, by reason he saw it divided and distracted by sundry factions and seditions: the which after he 
Ladislaus taketh Rome by force.  had twice attempted by force of arms, at the third time he carried and entered it as a conqueror in great pomp and triumph. This his prosperity growing odious to the Italians, was a cause that Lewes got the Florentines, and the Legate of Bologna to enter into a firm and strong league against Ladislaus: the which being concluded 
Alexander the fifth made Pope at the counsel of Pisa.  by Lewes his Ambassadors, he himself departed-speedily from Provence, and being arrived at Pisa, he kissed the feet of Alexander the fifth, than made Pope at that Council: who confirmed him in the investiture of the Realms of Naples, Sicily, and jerusalem, pretending that Ladislaus had forfeited them by his occupation and seizing upon the city of Rome. Yet did he refuse to crown him, 
Lewes' confirmed in the realm of Naples by Pope Alexander.  for that Clement had lately done it in Aulgnion, nevertheless he created him Gonfalonier of the Church, with especial charge to march against Ladislaus the enemy of the Church, and the favourer and maintainer of Gregory the twelfth, who had been deposed in that general Council.  
Lewes' first made a journey into Provence, and afterwards in the year 1410. being returned to the territories of Rome: he there had assembled and united both his own forces and those of the Pope, under the charge and conduct of Paul Vrsin, and Sforce Cottignole. Ladislaus with his army was at Roque Seiche, between Pont Corue, Saint Ange, and Saint German. Lewes coming against him, and affronting him in set battle, gave the onset upon him most courageously, in somuch 
The battle between Lewes of Anjou and Ladislaus of Duras Kings of Naples.  as the conflict grew most furious and cruel: and the prows both of the one part and of the other was noted to be admirable: so that hardly could it be discerned who was like to have the better. The two Kings in their proper persons did that day show themselves both good champions and sufficient Chieftains, and they left not any thing omitted that was worthy of generous and noble Princes. In the end Sforce on the one part, and Paul Vrsin on the other, did charge so furiously with all their forces upon the troops of Ladislaus, that they made them to give ground, so that being not able any longer to keep themselves in order, they were quite broken and discomfited. The battle being finished, each party retired into his own quarter, not any one remembering to pursue the victory, nor to 
Victory of Lewes not pursued.  follow after the enemy that was defeated: who thereupon having gathered his spirits unto him, and having gotten the leisure to rally his forces, and to consider of the matter: it caused him afterwards to say, (at such time as he devised or had any speech of this battle) That if his enemies had done their devoir to vanquish him thoroughly, and to have gotten a full victory: the first day they might have 
Speech of Ladislaus king of Naples of the battle between him and Lewes Duke of Anjou.  made themselves masters both of his person and of his kingdom, the second day (if they had followed him) they might have been Lords of his Realm, but not of his person: and the third day, neither of his person nor of his kingdom. After this oversight, Lewes never enterprised any thing in Italy, but retiring himself into France, never set foot more in that country: having either by ignorance or I know not how, suffered the benefit of so memorable a victory to slip out of his hands, which made Ladislaus sole and absolute King of Naples. Yet was he not at rest from new attempts, being of a stirring, troublesome, and ambitious spirit, as much as any that ever lived. For he revived his old attempts, first against Rome, which succeeded accordingly as he wished, and after also against 
Ladislaus poisoned.  the Florentines in which expedition, coming to Perusa, he fell suddenly sick, and died without issue in the year of our Lord 1414: being (as some say) poisoned the most strangely that possibly could be imagined. The novelty thereof seemeth 
Avarice & unchaste love two most pernicious mischiefs.  in my opinion, worthy to be inserted in this place: to the intent it may serve for an instruction and ensignment to the posterity, how pernicious are the effects of avarice and unchaste loan.  
Ladislaus was enamoured of a young damosel of singular beauty, the daughter of a Physician, who (being corrupted and inveigled with an excessive sum of money paid unto him by the Florentines) did give unto his daughter an ointment of the juice of napel (being a present and most strong poison) persuading her (as it was an 
A strange kind of poisoning.  easy matter for him being her father, and she a simple soul of no deep reach or conceit, and beside extremely desirous of the love of the King) that if she did anoint herself therewithal when she was to have the company of the King: his affection towards her would be augmented by the one half. The silly wench did willingly do as her father had advised her: whereof she died within a while after: and Ladislaus likewise being infected with the same poison lost his life the very same time.  
His sister the Duchess of gelders or Sterlich (as some will) being afterwards named jone the second by the death of her brother, obtained the crown of Naples: 
jone the second Queen of Naples.  this woman was nothing inferior but rather did far surpass the first jone her Aunt in all kind of lewdness, whoredom and damnable lasciviousness and incontinency: & she carried herself so much the higher, in pride and insolency than the other, because she saw herself suddenly advanced to so high a dignity, beyond all hope and expectation: and beside for that she found the estate of Naples in peace and quietness, and (as it were) assured unto her, were it because she had no competitor to the Crown, or by reason of the great forces and huge numbers of soldiers which her brother had left her: for she had an army of 1600. horse, lead by excellent and most expert Captains. Of this Queen there was openly and commonly spread a certain verse in Latin in manner of a prophecy, the effect and substance thereof in English is this.  

The latter Queen of Duraz line descending,  
Of Naples Crown shall be the final ending.   
Scarce was this Lady installed and settled in the siege and royal throne of the kingdom, but she committed the whole managing and government of her person, and 
Pandolphel Alop, the love or paramour of Queen jone the 2.  her estate to Pandolphel Alop a Neapolitan county, whom she had nourished and brought up from his infancy and tender youth, and with whom she was extremely in love, and beyond all measure. For having lead him with her (as one of her household train into Gelderland, after her husband was dead, she brought him back again with her into Italy, keeping him continually near about her person, not without the public infamy of their love and secret familiarity. In the end when she had intelligence of this bad report that ran upon them, and did understand the envy that those of the Court did carry to Pandolphel: she married herself to master james 
Queen jone the 2. married to james of Narbon County of March.  of Narbonne, county of March, descended of the royal blood and house of France, and her alley and kinsman: upon this condition notwithstanding, that he should not usurp nor take upon him the name of King, but should hold himself contented with the title of Prince of Tarentum, or County of March, at his choice which pleased him. The Captains and great men of the kingdom being both jealous, and bearing a 
Sforce Cottignole.  mortal hatred to Pandolphel, and to Sforce Cottignole afore mentioned (in whom only the Queen seemed to repose her special trust and confidence:) they gave to understand to the County james, that he should not doubt to come to Naples, assuring him that they would so effect the matter as he should be king. And accordingly as soon as he was entered within the Realm, all the nobles and captains went to meet him as far as Beneuent, and saluted him by the name of King: only Sforce saluted him by the name of Count & no otherwise. This act (by the judgement of the whole company) was held to be a very proud and arrogant part, and worthy to be punished 
julius Caesar of Capua.  with imprisonment. julius Caesar of Capua, one of the Captains of the company, began to grow into some altercation of words, and hard speech with Sforce in the presence of the count: but Sforce (under colour of parting and keeping them a sunder) 
Sforce made prisoner.  was lead into a chamber, and there arrested as a prisoner: and his company or train that followed him, were sacked and spoiled of that which they had brought with them. After this the Count being arrived at Naples, and received with great triumph both by the nobles and common people, who openly called & proclaimed him king: 
This is the principal fortress of Naples. Pandolphel beheaded. Michelet. Margaret sister of Sforce her hardiness and generosity.  he had by intelligence* Chastelnove, or the new Castle delivered unto him: and Pandolphel being taken within the same, lost his head: and Sforce being kept under sure and safe custody, had been put to death likewise, had it not been for Michelet a famous Captain, who being at Tricaric, and having suddenly armed the company of Sforce, posted presently towards Naples, being accompanied with Margaret the sister of Sforce, and the wife of Michelin of Ravignan, a brave Captain and fine warrior: who arming herself, and being assisted with certain men at arms, belonging to her husband: when they were come near Naples, they took prisoners four Gentlemen Neapolitans, whom the County had sent with safe conduct towards Tricaric, to treat upon some accord and agreement with Michelet. These did she threaten, that she would cause them to be hanged, if her brother were not delivered unto her: which was the occasion of the liberty of Sforce. This was not the last oversight 
Count james his oversight and folly.  of the County, for beginning also to deal ill with the Neapolitans, and depriving sometimes one, and sometimes another of their offices throughout the realm, he bestowed them upon Frenchmen, and sequestering the Queen from all command and management of the estate and public matters, he held her shut up as a recluse in her lodgings: beside that he lay very seldom and little with her, sometimes also using her roughly, and with outrageous speeches, whereat every man, and especially the 
Queen jone of Naples her subtlety and policy.  chief persons of the Court began to grudge and murmur: but the Queen for all that seemed nothing discontented, but dissembling her malicious mind and secret malice, by a feminine craft and subtlety: she made show as if that kind of life did please her wonderful well, as being removed and estranged from cares and toilsome travel: and she gave herself to dancing and reveling (whereunto the French are naturally inclined) and so passed away the time in great show of joy and gladness, how beit that by secret signs and sighs, and sometimes by close and covert speeches, she did sufficiently bewray and open unto her private friends, her secret grief and discontentment.  
Matters thus standing between the Queen and the Count: julius Caesar (who was 
julius Caesar of Capua intendeth the death of the Count: offereth his service to the Queen.  of late the first man that moved and incensed the Count against Pandolphel and Sforce, and had thereby brought the Queen to conceive a mortal and deadly hatred against him) having now forgotten the outrage and injury which he had offered (a usual matter in men given to be injurious:) he began now to sound the affections of the Queen, and in the end offered himself to work the death and destruction of her husband. The Queen being both wary and circumspect, and yet malicious, and seeing occasion now offered her to effect two several things at once, both to avenge herself of the injury received by julius, and to recover the good grace and favour of her husband with her own liberty: she made countenance to hearken unto him, and to take great pleasure and contentment in his discourse: counseling him to be well advised, and accordingly to resolve himself: and that at the end of eight days he should come again unto her, to lay down some order for the execution of the enterprise. Thus having licenced julius to departed, and in the mean while beginning an extraordinary kind of sadness, she secretly disclosed all the practice to the Count, showing herself very careful of his safety, and her disability to resist against the enticements and instigations of that traitor: and especially she offered to the Count, that he himself should both see 
julius Caesar his treason bewrayed by the Queen.  and hear the treachery of julius. Wherefore the eight day being come, she conveyed him behind the curtains of her bed, with some of his most trusty and faithful friends well armed, and afterwards she caused julius Caesar to be called into her chamber, who having disgorged and powered forth all the mischievous and villainous speeches that might be devised against the Count, and against the Frenchmen, did from point to point there make known and declare unto the Queen, what his platform and devise was to contrive the death and destruction of the Count Hereupon he issuing 
julius Caesar executed.  presently out from the place where he stood, and had heard all his talk, caused him to be apprehended, and openly to be executed.  
This demonstration and show of the good will and affection of the Queen to the Count her husband, was the cause of her full release and perfect liberty. By means whereof, master Ottin Carracciole being made chief of the nobility, and Anequin Morinell of the commonalty, by the consent and intelligence of many that conspired and were confederate in the action: they invited the Queen one day into the town to a feast, and from thence did conduct and convey her in safety into the fortress or tower of Capua: and immediately they ran to arms, and seized upon the town, 
Capovana a castle within Naples. Count james made prisoner in Chasteau de love a Casteli within Naples. john Carracciole, the minion or paramour of jone Queen of Naples, made Grand Seneschal. Sforce enemy to the Grand Seneschal.  and with great fury sacked it and chased all the French officers out of the city, and the Count himself they imprisoned in the Castle named de love. Thus the Queen being restored to her absolute power and sovereign authority, she took unto her for her minion and paramour, john Carracciole, a fine young Gentleman, and of an excellent beauty, and him she created Grand Seneschal, or high Stuard of Naples. This man being not able to abide and endure the greatness and authority of Sforce, had a determination both to depose him from all credit and countenance, and also to deprive him of his life: whereof Sforce being advertised, and being for that cause become enemy to the Seneschal, did seize upon Naples under colour that he would deliver the Queen from the tyranny and power of the Seneschal. The Queen being mightily incensed with anger, deprived him of the office of Constable, and stirring up the common people against him, commanded to kill him. In the end a peace and accord was concluded between Sforce and the Queen, wherein it was ordered, that the 
Count james restored to his liberty.  Seneschal should be banished to Rome, and that the Count james should be restored to his liberty according to the first covenants of the agreement made between them. This Prince being delivered, imagined, and beat his brains upon nothing else, but how he might ruinated both Sforce and the Queen: and she in like case on the other side, conceiving an extreme grief for the exile of her Seneschal, was wonderfully displeased with Sforce, and maligning him extremely, did devise his ruin and destruon as the only author of her sorrow and discomfort: in such sort, that she did soon condescend to the will and mind of the Count her husband. Sforce being informed of the danger wherein he stood, did very finely work and contrive the restitution 
Count james forsaketh Naples, and returning to France, becometh an Hermit.  of the Seneschal, whose return, and the reconciliation of Sforce with the Queen, did so fear and terrify the Count, that he fled secretly to Tarentum, and being pursued by the Queen with an army, he made his last retreat into France, where he passed the residue of his days in the vows and habit of an Hermit.  
These things thus past, Braccio Fortebraccia of Perusa, in the year one thousand 
Braccio Fortebraccia of Perusa warreth upon Pope Martin the 5. Sforce sent with an army to the aid of the Pope by the Q of Naples. Sforce overuerthrowen by Braccio is deprived of all authority in Naples, and Braccio hired by the queen in his room. Queen jone deprived of her kingdom by the Pope.  four hundredth and nineteenth, did war upon Pope Martin the fifth, who having recourse unto the Queen of Naples, that held that Crown of him as Feodary of the Church of Rome: and because he had crowned her Queen of Naples, he obtained succours of three thousand horse, under the charge and command of Sforce, both to the great contentment of the Queen herself, and of her Minion Carracciole, who had long before been desirous to be rid of him: and Fortune ministered her fit matter and occasion to effect her desire: for so it fell out, that Sforce was overthrown by Braccio, whereupon the Queen deprived him of all his honours, estate and authority, and she retained the said Braccio into her pay and service. The Pope being highly offended with this ingratitude, took Sforce into his pay, and having communicated all his affairs with him, he fell to agreement and composition with the Perusin, and deprived the Queen of the fee of the Realm of Naples: and he declared for king in her stead, Lewes the third Duke of Anjou, the son of Lewes the second, and of joland of Arragon, in the year 1420. Sforce according to the will and direction of the Pope, took part with Lewes, and put himself in his pay, and by his practices having gotten possession of the town and castle of Auersa, kept them to the use of Lewes: who in the month of August next following, did present himself before Naples with a strong and mighty army by sea. 
Alphonsus' king of Arragon besiegeth Boniface in Corsica. Port Syracusan.   
About the same time it happened that Alphonsus king of Arragon, being departed from Barcelona had assailed Corsica by sea: and held siege before Boniface, a castle subject to the Genoese, and named of old the Port Syracusan. The Pope being at that time in Florence, there was one Don Garzia a Spaniard, who being a very 
Don Garzia Spaniard.  wise and politic person, was ambassador from Alphonsus to his holiness: Queen jone likewise had her ambassador there also, named Anthony Caraffa, otherwise 
Anthony Caraffa, alias Malice.  Malice. This Malice had a motion to the Spaniard, that if he would persuade with the King his master, to take the cause of the Queen into his hands and protection, that he for his part would procure that she should adopt him for her son, and should declare him for her successor in the kingdom of Naples: and so cleanly did they convey this their practice and conceit between them, without the knowledge and privity of the Pope: that they concluded to go together to Plombin, and from thence to Corsica, towards the King Alphonsus: unto whom the matter being propounded, it was held long in debate and doubt: for that Alphonsus and Lewes were cousins in the third degree, and there had been express capitulations and covenants between them (when Lewes first began his attempts for Naples) whereby Alphonsus had promised not to molest him in that his enterprise. But the 
Sentence.  desire of a Crown is too great and goodly a thing for men to make a conscience how and by what means it be gotten: for how so ever it was, the effect made it 
Desire of a Crown knoweth no conscience.  clear and manifest, that Alphonsus in the end did accept of the offer made unto him, yet would he not in any case set foot within the Realm, before that the Queen had confirmed all the whole matter by authentical writings drawn between them, and that she had put into his hands the two fortresses of Castle noue, and De love. These 
Alphonsus' adopted by Q. jone and received into Naples  sureties being delivered, and the Charters of the adoption and succession of the Realm being orderly done and dispatched, and the siege also being levied before Boniface, Alphonsus was received with exceeding honour into Naples, and was lodged in the Castle de love. Many and diverse were the warlike exploits and martial services that passed between Alphonsus and the Queen's forces on the one side, and Lewes and Sforce on the other side: but in process and succession of time, (I know not how nor why) the * Arragonoys and Catalans began to grow in dislike and disfavour 
Spaniards, their pride and envy.  with the Queen, and with the Grand Seneschal, and there grew diverse suspicions both on the one side and the other. The Spaniards could not endure with any patience nor abide to hear the people cry (as they went up and down the town) God save the Queen, long may the house of Duraz prosper, with such like acclamations: beside in all public edicts and proclamations, there was no mention made of any other, then of the name of the Queen only, and therefore Alphonsus determined to prevent her in that, which she perhaps, and (as he thought) did pretend against him: and that was to take her prisoner, and to seize upon the estate. But the first thing that he purposed was to bereave her of the council and assistance of the Grand Seneschal, who was a parsonage of great wisdom, and of a deep reach and sound judgement, and therefore he feigning himself to be sick and evil at ease, did continue three or four days privately in his lodging without going to court the Queen, who lay in the tower Capovane. The Queen thinking that he 
The Grand Seneschal held prisoner by Alphonsus.  had been sick indeed, sent her Seneschal to Castle nove to visit him on her behalf, where he detained him and all his train, and at the same instant taking his horse, he went to the Capovane to have seized upon the person of the Queen: but this his counsel proved vain and frustrate, by the intelligence which she had received by one of the Seneschal his servants, who was escaped from the surprise of the Seneschal. hereupon the Arragonois betook himself to open force, and besieged the Queen, battering the fortress of Capovan with the Canon. The 
Queen jone besieged in Naples by Alphonsus  Queen finding herself thus hardly bestead, had recourse to Sforce, who lay encamped at that time for Lewes of Anjou, at the Monastery near Mirabell. Sforce (having had the better in a great conflict against the Spaniard, within Naples at Case 
Queen jone delivered out of Naples by Sforce.  nove near to Formell, and about the tower Capovane, did deliver the Queen thence in safety, and conveyed her with all her movables to Auersa. At the time of her retreat from Naples, there were more than five thousand Neapolitans both men and women of all sorts, who mourning and lamenting at her misfortune, did accompany her a great way off, with great sorrow and infinite lamentation. Within a while after Sforce began to treat with her, that Lewes (who was continually resident at Rome) might return to the Realm of Naples, whereunto she condescended: and more than that, when he was come to Auersa, she received him with most gracious and kind entertainment: and beside, having assembled many great and noble personages of 
Alphonsus' disinherited by Queen jone.  great wisdom and judgement, by their advise and council, she solemnly deprived Alphonsus of the right of adoption, and from the succession of the Crown of Naples: pretending that he had worthily forfeited it by the vice of his foul ingratitude, and she adopted Lewes the third to succeed her, as her son in that her kingdom, upon 
Lewes the 3. adopted by Queen jone.  the same conditions which she had erst propounded to the king of Arragon: giving to understand by express letters unto all the Potentates & Princes of Christendom, both the order, tenor, and causes of the deprivation of the one, and the adoption of the other.  
About that time Alphonsus being advertised, that Henry his brother was taken prisoner and spoiled of his Crown, by john King of Castill: he resolved to take a journey 
Alphonsus returneth into Spain.  into Spain for his deliverance, which he did accordingly in the year one thousand four hundred twenty three, leaving Naples in the guard and custody of his brother Peter. In that his voyage passing by Marseilles, and finding it but ill guarded, he 
Marseilles surprised by Alphonsus.  surprised it by a sudden assault only in hatred and despite of Lewes, and he used it as enemy. For having abandonned it to the avarice and insolency of his soldiers, that which he was not able to carry away, he caused to be burnt and consumed with the fire: only the women were saved and preserved from the violence and outrage of the soldiers, the King having caused them to retire into a Church, whilst the town was rifled and sacked. Of the infinite treasures and riches which were found 
S. Lewes his body carried away from Marseilies by Alphonsus. Devotion without piety or religion.  within the city, he reserved nothing to himself (as the report is) but only the body of Saint Lewes late Archbishop of Tholouse, the son of Charles the second king of Naples: the which he carried from thence, and caused it to be placed most religiously in a certain special place within the city of Valentia in Spain, saying: that it was not a thing either decent or convenient, in a town which was burnt and destroyed, to leave so holy and precious a relic.  
Lewes lately made King was not idle in this mean while, but he did presently put in execution the practices newly concluded on, between Pope Martin, the Queen of Naples, Philip Duke of Milan, and the Genoese. For by their means was Naples suddenly and in an instant besieged and enclosed both by Sea, with the 
Naples besieged by Philip Duke of Milan. Francis Sforce, the son of Sforce Cottignole deceased. Naples recovered for Queen jone. Grand Seneschal of Naples ransomed by Sforce.  forces and fleet of the Duke of Milan, and by land with the arms of Francis Sforce, the son of Ssorce Cottignole lately deceased: in so much that without any great violence or effusion of blood, it was recovered for the Queen in the year, one thousand four hundred twenty four. Now Queen jone being so happily restored and reinvested in her estate, made her entry into Naples, having in her company the Grand Seneschal (who was of late eschaunged for twelve Catalans or Spanish Nobles, by the liberality and courtesy of Sforce afore mentioned, who might have had four score thousand Crowns for their ransom,) and Lewes also her adopted and elected son, whom she had created Duke of Calabria, being the title ordinarily given to the eldest son of the Kings and Princes of Naples) was with her at the same time of her return to the City of Naples. Now albeit she was not altogether free and exempted from troubles, but that the town was sometimes endamaged by the artillery of castle noue (which was still at the devotion of the Spaniard): nevertheless she lived sufficiently well and happily in her realm, until the year a thousand, four hundred, thirty two, at which time the Grand Seneschal (who till that time had with most happy and prosperous fortune commanded, and in a manner absolutely ruled all the realm) was then overtaken and ensnared by the Queen, as you shall perceive by that which followeth. Within a while after he had solemnised the marriage of his son with one of the daughters of james Caldore, even when he saw himself (as a man may say) sitting aloft upon the wheel of Fortune: one Monday about midnight, being lodged within the tower Capovane, certain persons by the special commandment of the Queen, and some other of the Nobles confederated with her, went unto his lodging, knocking and calling at his chamber door, and willing him to arise speedily, and to make haste to come to the Queen: saying, that by reason of a sudden accident which was befallen 
Grand Seneschal of Naples slain.  her, she was in great danger and peril of death. The Seneschal rising suddenly to make himself ready, commanded his page to open the door. Thereupon they without being armed, entered the chamber and slew him out of hand: and having almost cut off one of his legs, they caused him to be carried all naked out of Capovane without any pomp at all, as the most vile and wretched creature living. A most 
Sentence. The immoderate love and favour of womankind vain for any man to build his fortune on. Lewes the third Duke of Anjou and Calabria his death.  miserable and unhappy example of the inconstancy of Fortune, and may serve for a notable instruction and admonition to all such persons, who relying upon the fickle love and immoderate affections of woman kind, do found the greatness of their fortune upon their vain and unconstant favours.  
Lewes being sent by Commission of the Queen against john Anthony Vrsin Prince of Tarentum: (who taking part with Alphonsus, did trouble and molest Calabria, when he came to Cossence fell sick of a fever, and there died, in the year of our Lord a thousand, four hundred, thirty four, to the great grief and sorrow of the whole kingdom: for that he was a Prince of singular courtesy and benignity, and there was especial hope of his good carriage and behaviour. The Queen lived 
jone 2. Queen of Naples death.  not long after, but having reigned twenty years she departed this life, having ordained by her last will and testament that Rene Duke of Bar, brother of the said Lewes should be her heir: (albeit that some doubt of this her last will, and say, it 
Rene Duke of Bar ordained to be heir to Queen jone.  was falsified and counterfeited after her death. Thus the house and family of Duras, which had been so notable and famous by so many descents, came now to have an end, as it is likewise fatal to all other human and earthly things.  
Duke Rene being called and sent for by the principal persons and chief Nobles of the realm, could not go to take the investiture of the kingdom of Naples, by reason 
Rene Duke of Bar prisoner in Burgundy.  that he was for a long time held prisoner in Burgundy, where he had been restrained of his liberty after the loss of the battle of Blainuille, in the year a thousand, four hundred, thirty one, against the Earl of Vaudemont, and the Marshal of Burgundy: and therefore he sent thither Isabella his wife, and his children: who being aided and succoured by Pope Eugenius with a power of three thousand footmen 
Eugenius Pope  under the leading and conduct of the Patriarch of Aquileia, brought certain places under her government and obeissance. On the other side, the king Alphonsus (as if Fortune had meant and strived to balance both parties equally and alike) 
Alphonsus' taken prisoner by the Duke of Milan.  understanding of the death of the Queen, and having besieged Gaietta, was vanquished in a battle at sea by Philip Duke of Milan and the Genoese: and being there taken by his enemies, was led prisoner to Milan. But he found the Italian Duke more gracious and friendly unto him, than the Burgonian was to the Angevin: for besides the great respect, wherewith he was used by the Milanese, and the good entertainment which he received at his hands, they, oftentimes meeting and falling into familiar discourses and several devices the one with the other, the manners, the speeches, the fashions and good behaviour of Alphonsus (for he was a most absolute and accomplished Prince) did so exceedingly please and content the humour of this Duke, that (in regard of the inward and rare amity which this familiarity and acquaintance bred between them) it may well be said: that his misfortune was the ready way to his good fortune, and did purchase him the realm which he 
Alphonsus' set at liberty by the Duke of Milan.  so earnestly affected. For the Duke of Milan then growing suspicious of the power and puissance of the French, for the love of the Spaniard did renounce the friendship and alliance of France, and leagued himself with their enemy, to the recovery and conquest of Naples: in such sort, that having suddenly granted him his free liberty, Alphonsus was the first that set foot within the kingdom of Naples: by means whereof (as the proverb is) being first come, he was first served, and his right prevailed by reason of the absence of Rene, so that he insinuated himself very 
Rene Duke of Bar set at liberty, and regaineth Naples and all her fortresses. Naples besieged by Alphonsus.  highly into the favour and affections, both of the Princes, & Nobles, and of the people of the country. Nevertheless within a while after, Rene being also delivered out of Burgundy, and being entered into Naples in the year of our Lord 1438. he regained all her castles and strong holds one piece after another, which till that time had been in the custody and possession of the Arragonian. But Alphonsus increasing in strength from day to day, came at length to besiege Naples with fifteen thousand men at land, and ten galleys, lying before the haven or port of the city: and he persevered so obstinately in his siege, that there daily passed many goodly exploits, and glorious 
Anell a mason betrayeth Naples.  deeds of arms between the assailants and the defendants: notwithstanding both he and his troops might have dwelled long enough before the walls of Naples, if they had not been helped by the advertisements of a certain Mason named Anell: who being pricked on with the hope of gain, did adventure his life to augment the glory and good fortune of Alphonsus. For conveying himself closely and privily forth of the town: he showed him an ancient cistern, or water course, which covertly led under the ground into the town, by the which he conveyed in two hundred 
Naples taken by Alphonsus.  men hardy and resolute, who issuing forth into the city by a pit or hollow vault, did seize upon a certain turret: where maintaining the fight for a long season (whilst the Catalans in the meantime, partly by escalado, and partly by breaking of the port S. Genare did make themselves way, and gained the town) by this means he became Lord of the City, having constrained Rene to retire himself into Castle noue.  
Thus Alphonsus in the year a thousand, four hundred, forty two, and the one and twentieth after his first expedition, obtained the kingdom and City of Naples: 
Bellisarius.  the which nine hundred & five years before was recovered from the Goths, by that 
Rene enforced to forego Naples.  princely chieftain Bellisarius, by means of the same conduit or water course. There remained yet the three Castles or fortresses, namely the Capovane, the mountain or Castle of Saint Hereme, and the Castle noue: all which, king Rene being not able to defend and secure them, did follow the estate and condition of the residue of the town, and became Arragonois, both them and all the realm: and the Prince of Anjou forced to forego the doubtful and turbulent possession of that kingdom, which he had held for the space of six years or thereabouts. Alphonsus after he had 
Alphonsus' king of Naples his death.  in great rest and security quietly enjoyed the Royal sceptre for sixteen years together, did then departed this life, leaving behind him one only son, illegitimate, named Ferdinand or Fernand, who being appointed by his father to have the inheritance of the Crown and kingdom of Naples: yet (being but meanly favoured or beloved by the country) did not enjoy it with like quietness, nor with the public tranquility: which was the occasion, that he used all means and possible diligence to secure and assure unto himself a quiet and peaceable possession of the kingdom.  
The first thing that he did, was to make Pope Pius the second his friend and 
Pope Pius 2.  well-willer: who being a Siennese borne, was of late substituted into the place of Calixtus. This did he compass and bring to pass, by the mediation and entreaty 
Duchy of Spoleta restored to the Church. Ferdinand crowned king of Naples by Pope Pius 2.  of the Duke of Milan, and by the restitution of the Duchy of Spoleta to the Church: the which, upon the death of Calixtus, the Count james Picenin had usurped upon Peter Lewes Borgia his nephew. The Pope, being won unto him by this courtesy, did crown Ferdinand king of Naples, Sicily, and jerusalem: on this condition, that he should restore to the obeissance of the Church of Rome, Beneuent and Terracine which his father had usurped upon the state Ecclesiastical. 
Beneuent. Terracine.  Moreover, in the year next following, at the Council which was called and kept at Mantua by the Pope, and with the assistance of the Duke of Milan, 
Council of Mantua.  for the taking of arms against the great Turk, after they had determined upon matters concerning the public weal of Christendom, it was also concluded and decreed by the Pope, that in any case Ferdinand should not want aid and succours against the puissant preparations made for the wars by Duke john, the son of Rene, who was then at Genes. For you must understand, that the Genoese being 
john the son of Rene, aided by the Genoese against Ferdinand king of Naples.  then freed from the fear of their Banditi, or outlaws by the aid of the French, were content (that they might be rid of them) to set them on in the voyage and journey of Naples: and they concluded to give them succours. For this cause they caused to arm and make ready ten Galleasses, and three great ships of burden for the carriage of their train and necessaries: all which they paid for three months before hand: and they gave him also in ready money out of the bank of Saint George three score thousand crowns. Besides these vessels, the Duke had of his father 
The Bank of S. George at Genes.  twelve other Galleasses at Marseilles, with promise both from the French king and from him, that he should want nothing. Wherefore all things being in a readiness, and having appointed john Coss a Neapolitan for the Admiral of his Navy, he took sea the fourth day of October, in the year of our Lord a thousand, four hundred, fifty and nine: and by the benefit of their sails and oars he arrived at Gatetta, purposing from thence to take his course for Calabria, where the marquess of Crotona had called him, and did expect him: but hearing by the way, that the 
marquess of Crotona.  marquess was overthrown, and taken prisoner by Ferdinand, he held his enterprise utterly overthrown likewise: because that upon hope of him only he had undertaken that journey. But, as it is commonly and often seen, that things desperate and past all hope do many times prove more fortunate than those that are advisedly and considerately taken in hand, so it fell out with Duke john at this time: for Marin de Marsan Duke of Sesse, and Prince of Rossan did revive both his courage and 
Marin de Marsan Duke of Sesse.  his hope. This Nobleman had his lands lying over against the town of Bay, not far from the sea, where the French army lay a float: and he sent unto them, offering both himself and his forces to assist them: and so was the first man that discovered himself to be the author, and chief procurer of the revolt and rebellion of the Neapolitans against Ferdinand. For the news of this revolt being dispersed 
Rebellion of the Neapolitans against Ferdinand.  throughout the realm, you would not imagine how suddenly the inhabitants of the country were changed, and how their affections inclined to the favour of the Angevin. For both the Princes, the Barons, and the people did in a manner strive and contend together, who should be the first to kiss the hands of 
Princes and Nobles of Naples confederate with the Duke of Anjou.  this new Signior. Besides the Prince of Tarentum (who was the chief man, though not yet openly declared the enemy of Ferdinand:) the Princes of Besignan and Salerne: the Duke of Venuse: Peter john Paul Duke of Sora: the Count Cola de Campobasso: Anthony Caldore, and almost all the Nobility of Apulia, together with all the towns and fortresses of the country, taking arms against Ferdinand, did stand wholly for the Angevin. By means whereof his host being greatly increased, and Apulia being open unto him, he marched on throughout the whole country, soliciting those towns to his devotion which as yet stood in doubt and suspense. Afterwards being entered farther up into that part of Apulia which is 
marquess de Este.  plain and champion, and was held for Ferdinand by the marquess de Este, and Don Alonso a Spaniard: the said marquess (being secretly wrought by his brother Borze Lord of Ferrara, who was a very devote and great favourer of the French, 
Borze Lord of Ferrara.  and did abound in the reasons of his discontentment against Ferdinand) came to seek the Duke of Anjou, having with him in his company a train of five or six hundred good horse, which made Alonso to be mightily abashed. By the departure of the marquess, they of the plain country being freed from the yoke, by his authority became all to stand for the Angevin, and the towns likewise yielded frankly unto him. The Prince of Tarentum now perceiving the good success and prosperity that followed the Angevin, beyond all credit and expectation, would no longer dissemble his malicious and evil mind against Ferdinand, but made open war against him with three thousand horse, under the charge and conduct of two Captains, Vrse Vrsin and julius de Aquaviue. Besides all these great Princes and 
Count james Picenin General of the army for Duke john against Ferdinand.  men of mark above mentioned, the Duke had drawn into his pay, the Count james Picenin, one of the most famous and politic Captains in that age: who coming to his service accompanied with a good number of men, of his old bands of mercenary soldiers, was made General of all the power and forces of the Duke. On the part of Ferdinand were the Duke of Dande, the Duke of Malfi, the Counties 
Princes and Nobles of Naples partaking with Ferdinand.  de Fondi, de Arriane, and Matalune: the Carasses, and the Diamedes, Gentlemen Neapolitans and some others in a very small and little number. Both the one part and the other having taken the field, and being both in a full resolution, and ready appointed to try their fortune by a set battle: they assigned the place of fight to be in the territory of Sarnie. Each of them being come to the place appointed, and their 
Battle of Sarni between Ferdinand and Duke john. Victory of john against Ferdinand.  battles being marshaled and set in order, they went together in most furious and cruel manner, and for a long time the conflict continued with great obstinacy. In the end many being slain on both sides, the honour of the day remained to the French, and Ferdinand being put to flight, with the loss of his camp, and all his baggage, was chased even to the gates of Naples.  
The Bishop of Rome understanding of this disaster and misfortune fallen to 
The Pope and Duke of Milan aid Ferdinand.  Ferdinand, because (for his part) he would not fail in the capitulations of the league: and doubting least (if the realm of Naples should be subdued by conquest) the French would encroach upon the liberty and dominion of the Italian Princes through the insolency and pride of his victory, he advertised the Duke of Milan, with all possible speed of the state of their affairs: and they two with one 
Frederick Duke of Urbin. Alexander Sforce. Battle of Saint Fabian.  accord and by common advise did send Frederick Duke of Urbin and Alexander Sforce with a strong and puissant army to the aid and secure of the king of Naples. They being entered upon the territory of Abruzze, the Count james marched forward against them, and met with them near to Saint Fabian, where was fought between them a most fierce and bloody battle: but once again the Army of the Arragonians being discomfited, the Angevins obtained a notable 
The second victory of the French against Ferdinand.  victory, howbeit it cost them full dearly. The report hereof being brought unto Ferdinand, who was fled into Naples, began to make him muse and imagine with himself what would follow, and he feared that ere long the town would be besieged. He left therefore the Queen to keep Naples, and being not able of himself to make head against the arms both of his domestical and foreign foes, being spoiled of the most part of his dominions: he put himself within Barie, 
Bary or Barlette.  with a very small and weak company. The Count Picenin being informed of his flight, left a strong garrison in Abruzze, for fear lest some new enemy on 
Ferdinand besieged within Barie, by the Count Picenin.  that side, should cut off the course of his attempts: and with the rest of his troops he followed close after the king even to Barie. In the mean while Pope Pius and the Milanese made new provisions, and sent them for the relief of Ferdinand: but the enemy having seized upon all the passages, this levy served to no purpose, but only for a vain and fruitless show.  
The Pope being in greater fear and perplexity now then ever before, did perceive well, that this matter would require foreign succours, and that the valour 
Confederates of Ferdinand sent to Scanderbag for succours in the behalf of Ferdinand.  and prowess of strange forces was to be used in this case. Whereupon all the confederates did think it best to send for Scanderbag into Apulia, who being a Prince of great estimation and renown in deeds of arms, was very serviceable to the See of Rome: and withal was of late the most inward friend of Alphonsus, and no less affectionate to Ferdinand. Besides that, they considered that Scanderbag coming from the Sea, they could not hinder nor deny his landing in Apulia, but that he might open the passages towards Italy if need were, so as the army and forces of the league might have free liberty also to come on that side.  
I cannot in this place but greatly wonder, and in some sort also it doth not a little grieve me, to see the ingratitude of writers to those persons, whose valour hath so well and excellently deserved. For whereas diverse of all sorts have written very diligently, and recorded the sum of this war between Ferdinand and the French: yet is there not any of them that hath spoken so much as one word of Scanderbag, as though he had not been (I may well speak it) the principal and chief cause of the happy success of that war: nay (if I may lawfully say the truth) the true defender of the Crown of Ferdinand, and the deliver of him out of the hands of his enemies. And hereof I need give you no other testimony, than the liberal and bountiful recompense and reward given him by the King: for besides that he acknowledged and held him for his father as long as he lived, he gave him also in acknowledgement of his deserts, and the rewards of his virtue, the town of Trana, and two other towns of as good reckoning in Aqulia, which the posterity of Scanderbag did continually enjoy: after that the affairs of Epire (upon the death of Scanderbag) fell to decay and ruin, and they do in part also enjoy them at this present, as may well be seen even to this day.  
The Ambassadors of the league were no sooner arrived in Epire, bringing with them letters from the Pope, the king Ferdinand, and the Duke of Milan, but that 
Ambassade from the Pope, Ferdinand, & the Duke of Milan to Scanderbag.  Scanderbag was willing to give them audience. Wherefore being brought unto his presence, they briefly recited unto him, how the king of Naples having lost two great battles in the very heart of his realm, his Nobles and subjects, and the most part of his towns were revolted from him: and himself, being (as it were) banished and exiled out of his country, was enclosed and shut up with a tedious and troublesome siege, in a town ill fortified, ill provided, and scarce defensible, without the hope of some present and speedy succours: wherefore if he had any remembrance and regard of the strict friendship and amity so faithfully held and observed between him and the king Alphonsus' father of Ferdinand, that then it would please him speedily and without delay to pass with his forces into Apulia, to deliver & free him from the yoke and servitude of strangers, and not him only, but all Italy, and (it might be) the holy siege of the See of Rome: whereunto they did all of them entreat and require him most earnestly.  
There needed no great persuasions to the king of Albany to draw him on in this voyage: for besides that he was most devoutly affected to the Church of Rome, the memory of his late and most inward amity with king Alphonsus, did so far prevail with him, that setting aside all the affairs of his own kingdom, both public and private, he frankly and voluntarily made himself a party in the war of Naples, and provided presently and out of hand for his embarkement and departure. But before that he left Epire, he found the way to assure himself of a truce with Mahomet: and 
Truce between Scanderbag & Mahomet.  yet himself was not seen to motion or move the matter, as though it proceeded of his seeking. Whereupon having set the affairs of his realm in good order, he ordained the Queen to be Regent of the kingdom, to whom he adjoined for assistaunts, some of the most worthy and chief persons of the province, to counsel and advise 
Goic Streese sent into Apulia by Scanderbag.  her in the government of the Estate. Afterwards he dispatched away Goic his nephew, a Knight of great and sufficient prowess, with a choice company of five hundred horse towards the realm of Naples, willing him there to attend his coming: and in the mean while to keep the enemy busied by daily roads and invasions upon them.  
These things being thus accomplished, after that the public processions, vows, and prayers were ended for their good success and victory, and for the preservation of himself and his people, he caused his army to set forward, part of them to the gulf of Rizic, where the Italian galleys did attend them: and part of them to the port of 
Gulf of Rizic. Duras, or Durachium, Acrolissa. Ragusa, or Epidaure.  Duras, and another part to Acrolissa or Media and the residue of his forces himself conducted to Ascrivia, and from thence to Ragusa, where his own vessels were prepared to receive him. But before I pass any further, I will describe unto you (as well as I can) the town and estate of Ragusa.  
That which at this day men call Ragusa, was of old and in times past termed Epidaure, 
Description of Ragusa. Liburnia.  a city (as some affirm) seated in Liburnia, upon the Adriatic sea, beautified with an excellent harbour, most fit and convenient for shipping to ride and anchor in, and defended with a great and strong tower notably fortified and well furnished. The compass thereof is more than a mile in circuit: her castle being inexpugnable, is on every side environed with mountains, and beside excellently well fortified by art and handy work of skilful engineers. The town was once abundantly stored with Churches and Temples, and richly beautified and adorned with goodly buildings, and with lively springs and fountains of water, which did continually flow into the town by conduits & cisterns. The city was wont to use the Aristocratical form of civil government, by the greatest and chiefest persons of the Estate, and they do attribute the first original and foundation of their city to the Epidaurians of Peloponnesa. The territory thereof is not very large, but full of woods, and hath two little towns or hamlets belonging unto it.  
But let us go on with the voyage of Scanderbag: At his coming to Ragusa, all 
Scanderbag received at Ragusa.  the people in general went forth to meet him, with exceeding joy and incomparable triumph: and conducting him into the town, did receive him with all the honour that might be imagined. The next day after that the divine service was ended, he went about the town to take a view and survey thereof: and the third day he visited the haven, the arsenal, the fortress, and the rampires. The day following was employed in diverse sorts of shows and pleasant triumphs: and the fifth day he went to the Senate house, where were presented unto him many goodly and rich gifts: beside that he was there received with an elegant Oration, containing a commendation of his great exploits and good deserts: and pronounced with a singular good grace by 
David Chancellor of Ragusa  David the Chancellor of that Common wealth. This Oration was answered by Paul Angel Archbishop of Duraz: who (as another Achates) was always a companion 
Paul Angel the Archbishop of Duraz.  to the Prince of Epire, and was a partaker with him in all his travels, perils, and councounsels. These courtesies being past and ended both on the one part and the other, Scanderbag made stay at Ragusa only so long, till that his whole fleet was there assembled: during which time of his abode, there was not pretermitted any kind of sports and triumphs, at tilt, tourney, barriers, and such like. In all which exercises the Albanians did show themselves to be very expert, as beseemed good and worthy soldiers, till such time as they were commanded to prepare themselves to go to sea, for that the time did now require their departure. All things being prepared in a readiness, the king thought it best to cause all his vessels to come together to Ragusa, and that all his troops both horse and foot, should draw thither, to the intent they might take the benefit of the first wind to sail from thence into Apulia. For this cause he dispatched away sundry messengers along the sea side, to will all the ships, galleys, foists, and brigandines which had been sent from Italy for the carriage and transportation of his army, to repair all together to Ragusa: besides all which, as many vessels of his own as were found upon the coasts of Epire and Macedon, did arrive thither in great numbers: insomuch that both the town was too little for the entertainment of so much people, and the port was too strait for so great a fleet. All of them showed themselves so forward and willing to pass the sea, that they seemed not as men that had been led and drawn to the wars, but as if they had been invited to enjoy the prize of an assured and undoubted victory: there were very few men left in Epire or Macedon that were fit & able for the wars, but he had drawn them into that action. Yet is there great variety & diversity of opinions touching the certainty of the numbers that he transported to the realm of Naples: some affirm, that he had with him five thousand foot, and five and twenty hundred horse: others say, two thousand foot, and three thousand and five hundred horse. Some name no certain number at all (amongst whom, the truth being so uncertain, I mean to make one) and they say, that the multitude which embarked themselves with him for Italy, was so great and incredible, that it seemed there were scant left behind any sufficient or able men, either in Albany, Sclavonie, or Macedon, for the keeping of their houses and private dwellings.  
Now to the intent his army might be embarked and put aboard without disorder and confusion, Scanderbag took the care of that matter to himself, and he appointed Guirize de Vladienne to be commissary of the victuals: who made provision thereof 
Guirize de Vladienne.  for fifteen days, (of the which store they had for five days ready dressed.) Every man being gotten on ship board, he sent certain skiffs throughout all the fleet, to give them advertisement, that the Patrons and two soldiers of each ship should repair unto him upon the shore to understand his will and pleasure: who being come he demanded of them, whether they had fresh water and biscuit aboard for as many days as they had victuals: and answer being made, that they had provision of all things for fifteen days: he then enjoined and gave special charge to the soldiers, that they should hold themselves still and quiet, and be in a readiness to help the Pilots and Mariners if need were, and that every man should attend his charge and office without any noise or altercation amongst them. Himself and Give Musache made the right wing with five Galleasses: Andrew, Zacharie, and Moses had the command and charge of the left wing, in which were the same number of the like vessels both serving for the safeguard and defence of their ships of charge. He ordained 
Scanderbag embarketh himself for Italy.  that every Galleass should have one lantern, and that those of charge should have two: and that the Admiral or chief Galleass should have three lights or lanterns. These rules and orders being set down and pronounced, the next day he gave them the signal to weigh anchor, and to make out of the haven to seaward, committing himself and his navy to the guide and protection of the divine power. Many of his vessels were launched forth & put out to sea from the gulf of Rizic, from the port of Duraz, from Valona, and from the coast of Epire and of Sclavony: and many of them also were gone before and had taken their course all alone. Assoon as the day began to break, Scanderbag being aboard the Admiral, and having commanded a general silence by sound of trumpet, with a high voice began to pray in this manner.  
Lord jesus Christ Son of the everliving God, which sittest at the right hand 
Prayer by Scanderbag ●oing to the aid of the King of Naples.  of the Father most high and omnipotent in the eternal glory, who in the beginning didst create all things of nothing, governing and guiding them according to thy good will & pleasure: who from all eternity hast forechosen the holy Christian faith and by the effusion of thy most precious blood, and by the blood of thy holy Martyrs and Apostles hast laid the foundation of the same, and in most wonderful manner hast caused it to be dilated and dispersed throughout the universal world: having appointed the most blessed S. Peter to be the Vicar and the Prince of the Apostles, and hast given to him and his successors, the whole and full authority of binding and losing both in heaven and in earth: and hast willed and commanded all men living, especially the Christian and elect people to be obedient to their admonitions and commandments, and to sustain, maintain, and defend the Catholic faith and the Church of Rome even to the death: Behold o Lord, I a most humble and poor sheep, altogether unworthy to be one of thy fold, have with a free heart & willing taken upon me the burden of this journey and expedition by their direction and commandment, to the intent under the conduct & protection of thy mercy, I may maintain, & with all my power defend the liberty of thy holy Church, thy Catholic faith, the city of Rome, and the country of Italy against those that have invaded it, and are their professed enemies. Wherefore most merciful God and almighty Father, who art both venerable and fearful, I do invocate thy divine Majesty, and do most humbly require thee to be favourable to this my enterprise: reach out thy hand thy outstretched arm, and send unto me Michael thy Archangel, thy holy messenger & minister: whose favour may be with me, and may accompany me day & night (for I do gladly reverence & honour him) who may give unto me & furnish me with force, strength & courage: that this voyage & passage may be happy and prosperous unto me, and that I may attain in health and safety with this my army to the country of Apulia, that the enemies being discomfited and put to flight, I may triumph in the spoils, and prey of the enemies, and that having obtained the sum and end of my desires, I may return into my country and to my own home with safety, health and victory.  
This prayer being ended, the Archbishop celebrated the Mass, after which, the trumpet gave them warning to fall to their oars, and with a fresh gale of wind, they were soon off the coasts & shore of Albany. But within a while after there arose a thick 
Scanderbag faileth towards Italy.  & foggy cloud or mist which did so cover them from the sight each of other, that they could scarcely discern how to keep their galleys from beating one against an other. Nevertheless holding on their course, they made sail till it drew towards night. By this time they began to discover a little Isle, and the Pilot demanded of the King, whether he should direct his course thither or not: for they might easily perceive that there was a tempest coming, and the waves of the sea began to swell, for it was in Autumn.) Scanderbag having willed him to bend his course to the Isle: the whole fleet did come to harbour within the port, where having cast anchors, they road there for eight days together, by reason of the outrage and swelling of the sea, which being at length grown calm, and the wind ceased, early in the morning by the rising of the Sun, having heard divine service, they put again to sea, and made sail all that day and the night following, so that the next morning by break of day, they came within sight of the coast of Apulia. Scanderbag inquired what land that was which appeared not far off before them: it was told him, that it was the mount Saint Angel. God be thanked (said Scanderbag) bend your 
Or mount Gargan.  course thitherwards: for I have ever had a great devotion to Saint Michael. And presently assoon as he had a sight of the mountain, he fell on both his knees and desired of God, that this his first discovery of Apulia, might be to his glory and to the benefit of him and his confederates. After this he commanded them to ply their tackling▪ and to hoist up all their sails, which being filled with a merry gale of wind the army in short time arrived safely to the shore. Scanderbag being gotten to shore together with the Archbishop, and a good number of soldiers, sent abroad to see if they could have any news of the enemy. His couriers being returned brought him word that they were not far off: notwithstanding he rested himself all at his 
Scanderbag with his army in Apulia. Or Barlet.  ease, and having somewhat refreshed him, he returned aboard his ships, and from thence took his course directly to Bary, where he discharged his ships, and set all his troops on land.  
Duke john and the Count Pycenin being encamped before Bary, assoon as they saw so great a fleet, did presently suspect and imagine what they were: for there was 
Siege of Bari raised by Scanderbag.  of late a certain brute or rumour raised in the French host, that Ferdinand did look for the King of Epire to come to his succour. Wherefore they trussed up their baggage in great haste, and went to lodge about a thirty miles from thence: at the discamping of the French, the Neapolitan King being at liberty, issued joyfully out of the city, and went to meet Scanderbag. Then was the affection and mutual gladness of those two Princes, to be seen and perceived by the multitude of their embracements and kind greetings, intermingled with tears, and so did they make 
Scanderbag received into Bari by Ferdinand.  their entry into Bary not without the infinite clamours and acclamations of the common sort, in sign of the public joy & gladness. Then might you have seen all the town as it were in a tumult, by means of the people running dispersed in several troops to meet the king of Albany: all the inhabitants in general, of all ages & estates, and of each sex were assembled in great confusion upon the market place, & at the Palace: day & night might you have heard in the streets & in all places, persons singing & triumphing for joy of the coming of Scanderbag: on the one side the inhabitants issued by multitudes out of the gates to see the ships and navy of the Albanois, on the other side the Epyrots resorted into the town, and ranged up and down the fields & the villages, busying & employing themselves in diverse matters. Some ●ell to sadling and bridling of their horses, others to make ready their curasses & their armours, every man employed himself about some one thing or other, & all generally prepared themselves to the war, as if they had been presently to fight with the enemy. The next morning Scanderbag taking with him a small company of his men, went forth to forage upon the lands of such as were rebels to Ferdinand, and being soon returned well loaden with prey and pillage, he divided it equally and in common to those of the town as well as to his own soldiers. Afterwards a little before the evening having assembled his companies, he thought good to encourage them and used these speeches following.  
I remember (my companions and good friends) that I have heard it reported of 
Oration of Scanderbag encouraging his soldiers against the Frenchmen.  Belissarius that famous warrior, how in an expedition which he made against the Englishmen, with a puissant army by sea: his first act was after, he had landed his men, to set ●ire on all his ships, for fear lest his soldiers being carried away with the hope and commodity of a safe passage back again, should be always desirous to return home to their own country: and in stead of doing their best, and adventuring their lives to get the victory, they might happen by their default and negligence to be overcome and vanquished. This is now our case (my good soldiers) and our estate and condition is not much unlike: we are now over the sea, far from our own houses, from our own country, upon the territories and dominions of our enemies, amongst strangers, altogether destitute and void of hope, and without any means to return again to our own: yea our affairs are brought to that pass, that it is impossible for us to resolve, whether is better for us to stand still or to go forward, considering that besides our arms, our horses, and our courages (wholly bend and addicted to deeds of arms) we have nothing else left us to rely and build upon: for there is now no hope of life nor safety, if we get not some notable victory upon our enemies. But courage, (my masters) let us consider, that this is the divine will and pleasure, that we should maintain the patrimony of jesus Christ, the house of God, and the seat of his Church: and doubt you not, but that he will send us even from heaven an easy and a speedy victory, under whose name and protection we being now to fight: soon shall we confound this our enemy, and then shall we return into our country conquerors, joyous, and triumphant. Hereof I make no doubt nor question, when (first of all) I call to remembrance your ordinary and wont valour, when I set before my eyes so many goodly victories which you have gotten upon your enemies: and then being thus confirmed through the confidence of your virtue and prows, I have cheerfully undertaken this present voyage, as having learned by your arms to break and discomfit greater armies, and far better than this that is now opposed against us. Much more reason have you (my companions) not to esteem of these small troops, which (as you have already seen) at the only brute and hearing of our names, and before that ever they had any sight of us, did (as a man may say) betake themselves to flight, and durst not tarry our landing, but removed their siege, and are retired from us. It remaineth therefore that we pursue them whilst they are in this fear and astonishment: but yet in this would I have you to be advised (my good friends,) that if it happen this our enemy should dare to abide us, and to come to fight with us (which I do not believe) my counsel is, that at the first we only hold him play by lose and light skirmishes, and that we do endeavour to weary and overcome him with the travel and trouble of continual onsets and often charges: in so doing either shall we put them to the sword, or get them alive to be our prisoners. For the weight and heaviness of their own arms doth sufficiently plague and afflict them in the fight: and these barded horses, are neither so ready to pursue, not yet so nimble to fly from us: but that we being lightly armed and mounted, have great advantage against them, being able by coursing up and down, both to annoy and to disorder them with ease. Go to then (my brave and courageous soldiers) let every man see that his horse and armour be in a good readiness: for by the aid and help of God▪ I am determined to morrow to go visit the enemy.  
The Albanois (who desired nothing more than to see the enemy) being more and more inflamed with these speeches, the next morning by the break of day presented themselves ready and resolute to march against the enemy: and having served God, they took the field with Ensigns displayed with a full intent to go seek out the 
Scanderbag his troops in skirmish with the French.  French: with whom when they came to encounter, they did not join with them with the whole body of their forces in plain and set battle, but they did only taste them with a light conflict: for that the intention of the Albanian Prince was not as yet to make a full trial of his fortune, but only to sport a little with the enemy, and to prove what manner of soldiers they were, and how they could demean themselves with their arms on their backs. In this skirmish there lay dead upon the place thirty of the French party, and twenty taken prisoners: of the Albanois not any one either slain or taken, only four of them were wounded, and they returned all of them with great joy to Bari.  
The next day following was a Council called of the Masters of the Camp, and the other Chieftains of the army, to the which the King Ferdinand led Scanderbag: there was it propounded, that either they must adventure the battle, or march into Abruzza, to open the passages for the troops of the confederates, 
Ferdinand and Scanderbag free the passages of Abruzza.  and so being conjoined with them, to go and encounter with the enemy. The conclusion was, that they should take the way to Abruzza, and thereupon was order given to all the soldiers both those of the King and the Albanois that they should be in a readin esse, and that every man should furnish himself with victuals ready dressed for five days. This done, and the town being assured with a good garrison, the army began to march, both the King and Scanderbag being present: and they passed on close and in good order, with great silence and secrecy, the darkness of the night favouring them, in such sort that they were not descried by the French camp, which lay not far off: & so held on their course directly towards the country of Abruzza, where being arrived, and coming suddenly upon those that kept and guarded the passages, they charged upon them unprovided so furiously both behind and in flank, and on all sides, that having dispersed and scattered them for the most part, or 
Ferdinand and Scanderbag. join with the forces of the league.  having taken or cut them in pieces: the ways and passages were made open and free to the companies of the league, which were under the conduct and command of Frederick Duke of Urbin and Alexander Sforce: who being united and incorporated one with the other army, they went and encamped near to Vrsara a town that stood for King Ferdinand.  
Now being so far removed from Bari, and considering that they had to deal with one the most subtle and politic warrior, and the most able and expert soldier living: namely Pycenin, who (as they thought) might either solicit that place to revolt: or upon the fear of their absence, and by the traverses of unconstant fortune if they should present themselves before the town, they might happen with ease to carry and obtain it: it was therefore thought convenient to send thither some good and sufficient Chieftain with good and strong forces, both to secure the town (if need were) and to prevent the enemy of any such enterprise, and the same being once done and dispatched, to return again, and to join with them in one camp. This commission was of sufficient difficulty, and there was none that did envy it unto Scanderbag: and therefore he offering himself, and requesting to have the execution of that service, it was liberally and freely accorded unto him. He had a good devotion and great desire to see the French once again, and to speak with Pycenin nearer and more at hand. Being arrived at Barie with his own bands, he found all things there as he desired, wherefore having taken order for all accidents, he dislodged thence as speedily, and marched directly towards the French camp. Immediately upon his approach, he sent them a defiance, and challenged them to the battle: they who had used always to vanquish and carry away the victory, made no 
Fight between Scanderbag & the French.  long delay, but were as forward to meet him. Each party therefore took the field in good order and well resolved: the Albanois had divided his army into three parts: Moses of Dibria led one of his battalions, of the second Guirize had the command, and the third he reserved to himself, having an intent therewithal to affront Pycenin. Thus all things being orderly disposed for the fight: he made towards the enemy by three several ways at once. The whole day was spent almost in skirmishes and light conflicts: for the Albanois making sometimes as though they fled and feigned themselves to be afraid: sometimes by wheeling and casting suddenly about, then again by often and sudden charge and retraites: coursing up and down the breadth of the plain, did so weary and molest the French, that in the end, the battle fell out as himself expected. Many were slain outright, and many of the Duke's side were taken prisoners, only one of the Albanois was slain, many hurt and very few taken. But the Count being quick conceited and politic, and wisely foreseeing that by this new kind of fight: if Scanderbag with his soldiers so well exercised by long practice, use, and discipline, did not put him to the worst, yet he was like enough to give him his hands full: he bethought himself therefore, that if he could get to speak unto him, he might peradventure obtain some stay, and so cause him 
Policy of Count Pycenin  to surcease from fight. For this cause he advanced himself alone at the head of his squadrons, and with a huge voice called Scanderbag by his name, inviting and requesting him to come to a parley with him. The Albanois being of a courteous and generous disposition, and without any apprehension of fear: knowing that it was the County, did not disdain to speak with him, but put himself likewise in the head of his troops. The two Chieftains being thus separated from their companies, made choice of a place equally distant from the two armies, and discovered round about on all sides to be free from all suspicion of any ambushmentes, and there both they met to confer and parley together. The Count greatly marveling at the presence of the King of Epire, stood still without any word spoken attentively beholding him from the head to the foot. Scanderbag was the first that dismounted from his horse, and approaching to the Count, he took him about the body (for he was a man of a very little stature) and lifted him up aloft from the ground, and afterwards having kissed him (as his custom was) he let him down again very easily. The Count to colour his subtlety, feigned that he had 
Count Pycenin his notable dissimulation.  great matters to entreat of with him, and which could not be expressed in a short conference. For he promised so to contrive all things, that either the Frenchmen, leaving the quiet and peaceable possession of the Realm of Naples to Ferdinand should avoid 
Pycenin his parley with Scanderbag.  out of Apulia, and so return over the mountains: or if not, that he would work their confusion. And so proceeding in a most friendly and loving discourse: he said, that he was fully assured, that if the Frenchmen (who were naturally proud and insolent, and did bear a deadly and mortal hatred to the Italians) should once get sure footing in the Realm of Naples: they would not rest contented with that portion, but they would aspire to the Dominion of all Italy, the inhabitants whereof they respected not nor regarded no more than as slaves, and as brute beasts & unreasonable creatures. All this and many things else, did he promise to do, both for the benefit and greatness of Ferdinand, as also for the reputation & immortal renown of Scanderbag. And to this end he requested him, that he would cause his people to sound a retreat, as he was ready for his part to do the like: that the soldiers of both sides might take breath, and might refresh themselves from their labours and travels which they had endured all the day long: affirming that this was a use and custom ever observed in wars amongst the Italians: and for that it was now growing towards night, and the soldiers on both sides being faint and weary, he held it expedient, that the two armies should retire into their tents, and that every man might betake himself to his rest. He also entreated him of all courtesy, that he would meet him the next morning with a small company (to the intent Duke john & the French men might doubt and suspect nothing) in such a place as he would assign, that they might there confer more at full upon these matters. This fraudulent plot did Pycenin convey with singular dissimulation equal to his malice and despiteful humour. 
Count Pycenin his dishonest practice against Scanderbag.  For his drift was to bring the Albanois within his danger either alive or dead (an act most dishonest, and little practised amongst true Knights) or at the least wise he thought by drawing out the parley at length to gain time, and to bring it to pass, that the night should separate them: for he perceived full well, that the Albanois had the advantage of that days journey. Scanderbag giving faith and credit to his speeches, by reason he was a parsonage of great renown and authority, did simply and plainly condescend to his request, causing to sound a retreat and to cease the combat. In this mean time Moses and Guirize (who in the late skirmish had taken prisoners four squadrons of the enemies) did present them unto their General: which Picenin seeing, he began to blush for shame, and being sore troubled in his mind, he stood a while as if he had been dumb: afterwards being come to himself, he spoke again to the Prince of Albany according to his wont dissembled manner to this effect.  
I perceive (quoth he) most noble and generous Prince, and I cannot but be abashed 
Speech of the Count Pycenin to Scanderbag.  at it, to see that thy Captains and soldiers, do show themselves to have but small discipline, and to have but little regard and respect of thy command. For (as thou seest) after we had set down an order and published it with one voice and consent, that the soldiers of both the armies should withdraw themselves from the battle: these men notwithstanding have assailed and forced these my squadrons, who were obedient to our edict, and they have now brought them hither prisoners unto thee to our great reproach and dishonour, a thing in my judgement unjust and injurious, and contrary to thy faith and reputation. Nevertheless trusting in thy virtue and valour, for that I have ever reputed thee to be a Prince of great magnanimity and faithful of thy word, I have good hope that thou wilt observe the faith and promise which thou hast given me, and wilt cause these soldiers to be set at liberty, as being unjustly taken and made prisoners. But the Count went not away without an answer: for Scanderbag replied unto him in this manner.  
Certainly Count james: I cannot choose but greatly marvel that thou being a 
Answer of Scanderbag to Count Pycenin.  man so famous and renowned, wouldst either speak or so much as think such speeches not only vain and frivolous, but of little truth or appearance. For, to say that our Captains and men at arms have taken or defeated thy squadrons when they were disarmed, or after that publication of our edict and agreement: thou thyself hast seen the contrary, and thou mayest not deny it, but that at the very first that we two met together in this place, my men had both foiled and taken those prisoners before that ever there was any abstinence of arms either concluded or signified throughout our armies: and therefore I know not how it should be that this matter should seem so strange and injurious unto thee: for if our troops (as thyself hast confessed) have been in fight all the day long: is it possible that our agreement should in so short a space be published and made known throughout all the quarters of our camp? and can it be that thy men seeing my forces still in arms and in fight, could so simply layedowne their arms and give over fight? then must I needs think that whilst thy soldiers would show themselves (as thou sayest) precise observers of thy commandments: they are justly and to their shame made prisoners unto us: or rather in despite of their wills being overcome by right of arms, they have lost the victory and have deserved this captivity. Moreover how cannest thou call or account my men either rebellious or careless of discipline, with whom many times in fewer & lesser numbers (be it spoken without boasting) I have broken and overthrown so many puissant and mighty armies of the Barbarians? with whom I have tamed, subdued, and made captives so many proud and brave Chieftains of the Turks and Infidels? and if I should speak the truth of their obedience, and their order in military discipline: I dare avow that they fear and reverence me more as their Leader and General, than they do stand in fear of you being their enemies. And as concerning that request of thine, that these thy squadrons (being by right of war made my prisoners) should be freely restored and redelivered unto thee: truly thy demand shall not be in vain: for those whom the fury of the fight hath spared alive, it is not my use nor custom to deprive them either of life or liberty.  
Now the number of them which were so taken, were about 100, all which Scanderbag delivered with their armour and gave them freely unto Pycenin: who after that this parley was ended, betook himself to his camp, and the Albanois went towards Bari, from whence the next morning very early, being accompanied only with seven horsemen and no more, he went back again to meet with Pycenin according to the promise and agreement concluded between them the day before. As he was riding on his way, there presented himself unto him one that came from the enemy's camp, sent (it may be) by Zachary Groppe, who (as some writ) was then in the pay of the French: or else some one of them who had lately proved the bounty and courtesy 
Zachary Groppe in pay with the French in Italy.  of the Prince, holding it an unworthy and dishonourable part, that the Count against the laws of arms and honourable wars, should usesuch falsehood & disloyalty towards Scanderbag: but howsoever it was, seeing in so great want and obscurity of writers, we cannot learn nor yet conjecture any otherwise of the case: let it suffice that this soldier did discover and make known unto Scanderbag this practice of 
Count Picenin his practice discovered to Scanderbag.  the County: giving him to understand, that the long parley of the day last passed, was nothing but an illusion both to draw his own army out of the danger of that days journey, as also to entrap him and to bring him within his danger: telling him also, that the place appointed for their meeting was full of ambushments purposely disposed and prepared to that effect: and he willed him in any case not to pass any farther, for if he did, he should be either slain or taken. Scanderbag to prove the truth of this matter, sent forth certain horsemen to discover the country, and they found it accordingly as it had been reported. The guile and fraud of the Count being revealed and made manifest, the Prince of Epire began to reproach him in his absence with the note of plain treason and infidelity: and he objected unto him a thousand villainies, 
Scanderbag challengeth Count Picenin to the battle.  calling him perjured and disloyal: and he sent unto him presently a defiance, willing him to prepare himself to the battle against the next morning. But Picenin without returning any answer, about the first watch of the night following, trussing up his baggage together with Duke john and his french forces, made a long march the same night and retired himself at last to Nocera, doubting lest that Scanderbag would 
Picenin & the French secretly dislodge to Nocera.  have invaded him before day: for he had heard that the Albanois did often and commonly use to take the advantage of the night, for the execution of his most notable and greatest exploits. The day following early in the morning, Scanderbag with his army in good order and with full resolution to fight, took the field: but there was none to be found that would come against him, by means whereof his expectation being frustrate, he was greatly discontented and aggrieved that he had lost the opportunity to revenge himself: and he referred it to some other time. He returned therefore 
Scanderbag joineth with Ferdinand.  towards Bari, where having taken order and seen all things safe and sure, he took his way to Vrsara where Ferdinand with his Italian forces did then lie encamped.  
Vrsara is a little town in Apulia, which being seated upon the descent of a mountain, 
Description of Vrsara.  is eight miles distant from Nocera, four from Troy, and six from mount Segian: so that the two armies were not above eight miles asunder. The town of Segian 
Segian. troy. Nocera.  being between both of them, from whence troy was two miles, and to Nocera six: in such sort that the common opinion was, that he which could first seize upon this hill of Segian, was most likely without all doubt to have the honour of the battle, not only for that the situation of this place would give them some advantage, but also because it yielded the opportunity of a good and commodious retreat in case there should be any need to retire: as in battles it falleth out often and usually. Picenin who made account to be there first and to get the possession of the place, thought it meet to encourage his people and to put them in hart by the rehearsal of their valiant acts, and he spoke unto them in this manner.  
There is no man (my good friends and companions) but knoweth the greatness 
Oration of Count Picenin to his soldiers.  of your valour and prows: and I hold it needless to discourse thereof at large. Leaving therefore to begin, with the recital of your first deserts, I will only glance at some of your valiant and worthy exploits. Are not you the men that more than once have broken and put to flight the armies of Ferdinand in open and set battle: and reducing them to the extremity of a shameful siege, first within Naples, and afterwards within Bari? Are not you those brave warriors which once or twice have scattered and cut in pieces the forces of the Pope, and of the Duke of Milan, which came to the aid and secure of the Catalan? what resteth then (my good soldiers,) but that you purchase unto yourselves, the Empire not only of Apulia and Calabria, but even of all Italy? Who shall say you nay? who shall be able to oppose himself against you? Shall this Ferdinand, whom you have lately vanquished and chased flying before the fury of your arms? Then turning his speeches to the French forces:  
And you (o valiant and thrice fortunate Frenchmen, the terror and fear of all Italy and of all the world:) where are now the Romans, who once triumphed over the whole earth? so often overcome and discomfited by your brave valour in plain fight and set battle? where is Rome the capital city and Empress of the world? hath she not been made the prey and subject of your fury? All estates Christian stand in doubt & fear of you: the Infidels the Mahometans, and in brief all the Barbarians, and all peoples and nations do fear and reverence you, flying at the only bruit and report of your name. You are the true warriors; to you it is given by the Fates and divine Destinies: to you valiancy hath the heaven promised the sovereignty, not only of Apulia and Sicilia, but even of the whole world. Be you therefore constant, resolute and courageous: be not afraid of these men whom I will shortly deliver unto you for your prisoners, and I will give you the spoils of their persons, their arms and their horses. As for Scanderbag lately come from Albany with his Epirots naked or half armed: they ought not to move you, neither are you to make any reckoning of them: their fashion is to run and course up and down here and there, rather than with resolution and constancy to enter the combat. They shall not encounter here with Turks and Asians, who are people delicate and effeminate: but they shall meet with men stout and valiant, hardened and enured to the toils and travels of the wars, whose hearts are unconquerable, and whose bodies be armed and mounted to the advantage. This is the time (my friends) that we must bring this war to a glorious and happy end, that we may purchase unto ourselves the quiet and peaceable possession of these goodly towns, this rich champion, and this fruitful country.  
There is no doubt but the Count Pycenin was a most worthy and vigilant Chieftain, yet did he not rise timely enough that day to prevent the industry & diligence of Scanderbag, who was already seized and possessed of the mountain when the other thought to have gone and taken it. Whereupon growing very sad and in a manner confounded, from that time forward he was out of all hope of victory, and (as some say) he adjudged the fortune of the field unto Scanderbag. Notwithstanding as that Pilot or Mariner is nothing worth, which is not able at all times, but only in fair and calm weather, to guide and govern the ship, and to stand to the helm: so Pycenin, to show that he knew how to use all fortunes both good and bad, put in execution and trial at this time all his skill and experience which he had gotten and learned by the continual practice and exercise of arms, in ordering and disposing his squadrons against the battle following according to a most exact and perfect order. And first of all he held it not amiss once again to encourage his companies, 
Count Picenin encourageth his soldiers.  showing them, that they had no reason to despair of the victory, the events of war being more uncertain, then in any other humane action whatsoever: and that only virtue and valour which was careless and prodigal of life, was that which made men to be immortal. This did he speak unto his soldiers, because he was resolved, to adventure the hazard of a general battle with all his companies united and in one both Italians and Frenchmen.  
The two Generals both on the one side and the other, did not omit by all means and persuasions possible, to inflame and set on fire the hearts of their soldiers, in so much that each of them speaking unto them with a loud & high voice did urge them with these & the like considerations: That every man should prepare himself both with his arms and in courage to the last combat and trial of their virtue and fortune: and that they should now strive to vanquish not for a day but for ever: that they should see the next day before night, this quarrel decided and concluded between Duke john and king Ferdinand, whether of them twain should be Master of the field, and give the law to the Neapolitans: that the realm of Apulia and Calabria should be the prize and reward of them that were victorious: that the peril was no less than the recompense of them whom fortune had determined to frown upon and to disfavour: for that neither the Albanois nor the French (if they should happen to fly and to have the worst) had no place of refuge in a strange and unknown land. Thus those two Noble and generous Princes, those two excellent and famous chieftains, and those two armies of rare and undoubted prows, did prepare and make ready themselves to the hazard and adventure of the battle, and preferred themselves each in view and sight of other, in hope either to augment and increase their forepast honour and reputation, or else utterly to make an end thereof, and to extinguish it for ever. Their minds were distracted with doubtful hope and fear, sometimes regarding their own troops, and sometimes those of the contrary party: and coming to consider of their forces rather by the eye then by their reason: they did devise unto themselves all at one instant, sometimes matter of sorrow and grief, and sometimes of joy and gladness. That which of themselves they did not remember: the exhortations and brief admonishments of their Generals did supply: a matter needful amongst so many nations differing and disagreeing in manners, in language, in laws, arms, habit, and humours. Scanderbag put his men in mind of their eighteen years wars, of his noble exploits and deeds of arms in Asia, in Macedon, in Thrace, in Epire, of so many Chieftains and numbers of Turks and circumcised Miscreants slain by them, and of so many armies of the Mahometistes which they had overcome and defeated: and if by chance he came to make mention of any one of his combats, he forgot not the notable deserts and particular commendations of each man in several. The Count james fell to recount likewise his famous acts, and the late battles which he had fought to his great honour and commendation both in the Marquesdome of Ancona, in Apulia, in Naples, and in other parts of Italy.  
Scanderbag dividing his foot forces only into two battalions, placed in the forefront 
Order of Scanderbag his battles against Pycenin.  his harguebussiers, and after them his crossbows, his archers, and the slings, the rearguard he enforced with his pikes, both slavonians and Albanians. He did not order his squadrons in gross, but parted them into several bands, each at large and a little distant one from the other, to the intent that there might be some space left between each of them, by which the men at arms and barded horses of the enemies being received in amongst them might pass & not trouble nor disorder their ranks. This done, he placed the King in the left wing, being guarded with his men at arms both Neapolitans and Italians: Moses and Guirize did guard the right side, and with their light horses being Dibrians and Macedonians, did fill up the empty and void places between the several squadrons of the vanguard, who were willed, that if they saw the men at arms of the French to charge upon them with their barded horses, that either they should retire themselves behind the ranks of the middle troops, or else galloping and coursing up and down, sometimes here, sometimes there they should join themselves to the wings either of the right hand or of the left, to give way unto the footmen, and to abide the shock of the barded horses.  
The Count james in the mean space arraunged his troops in a marvelous good 
Order of the Count Picenin his battles against Scanderbag.  order of battle▪ first for the greater terror to the enemy, he placed his artillery mou 〈…〉 upon wheels and carriages, in the head of his battles: then followed his Harguebussiers and crossbows intermingled with pikes and corselets: in the second battalion were the companies of the Neapolitans and Apulians: who were seconded in manner of a rearguard with the Genowais and Calabrians, flanking the two points of their battles with the men at arms, on the right wing the French, and on the other the Italians.  
Now began the drums and trumpets on the part of the Arragonois to summon 
Battle of Segian between Scanderbag & Picenin.  every man to do his devoite: and the soldiers on that side raising a huge and horrible ●●ye, went so furiously and vehemently to charge upon the enemy, and with such readiness and celerity, that their vanguard after some fight was overthrown and beaten back in a manner before their pieces could have the leisure to play upon the King's battalions: whereby you may judge of what importance 
Sentence. Diligence in the wars of great importance.  industry and diligence are in the wars: oftentimes preventing the counsels and purposes of the enemy, and troubling and confounding their order and directions. For the horses were so terrified with the noise of the ordinance, that they overthrew and disordered their own troops, especially in the left wing. Moses and Guirize did soon augment and increase the fear and terror of this affray: for they very eagerly charging and fiercely setting upon that side, did disfurnish the main battle of their horsemen: and some of their own horses which were in the forefront of the battle near the artillery, ran in amongst their own Harguebussiers and archers: where albeit they were grievouously wounded, yet did they cause a great confusion and destruction of their own people: insomuch that on the right hand, the men at arms of France were compelled to turn their backs and to betake themselves to flight.  
When the King Ferdinand perceived the enemy to be in disorder, he increased their fear by pressing in upon them, so that the battalion of the Neapolitans was left bare and naked of her flanks. This was even then when the infantry on the one side and the other, being far unequal in hope and in puissance, came to affront each other, and to join together. The Albanois at the first onset began of purpose to recuile and give back a little from the battalion of the enemy: but anon after all of them at one instant both the wings and the squadrons, charging and pressing upon them most furiously did soon cause them to shake and to disrank themselves, and thus pressing still forward, they marched on a while as if nothing had stood against them, the hindmost still thrusting and bearing forward the foremost, in such sort that they had quite displaced the battalion of the enemies, and made them to leave and forsake their ground: (a thing which gave them so huge a terror) that it was of great force and efficacy to break them for altogether. The rearguard of the Angevin namely, the Calabrians and the Genoese presently began to yield and to give ground also: and having their recourse to the battle of the Neapolitans, they did not only not sustain and second them, but rather on the contrary fearing lest if they which fought manfully in the forefront, should be overthrown and discomfited, that then the enemy would break in next upon them: by little and little they began to recuile. Thus the Genoese and the Calabrians began to make away, and turning their backs, one part of them retired to the second battalion, and another part (as being forsaken on the one side, and excluded on the other) began to strike in amongst their fellows that denied to receive and entertain them: so that now you might have seen as it were two conflicts at once mixed and intermingled together: the Neapolitans being forced to defend themselves both from these and from their enemies. Notwithstanding they would not suffer them for all this to recuile within their ranks (were they never so fierce and despiteful) but keeping close together, and holding their ranks in good order on the open plain, they repulsed these their troublesome companions who were quite forlorn, both by their own flight and also by their blows: for fear least being suffered to enter amongst them, they should cause their battalion also (which as yet was sure and whole) to be disordered and brought in disairay. By means of this tumult and great trouble, the place where they fought so obstinately in the head of the rearguard, was so filled and pestered with the dead bodies of those which were then slain and with weapons, that the passage there was almost more hard and difficult, then through the thickest of the enemies: but the pikemen were the first that made themselves way, who passing over those high heaps of the dead, and of their weapons which lay scattered about: and through the blood of the slaughtered (which lay most horrible to look unto) followed close after their enemies to the uttermost of their powers, so that their own ranks began to grow into disorder. The Harguebussiers and the cross bows when they saw that their battle being gotten before them was (as it were) wandering, disjoined and separated from them, began to be greatly astonished and abashed: Scanderbag incontinently perceived and manifestly saw the disorder of the one and the astonishments of the other: whereupon he caused the pikes to retire themselves back again, and having bestowed those which were wounded in the rearward of the battle, he led forth the Harguebussiers and the Archers to the two points for the better strengthening of the pikes and the middle battle. By this means the conflict began to be renewed and to grow more cruel and deadly then before, and so continued the better part of the day. Many there were that fell both on the one side and the other: but the victory continuing still variable and uncertain, did sway sometimes to the one side and sometimes to the other: for now were they busied on all sides, and every man had his hands full. Both sides were equal or not much unlike, in the quality of their weapons, in practice and experience military, in honour and reputation, and in the greatness of hope and of the present danger, but in number and multitude they were nothing equal: for therein the Albanois and Arragonois were superior and did exceed them, as also in courage and resolution, and the rather for that they had put to flight both their light horsemen, and their men at arms: and having chased their first battle, had given the onset upon the second. Moses and Guirize having pursued and followed the chase after the enemy's horse that were fled, were now returned and in a readiness to charge in upon the back of this battalion. This last charge and onset did 
Victory of the Arragonois.  cause their utter ruin and overthrow: for many were enclosed, and murdered upon the place, and many being scattered and dispersed as they betook themselves to main flight over the large and wide plain: were forced by the horsemen to turn and return here and there: so that being enclosed and (as it were) besieged on all sides: what with the bullets and shot of the Harguebussiers, and what with the sword both of horse and foot that pursued them, many of them were shot and many of them were beaten down and slain: so that the slaughter on all parts was most extreme and pitiful.  
The number of those which were counted slain that day in the field, both of Neapolitans and of their confederates, was valued to be better than four thousand: of prisoners there were taken about a thousand, besides five and twenty ensigns and standards. Of the victors there died near a thousand. The Count Picenin and Duke john with a few horsemen in their company being compelled to yield and give place to their ill fortune, did save themselves after that the combat was past all hope, and they withdrew themselves amongst the thickest of those that fled, escaping by the goodness and swiftness of their horses. The Count before his departure had given all good and sufficient proof of his valour both before and during the whole time of the battle, and Scanderbag himself both by his own confession, and of all those (who were skilful and practised in arms) did yield him this praise and commendation, 
Count Picenin his praise and commendation  that he ordered and martialled his battles that day with singular skill and judgement. For, first his artillery was placed in the head and front of his battles in regard that the force and violence thereof was intolerable. After it, followed the companies of mercenary men and strangers arranged in very good order: against whom he was in hope that the troops Albanois should have been opposed. After those strange succours succeeded the French battalion, to keep the other that they should not fly when they thought good, for that being mingled of so many sorts of peoples (whom desire of gain, and not theregard of their faith and honour did draw thither) he thought by means of the French following at their backs, they would be enforced both to abide the shock and charge of the enemy and also having wearied and sore traveled them partly with their shot, and partly with the kill and wounding of themselves in the vanguard: the violence and fury of the enemy would by this means be much abated. And therefore had he placed immediately after them the French and the Neapolitans, in whom consisted the strength and sinews of their hope: to the intent that being in all things equal unto the enemy, they might in this point have the advantage of them, when that they being fresh, whole, and lusty, should be opposed against the others already wearied and wounded, with their long fight against them of the vanguard. As for the Genoese and the Calabrians, he had severed them a good space from the rest, as being a people in whom he had no trust nor affiance whether they were either friends or foes, and therefore had he reserved them to the rearward.  
The Count Picenin after this days service, being (as it were) the last proof of his virtue, being escaped from the field, went up and down Italy secret and unknown as a fugitive and vagabond in a very poor estate and disguised habit, till such time 
Francis Sforce duke of Milan  as being alured with the flattering speeches, and enticing words of Francis Sforce, than Duke of Milan, who beguiled him under the colour and pretence of a feigned marriage, and made him his son in law, and then shortly after sent him as a friend to King Ferdinand, by whom being received and entertained as an enemy, he was 
Count Picenin his pitiful end.  in the end put to a pitiful and cruel death. The Duke john being hardly and nearly pursued by the horsemen of the King of Albany, by very good hap and singular Fortune recovered Troy, where he was received and drawn up over the walls with 
Duke john his retreat into France.  a cord: and from thence flying away secretly by night towards the sea of Genes, by good chance he found there a Bark which carried him into France.  
The French camp being sacked, and the soldiers enriched with the spoils 
Ferdinand returneth to Naples in triumph  which they had gotten: the King entered into Naples with great pomp and triumph, and Scanderbag with him, the prisoners being led on before them. Then in sign of gratulation and public joy, all the temples were set open: solemn processions were made, plays and feasts of all sorts were publicly celebrated for three days together. These things thus accomplished, Ferdinand determined in the company of Scanderbag to take arms for the recovery of all those towns and places, which were lately 
Ferdinand recovereth all his kingdom.  rebelled and revolted to the Angevins: and so well did he follow and dispatch this voyage, that in a very short space, he pacified all the country, and reduced it to his obedience and devotion, by the help and mediation of the King of Albany. For all of them were more willing to rely upon his word, then upon the faith of the king: fearing that by reason of their revolt, and the breach of their faith to his Majesty: he would have dealt very hardly and injuriously with them: but they were very well assured, that the Albanois should be so respected by Ferdinand, that if he gave them his faith and promise in the word of a King, that they should have no wrong nor damage, neither in their persons nor possessions. Thus by the means and intercession of this Prince, did the King Ferdinand in few days reconquer his whole estate, and the Neapolitans continued under his obeisance in rest & quietness, all former matters and offences being for ever forgiven and forgotten.  
There remained yet one only difficulty to be remedied within Apulia, which Scanderbag also accomplished and effected in good and friendly manner. Within the town 
Trana. Frisian.  of Trana, there was a certain Sicilian named Frisian, a man notably fierce and warlike, who having been sent by Ferdinand (before the coming of the French into Apulia,) to be governor of the garrison at Trana, had there settled and made himself very strong: he seeing that the Realm was turned in a manner topsie turuy by the wars and tumults of the French, had seized upon that town to his own use, and made himself absolute Lord and Signior of the same, supposing that the King being in a manner spoiled of his realm, would never be able to recover it again. Daily there came unto him in great abundance huge troops of lewd and lose fellows, drawn thither by the desire and covetousness of gain: and with the sweetness which they purchased upon the Province. The report hereof being come to the ears of Scanderbag, he had some speech with the king touching this matter, whereupon being permitted 
Scanderbag goeth to talk with Fusian.  to departed from his camp with a small troop chosen forth amongst his own men, he marched directly on towards Fusian, who being informed that Scanderbag came to seek him, he went to meet him very well accompanied. Both the one and the other of them having singled themselves from their company, and dismounting from their horses, caused their soldiers to retire on the one side and the other in equal and like distance, and so came to talk and confer together all alone. Scanderbag was the first that boarded him with these speeches.  
Brave and worthy knight Fusian: I doubt not but thou hast already heard, how the 
Speech of Scanderbag to Fusian.  army of the French being overthrown and discomfited, all things are now in quiet and peaceable estate, and every man hath submitted himself to the authority and government of King Ferdinand: only thyself (I know not upon what humour) art alienated from his Majesty: in such sort that in stead of being his friend, his servant, and his lieutenant: it seemeth that thou dost reject his command and authority, whereat I cannot but greatly marvel. Notwithstanding (my friend Fusian) if thou wilt do me the honour to give credit to my words, assure thyself it shall be for thy good, and thou shalt be in the good grace and favour of the King, which if thou be wise, thou wilt not in any sort refuse nor deny: and I promise thee on my faith, that I will cause thee to find such honour and advancement, as thyself shalt in reason demand, on condition that thou do resign and deliver up Trana, and the fortress into his majesties hands. On the other side, if thou be otherwise minded: I denounce war against thee as against the King's enemy, whose fury and indignation, I do not see how thou canst possibly shun and avoid.  
Fusian being puffed up with the favour of the popular sort, and with his own good fortune and prosperity, was become very proud and arrogant, and therefore he made this answer to the Prince of Albany. That he meant not to leave the possession of the 
Answer of Fusian to Scanderbag.  place unto the King: except he were first satisfied and paid of all his wages and pensions from the time, the day, the hour, that he first came to the King's service, even to that present. And moreover that he would have the chief and principal place under the King, in the government of his realm and kingome: With many other such conditions which he did rather prescribe, then seem to request of the King his Majesty, being notably prejudicial to the honour and dignity royal, and derogating greatly from the reputation of Scanderbag, unto whom he durst make those insolent demands. After which also, he powered forth many vile and contumelious speeches, both against Ferdinand and the Queen. Scanderbag could not any longer suffer this his insolency, but choler and despite abounding in him, and his countenance beginning 
Scanderbag seizeth upon the person of Fusian, and taketh him prisoner.  to change, he took him by the neck, and so seized upon him. The Scanderbegians making haste to approach to their master, bound him fast, and lifted him to horseback without any tumult or trouble: the train and company of Fusian not any way contradicting them, or opposing themselves against it. Fusian seeing himself captive and in peril to fall to the mercy of Ferdinand, began to make fair weather, and was soon contented upon condition he might enjoy his liberty, to resign and yield up Trana into his hands, which being accepted, and faith given to that effect: 
Trana yielded to Scanderbag by Fusian.  Scanderbag entered freely with his company into the place to take possession thereof: and having assured it with a good and sufficient garrison, he released Fusian to go at his pleasure: who when he was delivered and courteously licensed to departed, embarked himself, his train, and all his baggage in a certain vessel, and so setting sail from the part of Trana, retired himself into Sicilia.  
Scanderbag after this happy exploit achieved, returned to King Ferdinand: after which both of them being very glad and joyous to see all troubles and seditions appeased and suppressed within the Realm, and having provided and taken good order for the surety and safety of all the towns and places of any importance, they returned back again to Naples the chief & capital city of the kingdom, with new joy and exceeding great triumph. And for the better increasing and honouring of the same, the Bishop of Rome, the Duke of Milan, and almost all the Princes and Potentates of Italy, in sign of the joy and great contentment which they conceived for their good 
Scanderbag honoured with ambassades & presents from the Pope and other Princes of Italy.  and happy success, did visit the King of Naples and Scanderbag with most honourable Ambassades, and rich and sumptuous presents. But above all the rest, did the Pope honour the Prince of Albany with excellent gifts and rewards: for he did not only gratify him with gold, silver, and other goods and temporal things, but he adorned him with most ample and large privileges, prerogatives, and spiritual graces: making him also a faithful and assured promise, that as soon as his holiness with the army of the Crusado could possibly get into Epire, (which he purposed to do very shortly, and to march in proper person against the Turks:) he would then crown him king of Epire, Macedon, Thrace, and Romania, and would commit the army of the Christians to his charge, and that he should have the command and government of the same, as chief General of the wars against the Infidels.  
By this time was there a full and whole year past and fully complete, since the arrival of the Albanois into Apulia: now was the war ended and determined, Ferdinand restored and re-established in his kingdom, and all things settled within the province according to his own desire. Scanderbag therefore having had long conference with the King touching many affairs of great weight and importance, was now willing to prepare for his departure, and to appoint a time for his journey by sea homewards. Wherefore Ferdinand (before he would accord or agree to any thing) first caused all his Chieftains and the Captains of his army to be assembled, and in their presence made a long oration: wherein he gave Scanderbag great thanks and infinite praises and commendations, oftentimes repeating and calling him by the name of Father: and by which ever after as long as he lived he never ceased to honour him. Afterwards he commanded general processions and public prayers to be said from Church to Church, whereat the King himself, his Court, and all the people were present, and did assist them in all humility and devotion. Other like services and religious ceremonies were presented and offered up unto God for their good and happy victory, as to the sole and only author and giver of the same. After this he fell to triumphs, as turneys, jousts, and combattes, to public and solemn hunt, to pleasant spectacles and shows of all fashions: the which being ended and finished, the King made a great and bountiful largesse amongst the soldiers of Albany: but principally unto their King for a perpetual sign and memory of their mutual 
Towns in Apulia given to Scanderbag by king Ferdinand Trana. Mount Gargan or Saint Angel. Sypont. Saint john de Ronde.  good will and singular love and amity: for besides the inestimable treasures, horses barded, proud and rich caparizons and such like presents fit for Knights and men of arms, of singular prize and estimation bestowed upon him: he gave him also the city of Trana and two other noble and strong places in Apulia: one of the which was the mount Gargan, commonly called Saint Angel, where is seated the famous town of Sypont, and the venerable church consecrated to the honour of Saint Michael upon the sea adriatic: the other was Saint john de Ronde, all which places with their territories he granted unto Scanderbag and his heirs for ever: and he ratified and confirmed his said gift and grant by good and authentical writings and charters.  
To conclude, Scanderbag having caused the most part of his army to go to Trana, 
Scanderbag taketh his farewell of king Ferdinand.  where his ships and galleys did then attend him, and having taken his leave of king Ferdinand, not without many kind farewells, tears, and tokens of sorrow, with many friendly embracements and mutual congratulations: he departed from him at the last, being accompanied and conveyed on his way throughout Apulia, with many Princes and great Lords of the country: the high ways also being filled with people who came scattered from all places, both out of the towns and country to see and to salute him. Thus being come at length to the Port, and going aboard his vessels, as it were in pomp and triumph: he found the winds favourable, and serving well for his passage. Wherefore leaving the coasts and banks of Apulia, he crossed the seas with a merry wind, and in few days arrived safe and sound with all his troops in his own country of Epire: some of them landing at Duraz, and some at another 
Scanderbag returneth out of Apulia into Epire. Cape de lach.  little gulf called by the inhabitants, Cape de lach: and from thence he went to Croie, where he found all things in good and prosperous estate. His coming was no sooner spread and published throughout the Province, but that daily there arrived unto him new ambassades of the Princes, Lords and estates his friends and allies in demonstration of their joy, and in congratulation of his good and happy return. This was the end and issue of the war of Naples, in the seventeenth year of the reign of Scanderbag.  
The end of the tenth Book.   

THE ELEVENTH BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
MAhomet during the truce between him and Scanderbag atchieveth many & great conquests: the war being renewed between them, Mahomet sendeth diverse of his chieftains with puissant armies each after other against Scanderbag, who remaineth victorious against all of them. The Sultan desireth peace of Scanderbag, which being accorded & concluded, is at length broken by the Infidels, who suddenly overrun and spoil the borders of the Albanois. The Venetians having their dominions likewise invaded by the Turks, send Ambassadors unto Scanderbag, persuading him to renew the war, and to join with them against Mahomet. Scanderbag invadeth and preieth upon the Turkish territories. Pope Pius the second and the Princes of Christendom, prepare a voyage or Croyzado against the Turks, purposing to make Scanderbag General of their forces. Mahomet desireth to reconfirme the peace between him and Scanderbag, who absolutely refuseth it. Seremet one of the Turk his Bassas, is sent with an army against Scanderbag, by whom he is discomfited. The Pope being come with the army of the Christians to Ancona in Italy, and ready to take sea, sickneth and dieth: whereupon the voyage of the Christians against the Turks is broken off, to the great grief of the Albanois. Ballaban Badera is sent with an army against Scanderbag, by whom he is discomfited in the battle of Valcala. Moses and certain nobles of Epire, being over rash in following the chase upon the Turks, are taken prisoners, whom Mahomet causeth afterwards to be executed with extreme torments. Ballaban is again sent against Scanderbag, and is defeated in the battle of Oronichea. The third journey of Ballaban against Scanderbag, by whom he is again overthrown in the battle of Sfetigrade. Ballaban and jagup are sent with two several armies at one time and by sundry ways, to enclose & oppress Scanderbag, who meeting first with Ballaban in the battle of Valcala, putteth him to flight, and most of his army to the sword: and after encountereth with jagup, who in the battle of Cassar is slain by Scanderbag, and his forces likewise slaughtered. Scanderbag invadeth & spoileth the Turkish territories and so returneth to Croy triumphant and victorious.  
Whilst that Scanderbag was occupied in the war of Naples, and that 
1460. The conquests of Mahomet during his truce with Scanderbag.  the truce continued still in force between him and the Turks, Mahomet had made great profit and benefit by reason of this advantage, and had notably enlarged the bounds of his Empire, both in Asia upon the Infidels, and in Greece upon the Christians. For first of all interpreting it to be a sign and token of good Fortune, and taking it for an assurance of victory, in that he had put Vsuncassan to the retreat in the battle of Arsengua, as is before mentioned. He held on his course, and in an instant subdued 
Sinope the tountrey of Mithridates▪ Trebisond, or Tropez●nd, besieged and won by Mahomet.  Sinope (the country where Mithridates was both borne and buried) and all the Province of Paphlagonia, and with the like course and success of victory, having planted his Camp both by sea and by land before the city of Trebisonde, and having pressed and forced it with extreme fury, in the end he obtained both the city and all the royal treasures and riches within it, taking prisoner also the Emperor of Trebizond (named David and his two sons) whom most cruelly he caused to be put to death. And after he had reduced these Realms into several Provinces, 
Piramet king of Caramania.  and added them to the rest of his conquests, he bent his puissance against Piramet, King of Caramania whom he overcame in battle, taking from him many towns and cities in Cilicia: and as touching Greece, before that time of these expeditions in Asia, he entered with force of arms into Peloponnesa, commonly called Morea, and 
Peloponnesa, or Morea.  deprived the Paleologues of the principality of that Province, by the dissension of the two brethren Thomas and Demetrius. This done, he being informed that the Venetians had restored the wall of Hexamile (a work and building of great antiquity) 
Hexamile.  he laid waste and desolate the country of Coron and Modon, and by sudden irruption 
Modon, or Methone, a place frequented by pilgrims from Venice to jerusalem.  overrunning it with four score thousand horse, after he had defeated the Venetians in a bloody battle, and thrust them out of all Morea, he appropriated the same unto himself, and overthrew the wall before mentioned from the very foundation, laying it even with the earth, whereas from time of antiquity it had enclosed the* Isthmus or strait of Corinth, which is a narrow space of land running about five or 
Isthmus, a narrow space of land lying between two seas.  six miles from the Mediterrane sea, to the Arch Pelagus, or sea of AEgeum. Hereby now you may gather and conjecture, that this fortunate Prince by this his usurpation of all these countries and estates, did not a little increase the greatness of his forces and puissance. For the country of Peloponnesa, is the most principal and chiefest part of Greece, both for the nobility, and the puissance of those nations and peoples, which did once inhabit it. And if we will but behold and contemplate only the site and situation thereof, it will soon make show, that it deserved the principality and Empire of all Greece, by reason that it hath many goodly gulls, many points and promontories, many great and proud cities, and magnifical Provinces, as Achaia, Messenia, Laconia, or Lacedaemon, Argolica, and Arcadia, which is seated (as it were) in the midst of the country.  
This Monarch, whose hopes did aim at nothing else, than the dominion and Empire of the universal world, being now puffed up in pride, and growing insolent by the happy success of those his conquests: began to have recourse to his wont and former attempts, which was, to invade and overrun Scanderbag, thinking to have oppressed and broken him to nothing. For it grieved him exceedingly, that this only man should extend the glory of his triumphs so near unto him, and should (as it were) brave him even under his nose. Wherefore levying an army of 20000. men, 
Sinam sent against Scanderbag with an army of 20000. Turks.  he committed the charge thereof to Sinam one of his Saniackes, whom de dispatched away suddenly and speedily, to the intent he should surprise and take Scanderbag at an advantage and unprovided. But the Prince of Albany standing always upon his guard, had after his return to Croy, in very good time dispersed abroad his espials, and renewed his intelligencers near about the Sultan: in such sort that he was advertised of the intent and drift of the Sultan, so fitly and timely, that both he had the leisure to levy an army, and was the first that took the field. Notwithstanding he kept himself close and in covert, attending the approach of the Saniacke: whereof as soon as he had notice, he marched on against him all the whole night: in the dark whereof, and unknown to his adversary with 8000▪ fight men, both horse and foot, he seized 
Scanderbag marcheth with an army of 8000. men against Sinam.  upon the mountain of Mocrea, and there quietly expected the coming of Synam, for there lay his way, and that was the place by which he was of necessity to pass. There did hetake him so unprovided, and set upon him so suddenly, that he easily defeated both him and all his army, and that with so notable a slaughter and butchery, 
Victory of Scanderbag against Sinam and the Turks at Mocrea.  that more than two third parts of them lay dead upon the place: all their ensigns and all their baggage became a prey unto the Christians, who enjoyed it as the reward for their pains and travel. Their General had much ado to save himself from the fury and heat of the slaughter by the speediness of his flight: those which yielded themselves prisoners, and whose lives were saved, were redeemed for money, the which together with the other spoil, the Prince of Albany freely left unto his soldiers.  
About the same time had the Ottoman Emperor sent an other Turk one of his 
Assambeg with an army of 30000. against Scanderbag. Victory of Scanderbag against Assambeg at Ocrida.  Chieftains also, named Assambeg with another army of 30000. men against Scanderbag, who having gotten somewhat of this side of Ocrida, was made to yield so good an account of his voyage, that being vanquished, or rather utterly broken and wholly oppressed in one only battle: his fortune was such, that he had good experience aswell of the courtesy & clemency of his enemy, as of his martial force and fury. For as this Turk was furiously and valiantly fight in that battle, the guards of his body being all slain and his sides left all open, his horse sore hurt, though not deadly, 
Assambeg wounded is in great extremity after the loss of the battle of Ocrida.  himself was also wounded in the right arm with an arrow. In this hard plight & difficulty of all things being both confounded and discouraged, aswell by the remembrance of this fresh discomfiture, as by the grief of his wound, and (which more troubled him) being overtaken with the darkness of the night, & but badly accompanied, for every man, as the present danger advised him, had withdrawn themselves out of the way, & standing more in fear of their enemies then of the discommodities of their way in the dark of the night, did keep themselves close and secret. In this anguish (I say) & grief both of body and of mind, was Assambeg retired & rested himself upon a little mountain, or rather in a thick would not far from the borders of the Christians and about four miles from their camp, in a country altogether unknown unto him, and where he was wholly ignorant of all the ways, paths, and passages. How be it he stayed not there long ere he was discovered by the vigilancy of the soldiers of the Albanois: for that one of them, who had been sent before day to discover, & to make search over all the coast, having diligently surveyed all places, came speedily unto his Captain, and acquainted him with the whole matter, only in this one point was he deceived, in that by reason of the shadow of the place & the thickness of 
Assambeg hidden in a wood is discovered and found by Scanderbag.  the wood, he thought the number of the enemies to be greater than they were in deed, and so had he assured it unto his General. In so much that Scanderbag himself mounting on horseback, did make haste in great heat to seize upon these relics of his victory, being accompanied with all his cavallary. The Turks discerning his coming a far off, you need not doubt but it troubled them greatly, and they acquainted their Chieftain with the matter, who was more aggrieved then all of them. Immediately they fell to consultation, and resolved upon a course which perhaps was unbeseeming so great a chieftain and brave soldiers, and yet was it both safe & necessary: and that was to march without arms, and without their horses, and so to go & meet the conqueror. The captain himself, who was the author of this counsel, led the way unto his company, & was the foremost that went against him, being all over deformed with blood and filth. Not much unlike to Mark Anthony, at such time as he fled from the battle of Modena or Mutina, to Lepidus the Triumuir: when he came near him he took Scanderbag his horse by the reins of the bridle, and by three or four good words, he saved the lives both of himself and his company. For he found his enemy to be wonderfully passionated at his misfortune, upon the speech which he used unto him.  
Whither goest thou (quoth he) o Scanderbag? what wouldst thou? It is not for 
Speech of Assambeg to Scanderbag.  thine honour still to vanquish and overcome thine enemies. Suffer I pray thee, suffer thyself sometimes to be overcome: for being so vanquished, thy victory shall be greater than if thou wert victorious: and with more glory and commendation shalt thou reckon the triumphs of thy clemency amongst thy victories, than those which thou hast purchased upon thine armed enemies.  
The Christian Prince smiling, and turning about to his people: Nothing, said he, 
Sentence. Answer of Scanderbag to the speech of Assambeg.  is more subtle than adverse fortune, nothing is more sharp conceited or politic then necessity: o how wisely and eloquently can we speak when we are conquered, which being conquerors, we know not how to do? And then taking him by the hand, he said unto him: Assure thyself my friend, thou shalt have neither harm nor injury, if I can help it. And having sent him away, he commanded, that his wound should be well looked unto, and that he should want nothing: and afterwards 
Clemency of Scanderbag to Assambeg. Sentence.  he caused certain of his people to conduct him into some place of surety. For what thing is there more honourable or commendable, then to know and to be willing to use mercy and pity to an enemy, who is conquered, miserable, and afflicted? Scanderbag marched on with his army, coursing up and down on all sides here and there, and finding the Province to be clear of all ambushments of the enemies, he returned to his camp, and from thence near to Croy, where he solemnised the rest of his joy and gladness for the victory.  
Within a few days after came jussumbeg being sent likewise against the Epirot, 
jussumbeg sent with an army of 18000. Turk's against Scanderbag.  but he followed the same course and fortune that his companion had done, and he was so much the more likely to be beaten then the other, because he came in a more weak and feeble estate to seek out that adversary, who was newly victorious, and was as yet all imbrued in the blood of his enemies. For being entered into Scopia the chief city of Macedony with eighteen thousand men: he presumed and had determined 
Scopia in Macedon.  in his thoughts, that he would march even into the heart and bowels of Epire, not considering with himself, nor looking into the late mishap of Assambeg, such was his rashness and temerity. His coming being reported to the king of Albany, made him greatly to wonder, that these men could so strangely and (as it were) so wilfully forget themselves: or rather at their immoderate desire and unsatiable thirst which they had after his blood and life. Then turning him to his soldiers thus he spoke unto them.  
Go to my good friends and companions, you that are borne to travels, or rather 
Speech of Scanderbag to his soldiers, encouraging them against jussumbeg.  to continual victories: let us go on to meet with this new enemy, and with this new Captain let us not refuse to do him this honour, who at the first shock (I dare assure you) will give us good matter of honour and glory.  
Every man with loud clamours and acclamations did applaud his words, and so prepared themselves to follow their Chieftain: who drawing near to Scopia, and hearing by his vauntcurrours, that the enemy had taken the field, gave the signal unto his soldiers to give the onset upon them. The Barbarian (who was not prepared 
The battle of Scopia between Scanderbag & jussumbeg.  neither in courage nor resolution to the combat) received him notwithstanding, yet so as he seemed to do it with the countenance of one that came rather to talk of the matter, then to fight. For he did not think that Scanderbag would have had either him so greatly in contempt and disdain: or that hardiness in himself, as that he durst (so far off from his own frontiers) come to hazard the fortune of a battle within the territories of his enemies: from whence (if he should be vanquished) he could not have escaped, & where he could not either repair his forces: or (though he were victorious) be well assured, nor in safety. This was the reason that the Painim, even at the very beginning, losing both strength & courage, did find no course better nor more expedient, then to turn head and make hast away: showing the way unto his people of a most shameful and ignominious flight: who kept him company 
Victory of Scanderbag against jussumbeg.  in like manner, excepting some 300. or thereabouts, who preferring their honour before their lives, died valiantly with their arms in their hands. But they that fled found themselves in worse case by flying then they expected. For, whereas they supposed that they might have fled with safety, and should not have been pursued by the enemy, by reason they were in their own country, and, as it were, upon their own dunghill: therein they were greatly deceived, and with those their fellows which 
Number of Turks slain at the battle of Scopia.  were before slain in the fight, they made up the full number of 2000 at the least. There were very few taken prisoners, by reason of the great difficulties and discommodities which hindered the safe conucying of them, as also because of the length of their retreat which they were to make, for that the paisants might have assailed them on their way. jussumbeg thought to have rallied his troops, and to have laid some ambushment, or to have dressed some devise for the entrapping of the enemy: but his soldiers would not by any means harken unto him, but holding on their scattered course, they had a greater desire to return home (though it were with the displeasure of their Prince) than not to return home at all. And they excused themselves upon this their discomfiture and overthrow given them by Scanderbag, which they pretended to be a sufficient reason and lawful cause of their refusal. But Scanderbag for all this wanted not some one or other to be the successor of so many and great dangers, neither was he at any time without enemies.  
Amongst the eldest and most ancient Chiestaines of Mahomet, there was one an Asiatic named Carazabeg, a very grave and ancient parsonage, and of special mark and reputation, by reason of many honourable places of charge, and diverse 
Carazabeg sueth to Mahomet to be since against Scanderbag.  voyages wherein he had been employed, and had acquitted himself well and worthily. The Sultan also had him in great account, and having placed him in no small authority, he retained him near about his own person, as of late also his father Amurath had done the like. This aged Sire, as if he had been some young hotspur, found himself pricked on with the spurs of his glory (or rather misfortune) which seemed continually to lie in wait to seduce and entrap the greatest and most notable persons to the intent it might obscure the brightness of all their former renown, and the merits of their forepast triumphs, by the unhappy success of this war of Epire: for neither the late ignominy and opprobrious spectacle of jussumbeg, nor the like mishap which had ever attended upon so many others besides him, nor yet the fatal destiny of the Albanian felicity, which had continued even to that day, could not any thing dissuade him, but that he was desirous to prove his fortune against Scanderbag: wherefore repairing to the presence of the Sultan, he thus spoke unto him.  
Hitherto (most sovereign Prince) and even unto this day, both under thy Majesty, 
Oration of Carazabeg, to Mahomat, desiring to be employed against Scanderbag.  and under thy father of happy memory, I have heaped up and obtained in a manner, so many triumphs by my merits, as years by my age and course of life. But now both the one and the other of them is grievous and loathsome unto me, and I take no pleasure to remember them, through an extreme despite which I have conceived, to see Scanderbag obtain so many victories: to see the many overthrows & discomfitures which he hath given us: & to see the pride and insolency of the Albanians. I am resolved (as old and unfit as I am for arms) to abandon all to the hazard and chance of fortune, and either to bring unto thee, and to prostrate before thy feet dead or alive this wicked and ungrateful wretch, sometimes the slave of the house of Ottoman, & now the king of the unhappy Epirots: to the intent he may be accountant unto thee for the slaughter of so many and so great armies, and for the death of so many of thy noble & worthy chieftains: or else this head and this throat of mine shall more and more ennoble the glory of his fame and reputation. Give me leave therefore (most worthy Emperor) presently to levy forces, and to muster an army to my own liking: I myself will take upon me the charge and managing of this matter, not as a commander, but as thy minister: and both in the choosing, the arming and the training of the companies, I will not rely upon any other person, but myself alone will look to the handling and dispatching of all things. For it is with a notable thief and a famous robber that we have to do: and the war which we make, is with such a one, as is an arch master in policies and sleights of subtlety: who is grown haughty and insolent with his many victories, and who is as it were fatted with the multitude of the spoils which he hath gotten of us.  
Whatsoever this Turk demanded, was freely and fully accorded unto him by the Ottoman, who referred all to his discretion, & added unto his demand an overplus 
Carazabeg sent with an army of 40000. Turk's against Scanderbag.  often thousand men: for himself had made choice only of thirty thousand, with whom he thought to have put this matter in execution, notwithstanding that it was of so great importance. He sent before him certain spies, whom he willed to disperse themselves over the country, for to discover and give him some intelligence of the enemy. Scanderbag on the other side wanted no good advertisements, both throughout the province of Epire, and in Macedon, and also in the heart and most inward parts of the enemy's country, by means whereof the journey and coming on of Carazabeg was soon made known unto him, in such sort that our men had both time and opportunity to make ready their preparations. But when Scanderbag heard this news reported unto him, the report is, that he used this speech unto some that were near him:  
If this Chieftain (quoth he) were not too far stricken in years and over aged, I 
Speeches of Scanderbag touching Carazabeg.  should have feared him alone, more than all his great puissance which he bringeth with him: (for both of them knew each other very inwardly, and they had been companions in arms in a certain voyage made into Asia under Amurath) much better (said he) and more wisely should Carazabeg have done, if he had made spare and taken compassion of his old age, and especially of his fortune which seemeth now to faint and to be over▪ wearied, and doth as it were, repent herself of the manifold victories and favours which she hath bestowed upon him. Wherefore though he be now fifty years of age, yet being grown as it were, crazy and decrepit, I have no reason to stand in awe of him, whom even in the strength and prime of his youth, myself being then but a child and in a manner a very infant, I did so little fear, that I did even despise and contemn him.  
Having thus spoken, he assembled his forces greater and more in number then those which he had against Assambeg, by reason of the great fame and renown of the Turkish Captain. Then trussing up baggage, he took his way into Dybria: and from thence with two thousand horse he ran up even to the confines of the Tryballians 
Ambuscade laid by Scanderbag against Carazabeg.  (for in this place was the coming of the Turk expected.) And he laid them in an ambuscado here and there throughout the mountains, to the intent he might enclose the enemy in the midst of his forces, and take them at an advantage. The Barbarian likewise having caused the main body of his army to stay in a certain place within Macedon commonly called Chieri) had sent before 4000 horsemen, 
Chieri.  who being discovered, were suddenly charged by the Albanois, the greater part 
Turks to the number of 4000 of the army of Carazabeg defeated by Scanderbag.  of them being discomfited and slain, and the rest being scattered and dispersed in their flight, carried the news of their misfortune to their General before that ever he came near to the confines of Epire. He therefore being before sufficiently weakened with age & sickness, began by the astonishment of this mishap to grow more faint both in mind and in body: being not so much aggrieved at the loss of his men, as that his coming was disclosed and discovered to the Christian. Many and diverse things did he cast & devise upon in his mind, being in doubt what course to take, & whether it were best for him to hold on his journey, or else to turn head towards Constantinople, & to defer this expedition till the next spring: for the Autumn was now in a manner at an end. In the end, shame & fear of dishonour did so far prevail with the old man, that he thought it not best to give over the war. Having therefore in two days space, dispatched almost all his journey towards his enemy, about the first watch of the night he came to a certain plain, which they of the country call Livad, where he 
The plain of Livad.  encamped his army, and the same night he set all things in order & readiness against the time of the conflict: and the next morning he sent an herald unto Scanderbag to give him the defiance, challenging him to the encounter in a set, open, and plain battle, and not secretly and by stealth, after the manner of thieves and robbers. Scanderbag terming him a Dotard, and an old Beldame, told him, he should hear of him ere long: and without any pause, he went on roundly to give the onset upon him, who was not yet ready to receive him, but stood consulting upon his business, as the manner 
Carazabeg charged by Scanderbag within his camp.  of old men is. Notwithstanding he sustained the brunt of that charge well enough, by means of a great shower of rain that fell at the very beginning of the onset: the which did soon separate them asunder: so that there was nothing done worthy the remembering. For for three days together, there fell such gr●at store and abundance of water, that if the Mahometan had not removed his host into a higher ground, and more mountainous, it is most certain that the quarrel had been determined by the destruction and loss of his soldiers in that deluge and abundance of waters. And yet, as careful as he was to prevent the danger, a great number of their horses were drowned and lost. The Infidel taking this to be prodigious, and as a presage 
Carazabeg retireth secretly with his armi● out of Epyre.  of his ill fortune, gave over his enterprise, and (assoon as the time and tempestuousness of the weather would give him leave) he secretly withdrew his forces and dislodged his army, & by long journeys he bid Epire farewell, having an intent to return again the next spring, if so be the destinies would be answerable to the desires of this credulous old man. At his return towards Mahomet with those forces which he had left, the report goeth, that at the first he found but bad entertainment, & was received with a frowning countenance: yet afterwards he was highly praised, and much made 
Ambassador sent by Mahomet to Scanderbag.  of, because he had so well and carefully saved and preserved his people. But now when the Ottoman saw that Scanderbag was not to be forced by arms, he advised and bethought himself how he might surprise and overreach him by guile and subtleties. He sent unto him therefore an Ambassade with presents of great value, and with letters: the copy whereof is as followeth.  
Mahomet, Beg, Amira, Sultan of all parts of the world: Lord and Emperor of the Orient and the Occident, to Scanderbag Prince of the Albanois and Epirots sendeth health.  
I know not (my dear friend Scanderbag) any amity more cordial and hearty, 
Letters of Mahomet to Scanderbag.  nor any familiarity or friendship more fast and sure then that which proceedeth of long and mutual conversing together, and especially when it beginneth in the green and tender age of youthful years, as did the old amity between us two: who in our first infancy, as it were, at such time as thou wert hostage in the Court of Amurath my father, did for a long time live together in singular, and almost incredible love and concord. Wherefore (my good Scanderbag) as often as I do call to mind both these and other matters wherewith our age at that time was delighted: & moreover remembering all that which thou hast heretofore done for the service of our Empire, for the house of the Ottomans, and for the glory & enlarging of our crown and dignity: my desire and endeavour is to love and to make much of thee with all possible and most ardent affection. And I protest before God, that nothing can happen unto me more acceptable or more agreeable in this life, then to see thee near about me, and for a time to enjoy thy presence. If our soldiers have of late violently invaded thy dominions, or entered upon thy realm, committing there any excess or outrage, yet ought not that to be any occasion or impediment to hinder thee from coming unto us. For whatsoever hath been done in that case, was without our command or knowledge: and (as reason would) I have and do take it in very ill part, neither doth it in any sort displease me that they have been chastised for their misdeeds, and recompensed according to their deserts. But omitting these matters, let us return to our ancient amity and alliance, which doth easily persuade and induce me to desire that we may be reconciled, and that we may have peace each with other for ever from hence forward: to the intent that by a sacred and indissoluble league and confederacy, the friendly bond of our old and ancient acquaintance (which hath in a manner been extinguished by our long and continual absence each from other) may now again be renewed, increased, and strongly confirmed between us. The articles of our accord shall be these, if so be thou think it good, or that they seem not injurious unto thee: 
Conditions of peace propounded by Mahomet to Scanderbag.  for I know that it is not for him that desireth and demandeth peace to prescribe and set down the conditions of the peace. The first thing that we demand of thee, is that thou suffer our army to have free and safe passage throughout thy realm and dominions, to invade, overrun, and to make war upon the country and towns of the Venetians: that thou deliver us in hostage thy son john, whom we do promise and vow continually to acknowledge and respect as one of our own children: that the traffic and trade of merchandise may be free & open for all our subjects throughout all thy signiories, as in like case it shall be for thine over all parts of our Empire. Besides also I do offer unto thee full power and liberty in all security, safely to come and to have access unto us. In these cases if thou wilt gratify and yield unto us, we do faithfully promise thee in the word and faith of a king, that we will keep and observe true and continual peace and friendship with thee and thy people: and that no person what soever shall be more dear, nor more acceptable unto us then thyself: and we will to the uttermost of our power, defend thy country from being troubled or molested, either by our own arms, or by any others whom soever. For other matters, we pray thee to give full credit unto that which Mustapha our agent shall by word of mouth impart unto thee.  
Dated in our Imperial city of Constantinople this second of May, in the year of the generation of jesus 1461.  
These letters of Mahomet being openly read in a full assembly and general Counsel of all the Princes, Lords and Captains of Epire: they did all with one voice and full consent agree and conclude, that they esteemed it to be greatly to the honour and reputation of Scanderbag, and of the Estate of Albany, that so puissant, mighty and fortunate a Monarch as Mahomet, under whose yoke and subjection so many realms and Empires, so many cities and nations had submitted themselves, should now offer himself as a petitioner for peace, and should require his friendship and amity. This was the occasion, that all of them with one mind did set down this for their conclusion, that rejecting all the other clauses and motions propounded by the Ottoman, they would agree to make peace with him upon this one condition only, namely: That the mutual traffic and trade of merchandise should be free and open between them and their Dominions. This matter being thus agreed on, Scanderbag returned letters unto the Sultan, the tenor and contents whereof were in this manner.  
George Castriot, named Scanderbag, Prince of the Epyrots and Albanois, and the Soldier of jesus Christ, to Mahomet sovereign of the Turks sendeth health.  
Most noble and renowned Prince, we have received thy letters, & by the contents 
Letters of Scanderbag to Mahomet.  thereof have seen the greatness of thy love and singular affection, which thou dost protest to bear unto me: and which (as thou sayest) hath been ratified by our old and ancient nouriture and education, and is so bound and deeply rooted by long use and conversation, that being in a manner converted into a second nature it shall flourish and endure between us perpetually. Thou sayest also, that whereas this our familiarity is (as it were) laid a sleep and in a manner discontinued, by reason that we have been so far and so long disjoined and severed each from other, thou hast a great and earnest desire to revive and recontinue the same by some new league of friendship and amity: the conditions whereof thou dost propound to be these. First that thy troops may have free and sure passage through our country, to invade and endamage the Venetians: to which thy demand, we cannot, nor may not consent nor agree without the manifest breach of all right and equity, and without great dishonour to our royal estate and dignity, for that the Venetians are our allies and confederates. And as touching thy desire to have my son for an hostage for the surer confirmation of the peace between us, it might be peradventure that I would gladly do it, if the affection of a father did not dissuade and detain me from it. But he being my only child, and of a very young and tender age, now that it behoveth him to be nourished and trained up in our manners and customs, he cannot be taken from the embracements of his parents, without the great and singular prejudice both of himself and me. As for that which thou requirest of me concerning thy subjects and merchants, that they may have free passage to come and go, to buy, sell, and traffic their wares and ambergris throughout our Dominions: all my Captains do like and allow of the motion, and myself also, who do desire nothing more than that the traffic and trade of ambergris may have his full and free course every where between us. Moreover thou dost invite me with great show of affection to come and visit thee, and that I should not doubt to do it in all confidence and security, to the intent that our mutual sight and conversation each with other, might satisfy the desire of our so long continued absence. I do highly commend most worthy Prince, the bounty of thy mind, and the liberality of thy good nature and disposition, in regard whereof, if my urgent affairs, and the managing of this my estate would give me leave, or would afford me any time of leisure and opportunity, I would be so bold and hardy as to embrace thy good advise and counsel. But what should I do? I have here my son a very infant, a child of a most weak and tender age, and altogether unfit and unmeet for the rule and government of this Realm, or the public affairs of my estate. Moreover, my people (as thou knowest) is a Nation altogether impatient of rest and idleness: they are a fierce and untamed kind of people: and myself do find it a matter of sufficient trouble to rule and govern them in good order. Nevertheless assoon as I shall see a fit and convenient time I will not fail to come unto thee, and I will obey thy pleasure in that behalf.  
From our camp the 30. of May, 1461.  
These letters being delivered to the Turkish Monarch assoon as he had perused and read them, he presently replied unto them by other letters written to this effect.  
Mahomet Beg, Amira, Sultan, and Emperor of all parts of the world: to Scanderbag Prince of the Albanois and Epyrots.  
Thou hast written unto me by Mustapha our agent, that of those conditions of 
Letters of Mal●met to Scanderbag.  peace which we offered unto thee, there is not any but one only that liketh thee: namely, that our merchants may lawfully and freely transport and sell their commodities: and upon this condition only thou dost make offer of peace unto me, alleging, that such is the will and mind of thy Captains. I am content to accept of it, and as touching thy other excuses I do take them in good part. And therefore Scanderbag I do promise thee faithfully, that all that which thou for thy part dost demand of me is very grateful and pleasing unto me: and I do willingly accord to the minds and good liking of thee & thine. I do here swear unto thee by the great God whom I call to witness, that I will observe this peace with thee, most sacred, perpetual and inviolable during our lives, so that thyself dost not first infringe it, or give occasion to violate it. And to this end thou shalt receive these present letters signed with our own hand, and sealed with our imperial and ordinary seal: in token and assurance of the strength and confirmation of this our peace, that it shall be firm and permanent. For which cause also we desire thee (if so thou please) to subscribe these of ours likewise and to firm them with thy accustomed and usual seal, that we may have some testimony of thy intent and meaning. Moreover we pray thee to take order throughout all thy Dominions that upon the conclusion hereof, open proclamation may be made, and public notice may be given by good solemn edicts to all thy subjects of this peace and league concluded between us: which we likewise for our parts will cause to be done throughout all parts of our Empire. And to the intent our love and good will towards thee may be the more apparent, I will that thou shouldest understand, that of our own free and proper motion, and of our frank and pure liberality we do grant unto thee, and are well content that thou shalt freely, lawfully, and entirely enjoy, hold, and keep all that which by force and strong hand thou hast taken and won from Amurath our late Father: and that thou shalt quietly possess and retain it, as if it had ever been thy ancient inheritance, and descended unto thee from thy ancestors, and we do absolutely renounce and release unto thee, all the right, prerogative and authority which we have at any time heretofore had unto the same: and we do give, grant, and confirm the same unto thee, protesting that from henceforth we will approve and allow thee for the true and lawful King of Epire and of Albany, and so will we always repute and entitle thee. Neither will we at any time hereafter molest and trouble thee with our forces, as I have already sworn and protested: provided that thou give us no just cause or occasion thereunto. Wherefore we do expect that thou send unto us a copy of these presents sealed with thy Seal, by this our Ambassador, unto whom thou mayest give credence touching any thing which he shall declare unto thee on our behalf.  
Given in our Imperial city of Constantinople the two and twentieth day of june, and in the year of the generation of jesus 1461.  
Forty days were fully passed and expired since that the Turkish Herald made his first voyage to Scanderbag about the treaty of this peace, at such time as he returned now again with this second charge and commission for the full ratifying & concluding of the same according to the mind and liking of the King of Albany, who having received it, caused the same to be read openly before all his Princes and Chieftains whom he had assembled to that intent and purpose. All of them were well contented and did allow of the peace, as being for the honour and benefit of the whole Province: wherefore the matter being thoroughly concluded and passed between the two Princes, the peace was solemnly and public proclaimed in all the quarters 
Peace between Scanderbag & Mahomet.  and principal places of their Realms and Dominions, to the great joy and contentment of them all in general: and it was faithfully kept and observed between their peoples and subjects for the space of two years or thereabouts, till such time as the Barbarians and Infidels were the infringers and breakers of the same. The occasion of the breach thereof I think needless to be delivered, considering that the only reason that led them to desire this peace, was that they might with the more ease enlarge and amplify their Empire, by the damage and detriment of others, and that the Epyrots in the mean while might be lulled a sleep in security. Now therefore they did show themselves to be the first breakers of the league, and they violated the faith which had been solemnly sworn 
1463. The peace broken & violated by the Turks who invade Epyre.  and vowed, invading in hostile manner the lands and territories of the Albanois from whence they carried away an inestimable prey and booty. Scanderbag finding himself highly aggrieved at the matter, complained thereof by many letters and ambassades sent of purpose unto the Sultan. But all the answer he had of him, was, that it was done unknown to him and without his consent and privity. And he fed him with good words and fair promises, that he would take order to see it remedied, and feigning himself to be displeased with those that did it, he caused some part of the booty to be restored.  
This happened about the same time, that the Infidels did likewise overunne 
Venetian Dominions invaded by the Turks. Gabriel Trevisan Ambassador from the Venetians to Scanderbag.  and pill the Dominions of the Venetians, which was the occasion, that the Senate of Venice (being in league and joined in a most straight bond of amity with Scanderbag) did send unto him their ambassador Gabriel Trevisan to exhort and instantly to pray him to denounce open war against Mahomet, and to renounce the peace and amity made with the Infidel: which he might easily do, and with a good conscience, for that he had first broken and violated the covenants of their compact and agreement, and had falsified his faith publicly given for the observation of the peace between them: he advertised and warned him to open his eyes, 
Persuasions of Gabriel Trevisan to Scanderbag, to renew the war against Mahomet.  to awaken his spirits, and to prevent the peril which was now near at hand & imminent over all Christendom, inferring that though the mischief were but now in breeding, yet it would not be long ere it would seize upon all Europe, if it were not speedily prevented. That he might clearly see and perceive, how this Traitor and perjured wretch, had not for any other cause made peace with him, but only of a mind purposely bend and disposed to perjury and infidelity, and to the intent that after he had imposed the yoke upon other Christian Princes and Estates his neighbours, and had by such guileful devices augmented his force and puissance, and enlarged his Empire, that then he might all at leisure, and with more ●ase bring him also to be at his discretion. That there could not be any such friendship or amity between the Turks and the Epyrots, for that they were even by nature enemies each to other. That he should note and observe it well, how that the Infidel (after he had once assured himself not to be troubled by the arms of the Albanois) had suddenly bend and converted his forces▪ against the Rascians and Triballians: and having brought them under his subjection, he went against the Thracians and the Illirians, and last of all having subverted and abolished the Empire of the Greeks', he adjoined the Empire of Trebisond likewise to his own crown and Monarchy. Now therefore that he had surmounted and made a conquest of all others: and that fortune seemed to smile upon him in all his actions, what other thing rested there for him to enterprise, but to oppress and swallow up him also, and so to surprise all of them one after another? That it behoved them therefore betimes to look unto it, and that joining their forces and meames all in one, it were far better to have him for their open and professed enemy, then for their cruel and covetous Lord and Master. That it were mere folly to think that the intent & meaning of the Turk was only to spoil, waste, and destroy the Provinces and Dominions of the Christians, and not to extirpate and abolish their religion: for the very name and profession of Christianity was so odious and hateful to those Miscreants, as their whole drift and meaning is to root out both the knowledge and the remembrance there of from the face of the earth. Wherefore the most safest, fittest, and shortest course for them was to get the start of the Infidel, and in time to oppose themselves against the mischief, rather than to stay till they should find themselves oppressed by their enemies, and then to go seek a remedy for their wounds. That all the peoples and nations of Christendom did call upon him, entreat him and invite him thereunto: that the most noble and famous Senate of Venice by name, did instantly pray and request him to betake himself to arms, offering to furnish him with gold, silver and men, and with all other things and provisions whatsoever that should be needful and necessary for such an expedition.  
Scanderbag having heard these▪ reasons and persuasions of the Venetian, albeit of himself he was not unresolved in his own opinion, yet because he used not to determine upon any matters of consequence without the advise of the people▪ he called a council of all his Chieftains and Colonels: where after long debating and discoursing 
Answer of the Albanois to the Ambassador of the Venetians.  upon the matter, there was not so much as any one of them who had a desire to renew the war with the Mahometist, for that the Sultan himself seemed to the uttermost of his power to shun and avoid it, and was unwilling to enter again into arms: and the rather because he had of late caused the most part of the booty to be restored, which (as he protested) his soldiers only in sport and of a certain military licentiousness had taken and carried away out of Epyre. Hereupon the Ambassador having heard this answer and resolution of the Albanois, departed from thence very sad and sorrowful for this repulse: and he took his way to the Archbishop of Duras, whom he knew to be in wonderful good credit with the King of Albany, and that all the people of Epire had a marvelous good opinion of him, in so much as there was not any thing (were it never so hard and difficult, but if he pleased to undertake it, he could persuade them unto it. The cause that made him to resort unto this parsonage, was to see if he could persuade him to take the matter in hand, and to deal with the King and his Captains to make open war upon the Ottoman. For he was as yet in some hope, that the case was not altogether▪ desperate. This Prelate being most affectionate to the service of the common wealth of Venice, 
Paul Angel Arch bishop of Duras, his descent & virtues  in regard of the reverence which he bore to that Senate was content to make a journey to Scanderbag. This Archbishop being an Epyrot borne, and in the city of Drivasta, was the son of Andrew Angel (of whom we have heretofore made some mention) he was a man of excellent conceit and understanding, of incomparable▪ eloquence, perfectly well seen in all good letters both divine and humane, & not ably learned in the languages both Greek and Latin, and therewithal his gravity & integrity of life was so singular, and so great was his zeal and ferventness in the Christian religion, that it purchased him high praise & commendation with all men. And Scanderbag had him in great honour, reverence and estimation in regard of his modesty, sincerity, and uncorrupt life: and the people of Albany did always hearken unto him and believe him, as if he had been some divine Oracle. Now this parsonage coming to see Scanderbag, and having humbly besought him, that he would assemble his Captains and the several companies of his soldiers, enforced himself by his persuasions to induce them to resume their arms, and to renew the war against the Turks, speaking unto them in this manner.  
The divine Plato (most worthy Prince) did affirm those commonweals, realms, 
The oration of the Archbishop of Duras▪ to Scanderbag and the Epirots persuading them to renew their wars against the Turks.  and Empires to be most happy and fortunate, which were governed by men of wisdom and virtue. The truth whereof we ourselves do see more clear than the daylight to be now verified in the people and estate of Albany, living under the rule and command of thy Majesty, a most sage and virtuous Prince, and a peerless and invincible Chieftain. Good reason therefore had the Kings and Potentates thy next neighbours to elect, choose and nominate thee alone for their worthy Chief and General, as being sent from heaven to defend and protect their crowns and estates from the rage and fury of the Ottomans, and from the fierceness of the Barbarians, as they have been hitherto most excellently well defended and preserved under the protection of thy arms and the valour of thy soldiers. The which being well perceived by Mahomet a most subtle and wily Fox (who lies continually in wait to entrap and beguile all Christians, and is the most cruel and vehement persecutor of the Christian faith, far exceeding all that ever lived) he having a greedy desire to satisfy his brutish & extreme hatred conceived against the name and profession of Christianity, by his crafty & cunning dissimulation (a thingifamiliar and usual to the house of Ottoman) hath gotten and procured thee to conclude a peace with him, condescending gladly unto such laws and covenants as it pleased thee to prescribe unto him, only because he would not be molested and troubled by thy arms, of which he stood in doubt more than of any thing else whatsoever. But alas (most sage and prudent Prince) who is there that cannot discern and discover, how this Barbarian by a barbarous kind of craft and deceit, hath drawn thee to this treaty, and hath fradulently won thee to this peace, only first of all to root out the other Princes thy neighbours, that afterwards he might come upon thee also as he hath already begun, and partly put in practice? where are the Rascian Princes? where are the Kings of the Illirians or slavonians? what is become of the Emperor of Trebysond? See how this traitor even now of late against his own faith, and all covenants and rights of the law of Nations, hath bend his forces against thee also, wasting and ●acking thy Province, and by daily inroads and continual invasions doth trouble and vex thy allies and confederates. For who can express the immortal rancour of this tyrant against thee? dost thou think, that he will suffer the death of his father, such huge slaughters of his armies, so many murders of his Captains and Chieftains to remain unrevenged? Is it possible that thou canst repose any trust and confidence in the words of this infamous deceiver? or canst thou admit his excuses? dost thou think that he will keep his promise and faith with thee, who never yet had any faith in him, nor ever to this day did keep his faith with any man living? Good God, who can number the villainies and mischiefs of this felonous and cruel tyrant? and yet to let them pass in silence and untouched, I hold it no less than plain impiety. For to inveigh against one that is notoriously wicked▪ and to make them known unto the world which are the authors of vice and wickedness, is a thing not only delectable and delightful, but it is greatly profitable and beneficial: because that men being terrified by their examples, may abstain from mischief and vicious actions. And therefore as virtue ought not to be suffered to go unrewarded or to be without commendation, so ought vice likewise to be checked and reprehended. For by the one and the other of those twain, do we reap like fruit and benefit both by the exalting of the good and the suppressing of the wicked. This then is a thing both just and reasonable, that they which are vicious and lewdly given should hear their wickedness openly reproved and condemned: and above all others this Turkish tyrant Mahomet, as being one that far surpasseth and excelleth in all kinds of mischief and villainies: whose life, manners, and detestable deeds, I hold it not amiss briefly to run over, and to lay open, to the intent they may be the better known unto thee, and that thou mayest the sooner shun and eschew them. First of all, to say nothing of his original and offspring as that he is descended of the Scythians, issued out of a base village called Otmanach from whence proceeded the family of the Ottomans: this Mahomet being endowed with a notable vigour & dexterity both of spirit and of body, but of a most perverse and mischievous nature, is become the common enemy of mankind, a cruel bloodsucker, a chief ringleader to all vice, a Prince of all wickedness, delighting in the death and destruction of men, the father of all mischiefs, and an unsatiable murderer. And as his ancestors were of little better disposition, so hath he retained this barbarous fierceness and intemperance, persevering in the whole course of his life in one and the same perverseness of a most crooked and devilish nature. From the very beginning of his youth, he hath ever had a singular delight in wars, murders, rapines and dissensions, and in these hath he always been trained and exercised. A man of a most stout courage and audacious, and withal variable and unconstant, full of deceit and double dealing, a deep dissembler in all his actions, greedy of other men's goods, burning in his own lusts and desires, and continually covetous of things immoderate and unpossible. First of all there grew in him an unmeasurable desire of money, and afterwards of Empire and dominion: his soul being plentifully furnished with wicked and damnable arts, wanteth not corrupt and lewd lusts, a most shameless ribald, a common adulterer, an inventor of new vices which even nature itself hath in horror and detestation. This is that same Mahomet, who of an ambitious humour strangled his own natural brother, and with notable treachery and infidelity murdered the Princes of Rascia, and the King of Bosnia: and all those which were of their blood and lineage, some of them he brought into miserable bondage and servitude, others he deprived of their sight, and put out their eyes, or else mangled them in some part of their bodies. What should I speak of infinite others, upon whom he hath practised all kinds of torments? and I do verily believe that in the end, if he find none elsewhere upon whom to execute his monstrous cruelty, he will not spare to use it against himself, so infinitely is his nature inclined to fierceness and inhumanity, that the wrathful and fiery rage of his mind can never be contented or satisfied. For towards God his soul is mostimpure, towards men it is dangerous, and it never ceaseth from plotting and contriving how to work the damage and ruin of others. He maketh no account of the amity or enmity of any man, but only to serve his own turn. He regardeth not to keep a mean or measure in any thing, but committeth all kind of villainies and cruelties against his friends and against his own subjects. He spoileth and robbeth the temples both in public and in private, he profaneth all holy and sacred things, he polluteth all things, he seizeth upon every thing, he maketh no difference of honour and dishonour, of shame and shamefastness, of honesty and dishonesty, of divine things and of humane things: but he mingleth & confoundeth them one with another. All those to whom he ever gave any faith or made any promise, hath he not contrary to his faith & his own covenants, either subdued them or slain them, or enthralled them? Is it therefore any novelty most worthy Prince, if this perinted Mahomet do not keep his word and promise with thee? especiàlly seeing that he being defiled and polluted with all kind of vice, doth possess impiety (as it were) by descent, and his perjury is hereditary unto him. Trust not therefore to this tyrant, build not upon his promises, but shake off his acquaintance and repute that peace for dissolved and broken which he was not afraid first of all to infringe and violate, and let it not cause thee to refrain from invading his dominions with sword and fire. Provide I say, provide for thyself and thy estate (most prudent Prince) for fear lest the Barbarian do by his trains entrap and oppress all of us. This false traitor who is so well beaten and practised in fraud and subtlety, deviseth nor meditateth upon nothing else, but only how he may destroy and extirpate the faith of Christ, for the which (as thou knowest) thou didst once determine, yea thou didst vow by a solemn oath, that thou wouldst always labour and travel even to the death: and I do well remember, I have oftentimes heard thee say, That only for the defence and preservation thereof, thou didst think thyself to be created and to be borne into this world. What reason then hast thou, o Scanderbag, (pardon me I beseech thee in speaking it) to lay aside thy arms? what, wilt thou now live for thyself alone? dost thou think that thy estate will be little or nothing the worse, in that thou being an old soldier dost now sit still and do nothing? is it not a shame that any manshould see that same ancient liveliness and quickness of spirit in so excellent and worthy a Prince, now to wax rusty through idleness, and to vanish away to nothing? the stirring spirit of thy good friend Mahomet is not idle: he doth not pass away the time in sloth, nor sitteth still as thou dost. He accustometh himself to waking and watching, he laboureth and bestirreth himself, and he hasteneth with all possible speed and celerity, to defile and profane the Gospel of the son of God: to overwhelm the ship of blessed Saint Peter: to tear and rend in pieces the coat of Christ our saviour being without seam: following therein the steps of his ancestors, and the traditions of his false Prophet, who ordained that the name of jesus Christ should be persecuted as profane and odious: and that the blood of the innocent and faithful Christians should be spilled by those which were his followers: hence is it, that this bloody hangman hath continually more than any other, pursued the faith and religion of the Christians with a most mortal and deadly hatred: against whom if thou most worthy Prince, dost not display thy arms: if thou dost not advance thy forces: if thou do not invade and make war upon him, it is not to be doubted, but that all men generally will repute and hold thee for faint hearted, fearful, and given over to sloth and idleness. Hast thou not heard how all the Kings and Princes of the Catholic faith together with the sovereign pastor of the church have conspired against this bloody tyrant and are fully determined by God his assistance to pursue and persecute him with all their power and puissance, and to expel him wholly out of Europe? Already hath the holy father sent forth his Bull, and published the same throughout all Christendom, by virtue whereof all those Kings and christian Princes, are to have full remission of their sins assoon as they shall come to accompany the supreme Bishop and shall march with him against this cursed enemy both of God and men. Wherefore the Venetians, both the Duke and the Senate also, who have made incredible  
preparations both by sea and land, and the Pope's holiness likewise, and all the Christians in general do convite thee, do call upon thee, and they do nominate & appoint thee to be their chief & principal leader, as a Prince most worthy of this charge in so holy a war & expedition. And assoon as his holiness shallbe arrived on this side the sea, and shall have made his entry within Duras, he is determined to crown thee King of Epire & of Albany. What dost thou then o Scanderbag most fortunate and happy Prince? wherefore dost thou temporize? either must thou from henceforth for ever give over to bear arms and forego the wars, & so quietly submit thy neck unto the yoke of the Infidel, or else thou must contend with this common enemy, and thou must not in any case yield unto him either in patience or in virtue, with whom thou art to contend, for the total sum of supreme power & sovereignty. Stir up once again the vigour of thy haughty courage & of thy puissant forces, call together thy Chieftains, levy men & soldiers from all parts, invite the Princes thy neighbours & confederates, dress in a readiness, and dispose in order thy squadrons and thy legions: march on before the general assembly of the faithful, and the college of Christians, conform thyself to the will and counsel of the universal Bishop, purchase thou pardon for thy own offences, and for thy army likewise. Behold thy friends the Venetians have sent me hither to declare these things unto thee, to summon and invite thee, to exhort and persuade thee; to the intent thou mayest conjoin thy forces with their forces, thy ensigns with their ensigns, and thy troops with their troops. Thou knowest that the Venetians are most Christian Princes, most bountiful, and most puissant both by sea and by land: they do promise and proffer unto thee, gold, silver, and men, in all plentiful manner. Go to then Scanderbag, now or never, show thyself truly to be Scanderbag: thou who art the honour and the glory of Princes: be thou the foremost man with thy bands to war upon the miscreants: invade his land, give him just cause of fear and terror, even to him I say, who having broken his covenants and falsified his faith, and violated the peace, did first provoke thee to betake thyself to arms: for all laws and all rights do openly 
Sentence.  permit and allow this for lawful: That faith and promise is not to be observed towards such as have first violated their faith and fidelity. March on therefore, march on hardily before the Catholic army, give the first charge and attempt upon thy enemy: denounce open and general war to the Barbarian: prepare the way to the sovereign Pastor of Christendom: for behold now Pope Pius, behold the Venetians, behold the French and the Almains, the Spaniards, the Flemings, the Hungarians, the Bohemians, the Polonians, the Italians, and briefly, all Christian nations and peoples do follow after thee, and they do come to help and to second thee: now therefore will not this Pagan, this Mahometist be ever able to resist so many Kings, so many Princes, so many nations and warlike armies: he will soon betake himself to flight, he will soon forsake and forego Europe: the pride and insolency of the Ottoman, his fraudulent and deceitful dealings, his secret trains and wicked devices will now profit him little or nothing: his wont policies and sleights will not be able to help him. Nevertheless it is needful that thou be circumspect and provident, and thou must use singular prudence and wisdom: for that assoon as this wily and crafty fox shall perceive these preparations to be made against him, he will speedily send his Ambassadors unto thee to flatter thee, to entice thee and to dissuade thee from taking arms against him: but hearken not unto him, alienat thy mind from his wicked & perverse nature, stop thy ears against his flatteries & smooth persuasions: thou art sufficiently acquainted with the inward affections of his hart: thou seest well enough what a manner of man he is: and there was never any one in this world to whom the frauds of the line and house of Ottoman were more perfectly and better known, than they are now discovered and laid open unto thee.  
This oration being pronounced by the Archbishop of Duras with great vehemency, Scanderbag withdrew himself to counsel with his Chieftains and soldiers, and the matter was long and doubtfully debated between them. There were two especial yet diverse and different opinions: the one which argued that the spirits and thoughts of the Albanians were now estranged from deeds of arms (as it is commonly seen, that the sweetness of gain and interest doth corrupt and oastardize our spirits, and by little and little doth make them to degenerate into another nature) 
Sentence.  they would in no case hear any speech of renewing the war with Mahomet, but they wished that the covenants and conditions of the peace concluded between them should be in all points observed and fulfilled: of the wdich (said some of them) there doth proceed great benefit and commodity: the people, the towns and cities, growing rich and wealthy, and their profit was like daily to be augmented: besides that, the Turkish monarch had restored in a manner all the pillage which had been taken upon the country of the Albanois. The other opinion was clean contrary: for they held that in any case it was needful to have recourse to arms, and that they ought not to trust to the words of the Sultan who never kept his promise with any, especially with any that was a Christian: and that so much the rather they ought to do it for that he had first broken the peace, and had violated the sum of the capitulations passed between them. Moreover that there was little or no faith to be given to the tyrant, or to his promises, which tended to no other end then to draw them on by deceit and cunning, and to entertain them with fair words now that he saw all the Christians joined in league against him: and that shortly he was like to feel the weight and burden of their fearful and terrible forces to the singular damage of the circumcised: which was the only cause that kept him in fear and awe, and that brought him to this point to promise wonders: that otherwise he would never have suffered them to rest in quiet nor would have restored the booty which had been taken: that therefore it behoved them without delay, and with most cheerful and resolute minds, to begin the war against this common enemy of the Christian faith, the preservation whereof was to be preferred before their own particular safety and commodity: and so much the rather, for that the head of the church did mind to be there in person, and to come with all his forces of Christendom in arms against the Mahometan. This latter opinion being held as the best and most sound, and being also most agreeable to the mind and liking both of the King and the better part of his Captains, was allowed and chosen as being for the good and benefit of them all: and it was fully concluded & agreed, that they should renew the wars & take arms for the defence of the common weal of Christendom. Besides they held it requisite, and an act well beseeming Christians, to be obedient to the supreme Bishop and the vicar of Christ, & to adhere close to the congregation of the faithful. Moreover there was not any one of them but would have made it scrupulous to reprove the persuasions of the Archbishop, whose counsels and admonitions they held it no less needful to observe and obey, then as if they had been the divine precepts. For (as we have already said) the gravity, good life and worthy example of this parsonage had purchased him wonderful authority amongst them: insomuch that all matters were managed by his counsel and sage advise: for that ordinarily being with the King in court, Scanderbag would ever hearken & give ear unto him, and had learned of him all the ancient histories and worthy exploits both of the Greeks & Latins: and he was also marvelously well beloved of all the Chieftains, Lords and Princes of Albany. The war therefore being generally concluded and agreed on, commissions were directed 
War renewed by Scanderbag against the Turks.  forth and commandments were given to diverse Captains to muster soldiers on all sides, and to assemble and levy an army, and that assoon as it should be in a readiness, they should without all delay set forward against the enemy.  
Upon the rumour and report of this news, those soldiers of Scanderbag which lay in garrison upon the frontiers were the first that took the field, and they overran 
Epirots invade and overrun the Turk his territories.  and ransacked the country of the Ottoman with great violence and terror to the inhabitants: and having far and wide foraged and wasted all places, they retired with a notable prey and booty, driving away with them at the least 60000. head of kine, and oxen, 80000. sheep, and 3000. mares with their colts which were of the race and breed that the Ottoman had for his own store: and yet this was not all: for being entered very far into the province of the Barbarian, they put all to sword and fire, and left not standing upon the ground either trees or any thing else bearing fruit, but filled all parts with horrible fear and terror: the tidings whereof when it came to the ears of Mahomet, he was newly inflamed and incensed against Scanderbag beyond all credit and imagination: nevertheless afterwards stroking his forehead with his hand, and suppressing his extreme grief, the report is, that with a cheerful and gladsome countenance, he uttered these words. What meanest thou Scanderbag? what dost thou think to do unto me, who am the great commander and supreme Prince both of the Orient and the Occident?  
Notwithstanding having conceived and imprinted a deep revenge in the inward 
Speech of Mahomet upon the invasion of his territories by the Epirots.  thoughts of his heart, he then swore and vowed the ruin and destruction of Scanderbag. But by reason of the great report and bruit that ran of the Christian forces, and for that he had heard how they were already raised and on foot ready to march against him, he was greatly troubled and perplexed: and therefore he thought it best to have recourse to his wont cunning and sleights (familiar to the Ottomans) and he sought by his trains and devices, to reconcile himself unto him. Now was it commonly reported & it ran rife in every man's mouth, that Pope Pius had assembled 
Pope Pius and the Christian princes prepare a journey against the Turks.  from all parts of Christendom great and huge forces, and that he would within few days set forward against the Turk: and that the first thing which he meant to do after his arrival into Epire, & after he had celebrated a mass within Duras, was to honour the Archbishop of that place, with the hat and honour of a Cardinal, and to crown Scanderbag King of the Albanians & Epirots; whereupon the infidels also gave it out openly amongst themselves: that if Scanderbag did take the field as the general and supreme commander in this enterprise, there was no doubt but the victory would fall to the Christians: and they were all of an opinion, that the Turkish forces would be hard bestead, & that they could not but be reduced to a most desperate estate: so great an astonishment and horror had the very name of Scanderbag brought upon them. And this was the principal and chiefest reason that made Mahomet to beat all his brains, and to set abroach all his plots and cunning devices to allure Scanderbag unto him: to fall to a new composition with him for all matters, and to reconfirme and reassure by a solemn oath both on the one part and the other, the first covenants and conditions of the agreement passed between them: he wrote unto him therefore certain letters in manner and form following.  
Mahomet, Beg, Amira, Sultan, Emperor of the Orient and the Occident, to Scanderbag King of the Albanois and Epirots.  
I have always heretofore admired the excellency of thy faith and thy rare integrity 
Letters of Mahomet to Scanderbag desiring to renew the peace between them.  and justice (most noble and princely Scanderbag:) and therefore I cannot easily be persuaded, that so generous and magnanimous a Prince, should so inconsiderately falsify his faith and break the peace established between thee and me. For (as I am given to understand) thou hast with great forces invaded my lands and territories, and turning all things upside down in most pitiful and foul disorder, thou hast gotten and carried away an inestimable booty & infinite goods from me & my subjects. Of the which excess (as I am credibly informed and fully persuaded) the Venetians have been the cause & motive: by whose instigation & enticement, thou hast been pricked forward & incited against us. By their practices & flatteries hast thou been drawn on to make war upon me, openly showing thyself to be a breaker of thy promises, & the violatour of the rights & the law of Nations. Wherefore I neither do, nor will attribute any or very little fault & blame unto thee, considering the cause of the ignominy rather than the ignominy itself: but I do impute the whole offence unto them who have been always my sworn & professed enemies. But what harm is this unto me, o Scanderbag, who am the Lord & commander of so many peoples & Provinces? dost thou think that thou hast done me so great or notable a displeasure, or that thou hast wrought any great damage to our crown and dignity, by wasting and spoiling of our fields so insolently, and by the chase and driving away of our beasts and cattle, after the guise and manner of thieves & freebooters rather than of true & worthy soldiers? And yet for my part I repute it no injury: nay I can be content that thou go forward in doing the like, and that thou do continue and hold on still thy courses and invasions, if so be thou think it meet and convenient. For I protest unto thee I do more prize and set by thy friendship and amity, than any thing whatsoever, which is most dear unto me: because, as thou knowest, I have always loved and highly affected thee: and as often as I recall to mind our tender age, and the years of our youth, wherein we were nourished and brought up together in the court of Amurath, I cannot choose, I assure thee, but acknowledge myself to be thy debtor in all possible means wherein I may any way pleasure thee. Wherefore my good friend Scanderbag I do heartily pray thee, and earnestly entreat thee, that we may renew our former covenants, and that we may once again reconfirme the peace with a solemn and mutual oath between us: which course if we had heretofore taken, or had thought upon it in our first treaty: I am sure thou wouldst never have suffered thyself to be seduced and lead away by the Venetians. This if thou wilt now do at my request, and wilt give credit unto me as I hope thou wilt: I swear and protest unto thee, that both thou and thy posterity shalt reign peaceably, quietly, and in good security and assurance continually: otherwise believe me and be thou sure thou wilt repent it speedily: thou knowest the greatness of my puissance, against the which I would wish thee to be well advised, and to consider thoroughly, whether thou be able to resist or not: neither thy neighbours, nor thy friends the Venetians can protect and defend thee from the just violence of my anger, wrath and fury. Dost not thou see the Greeks' how they are all destroyed and consumed away to nothing? The Emperor of Trebisond whom we have despoiled and deprived of his empire? The Princes of the Rascians and Triballians how they are rooted out and subverted? the Illyrians broken and wasted, and all the realms of Asia, with many other Princes tamed and subdued? Harken therefore to our counsel o Scanderbag: be thou stable and constant in thy word and promise: so shalt thou be sure to prosper, and it shall go well with the: we have committed the care of this business to Mustapha to whom thou needest not doubt to give assured faith and credit.  
Farewell from our imperial city the seventh of May in the year of the generation of jesus 1463.  
These letters being perused and read, Scanderbag returned an answer from his 
Answer and reply of Scanderbag to the last letters of Mahomet.  camp by other letters in the five and twentieth of the same month: wherein after a summary and brief recollection of the principal points of the Ottoman letters, in the first place was contained: that the Sultan ought not to think it strange, if the Albanois had sought a just revenge of their wrongs upon his country and subjects: seeing the laws & rights of war were equal and indifferent for both of them: that there was no cause of marvel if the Albanois as well as his own subjects, had sought by a certain military kind of licentiousness (as himself did before excuse them in that sort) to revenge an old in●●●y, & not to offer him any new wrong, but as good husbands had provided for their own estate, & had recompensed one damage for another. That although his people were vehemently incensed at the injury offered them, yet he would nevertheless have restrained them from overrunning & invading his borders, if he for his part had showed himself willing either to make full restitution & recompense of that which had been taken & destroyed: or else if he had chas●●●ed the licentiousness of his soldiers as he ought to have done. And whereas in regard of the particular love and good opinion which he had of him, he did impute the whole fault of the renewing of the war to no other than to the Venetians, he did wrongfully slander them, for that there was not any likelihood or probability, that they should go about to seduce him and to make them enemies: seeing that the Venetian common weal is of sufficient puissance by themselves alone whensoever they see cause, not only to compare and contend with him marmes, but also to surmount and excel him. And as touching the persuasions which he used unto him, to leave their friendship, he had little reason to persuade him to that matter, seeing himself knew very well, that the amity between them was very ancient and of long continuance: whereof it seemed he had small or no regard, when notwithstanding the same, he had not forborn to waste and destroy their country & possessions in Morea, but had chased them in a manner clean out of all, to the great prejudice and contempt of the accord and peace between them. As for those vain magnifical titles of Emperor of the Orient and Occident, in which he seemed so to glory and boast himself: herecounted unto him infinite Provinces and Realms, who had scarce as yet heard of the bare name of Mahomet, & put the case (which God defend) that all were brought under the yoke of his subjection, and that his Dominions did extend even to the main Ocean: yet ought not he for all that to be so puffed up in glory, and to exalt himself about others: but he was rather to look into the revolution and inconstancy of worldly things: and to take an example by the Assyrians who were once the monarchs of the whole world, and by the Medes, the Persians, the Greeks', and last of all the Romans, yea by Tamburlaine himself, who was even of late years the proud and mighty King of the Tartarians, the scourge of the race of Ottoman, & the terror of nations: all which notwithstanding were now consumed and extinguished by the extinguisher of Kingdoms, Empires and Nations, even the finger of the great God: That he therefore ought to acknowledge himself to be but an earthly mortal creature, and the vassal and slave of fortune: and that he was not to put his trust & confidence in his innumerable legions & huge armies: the which oftentimes (as is to be seen by the testimony of many histories) are confounded and overthrown by those which are much lesser and far inferior unto them: and that therefore neither he, nor any other Chieftain how great and fortunate soever, could justly merit any true praise or commendation: till such time as he should see himself even entered into his triumph. That in vain he did solicit him to renew the friendship and alliance between them, so notably was his faith suspected unto him, & so odious was his acquaintance. Last of all having threatened him with the general league of Christendom, and with the incomparable forces of Europe coming upon him, he friendly and charitably advised him to abjure the impure sect of Mahomet, and to turn to the truth of the Gospel of Christ, showing him that that was the true and only mean (besides the salvation of his soul) to retain continually, and to make sure his estate and Empire for ever to him and his posterity, and to make the possession thereof most quiet and peaceable: whereunto he counseled him betimes to have an eye and to do that willingly, which shortly he should be forced and compelled to do, by pure constraint and necessity.  
This than was the reply which the Prince of Epire, made to the importunate and 
Letters from Pope Pius the second to Scanderbag.  fallacious letters of the great Turk: the which was no sooner dispatched, and sent away, but that he received letters from the Pope, advertising him that he would shortly remove from the city of Rome, accompanied with infinite forces which had taken the Croysado against the Ottoman, and that from thence passing to Ancona, and so embarking himself to the sea, he meant to pass into Epire, where he was determined to make the Archbishop of Duraz, Paul Angel a Cardinal, and then to crown Scanderbag king of Epire and Albany, and to commit the absolute authority of the Christian army to his charge and conduct: to the intent that all their forces being united, he might pursue the war against the Infidel, which all the Christians in common had undertaken against him. And therefore he admonished and solicited him to march on with his own forces, and to denounce open war against the Painim. These news caused great joy & gladness both to the Princes and Chieftains Albanois, & to the common sort of soldiers: and thereupon did Scanderbag with a strong & puissant army, enter 
Invasion by Scanderbag upon the Turk his dominions.  into the enemy's frontiers, marching a good way into their country, overrunning & spoiling all things both far and wide: and he plagued them with all sorts of miseries and calamities, and wheresoever he came, he left nothing but a most hideous and horrible view of extreme desolation, making the whole Province as a wild and solitary desert: and in this manner, did he begin a general and open war against Mahomet. Scarcely were the letters of Scanderbag come to Constantinople, when the fame and renown of those his bloody exploits was brought to the ears of the Ottoman: who being both in an extreme fear and terror, and enraged with wrath and fury against the king of Epire, presently he dispatched away one of his Bases named Seremet, with 14000. horse, more to stay and hinder the violence of the roads and invasions 
Seremet sent with an army of 14000. Turk's against Scanderbag. Oration of Mahomet to his chieftains animating them to the war 'gainst the Christians. This is the lesser Tartary, called by the Barbarians Gazaria there is the noble city of Capha which Mahomet won from the Genoese, and was once called Theodosia.  made by the Albanois, then for any great glory or honour which he expected by that voyage: and in the mean time, having caused his Chieftains and Colonelles to be called together before him, he thus began to speak unto them.  
You are not ignorant (my good friends) how that at all times you have been partners with me of all my good fortunes, as well as myself have borne a part with you, of your sinister and adverse fortunes. Wherefore the safety and preservation of this our Empire, aught to concern and import you no less than me: you know all of you, how I have always honoured & respected you, with what courtesy, love, and benevolence I have ever used you, carrying myself amongst you, not as your king and sovereign, but rather as your soldier and companion. It hath been granted unto us by the divine clemency, and by means of your virtue and prowess, that all things have succeeded according to our desires: what should I reckon up Asia which is now become ours through your victorious arms? the dominion of Thrace gotten out of the hands of the Christians, the Rascians, the Seruians, and the Bulgarians subdued, the region of Tauriqua * brought under our subjection, Negrepont possessed, the Princes of Sclavony expelled their estates, & the Hungarians extremely weakened? what nations are there, be they never so invincible, but they have stood in fear of your name & valour even before they have felt or perceived the force of your strength and power? and yet 
* Or the Isle of Euboea in the sea of AEgeum.  now at this present, fie for shame, I see you all amazed & astonished, and it seemeth that these new tumults have terrified you: it seemeth that the new bravadoes, & vain menaces of this petty gallant Scanderbag, do make you to quake and tremble. What, shall the world find you now so faint hearted, so besorted and senseless, so devoid of courage and magnanimity, that you will show yourselves like men that are mindful rather of flight, then of your wont and accustomed virtue? will you without fight, without resistance, yield unto these effeminate and idle Christians those goodly conquests which both your ancestors and yourselves have gotten and purchased, with so many and so great labours and travels, and with so many wounds and dangers? What, will you now without any expense and loss of blood abandon and forsake Europe, which you have with so great pain & desire obtained, and will you so shamefully fly back again into Asia? tell me (I pray you) shall you be more safe on the other side of the s●● then on this side? assure yourselves they will not cease to pursue you in all places: then what will you do? what hope have you? what King or Prince will receive us, whom the whole world doth hold so hateful and odious? Harken to me therefore (my good friends and companions) pluck up your hearts, awaken your courages, revive and strengthen your spirits, to the intent your enemies grow not too too audacious: hold yourselves quiet, and let not your minds be troubled with any tumultuous counsels or imaginations, but do all of you with one mind & general consent (as your duty is) cast the care of this matter so weighty and important upon me: commit it into my hands, and refer it to my discretion. If you count it a glorious and honourable act to defend your own lives, and the lives of your wives and children: to maintain so many sceptres and Empires granted unto you, even by the divine favour: then do you bravely betake you to your arms, & arm yourselves against the Christians: behave yourselves manfully in the fight against them, & let the world see the fircenes of your courages. Let it not trouble you though you hear that the princes of christendom are combined in league against you, & that they are entered into a common concord together to make war upon us. All this ought not to make you doubt of the victory: for you have had trial enough of this kind of men, how nice, delicate & weak they are. They be all of them slothful, fearful, faint, secure and careless, idle, & addicted 
Mahomet despiseth & dispraiseth the christians.  to all pleasures and delights: they are all of them brought up daintily: they lie upon their beds of Down and soft feathers: they are trained up in luxuriousness and voluptuousness: they are brave men and valiant in the courts and palaces of Princes, borne to nothing but to play the courtiers: they have not any care to study or practise deeds of arms: they have no desire or delight to follow the wars, or to profess the art and profession military: their bodies are impatient of labour and travel, and their minds cannot away with the hazard of perils and dangers: their members are delicate & effeminate, not enured nor hardened to discipline, nor to endure heat and cold, hunger and travel. In sum they are ignorant and careless of martial matters, and of the train of arms, in comparison of you (my dear companions) amongst whom I see not any one that beareth the name of a soldier, but I account him a good and perfect captain: for it is an usual thing with you to spend your life in continual services, and day & night are you accustomed to watch in arms, and to weary yourselves in warlike exploits: there is nothing so hard, nothing so rough and difficult, but seemeth unto you most pleasant, acceptable, and easy: you are so acquainted daily & hourly with a million of perils, that you are grown into a contempt and carelessness of all perils, and as you are free from the fear of dangers, so are you ignorant how to fear them: it is your fashion to contemn and despise soft featherbeds, you use your hardened members, to a more strict and hard yoke of discipline both in war and in fight: you are contented with a little, yea with nothing in a manner: you make your beds of the hard ground, & you do accustom yourselves to all extremities: your use is so to march and to run on to the victory, as that you never dream what you must endure and suffer, but only whither and whereabouts you are going: and you are altogether forgetful both of death, of wounds, and of danger. Behold (my brave Captains) this is the true devoir & duty, this is the true exercise, this is the true art and discipline of sovereign & excellent soldiers: these be they that do fight valiantly, these be they that do vanquish their enemies easily, these be they that are ever sure and certain of the victory. Let come then these great Princes of the Christians, these magnifical babblers & great talkers, whose fierceness is only in their glorious show and ostentation, who are merely ignorant and unskilful of martial matters. Shall such persons be able to astonish you? shall they make you to give back? call to remembrance your prosperous fortune, the which in all your warlike exploits hath ever followed and seconded you. Shall not the fortunate success of your affairs, make you to grow courageous, and to pluck up your valiant hearts? These tumultuous Christians have not yet forgotten, but they have still before their eyes the fresh testimony of their lamentable misfortune, even the scattered and dispersed relics of their calamity at Varna, and Basill. And what do the Greeks'? All these alterations, changes and emotions, what harm have they done us? save only that they brought themselves to be bought and sold for slaves and vassals unto us? Some of them have come to destruction by the ignorance and unskilfulness of their Chieftains: others by the pusillanimity of their troops & legions. Some of them have been overthrown by the doubtful chance and hazard of diverse battles, and other some by their own seditious and intestine evil wars. Some of them have been ruinated by the gross credulity and the infidelity of their own domestical friends, and other some in brief have found themselves most endamaged by the over careless and dissolute contempt of their enemies. What reason then have you to fear their coming? If I should speak openly what I think, I am fully persuaded that they will not come at all: they will keep still at home in their houses, and they need not greatly to be entreated to lay aside (even of themselves) these their insolent threats and menaces. Moreover, I know well that they are distracted and troubled with private seditions and continual partialities: every man will be a commander: each man seeketh to be the highest and chiefest: none of them will obey: none of them will be commanded: so strange and divers are their affections, and so greatly do they differ between themselves. There be amongst them many Kings, many commanders, and every one of them is transported and carried away, according to his own appetite, and they do all follow their own wills in their counsels and deliberations: the●e is none of them that seeketh the public good, nor the common profit & commodity. The Christians do dissemble one with another notably, they are all of them exceedingly ambitious, and immoderately covetous, & they do exercise immoderate hatreds & rancours each against other. There is no consent, no agreement, no regard of duty or obedience: in which nevertheless consisteth all the strength and virtue of Monarchies, and kingdoms, especially in the time of war: and if these happen once to fail, the art and science military must needs come to nought & be utterly extinguished. More than this, these holy, godly, and religious people, do take a singular delight in mutual murders, poisons, and massacres, & there is no other talk amongst them, then of revenge, of conspiracies, and of secret trains and counterwaits. I see that all Christendomr with their Pope (as they term him) have conspired against us: I see that all their Kings and Potentates have combined themselves together against our Empire and estate: they have betaken them to arms on all sides, to deprive us of Europe their ancient patrimony: so did Agamemnon in Homer, one day determine to overthrow the walls of Troy before sunset, but jupiter turned his eyes another way, and derided the vows of that foolish Prince: the like (I doubt not) will happen to the fond presumption of the Christians, they hasten to purchase unto themselves some singular and glorious renown upon us, albeit very difficult, but indeed they will enlarge and amplify your triumphs and your Empire: I know it well, and I dare promise you as much upon my honour. For (not to speak of the commodities of places, of victuals, munitions, and such like helps: in which the strength and succour of the wars, doth consist very much) and whereof the Christians will have great scarcity, and we shall have plenty, I can assure you that the Empire and dominion of the whole world is promised unto us by the celestial powers, as I have learned by the course of the stars, and the science of Astrology, by which I have reaped wonderful profit, and whosoever hath the perfect knowledge thereof, cannot possibly err nor be deceived. For without all doubt, the whole frame of this world here below, is ruled and governed by the superior motions of the stars and planets. Moreover you shall not want store of resolute & obedient soldiers, you shall have ready at hand diverse great and puissant armies, you shall have infinite troops and bands of men, and you shall have plenty of arms, horses, engines: & in brief, all kinds of necessary and needful provisions, whereby the victory may be purchased & gotten with ease and facility. Only have you a regard for your parts, that you be well advised in all your counsels, that you bring with you courageous hearts and stout stomachs, and that your hands be prompt and valorous. This is it (my good soldiers) that must purchase you, either assured liberty or perpetual servitude: this is that knot and band of the whole matter, this is it wherein consisteth the preservation of your country, of your Empire, of your children, of your goods, and possessions: to this doth the common peril, and the common ruin of yourselves and all yours, both invite you, admonish you, yea and constrain you: and all of you are equally & alike summoned thereunto, by the equal hazard and danger of this war. Hereunto also ought the variable events and alteration of great things to spur and prick you forward, the which in all humane actions are oftentimes in great peril, and subject to notable dangers, for default of prompt and ready deliberation, and for want of good and settled resolution.  
This oration of the Turkish Emperor, was generally approved by all the assistants, and it wrought in them with such efficacy, that all of them confirmed the devotion of their fidelity and obeisance, with a new and solemn oath, promising without any regard of perils, pains or travel, to expose their lives and uttermost means for the Majesty of the Ottoman name and Empire, and for the amplifying of his crown and dignity. Thus did they show themselves devoid of all fear, of hazards and dangers, and they seemed to regard nothing else, but only to conform themselves to the will and pleasure of their Prince to the service of the weal public.  
Let us leave Mahomet for a while, beating his brain and bending all his thoughts and imaginations, to provide fit and necessary preparation for the general war of the Christians, and let us return to our religious Prince Scanderbag, who being enriched with the spoils of the Turks, was now retired into his camp, where he was no sooner arrived, but that it was told him, that Seremet did approach and was near at hand, one of the bravest Captains that the Sultan had, and that with a strong and mighty army, he was come upon the confines of Thrace and Macedony: and Scanderbag being no less forward than he was always wont, took the field three hours before day, being determined to fight with him if it were possible. The Mahometan was come only to assure and defend the frontiers, and to hinder the inroads & invasions of the Albanois: he lodged part of his men within Ocrida, or Alchria, and part of them in 
Alchria, or Ocrida.  the suburbs and thereabouts, where they had entrenched themselves very strongly. Near to the town was a large and great lake abounding in fish of diverse kinds, out 
The river of Drine, or Drinon. Ambushment by Scanderbag against Seremet. Piec Manuel. Andrew Angel.  of the which the river of Drine hath his source & beginning. Towards this place was the Albanois advanced within three miles of it or thereabouts, where he placed himself in an ambush with ten thousand men, and he sent before him about 500 horse, of the most resolute & hardiest soldiers, conducted by Peic Manuel, & Andrew Angel, brother to the Archbishop of Duraz, both of them worthy personages, and highly accounted of, both for their experience, and for the antiquity of their blood and lineage, and he gave them instructions to skirmish with the enemy, only to draw and allure them forth to the fight. For Scanderbag was advertised, that there was one in the Barbarian army, who was the treasurer or receiver of the imposts & tributes of the great Turk, a man that was very rich, and that took great delight in deeds of arms, who he thought would soon and easily be drawn out with the first to adventure the fight. Now Scanderbag had charged these two Captains, that in case the Infidels did come forth to the skirmish, they should make but could resistance, but by little and little recuiling, they should feign themselves to fly: to the intent that the others pursuing them, might approach to the place of the ambuscado, where he meant to hold himself still & to attend them, and it fell out accordingly. For the Infidels being gotten very near the 
Victory of Scanderbag against Seremet near Alchria. Number of Turks slain near Alchria.  place, saw themselves suddenly charged most bravely by the Epirots, on all sides, both in front and in flank, and behind at their backs, in such sort that being soon broken and scattered, there lay dead upon the place more than 10000 There were also a great number taken prisoners, amongst whom was the treasurer above mentioned, and the son of Seremet, with twelve others of especial reckoning and estimat, who being brought to Scanderbag, paid a ransom of 40000. crowns, & being set at liberty, they bestowed many gifts and rich rewards throughout the camp of the Albanois: especially the treasurer who made a largesse of his imposts of fish both fresh & salt amongst the christians: which came in a very good & convenient time, as if God had sent it of purpose. For it was then the vigil of the Assumption of the blessed Virgin the mother of our Saviour, upon which day, as men religiously disposed, they did abstain from eating of any fleshmeats. Thus making merry amongst themselves, they said by way of mirth, that their prince was the Apostle of him who had fed the jews with five loaves and 
Saying of the soldiers Epirots of Scanderbag.  two fishes. This done, they returned victorious with great joy into their Province, where they enjoyed the fruit of their happy exploit, attending in great devotion the troops of the Croysado, which they daily expected to pass over the seas into Epire.  
But Fortune, envious and despiteful Fortune, which never suffereth men to enjoy any long contentment, which lieth continually in wait, and watcheth for some occasion, either to cross all our good and glorious enterprises, or else utterly to overthrow and disappoint them, did now turn all these Princely and honourable attempts to nothing, and the preparations of this great and holy voyage vanished away like smoke in the air. For within few days after, news were brought to Scanderbag, how that the Pope having already set forward on the way with a goodly army, of Almains, Hungarians, 
Death of Pope Pius the 2.  Spaniards, French, and Italians, & being accompanied with the Duke of Venice, immediately upon his entry into Ancona, was departed and gone to God, which was the occasion that this noble assembly was dissolved: and all those which had disposed themselves to this holy voyage, were disbanded & dispersed here and there on all parts, 
Voyage of the Christians against the Turks broken.  and were returned to their own houses, as if they had been come together, & had made that journey only at the will and pleasure of one mortal man, who was now laid in his Sepulchre, and not for the common cause of Christendom, nor for the glory and service of the son of God, whose venerable image and representation, they carried not in their hearts and in their souls, but only in their outward garments, and in their ensigns and standards: such and so great is the inconstancy and vanity of mankind. But I doubt I should do great wrong unto this reverent parsonage, if I should let pass in ungrateful silence, these deserved praises of his rare virtues and perfections.  
Pius called Aeneas silvius the Poet, sometimes chancellor to the Emperor Frederick 
Pope Pius the second his birth and commendation.  the third, was a Sienois by birth, descended of the ancient family of the Picolhominins in Sienna. He was a man of most rare virtues, and most renowned for the holiness and integrity of his life: he was so addicted to the study of humane letters, that it was hard to judge whether were more excellent in him his knowledge or his eloquence: the which he employed so happily in the council of Mantua, that he moved and persuaded all the nations and Princes of Europe to take arms against the miscreants, excepting only Lewes the eleventh. The Frenchmen who at that time had an hard opinion of him, by reason that they took part with king Rene, of the house of Anoiw, whereas this Pope did mightily impugn his title, in favour of the Arragonois in the war of Naples, (as you have seen in the book last going before.) He was wonderfully zealous of religion, and of the glory of God, seeking nothing but the advancement of the same, and the safety of the Christian flock: by reason whereof his end was greatly lamented over all Christendom, but above all others, the subjects of Scanderbag made great sorrow and lamentation. For although they were yet fierce and glorious through their victory lately gotten against Seremet, yet upon the hearing of this news, they were as men amazed and confounded, and as if they had been stricken with thunder and lightning from Heaven, so infinitely did they grieve for that this enterprise and expedition against the Turks was broken off, but Scanderbag carrying a courage, and a mind pliable to all the assaults and crosses of Fortune, did not in any sort bewray himself to be grieved or discomforted, neither did he show any alteration for this unfortunate and unhappy chance, but with a cheerful countenance, nothing changed nor troubled, he comforted his friends and familiars with these speeches and persuasions.  
God the searcher of all secrets, who knoweth all things before they be done, to 
The oration or speech of Scanderbag to his subjects comforting them after the breaking of the voyage intended by the Christians against the Turks.  whom things past and to come are open and manifest, as well as things present, by whom all things are made and established in equity and judgement, and are perfectly guided and governed, whose divine and incomprehensible wisdom, extendeth itself from the beginning to the ending, graciously disposing and ordering every thing in particular: God I say, that ancient of days and of all eternity, doth sometimes make frustrate and disappoint the wishes and desires of mortallmen, and doth not suffer them always to enjoy them, according to their own wills and contentment. For though in the eye of man the may seem good and profitable, yet in the sight and secret knowledge of his divine Majesty, he knoweth them to be otherwise: and there be many things which unto us appear to be profitable and beneficial, but his wisdom forseeth that they will greatly prejudice us. For example: there is no city so populous, there is no nation so puissant, but if they want enemies abroad, they are sure to find some even at home amongst themselves: and you shall never see any body so strong and lusty, but if there be no external cause to molest or grieve them, yet they will at one time or another be oppressed and overborne by their own proper forces, by reason of some inward contrariety. If it had pleased God that the Romans' had not ruinated Carthage, which was emulous and envious of their greatness, and that they had not rooted out this their foreign enemy, but that they had still had him to have kept them in fear and awe, they had not then been consumed by intestine civil wars within themselves, they had not then turned their sword against their own throats, and their Empire peradventure had been standing even till this day. For the fear of a foreign and outward foe (which as some say, is a sure guardian, and a most straight and perfect bond of amity and concord) had preserved 
Sentence.  and still maintained them in safety. The like may we say perhaps of the Christians, and of the nations professing the faith of Christ: for if we were exempted from an external and foreign enemies, and had not an adversaty elsewhere to keep us in awe, considering our impiety and ambition, our rancours and divisions past all hope of reconciliation, and the bloody streams of troubles and tumults nourished from time to time within the body of the common weal of Christendom, do you not think that we should find a hundredth times more disadvantage and mischief by our own enmities and dissensions, then by the violence of our outward enemies? Assure yourselves we had long ere this time been consumed and worn out by the fury and outrage of our own proper arms. I conclude therefore, that it is not happened altogether for the worst, that this voyage is discontinued and broken off: for it was greatly to be feared, that when we had once chased away this grievous and bloody enemy far from us, lest that then we would have kindled some fire within out own houses, which should have proved more bloody and fatal unto us. Howbeit it is not to be doubted, and we may hold it for a certain and infallible truth, 
Empire of the Turks is not durable.  that the Empire of the Ottoman cannot continue long but that it must needs decay and perish, if at least wise this may be called or termed an Empire, which is but a waist and solitary desert of Barbarism deprived of all light of true doctrine, being without laws, without judgements, without any good order and policy, and even in those parts, especially where as once, the arts, & sciences, the true and perfect discipline, the most famous Churches with many other ornaments were most glorious & flourishing: as we see it now come to pass in Asia, and a great part of Europe subdued by the arms and violence of the Turks. And albeit Daniel in his Prophecies distinguishing the fortune and virtue of every Empire, hath described all of them: namely that in this old and declining age of the world, there shallbe more confusions than have been in times past: and that God notwithstanding (as long as mankind shall endure upon the face of the earth) will preserve some Kingdoms and Empires: which as the end of the world doth more and more approach; so shall they grow more faint and feeble: and yet nevertheless; that there should arise a certain Barbarous nation of a wonderful puissance, named in the divine Prophecies Gog and Magog: howbeit let us not be troubled at the power and puissance of the Turks, which by manifest and ancient testimonies is condemned and rejected of God, as being raised and increased by deceitful and unlawful means, and plunged in all kinds of vices, filthiness, and wickedness. And let us not make any doubt of the promises and predictions left unto us by the voice of the son of God: but let us fully assure ourselves, that the dignity of the Empire is not nor shall not fall into the hands of so Barbarous and execrable tyranny, which vomiteth forth blasphemies against Christ the Saviour of the 
Dignity of the true Empire where it is to be sound.  world, and abolisheth all honest and evil policies, but let us rather assure ourselves, that there only and not elsewhere the sacred majesty of the Empire both is and shallbe continued, where the true Religion is maintained and observed, where the divine laws, and other civil laws and good ordinances derived out of them do rule and bear sway, where the lawful administration of justice is upheld in our strength and vigour, where good men are rewarded, and offenders are punished: last of all where the honest and godly assemblies and societies of good men, are preserved and maintained by the use of lawful and just arms, there only and not elsewhere is the dignity and majesty Imperial howsoever that the greatness thereof do appear to be very little or small in comparison of that of the Mahometan. For (as hath been said) it will not be long ere the same willbe ruinated and come to nothing, because as wise men have written,) things evil gotten, are soon wasted, and do speedily perish, and no man can long possess or retain the dominion, that is purchased by injurious force and violence. Contrariwise, the Christian Empire, & the Church of God founded and erected by the divine oracle, shall endure for ever, & shall never have an end. Wherefore let us pray our good God, the king almighty and omnipotent (who knoweth better what is good and needful for us, than we know how or what to demand at his hands) that it would please him to wash away our sins by his grace, and to defend his holy faith, and his chosen people from the rage and fury of the Infidels, the which this cruel tyrant doth continually persecute, & by his brutish fierceness doth endeavour to destroy and suppress.  
Thus did Scanderbag comfort and encourage his people, that they might not be dismayed for the breaking up and dispersing of the Christian army. But leaving him for a while with these discourses, we will now return to speak of Mahomet. After he understood of the slaughter and flight of the people of Seremet, the Painim Prince being incensed with rage and fury, rather than discouraged with this misfortune, speedily dispatched away Ballaban Badera one of his Colonels with fifteen thousand 
Ballaban Badera sent against Scanderbag with an army of 18000. Turks.  horse and three thousand footmen. This Chieftain was no less prompt and hardy in executing any thing with his hand, than he was of an expert and advised judgement in the politic handling of martial affairs: for he was a man that had been long practised in arms, and had given many proofs of his sufficiency and valour under Mahomet, especially at the taking of Constantinople: where he was the first 
Ballaban his birth and description▪ Aga, the place of a Colonel amongst the Turks.  man that mounted upon the wall, and entered into the City. For this cause the Sultan had exalted him to the estate of an Aga or Colonel: he was an Epirot, borne of a very base and obscure race and kindred, & the subject of john Castriot the father of Scanderbag: but in his younger years, being a very lad, as he & other little children were keeping of beasts in the fields, he was taken and carried away by the infidels, who presented him for a slave unto the Great Turk. Touching the stature of his body, he was not very tall, but of a middle size: but he was of a notable quick and ready wit, his mind was extremely great and haughty, besides that he was very resolute and courageous, fearing nothing. So as it may well be said of him, as Homer wrote of Tydeus.  

A little man of body, and but small of stature,  
Yet great in deeds of arms, and a mighty warrior.   
He was very strongly made in his limbs, active and valiant of his person, desirous of battle, and hot and eager in fight. This man being come to Alchria, in the confines of Macedon, after he had taken a view and muster of his army, sent secretly (as some say) unto Scanderbag certain presents of great estimate, for a token of friendship and amity: and to provide (it may be) if by chance he should happen to have the worst, and to fall into his hands, that he might not be used with extremity. Howbeit it is most probable and likely, that he did it only of a cautelous and subtle meaning, as afterwards▪ the event and issue did make it manifest▪ For he employed all his forces, and set abroach all his sleights and cunning devices to work the utter confusion and destruction of Scanderbag. But the Christian Prince, who was not unacquainted with the Turkish wiles and subtleties, did reject both his gifts and his acquaintance▪ and he sent back unto him, a mattock, a plowshard, and a hedging bill, with such like rustical instruments, and he willed him to let alone the exercise of arms, as not being a profession 
Contumely offered by Scanderbag to Ballaban.  for him to deal withal: but that it was fittest for him to return to husbandry according to the use of his predecessors, who were all of them peysants and of abase and vile condition. Ballaban took this very impatiently and he conceived by reason thereof a more deadly hatred against Scanderbag then ever, swearing and vowing that he would take some notable revenge upon him for this ignominy, if ever he could find a fit time and opportunity: he determined therefore secretly in the night time to surprise and assail him. Whereupon in the dark of the night he began to set forward and to remove his Campe. But (as the saying is) it is bad halting before a cripple: for the Albanois being informed of his coming, & what way he took, went against him with all speed, which caused Ballaban to hold bridle and to make a stand, and he pitched his tents about a two miles from the Camp of the Christians. Scanderbag had not with him in all his army above four thousand horse, and five and twenty hundredth footmen, not for that he was not able to have assembled greater forces if he had liked: but because he had made choice at that time of his oldest and most expert soldiers, and the flower of all his men, in whose virtue and valiant prowess, he did repose his principal trust and confidence: and he thought it better (as Fabius Maximus was wont to say) to bring all of them back again rich and 
Saying of Fabius Maximus used by Scanderbag. Say of Scanderbag.  wealthy, then to use the service of a great number of soldiers: and many times also he used these speeches, that that Captain which with ten or twelve thousand men at the most knew not how to beat his enemy, would hardly be able to do any honourable exploit with greater forces. For he affirmed that the multitude of troops, and the excessive numbers of soldiers had many times caused confusion, and had been the disturbance, and an hindrance to the victory. Now the Infidel as hath been said, had fourteen thousand horse, and three hundred foot. The Scanderbegians were encamped at the one end of a pleasant valley, which they of the country call Valcala, which being of a goodly breadth, it was more long than 
The valley of Valcala.  large. The Barbarians had seized upon the other end of the valley, near to a mountain which lay at the end of Valcala, the entry whereof was very strait & narrow, and the enemy having both the mountain and the passage in their power and puissance, 
Ambuscado laid by Ballaban at the entry of Valcala.  had laid there an ambuscado, to the intent that the fight being begun, and the Christians having the better, if they did pursue the victory, and did enter within the straight of that narrow passage to get to the sacking of their Camp, they should be enclosed in the midst of their enemies, lying there in the ambushment, and by that means should be at their mercy and discretion. The king of Epire who was encamped at the other end of the valley, foreseeing well that this their near neighbourhood to their enemies, could not be parted without talking nearer together, and for that his forces were the weakest, he judged it needful for him to seek some advantage against them, and therefore he used these speeches unto his soldiers.  
My good friends and companions, I see well that it behoveth us this day as much 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers before the battle of Valcala.  as ever, to make our enemies to feel who we are. Ballaban is come to seek us, and to make proof whether Fortune will be more friendly unto him, than she hath been to his predecessors: but before that he begin to march, I hold it best that we remove our Camp to this mountain which is at our backs. Notwithstanding, this you must mark: that as soon as he seethe us departing hence, he will imagine (because we are so few, that we mean to fly:) and therefore it is to bethought, that he will immediately charge us with all possible violence at our backs, which if he do, then do you receive him valiantly: and after you have a little shifted your place and feigned a retreat, suddenly do you turn head, and with a round and brave charge, do you bear in upon them with all your strength, and (as your custom is) break and disorder them: in so doing I doubt not, but you shall have them at your discretion. But take heed (my good soldiers) I pray you, and be you well advised when you have put them to flight, and that you have them in chase, and do follow them in execution upon them: takeheed, I say, that you enter not in any case within the mouth of the strait of Valcala: but stopping your course pass no further forwards. For within that passage I know there are certain squadrons of the enemy laid to entrap us: I know it well, I am well acquainted both with the place, and the policies of the Barbarians: if you once enter in, you will never get out again. Let it suffice you therefore (my friends) to pursue the victory even to the entry of that place and no further.  
As soon as he had thus spoken, he espied Ballaban marching on directly towards 
The battle of Valcala between Ballaban and Scanderbag.  him: whereupon he sent a certain number of light horsemen to seize upon that hill which he had chosen for the lodging of his army: and immediately he followed after them with the body of his troops, making as though he meant to have made a retreat: the which the Turks perceiving and believing verily, that they had been in a true and plain flight, they galloped after them without any good order, and with great fury they held on their course the length of all the valley. Then did the Epyrots begin to bear up close together, and being nothing astonished with the clamours or violent charge of the Turks, they turned about, and with a hardy resolution they received them to the shock, and so joined with them in combat. Then began the fight to grow most sharp, cruel, and bloody, and many fell both of the one side and the other, and the victory rested for a long time doubtful and uncertain. In fine the Albanois fought with such a constant and settled resolution and obstinacy against the Infidels, being out of order 
Victory of Scanderbag against Ballaban and the Turks.  and in some confusion, that they got the advantage, killing and beating them down on all parts and drove them back even to the straits of Valcala, and there they took breath and made a stand, excepting eight only of the Christian army (each of whom without all doubt, was worthy to have had the absolute command of a good and great army.) These being transported with the fury of the fight, and the heat of arms, and forgetting the express commandment of their General, but being spurred forward with an eager desire of following the chase upon the enemy, and with a mortal hatred against Ballaban, were drawn on into the ambuscado of the Infidels, & did very unadvisedly entangle themselves within these straits, which by means of this unhappy accident were, I dare say, as famous by the loss 
Forks of Candyum. See Lyvie. lib. 5  and calamity of these brave Epyrotes, as the forks of Candyum were in times passed by the ignominy of the Romans'. Long did they maintain the fight against the Infidels there ambusqued, and passing still further and further within those valleys▪ they came at last to the trenches of the Barbarians, where they were to yield a reckoning of their coming, and to pay the shot unto their hosts. Nevertheless continuing there also in a most cruel fight: they showed themselves so valiant, and did so bestir themselves by their valour and dexterity, that in the end they gained the top of a mountain, which being possessed by the infantry of the Turks, they had thought to have been of their own company, and so they fell again into a new and second peril greater than the former. In the end after infinite proves of their 
Moses, Guirize, Musache & other nobles of the Epyrots taken prisoners by the Turks.  wonderful prowess and valour, being wearied with striking and killing of their enemies, both men and horses growing faint through the multitude of their wounds, they were taken alive by the Ballabanians. The virtue, courage, and incomparable prowess of these brave warriors may not be let pass & omitted in silence, and yet if I should in this place set down the singular perfections wherein all of them were most accomplished, and the memorable acts achieved by their virtue in the service of God, of the religion, and of their country, I should make a long and exceeding great history: and therefore I will only and barely set down their names unto you. The 
Moses. Guirize de Vladienne. Musache de Augeline. Give Musache john Terlat. Nicholas Berisee. George Chuque Give Manesse.  first that offereth himself to be remembered, was that great Moses the Dibrian, of whom we have so often made mention, the only & chief man that was most dear and faithful unto Scanderbag, and who was the Lieutenant of the army. Next to him was Guirize de Vladienne, the near kinsman of Scanderbag: after him followed Musache de Angeline, nephew to Scanderbag, and Gyne Musache, john Perlat, Nicholas Berise, George Chuque, and Give Manesse. These men by their miserable and unhappy fortune, made the estate of Albany more to be deplored and lamented, than any one thing at any time before whatsoever. For as all of them were of singular account and estimation, both for their corporal strength and vigour, for the magnanimity of their courages, and for their excellent skill and knowledge in arms and the science military: so were they no less fearful and terrible to the Mahometans. In so much that when their Monarch the Ottoman heard, that they were taken, & brought unto him alive, he conceived such an exceeding and extreme joy thereby, that he cried out aloft, and with a loud voice uttered these words.  
Now do I know for a truth and certainty, now may I well & justly say, that Scanderbag 
Speech of Mahomet, hearing of the taking of Moses and other Epirots.  is overthrown, that his pride is fallen, that his forces are abated, that his audacity and courage is clean gone and lost: seeing that Ballaban my son, my child, the only man amongst my Captains and Chieftains that went before him, hath showed himself the only man of valour, the only warrior, and he alone hath known how to overcome him by whom so many brave men of ours have been surmounted and overthrown, of which some have been made slaves, others have been murdered and put to the sword.  
Thus after he had highly commended and exalted Ballaban, he sent unto him a great quantity of gold and silver and other gifts, with a commission to restore his bands with new supplies, and to pursue the war against Scanderbag. Who in this 
Ambassade sent by Scanderbag to Mahomet for the ransom of Moses and his other Nobles. Cruelty most barbarous of Mahomet.  mean while being in a marvelous distress and care for the captivity of these Noble men, dispatched away speedily a notable Ambassade, with great presents, and letters unto the Sultan, praying him most effectually, to ransom the prisoners according to the right of arms, or else to exchange them for other prisoners, of which he had a great number. But the felonious tyrant, being carried away with rage and fury, made no account of this embassage: but after all kinds of ignominy and barbarous cruelty used and practised upon them, he caused them to be flayed alive by little and little for fifteen days together: during the which they yielded up their 
Death of Moses and other prisoners by the tyranny of Mahomet.  constant and glorious souls unto God, and did augment (as it is to be believed) the happy company of the Martyrs in Paradise. The abominable cruelty of this torment, made the ignominy of the Christians more notable and notorious: and all the army of the Albanians did infinitely bewail and grieve at their miserable end: and the country of Albany did feel much more grief and sorrow through the want of their dear and beloved citizens, than they conceived joy for the victory had against their enemies: neither was the sorrow and lamentation less which was made generally and in public, then that which was seen particularly and in private. For many (as the report goeth) did change their habit and their garments, and many also did let the hair of their heads and beards to grow at length, in token that they mourned, and grievously lamented for this great and lamentable loss of these excellent and heroical persons. The king himself was no less grieved in hart, for their misfortune. Nevertheless bearing a mind hardened against all the assaults and encumbrances of fortune, he presently invaded and overcame the enemy's country, showing himself more desirous of revenge then of booty and pillage, and he turned all things upside down not leaving any thing in whole and good estate which either the sword or the fire could possibly waste, destroy and consume.  
Certain days were spent in these courses, and acts of hostility, during the which, 
Ballaban his second journey against Scanderbag with 18000. Turks.  Ballaban by virtue of his commission renewed for the war of Albany, had made and finished the increase and supply of his companies to the ancient number of fifteen thousand men on horse back, and three thousand footmen, which done he returned to Achaia upon the frontiers of Macedon, and there did he endeavour by his wont sleights and his ordinary disguised shows of cunning to reconcile himself unto Scanderbag with new presents and honest offers of service and amity. In the end seeing that he had but a cold suit, and that his guile and dissimulation was too well known, as also that he had less hope and power to attain to the end of his desires by plain and open arms, he employed therefore all his wits and devices to more secret and close attempts, that by some more short and more ready course he might overreach and entrap him.  
Scanderbag being accompanied with 4000 horse, and five and twenty hundredth footmen, he pitched his tents at Oronichea in the upper Dibria, and upon all parts and 
Ballaban his exploit against Scanderbag whom he thinketh to surprise in his Campe.  passages of his Camp, he had placed very conveniently both sentinels and scouts. It happened by chance, that at one of those passages, there were placed certain soldiers Epyrotes in whom the king had great trust and confidence, but he knew not that they were allied and of kin unto Ballaban. These being corrupted and won with great store of money; the Turkish General took his way in the dead of 
Soldiers of Scanderbag being of kin to Ballaban corrupted by him to betray the army of the Albanois.  the night with all his army, and an hour before day having passed beyond those scouts, he began to approach very near to the Camp of the Albanois, which he had surprised without all doubt and oppressed, had it not been for the prompt vigilancy and watchfulness of Scanderbag himself, who having his eye open to all chances and inconveniences, did ordinarily and oftentimes go the round on horseback, visiting & surveying all parts of his Camp, both the courts of guard & the other quarters, as God would at the very same time, he being thus busily employed discerned a far off, by the noise and neighing the horses of the Infidels. Behold here the singular 
Scanderbag his vigilancy preventeth Ballaban his treachery and subtlety.  benefit, and a worthy example of diligent & careful observation of martial discipline, the king himself gave alarm to his people, and presently disposing and ordering them in array of battle (howbeit in tumultuous manner and according to the shortness of the time, and as the discommodity of the dark would give him leave,) in two or three words animated his soldiers, to do their devoir upon this sudden occasion, and so marched on furiously against the Turk. Ballaban not looking to have found him in such order and readiness breathed himself a while, and that he 
The battle of Oronichea between Ballaban and Scanderbag.  might also better arraunge his men to the battle, whilst Scanderbag in the mean time laying hold upon the present occasion, with a strong troop of horse the most resolute of all his army, and with a number of harquebussiers Italians, he conveyed himself closely all alongst the covert of the valley, and so got behind all the backs of his enemies, and immediately charging them with all his force upon the tail and rearward of their army, he did so trouble and molest them, that being charged likewise in front by the residue of his troops, they were constrained to fall to the fight on all sides before that ever they could take any time to arraunge themselves in any good order. Nevertheless the conflict was long and mortal between them, especially on the part of the Epirots, both because that many of them had not yet put themselves in rank within their battle, as also by reason of the great number of their enemies: but in the end finding the Infidels to be better furnished and armed with cords and chains to bind the Christians, then with hardy and obstinate hearts to put them to utterance: and perceiving that they fought but faintly, they did 
Victory of Scanderbag the second time against Ballaban and the Turks.  press upon them so violently, that being not able to endure them any longer, they made them to turn their backs and to betake themselves to flight. Whereupon being closely pursued and lively followed by the Christians, they were handled so rudely that they were not able to recover their trenches, but were enforced to abandon their camp to the pillage of their enemies. The massacre and the booty also was inestimable. Ballaban himself with a very small train, without ensigns, without baggage did carry the news of his own discomfiture. Mahomet received him, but with sour looks, and he was long in a doubt and perplexity, whether he should employ any other Chieftain in this war, seeing that so small a handful of men (as he objected unto him) had had the power to overcome him so shamefully.  
After diverse consultations, he concluded in the end once again to employ him against the Albanois, and to send him back into Epire, many causes and considerations urging him thereunto. First of all, he knew him to be a mortal enemy to Scanderbag: beside he was an Epyrot borne, and he was very well practised and acquainted with all the places and passages of the country which were most fit and apt for ambuscadoes. Besides amongst so many thousands of excellent Knights and men of command under the obeisance of the Ottoman Empire, he knew not any one so worthy and sufficient as him alone. Moreover knowing the disposition of all men, and how insatiably covetous the mind of man is of honour and authority, he promised him the crown of Epire, in case he could find the means to make Scanderbag away and to destroy him. Now Ballaban being a man of notable resolution, and withal very desirous to make his life glorious in the world, which otherwise was but ignoble and subject to uncertainty, he thought nothing impossible which might purchase him honour and estimation: and therefore albeit he had been twice beaten by the Albanois, yet he accepted this commission very willingly, and departed from Constantinople 
Ballaban his third journey against Scanderbag with 20000. Turks  with an army of 20000. fight men, of which 17000. were horsemen, & the residue were footmen. Being arrived at Alchria, at the first he held on his wont course, and sent unto the king of Epire excellent good and swift horses for a present, besides certain goodly robes of rich work & embroidery, humbly entreating him not to disdain his service and amity, the proof & trial whereof he promised & protested should be always in a readiness, & that he should find him most faithfully affected unto him during his life. All this did this crafty Fox to the intent he might surprise him, if so be he found him any thing pliant and credulous to believe his fair & sugared speeches, but little did he know whom he had to deal with all: for Scanderbag being sufficiently acquainted with his traitorous & fraudulent practices, did scorn & disdain his gifts and pretended courtesies: returning him in a mockery certain counterpresents vile and rustical, such as he had before times sent unto him. Wherefore the Aga having all in vain consumed & spent three whole months in these bootless practices, determined at the last to hazard the fortune of a plain and set battle, and in open fight to encounter with his enemy, who was as willing to accept of the combat. Wherefore after public & devout prayers made to God for the victory, and for the preservation of the estate of Albany: and having procured & prepared all things requisite for the journey, he encouraged his people one while with short speeches, and effectual orations, another while with gifts and rewards, to some of them horses, to others furniture of arms and weapons, to some of them rich apparel, and to others he gave money, with other commodities. This done, he drew forth his army into 
The battle of Sfetigrade between Ballaban & Scanderbag.  to the field, consisting of 8000. horse, & 2500. foot, all of them chosen soldiers & resolute, and he arranged them in order of battle upon a fair plain before Sfetigrade, where Ballaban was encamped. He divided his army into four parts or battles: Over the first commanded Goic Streeze his Nephew: the second was lead by Tanusee Ducagin: Musache had the conduct of the third: and Scanderbag himself kept the fourth battalion for the guard of his own body. The infantry he had arranged and bestowed 
Order of Scanderbag and Ballaban their armies at the battle of Sfetigrade.  within the wings of the cavalry, & he had appointed for the leading of them four Chieftains, gentlemen of good worth and experience: namely, Paul Manessey, Pei● Manuel, Demetrius Berisse, & Raian Chuque. The General Turk likewise did differ very little from him in the ordering of his battalions. In this sort the armies on both parts being disposed ready to the combat, & being animated by their commanders, they went on cheerfully with high and mighty clamours, and affronting each other with great hatred and courage, they fell bravely to the encounter, and the battles joined together with great fury. Many were overthrown on both sides, many were slain and gave up the ghost, many were trampled and trodden under the horse feet, but the greatest loss & slaughter fell to the Mahometistes. It was an horror to hear the noise and clattering of their armours, the sounds of their weapons & strokes resounding in the air, the pitiful voices, cries and groanings of those that lay a dying. He that had seen how eager and sharp set the Christians were, fleshing themselves in the slaughter and butchery of the Infidels, would not have taken them for men but for so many lions chaffed and hunting after their prey. For bearing up close and straight together, they did so rudely press upon their enemies, terrifying and fearing them with their incredible bravery and courageousness, that they enforced them to give ground, themselves not yielding nor recuiling, so much as one foot backwardly, as men that were led on with despair and resolution, and whose eyes were closed up against all perils whatsoever. Ballaban who had more than once made proof of the rude entertainment of the Albanois, and knew well what belonged thereunto, did continue the fight with singular prudence and dexterity, labouring with great and exceeding care and travel to prevent and eschew all perils and inconveniences. For being guarded with a strong troop of horse, he held firm in the forefront of the battle, comforting & cheering up those which were wearied, and still supplying with fresh men the places of those which were wounded: and thus being intentive with a provident eye and regard to all parts, he made no spare of his person in discharging the devoir and duty both of an excellent Captain, and a most tall soldier. Scanderbag likewise wheresoever he saw any of his squadrons to waver, did readily secure and relieve them, & did continually restore the fight: and if it happened at any time that his people did begin to grow weary, or to have the worst of the fight, the would speedily make from one part to another, and he would on all sides sustain the hazard of the battle, he would thrust in amongst the thickest of his enemies, & by his presence would withstand the fury & tempest of their attempts. So that on what side soever the Barbarians turned themselves, still did they meet & encounter with the fury of Scanderbag, than the which nothing could present itself more terrible in their sight, nothing could have happened more to their discouragement: & wheresoever he became he still drew after him an assured victory, insomuch, that both the enemy & the Albanois did openly confess & affirm with one general consent & voice, that Scanderbag was the best soldier & bravest warrior in the world. As he was thus gotten in amongst the thickest of the Infidels, doing wonderful deeds of arms in killing all that came in his way, it happened that his horse being mortally wounded did stumble at a great trunk or root of a tree couched close by the ground, so that they fell both 
Scanderbag in danger of his life.  horse and man together. Scanderbag lying under his horse was so sore crushed with the fall, and so grievously hurt in one of his shoulders, that he lay a while as one in a swound. The Turks thought verily he had been dead, and therefore advancing themselves in a great troop together, they came flocking about him, and began to light on foot, that they might have cut off his head. But Scanderbag his men at arms rushing in furiously, and breaking through the press, did cover him with their bodies and their shields till such time as being come again to himself, and having recovered his weapons, he was mounted again upon a fresh horse. Thereupon the vehemency of the grief past, and his spirits newly gathered, made him to enter again into the midst of the battle with greater fury and fierceness then before, insomuch that making way on all sides with the edge of his sword amongst the Infidels, he seemed not much unlike to a raging tempest which falling in a field of corn, beateth it all down, and presseth it even with the ground: so the King of Albany making a great slaughter and butchery amongst the Turks, encountered at length with one that was a man of principal account and chiefest regard in all their army, whose name was Sulyman, and him did he overthrow dead upon the place. This act gave him the whole advantage of the field, which till that time was uncertain and equally balanced between both parties. But even at that instant so sudden & strange a fear did surprise the barbarians, that their force & courage began to fail them all at once: and they were not able any longer to endure the violence of the Christians, who had usually been accustomed to beat & master them. Wherefore in this their general astonishment, they were so lively & roundly pressed, and so hardly followed, that they were constrained to turn their backs, & to fly with might & main for the safeguard of their lives. But the flight was more pernicious unto them then the fight: for all of them in a manner remained dead 
Victory of Scanderbag the third time against Ballaban and the Turks.  in the fields of Dibria, which seemed to be fattened with the blood of the Infidels, by reason that the vanquishers did so eagerly follow & pursue them, that they would never leave nor give over the chase as long as they found any one with his weapons in his hand. I should have enough to do, if I should tell you how notable a booty, & what great riches were found in the tents and camp of the Paynims; all which was liberally granted to the soldiers, to comfort them for the hardness and difficulty of their labours, and to assuage the grief and sorrow of their hearts conceived for the loss of their fellows and companions, of whom there were slain in this battle to the number of three hundred, besides infinite of them sore wounded.  
Scanderbag after this notable and famous journey, found himself so pained in his shoulder and in his arm, that he was compelled in a manner to keep house for three whole months together. Ballaban who had saved himself by the benefit of his 
Mahomet highly displeased with Ballaban for the loss of his army.  spurs, and had gotten within Alchria, departed from thence within a while after to Constantinople, where being come with a very small train, he had but bad welcome of his Prince, who entertained him with a very angry and frowning countenance. He reproached him continually with this foul and grievous overthrow, and he demanded of him the lives of so many brave soldiers, and the flower of so many gallant youths which (as he said) were betrayed & wilfully lead to the butchery, by his folly and rashness. But the wily and cunning gallant, by a long and artificial Oration found the means to appease and mitigate the wrath and anger of the Sultan: 
Speeches used by Ballaban to Mahomet in excuse of his overthrow by Scanderbag.  calling the gods to witness, & appealing to those soldiers which were escaped from the slaughter, he referred himself to their examination & testimonies whether that before he began the fight, he had not with singular providence & exact prudence carefully foreseen & regarded all matters: whether that the choice of the time & the place, or the manner of the ordering of his battles were in any respect to be condemned: whether that either the soldiers or the General had failed in their duty, and in brief, whether that he had omitted or neglected any thing, which might have purchased or furthered his victory. And casting the whole fault of his defaster and misfortune upon the will and inevitable pleasure of the gods, and the uncertainty of fortune the perpetual friend of inconstancy which maketh deeds of arms doubtful and subject to daily alteration, he would not in any sort seem to acknowledge, that he was inferior to the King of Albany in virtue or desert. He did allow and confess him to be one of the most accomplished and most fortunate warriors in the whole world; but yet nevertheless, that he was mortal, and not invincible as was to be seen by Sebalias before at the siege of Belgrade, & by himself also at the battle of Valcala, where he had taken and defeated diverse of his best and most valiant Knights and Chieftains. And thus did he excuse himself as finely as he could. So well could he handle the matter by his smooth and fair speeches, that he made the Sultan to give him the hearing of any thing. Whereupon he adventured to propound unto him a new and seldom used course which he had conceived in his mind, by means whereof he was in hope to obtain an easy and assured victory of the Prince of Albany, which he uttered in this manner.  
May it please your excellent Majesty, quoth he, (most happy and mighty Monarch) 
Speech of Ballaban to Mahomet propounding a course for the destruction of Scanderbag.  to choose out and nominate two notable and sufficient Chieftains, who with two puissant armies by diverse and sundry ways, and severally each from other, may with all diligence and secrecy make their entry into Epire, pretending that their journey lieth some other way. And let not any one of them come to fight with the enemy without the other: but staying and expecting the coming of his companion, let them both together with a common advise and mutual counsel, suddenly turn bridle, and marching against him, both at one time, they may enclose and entangle him in the midst between them, and so easily overthrow him. By this course and means both himself and his people shall be soon overcome and cut in pieces, and so shall we make a final end of the war and insolency of the Albanois.  
Mahomet took so great a liking of the reasons and devise of Ballaban, and the conceit which he had propounded pleased him so well, that without any delay, he gave him full power and authority to ordain what he thought good for the prosecuting of this war and for the bringing of it to an end. And that he should make choice amongst all his Captains of such a one whom himself should best like of, for his colleague and compartner in that journey: as also that he should take such a number of men as he should think needful: and he urged him to hasten this voyage into 
Speech of Mahomet to Ballaban, urging him to the destruction of Scanderbag.  Epire, and to follow it with all possible care, policy, and good counsel. He told him, that nothing could be more acceptable or welcome unto him, then to hear that Scanderbag with his forces were expelled and banished out of Epyre. That he could not think, nor account himself a Prince of any good fortune of happiness, as long as he should see this his enemy to be alive, by whom he had suffered so many outrages and discommodities. Ballaban being desirous to repair his honour, caused forth with a wonderful company of soldiers to be levied, with the which he 
jagup Arnauth sent with an army against Scanderbag of sixteen thousand horsemen.  made so puissant an army, that it was sufficient to have made the Realm of Albany to tremble for very fear: & he adjoined unto him for his companion jagup Arnauth (which is as much to say) as james the Albanois. For he also was borne in that country, and he was a Knight of great estimate and reckoning, and one that had won great honour by deeds of arms. These troops being now assembled together, and parted between them, Ballaban directed his compartner to take his way all alongst the seacoastes, and so crossing over Greece and Thessaly to enter into Epire: and he charged him expressly, that in any case he should not discover himself, or make any attempt against the enemy, till such time as he perceived Ballaban him 
Ballaban his fourth journey against Scanderbag with 28000. Turks  self with his people to be arrived, and to approach near him. For he taking a shorter and nearer cut through Thrace and Macedon, was the first of the two that came into Albany, and was there a great deal sooner than jagup: the army which Ballaban had with him only, exceeded above four and twenty thousand horsemen, besides four thousand that served on foot.  
Let us now turn our speech to the General of the Christians, and let us see a little with what diligence, and with what preparations, he provided to feast these his guests, who had bidden themselves in so great a company, without being invited by him. For you must understand, that Arnauth who went the other way, had with him also sixteen thousand horse at the least. Ballaban had no sooner taken the field, but that Scanderbag had as speedy intelligence of his coming both by letters written to him of purpose, as also by his espyals, of whom he kept a good number continually dispersed in all parts of the Turk his country, and even within the cabinet (if I may so speak) of the tyrant: by occasion whereof he caused a speedy levy to be made of eight thousand horse, and fourethousand footmen, with as great silence and secrecy as was possible, & with them he held himself in a readiness, being fully prepared both in courage and in arms to receive the Barbarian. Who being at length arrived within the frontiers of Epire, the Albanian Prince determined to go & visit him, purposing to make an end of that matter, and to try his fortune first with him, before that Arnauth should be able to come and join with him, for fear least being assailed all at one time with two so puissant enemies, he should not be able to make head against them, and so might his enemies have their desire of him. And without all doubt I do not think that it would have fallen out any otherwise, if the plot laid by the Paynim had sorted to his effect. But the divine providence (which governeth and ruleth all things according to his own will and pleasure) had a special care to the affairs of the Christians and of Scanderbag. And he would not permit that he which of so ardent a zeal, and so sincere and entire an affection did daily expose and adventure his life, and did incessantly labour & travel for the preservation of the Catholic faith, should so ignominiously & traitorously be surprised, vanquished or oppressed. Ballaban therefore having passed over Thrace and Macedon, was now 
Ballaban encamped at the plain of Valcala.  encamped in the plain of Valcala: wherefore Scanderbag having knowledge, by the favour and benefit of the dark, he caused his troops to march in great secrecy directly towards him, and sent before him three soldiers (such as he thought most advised and best accustomed to that office) to discover and take a view of the enemy's camp, and to observe their countenance, with an express commandment that assoon as they had seen and considered all things, they should not fail to return unto him presently, and to make report unto him what they had learned. One of these three soldiers (as some say) was of kin to Ballaban, or at leastwise was before corrupted. And he had won his companions likewise promising them in the behalf of Ballaban great sums of gold and silver: the which we see doth daily work miracles in the minds of mortal men, especially such as are greedily set 
Sentence.  upon the desire of worldly riches. These three than went on directly to the Mahometan, 
Treason of certain soldiers serving under Scanderbag.  and revealed unto him all the secret counsels and enterprises of Scanderbag. The Prince of Epire having his thoughts continually upon his scouts did for a while expect and look for them: but seeing that they stayed over long and came not again, he was in a doubt least some misadventure had befallen them, and that they had been intercepted by the enemy. Himself therefore (as he was always prompt and venturous in all military actions) would needs go and see what should be the cause of their stay, taking with him in his company only five soldiers and no more, to the intent he might take a view, and be informed of the estate of the enemy, and hear some news also of his own people. But Ballaban (who to his own cost was passing well acquainted and experienced with the cunning and politic draughts of his enemy) misdoubting some such matter, thought that he would beat him at his own weapons, and therefore he used this counterpolicie in hope to overreach him. He made choice of certain stout and very hardy men, all excellently well mounted on horseback, and with them did he beset a certain passage, by which he 
Ambushment dressed by Ballaban to surprise Scanderbag.  suspected that Scanderbag himself would come to take a view of his camp, and the demeanour of his army: and he was not any thing deceived in his imagination. For behold Scanderbag was now come to the place of this ambushment, but yet before he would proceed any further, he caused (according to his wont custom) one of his soldiers to go before him, who soon discovered the danger of the Turks which lay there ambushed. The Infidels seeing themselves bewrayed, issued out upon him with great fury, and after some resistance made, constrained him to fly. In his flight he put himself into a certain wood or thicket, which came next to hand, 
Scanderbag in great danger of his life, escapeth the ambushment of Ballaban.  and which lay on the other side of the mountain, which encloseth the plain of Valcala, where by ill hap he chanced upon a great tree, which being withered with age, was fallen down and lay cross the path by which he was to pass. Scanderbag setting spurs to his horse made him to leap roundly over, the like did one of his soldiers which followed him: but his companions not being able to do the like, and perceiving that their last refuge, & their only hope to save their lives consisted in their arms: couching themselves close, they gave in valiantly amongst their enemies, & having both slain & hurt some of them, they yielded up their lives as became men of valour and resolution. One of the Barbarians following hard after Scanderbag, leapt likewise over the trunk of the tree, and gathered very close and near upon him: Scanderbag casting his eye about, and seeing one only to follow him, made back directly towards him, and quickly overthrew him dead to the ground: the rest being not willing to pursue him any farther, were content to let him go and to departed quietly. After this fair and happy escape, Scanderbag being returned to his camp near Petralba about fifteen miles from the enemy, made ready his squadrons for to march against the Infidels. At that time more than ever did the Prince of Albany employ all his senses to encourage and animate his men with good words, and all other good means to do their devoir against their enemies. He offered them gifts and large rewards: he invited and importuned them with prayers and earnest entreaties both in general and in particular to take such things at his hand whereof they stood in any need, were it either for themselves or for their horses. As the King was very bountiful to offer them freely of his own, so assure yourselves, that the soldiers showed their wonderful modesty, and did (as it were) conted with him in gratitude and courtesy, not taking any thing but in such measurable and modest manner, as might serve only for the present need and necessity. Then the Albanois having 
Scanderbag marcheth against Ballaban.  taken some repast, began to march towards the enemy, and traveling on continually day and night, they took little or no rest, scarce so much as might suffice nature. They were not long therefore ere they had gotten to the valley, where the army of Ballaban lay encamped. Scanderbag seizing upon the top of the same valley, did pitch his camp with most excellent advantage, by reason that he environed the enemy who lay below him in the plain: for he extended his companies throughout all the tops of the mountains which enclosed the valley, occupying all the straits and passages, in such sort that he had enclosed on all sides, and (as it were) hedged in the Barbarians, whom he visited also with often and daily skirmishes, sometimes on the flanks and sides of their camp, sometimes at their backs, because he would hold them in doubt and suspense of his intent and meaning.  
The next day following Scanderbag called a council of his nobles and Chieftains, 
Council held by Scanderbag for his proceed against Ballaban.  at the which were present Tanusee Thopie, Zacharie Groppe and Peic Manuel his Lieutenants. Many of them were of this opinion: that the battle should be deferred till such time as the soldiers were very well refreshed of their long journey and watching lately endured: and that Tanusee should have some leisure to take a taste of the enemy, & to keep him doing in the mean while. But Scanderbag was of another mind, and he did not only persuade, but he did instantly urge and press them, that they should not by their delays and dalliance bring his determinations and counsels into hazard and danger, the surety whereof consisted in nothing so much as in prompt and speedy execution:: That Ballaban his army might easily be broken and defeated, 
Speech of Scanderbag to his Captains counseling them presently to set upon Ballaban.  whilst that jagup being ignorant of this attempt, did tarry away and keep himself absent, which (quoth he) being deferred by our prolonging of the time, we shall give them space and leisure to join together, and so shall we cause our enterprise (which of itself is without danger) to come to a doubtful and uncertain issue. Wherefore it behoveth us with all speed to found to horseback, to bid the battle to our enemies, and not to lose this advantage which their error and oversight hath given us now that their two generals are thus divided, the one absent, the other present. This opinion prevailed, and the assembly being dissolved: behold now how Scanderbag did prepare himself to the combat. Of all his squadrons he made four 
Order of Scanderbag his army against Ballaban in the second battle of Valcala.  battles: the one he committed to Tanusee, the second to Zacharie Groppe, and of the third, Peic Manuel had the charge and conduct: the infantry was mingled among the horsemen, and the Harguebussiers and Archers were mixed pell mel with the pikes and certain horsemen, whom he sent forth to skirmish with the enemy, and to begin the fight. The residue of the army together with the squadron which he had for the guard of his person, he reserved to be commanded by himself. Having thus disposed and ordered his troops: he thought it requisite with some short speech to encourage his companies, which he did in this manner.  
The importunity of the time (my companions) and your approved valour will 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers encouraging them against Ballaban and the Turks in the second battle of Valcala.  not suffer me at this time to make any long discourse: you are sufficiently well acquainted with this enemy who is but the scum and offscouring of those troops which your sword have left alive, and they are but the refuse and relics of those battles which you lately gained. These are not the martial & generous Frenchmen: these are not the warlike & brave Italians whom you notwithstanding have beaten and defeated; but they are your slaves, their lives are at your mercy, and they are the ordinary subject of your glory. See therefore that you bestir yourselves valiantly, so as this journey may shut up and determine the course of twenty years triumphs and victories, which you have most gloriously gotten against them. They are come hither by force and constraint: they are drawn hither by the blinded ambition of that infamous peisant Ballaban, who being in disgrace both with God and man, doth desperately seek by some exploit against us to recover his reputation, & to re-enter into the grace and favour of his Mahomet. Now is the time my friends or never, wherein you are to hope for an honourable end of your wearisome travels, and of shedding of your blood: behold this is the last attempt of your adversary: who being now destitute of Chieftains that either dare, or are able from henceforth to hurt you, by reason that you have either slain them or discomforted them: he is now constrained to aid himself with them of your own nation: but you need not to stand in doubt or fear, for such people, traitors to God and their country, the worm of whose conscience is ever gnawing and tormenting of their souls, cannot possibly be able to do you any great harm: Go to then my good soldiers, let the noble and famous acts of your ancestors, and your own honourable exploits sharpen and set spurs to your courages: pluck up your hearts, gather your strength and forces unto you: press upon your enemies, charge upon them bravely, break in valiantly amongst these base rascals: trample these dogs and circumcised curs under your ●eete, and march over their cursed carcases like valiant soldiers, and invincible conquerors.  
Having thus spoken, the alarm was sounded, and they began to march all at once. The Barbarians who stood ready ranged in order of battle with ensigns displayed before their camp, did now expect and were determined to have been doing with their enemies: but Ballaban staying for his companion did prolong the time of the fight, and sounded the retreat, commanding some to watch when jagup would appear in sight. But Scanderbag imagining that a minute of delay might work his utter disadvantage, commanded those bands which were appointed to begin the skirmish, and were now placed for the battle, to issue forth roundly upon the Infidels; whilst that he with the residue of his army descending down into the plain, did draw on directly towards the enemy's camp, with a full resolution to force the enemy to fight, and to dispatch the matter before the coming of Arnauth. Hereupon he presented himself before the camp of the Infidels with loud cries, reproaches and scoffs used by his soldiers against them, challenging and provoking them to the 
Scanderbag challengeth Ballaban to the battle.  combat. For all this was the Painim firm in his determination, and he would not move a foot: but refusing to enter the lists, or to come to fight, he kept his: people within their trenches: and the more that our men did press upon them and importune them, being even ready to give the assault unto his camp, the more did he recuile and make from them. Ballaban his soldiers conceiving foul despite, and being vehemently incensed for that they could not be suffered to issue out to encounter with their enemies, they cried out and exclaimed against their General, they murmured and gnashed with their teeth for very rage and anger: and if the holding of them back by their General on the one side did animate and set them in a heat: no less did the insolency and bravery of the Epirots make them eager and sharp set, who were now upon the point to force their rampires: insomuch that both on the one part and the other, their courages were terribly inflamed and incensed each against other. Ballaban nevertheless still stayed his soldiers and temporised to the uttermost of his power. In the end, when he saw that he could not repress the heat and 
Order of Ballaban his army in the second battle of Valcala.  fury of his Turks: he disposed his army in order of battle, placing the Asappy before the ensigns of the vanguard: and next to them upon the left wing he put the 
* Olophanges or Alophages are mercenary soldiers.  Olophanges, who were notable and warlike soldiers, opposing them against Tanusee. Against Zacharie Groppe he set the Achanzes: and right opposite against Peic Manuel, he ordained the janissaries who were a very stout and hardy kind of men, enured and accustomed to the travel and toil of arms. The right wing he himself commanded being defended with a strong squadron which were for the guard of his 
The second battle of Valcala between Ballaban and Scanderbag.  body, and with all the old and most expert soldiers, upon whom he builded his chiefest hope and confidence: placing himself directly against Scanderbag. Then began a most fierce and cruel fight between the Albanois and the Mahometan. Horrible was the slaughter on the one side and the other: and the two Generals in proper person, drew the eyes of all men towards them. There might you have seen the infantry and cavalry of Albany, the old bands of Croie, used and accustomed to main battles with the valiant and resolute Dibrians: how they did make show of their notable skill and practise in the Art military: and how at the very beginning of the fight, they did so trouble the vanguard of the Infidels, that they made their Ensigns to give ground, till such time as the fury of the fight increasing, and the cry on both sides growing to be redoubled, they did again advance themselves more courageously then at the first. Then did Scanderbag give a new charge upon them, pressing them both before and behind, and enforcing himself by all possible means to put them out of array, he cried all aloft unto his people, saying.  
How now (my friends) what did we make such haste hitherwardes, did we rid so 
Speech of Scanderbag to his soldiers encouraging them in fight against Ballaban  much way, and did we make so long and speedy journeys to no end and purpose? Shall we suffer ourselves to be held so short by the same Chieftain, by the same troops which we have so many times discomfited, chased, and overrun?  
All this notwithstanding having more than once endeavoured and strived but all in vain to break and scatter them on that side, he made choice of certain squadrons out of the right wing which he thought would have least to do, and would rather stand idle then be employed in the fight, and causing them to wheel about and to convey themselves behind the enemy at their backs, without being apperceived either by the adverse party or by their own company, he did therewithal strike in upon the left wing of the enemy with such fury and celerity: that when as they thought to have found and to have received him upon the flank and side of their battalion, he was suddenly gotten behind them and charged them at their backs: in such sort that the Alchanzes & the Alophages found themselves assailed & endamaged on all sides both in front and in flank, and in their rearward: so that the slaughter began now also to grow upon the Asappi who made little and no resistance. For the most part of them the night before had absented themselves from their ensigns, and were licentiously dispersed all over the fields, and there lay some of them still wallowing upon the ground, overcome with sleep and travel, and the rest which were then present in the battle being wearied with their late travel and with overwatching (being a tender and soft kind of people, and ill able to endure the heat of the year and hard travel) scarce could they abide their arms upon their backs. For the sun being then at the highest, made them in that case, that partly with extreme heat, and partly with thirst, their enemies found them as men half dead, and they fell into their hands by heaps to be taken or slain at their pleasures. Ballaban, who had oftentimes purchased great honour and commendation in the like battles, in this journey behaved himself more nobly then in any other whatsoever. For partly by encouraging his men in the fight, and partly also by hazarding his person to all dangers: one while egging and pressing them forward, another while blaming and rebuking those that were backward, and sometimes by recalling of such as fled: he did for a long time maintain the fight well and worthily: still animating his soldiers, and renewing the conflict in many places where he saw his people to wax faint and to give over. At the last when he saw that the fortune of the field did incline 
Victory of Scanderbag the fourth time against Ballaban and the Turks.  to the Epirots, and that he could no longer sustain their violence, he changed his resolution, and setting spurs to his horse, he turned his back and withdrew himself from the fight of the Christians. After him their whole army did the like: for perceiving their ranks to be scattered & disordered, every man began to fly some here, some there, over the fields into the mountains and through the woods according as each man his fortune good or bad did guide and direct him. Some few there were who following their General, escaped together with him, and got away from the sword of their enemies, and from the slaughter of their fellows. All the rest of the Barbarians were either slain or taken prisoners: and if it happened, that any were gotten free from the fury and confusion of the chase, yet were they cut in pieces by those that kept the tops and passages of the mountains: in so much, that of the whole host and army of Ballaban, there were very few left alive. As for those small relics which remained, they were not in any sort pursued, because there was a sudden rumour and report, that there was a new and fresh enemy coming against them.  
Scarce were the Christians departed out of the valley of Valcala, and the soldiers had not yet made an end of parting and dividing the spoils of their slain enemies: but that there came a messenger from Mamisa the King's sister, in post haste from Petrella (where this Lady than lay with her guard and her household) by whom she advertised Scanderbag that jagup Arnauth with sixteen thousand horse was entered into Epire by the way of Belgrade, where he wasted and destroyed all things: and that he was then encamped in the lower Tyranna, near adjoining to 
jagup Arnauth encamped at Argilat in Epire.  a river which the inhabitants name Argilat. This Turk was an Epyrot by birth, and his parents were both of them Christians: himself having been taken and circumcised by the Turks did profess their superstitions. He was a man of great hardiness and valour, and in times past both in Asia and in Greece, had left many goodly and commendable testimonies of his prows under Mahomet. His coming into Epire was (as we have said) to enclose the Prince of Albany between his forces and the army of his companion: for one of his own soldiers having been taken by the people of Mamisa, and being examined upon the cause and motive to this voyage, had confessed the same and did justify the truth hereof unto them. Presently upon this advertisement, Scanderbag concluded to go with his whole army dirctly to Tiranna: which being now in a readiness to march, he thought it good before his departure, thus to encourage his soldiers.  
This day (my good soldiers and friends) have we obtained by the assistance of 
Oration of Scanderbag to his soldiers being ready to march against jagup Arnauth.  the divine power, a most memorable victory according to our hearts desire, against our capital and deadly enemy. Such was his rashness (unhappy man) that he presumed to enclose us in the midst between two puissant and mighty armies, and so most traitorously to have destroyed and oppressed us: and he was in good hope by this notable draft and plot which he had devised to abolish and wipe away his own shame and infamy, and the memory of those rude discomfitures which he had received at our hands. Now by the grace of God and your virtue, in stead of diminishing his shame and ignominy, he hath made it a great deal greater. Yet behold how even now again, before our hands be clean, or that we have made an end of this last repast, and before that the cloth (as I may say) is taken away: see I pray you, how jagup Arnauth a noble and bountiful banquettour is come to invite us to a new banquet, because he would have us to make an end of our feast: and being loath that his guests should be defrauded of good and convenient entertainment, he hath brought us his army also for a second course: see I say (my dear friends) how before we are gotten out of this valley, and have (as it were) washed our hands imbrued with the blood of our enemies: before we have wiped the blood off our swords, or have sheathed them in our scabbords: jagup is likewise come unto us: he offereth us good and friendly presents, that is, his troops and squadrons, that you may use and dispose of them at your pleasures, either to take a taste of them, or else altogether to devour and consume them. Go we therefore (my good companions) go we to this marriage feast whereunto jagup doth invite us and doth so earnestly call us: let us eat our fill of his dainties, & when we shall have gluttted ourselves, let us carry some part also away with us. Let us make all speed and diligence to be gone from hence, let us go and meet with jagup, whom (I dare assure you) we will quickly overthrow and bring to confusion: for these are but a handful of men in comparison of those that were with Ballaban: beside, me thinks I see that the warlike fury, and the martial fierceness of your courages doth yet continue burning and flaming within you.  
Scarcely had Scanderbag ended his speech, but he might see his soldiers wonderfully incensed and inflamed: all of them with high cries and clamours entreated him 
Scanderbag marcheth against jagup.  to lead them presently to this second banquet: whereupon being full of hope and courage they removed their camp, and with ensigns displayed took their way towards Tiranna there to affront and encounter with jagup. Is it not a strange matter to see and consider the marvelous audacity, and the confident resolution of this people, that being but newly gotten out of so great a danger, and their wounds yet scarce staunched, and the sweat of their former toil and labour yet scant wiped off their faces, yet you should now see them thus prompt and forward to departed presently and out of hand against a new enemy, and one that had so great a puissance & whole forces which were yet fresh, sound and entire? But you may think that they were not a little hardened and emboldened by the presence and happy fortune of Scanderbag, by his sage experience and prudent conduct, and by the consideration of his invincible valour and prows. In like manner, the daily exercise and continual frequentation of deeds of arms by this nation did not a little increase that confidence in them: and beside, what reason had they to stand in any fear of the Turkish power and puissance, which had been the ordinary and continual subject of their glory & reputation? Notwithstanding, to speak more like a Christian, and to conjecture aright of this their wonderful resolution & hardiness: I for my part do verily believe, (the issue and event of matters doth argue no less) and that this was a thing merely divine and miraculous. But to our history.  
Arnauth being informed that Scanderbag did approach, trussed up baggage and dislodged from thence: being not as yet acquainted nor knowing any thing of the misfortune of his companion: and he retired himself into one of the most recuiled angles and corners of Tiranna near unto a little mountainet or hill upon the which 
jagup encamped at Cassar.  was a certain small village, of the inhabitants named Cassar: which place he found to be of most safety and security to encamp in. Scanderbag seized upon that place from whence the other was lately departed. During all that day both the camps lay very quiet. Howbeit, true it is, that the Albanois did pass the night following in great care and iealouzie for fear lest that jagup and his army should discampe the same night, if by chance he should have any inkling of the defait of Ballaban. For this cause, all the ways and passages were seized upon and beset with armed men. The next morning assoon as the sun was risen, and that the reflection of the sun beams did beat upon the tents and eyes of the Barbarians: Scanderbag being very considerate, and having no doubt of the victory, marched in order of battle directly towards jagup, causing the heads of certain slain Turks to be cast before the tents of the Infidels, and some of those ensigns also to be displayed, which had been purposely kept and reserved after the defaite of Ballaban: and he showed them also certain captives chained and tied together. Arnauth being wounded with extreme grief and sorrow for this unexpected mishap and misfortune, presently exclaimed and said.  
Now (quoth he) do I acknowledge the misfortune of the house of Ottoman, and 
Speech of jagup of the fortune of Scanderbag.  the good fortune of Scanderbag.  
The King of Albany sent forth 500 vauntcurrours to draw forth jagup to the combat: and he charged them not to join in fight with the Infidel, but when they should see them to break out upon them, that then they should retire in good order: 
The battle of Cassar between Scanderbag & jagup.  and so it happened accordingly. jagup had divided his army into three troops or battalions, and he was quickly gotten out of his trenches to follow after the Albanian horsemen: unto whom Scanderbag calling and willing them to turn about, and to make head against the enemy: in an instant he joined himself unto them: and all of them together endured the shock of the Paynim coming fiercely upon them. Then there began a most sharp and cruel conflict: at the very entry whereof many a brave man lost his life both on the one side and the other, and each party was so incensed and eagerly inflamed against other with such rage and choler: that the battle continued doubtful and bloody for a long time: but the wont stratagem, and accustomed policy of Scanderbag did soon end and determine the combat: and the inequality of the parties came to be discerned by the speedy end and slaughter of the General Turk: upon whom the Prince of Epire having had a continual eye: and having by pure force made himself way through the ranks of his enemies, he charged him with his lance, and at the very first stroke ran him clean through the 
jagup slain by Scanderbag.  throat. Their Chieftain being laid on the ground, every man strived who should fly fastest: they that were best mounted were most happy in this danger: every man forgot his brother, his friend and his companion, and happy was he that could make shift for himself. The chase continued long, and it was very mortal: infinite 
Victory of Scanderbag against jagup and the Turks.  being put to the sword in the midst of their flight: many also were taken prisoners: all which found like fortune and entertainment: for that the Christians having yet fresh in memory the late wounds and the barbarous and inhuman usage of their brethren and kinsmen murdered by Mahomet, the grief and remembrance thereof made them to execute all their prisoners with diverse and sundry kinds of torments. And especially those Turks who being escaped from the tumult and slaughter of the battle, did happen alive into the hands of the peysants: they found no better entertainment, but were put to all the tortures and torments that could be possibly devised or imagined.  
It was never seen that of two armies at one and the same time, and in one and the same war, that the King of Epire had put to the sword so many miscreants. Besides by the mishap of both their Generals (of whom the one was fled with the loss of his army, and the other was slain, and all his troops likewise destroyed) it seemed 
●umber of Turks slain and taken in the battles of Valcala and Cassar.  that the misfortune of Belgrade was now equally & sufficiently recompensed. There were slain of the Infidels four and twenty thousand: and six thousand taken prisoners with an incredible booty of prey and pillage, especially of gold and silver. Besides, there were about four thousand Christians set free and delivered from the servitude of the Turks, who being laborours' and other inhabitants of the plain country, had been taken by the Infidels in many courses and roads which they had made upon the Province, which was some comfort for the dolorous loss received at the straits of Valcala. In these two journeys: (for you must not think they were gotten without blood) there were missing, about 1000 Christians: and the victors themselves were so satiated and wearied with killing and slaughtering of the Turks: that when it was reported unto Scanderbag the next morning how that Ballaban was fled and retired with one only company of horse, and without any Ensigns, and without any good order, and that if there were never so small a troop sent after him to follow him close at the heels, it would be an easy matter to take and oppress 
Speech of Scanderbag touching the flight of Ballaban.  both him and all his company. Let them go (quoth he) and seeing we have gotten the honour of the field, let there be some left to carry the news of the slaughter and calamity of our enemies, and of our virtue and prowess.  
These things being thus accomplished, the Marshal of the Camp took his journey towards Croy, who was received with the less concourse & preparation, because there had not been sent any messenger before hand to give any notice of his coming: but the joy and gladness was so unmeasurable, that they knew not almost how to express it: and to say the truth, it cannot be declared in what estate the whole city stood, neither in what extreme fear they had always continued through their uncertain expectation of the success and event of the fight: nor how exceedingly they rejoiced and triumphed on all parts, when they heard the news and report of the victory. For in all that time after the first tidings was brought them, how that Scanderbag was gone 
Croi●s their estate, & demeanour, before and after the victory of Scanderbag.  against the enemy, there was not any one of the great men of the town, that from morning to night would be absent from the Palace, or from the magistrates: neither would the people forego the market place: their wives which had little or none other business, would seldom be from the Churches, or from their prayers and devotion. The town being in this great fear & suspense, did at the first receive this doubtful and uncertain news, namely: that two horsemen Dibrians (who were returned from the battle to the Camp upon the confines of Epire) had reported: that the enemy was defeated. This report was entertained at the first more with their ears, then with any belief of their minds, as a thing too strange, and so much desired, that it was thought too good to be true, besides the hastiness and celerity of the report did make it of the less credit, because it was spoken two days before the fight fell out. After this Tanuse sent letters from the Camp, signifying the coming of those two Dibrian horsemen: those letters being carried through the market place of Croy to the palace, did cause so great a concourse of people to assemble at the gate of the palace, that the bearer could not pass through them, but he was pulled and drawn with great violence by some that were inquisitive after news: & they cried out aloft that the letters should be read openly in the market place, before they should be carried to the Magistrate. After that they had been read in the Palace, according as the diversity of men's humours did carry them, so did they think and imagine of the truth of the matter: some were fully satisfied, and rejoiced at the news: others believed never a word, till such time as they had heard either the messengers themselves to speak it, who were sent from the Marshal, or else the letters read unto them. After all this the report went, that the Marshal himself was coming thither in person: at which time all sorts of persons, and of all ages, ran hastily forth to meet him, and they went out in such continual flocks and troops, that they reached about half a league without the gates, every one striving to be the first, that should with their eyes and with their ears, swallow up the exceeding greatness of this expected joy. Tanuse was the man whom they went thus to meet withal, who being environed on all sides with this rude and confused multitude, arrived at last in the market place, of the city: where some inquiring of himself, others of them that followed him, how all matters stood, and what good news they had brought: when they heard for certain, that both the armies of the enemy were discomfited: that one of the Generals was slain: that the Albanian Legions were safe and ●ound, and that their Prince and his Captains were in good health: every man rejoiced at the news, and made others likewise partakers of their joy. When Tanuse was come with much ado to the Palace, yet for all this would not the common people be drawn to departed, & to retire themselves: but that they did in a manner thrust themselves amongst the Magistrates. At length, the letters being read in the Senate, than did Tanuse recount more at large the proceed and issue of the whole voyage, whereat there was a most wonderful applause and acclamation of all the Senate: and they were not in any sort able to moderate the extremity of their joy. After this, some visited the temples to yield thanks and praises unto God: others made haste to repair to their own houses, to the intent they might communicate and impart these happy tidings to their wives and children. The Magistrates by a solemn edict, commanded public prayers and processions for three days together, for the victory and health of Scanderbag and his army: the like decree was made by the Queen and her counsel, which was very devoutly observed and kept. During all which time, you might have seen the Churches filled & frequented, both with men and women all alike: and the ancient Matrons and Ladies being richly and sumptuously appareled, with their little children, did humbly and cheerfully perform their vows and public thanks unto the divine Majesty, as if the enemy had been utterly destroyed and consumed, and as if the war had been fully determined and ended, and that all fear and suspicion had been quite gone and exiled: and more than that, this victory did so settle and establish the estate of the town, as if they had gotten an assured rest and tranquillity for ever.  
These things being thus accomplished and ended, with no small religion and devotion: Scanderbag (because he would the more terrify the enemy) entered upon his territories, and passing on a good way into the country, filled all places with fire and 
Invasion by Scanderbag into the Turkish territories.  sword, with blood and terror: besides that, he carried away an incredible booty without any resistance made against him: and so retiring with exceeding joy into his own Province, and having left (according to his wont custom) a strong garrison upon his frontiers, he returned with great triumph and general rejoicings to Croy his 
Scanderbag his return and triumph at Croy after his victory.  chief city, where having for certain days (together with his citizens) celebrated the solemnity and common joy of this glorious victory: he dispatched away letters and messengers to the most part of the Kings and Princes of Christendom, with magnificent gifts of diverse sorts, chosen out of the spoils, that had been taken upon his enemies, as excellent good horses, slaves, armours, and rich furnitures and comparisons for horses, with such like rare and goodly presents. After all which, he broke up his Camp, and dismissed all his companies: so that this year was no less famous and memorable, then full of joy and gladness to the Epirots.  
The end of the eleventh book.   

THE TWELFTH BOOK OF THE FAMOUS ACTS OF GEORGE CASTRIOT, SURNAMED SCANDERBAG.  
THE ARGUMENT.  
MAhomet enraged for the discomfiture of Ballaban and jagup, prepareth to come into Epire in proper person: and Scanderbag provideth to receive him. Mahomet conspireth the death of Scanderbag by treason: which is discovered, & the traitors executed. Croy is besieged by Ballaban, Mahomet himself coming to the siege, and being out of hope to carry the town by force, returneth towards Constantinople, and leaveth Ballaban to continue the siege of Croy. Mahomet in his return surpriseth Chidna by treason, & infidelity, putting the inhabitants to the sword. Scanderbag maketh a journey to Rome, to get aid of the Pope and the Christians for the relief of Croy, but returneth with small comfort: he is succoured by the Venetians. jonimas the brother of Ballaban, with his son Heder, coming to the aid of Ballaban, are surprised by Scanderbag, and both of them taken prisoners. Scanderbag invadeth the Camp of the Infidels: a sally is made by the Croians upon the Turks, wherein Ballaban is slain. The Turks break up their siege before Croy: and depart out of Epire. Chidna is recovered, and Epire cleansed of the Infidels. Mahomet maketh a second journey into Epire: buildeth Valour, and besiegeth first Duraz, and after Croy: but he raiseth his siege from both of them. Chiurill a town newly builded, and unfinished by Scanderbag, is razed by Mahomet, who returneth to Constantinople. Alibeg and Aliazbeg are sent with an army to safeguard the Turkish frontiers. Scanderbag preparing to recover Valour's from the Turks, sickeneth: he disposeth and ordereth his affairs. Ahamat with an army of fifteen thousand Turks, invading and spoiling the Venetian territories flieth out of Epire, and is defeated by the Epirots. Scanderbag dieth and is buried, his dead body is honoured and reverenced by the Turks. Certain memorable acts done by Scanderbag in his life-time.  
THe haught exploit, and the mortal accident happened to the armies of Ballaban and jagup, being published and spread abroad over all places: the fame thereof (like a flying Post) came with wonderful speed to the ears of the Ottoman, whose heart was replenished, and well near overcome with extremity of grief and incomparable astonishment. Wherefore being afraid lest that Fortune would now prove a stepdame unto him, & cross him in his attempts, and that (after so many prosperities and continual favours, she would now in the end revolt and fall away from him, and retiring unto his fiercest enemy, would entertain him for her favourite, and oppose herself against him, he began 
Council called by Mahomet to consult for the oppressing of Scanderbag.  to grow into a most strange passion: afflicting and tormenting his mind with extreme care and melancholy. And being thus perplexed, irresolute & distracted within himself, he caused all his chieftains and councillors to be called and assembled together, to the intent he might consult with them, and devise upon some remedy against this mischief. Now when they were all of them gathered together and set in council, the tyrant giving the bridle to his passion and choler, did break forth into most bitter invectives and injurious reproachful terms against Scanderbag, and he used this or the like speech unto them.  
You are not ignorant (my good friends) how that I never made any spare of my 
Oration of Mahomet to his chieftains purposing a journey against Scanderbag in proper person.  travel and pains, nor of any hazards or dangers, but that I have been always prodigal of my proper life and safety, for the increase of the faith of our chief Prophet: for the augmentation of the name and Empire of the house of Ottoman: for the surety and safety of you and your families: and to make this estate of ours peaceable, quiet, and flourishing. In all our actions and expeditions wherein we ourselves have been present, and which have been undertaken by us in proper person, we have found Fortune friendly and favourable unto us: and yet at this time I know not what to say, of this petty Province of Epire, and of this petty Prince Scanderbag; as often as I consider the infamous death of so many excellent chieftains and generals of our hosts, and the total discomfiture or shameful captivity of so many flourishing armies: nor can I tell what to make of it, unless it be that the Daemon or Angel of this Apostata, and rebellious renegado do fight for him, and do surmount the Daemon of all those who are opposed against him. We may see then that this business doth require the rigour of a more furious and violent hand, and of some Chieftain who is more happy and fortunate in his enterprises. I am determined (my good friends) and in my opinion it is the best and most convenient course, that we take this war into our own hands, and that we make a journey into Epire in our proper person, with more puissant and solemn preparations than Amurath our father did at his going against the Albanois. Then shall that fugitive and traitor Scanderbag well perceive, even with the loss of his hateful head, that it is nothing to have a Bassa, a Saniacke, or an Aga to beard him: but that it is another manner of matter, to be invaded with the presence and majesty of a most mighty, puissant, and fortunate Monarch, that shall employ his whole power, and bend the fury of all his forces against him. And although the glorious memory of our deceased father, did not carry away the entire honour of this voyage, but did yield up his ghost in the pursuit thereof, yet ought not the honour and praise of that journey, be attributed to the virtue or prowess of that slave, or his Christians: but rather to the imbecility of his age, and the infirmity of his decaying years, as shortly also we shall see the like to befall and betide even to Scanderbag himself, who is now upon the declining of his age, and will even in a moment find his fortune to wax old and faint: and that same vivacity and liveliness of his spirit, and the vigorous disposition of his limbs and members will fail and forsake him: so as in the end he will sink under the burden of his affairs. For the nature and property of Fortune, is to delight in the flourishing time of youth, and she seeketh out and desireth to be resident with those, whose minds are transported with swelling ambition, & with 
Sentence.  stirring thoughts: and as the heat of blood waxeth cool, & as this vigour of the mind groweth to be weakened: so doth fortune likewise wax cold, & doth use to discontinue her favours: and therefore I make no doubt, but that in an instant, I shall utterly confound this unhappy Christian, together with his people and posterity: who being become more arrogant by the happy success of so many good encounters, doth daily molest my subjects, overrunning and destroying all my Province of Macedon. And if it happen that he fall into my snares, and that I can get him within my reach, I will execute upon his wretched body, (being the subject of all vice & wickedness) all kinds and examples of extreme cruelty: because, besides the displeasure done me in the death of my father, this Hydra, this monster of all mischiefs, hath infinitely provoked against him my just wrath and indignation. But foolish man as he is, let him take his pleasure for a time, let him hold on his course yet a while, let him glory in his goodly realm, and in his ambitious poverty, whilst the destinies do permit and suffer him: it shall not be long, ere I will swallow him up in endless ruin and perdition. This therefore is my advise, that we go right on to Croy, the capital and chief city of that Province, with so great forces and puissance, that it shall not be able to hold out against us. For when Croy is overcome and conquered, all the other places and strong holds of the country will be soon reduced to the same estate and condition.  
This matter being propounded by Mahomet, and approved by the general consent and voices of his Visits and Captains: infinite commissions were granted forth, and public proclamation was made throughout all the territories and dominions 
Mahomet leauteth a mighty army against Scanderbag.  under the Turk his obeisance: that all men which were apt to bear arms, should repair to the Commissioners, and cause their names to be enroled: insomuch that innumerable forces were levied, and in the mean time, provision was made of munitions, instruments, engines, and other necessaries for the Camp, all which being in a readiness, the Turkish Monarch with a most proud and glorious train, took his way towards Epire.  
Upon these troubles and tumults approaching, Scanderbag wanted not his intelligencers, and ordinary spies, but that they gave him sure and speedy advertisements of all things, which was the occasion that he assembled all his friends and nobles, and amongst others, Paul Angel Archbishop of Duraz, unto whom he imparted his most 
josaphat Barbare, some say he was the Admiral or Proveditore of the Venetians.  secret counsels: and to them he adjoined also josaphat Barbare the Venetian Ambassador, a worthy parsonage of great judgement and experience, and singularly zealous of the Christian religion, who together with the Archbishop, was seldom or never from the side of the Prince of Albany. By the general advise and consent of this assembly, it was ordained, that all the towns, places, and fortresses of the realm, should be diligently furnished and provided with victuals, and other necessary provisions, and fortified with good and faithful garrisons: especially Croy, the principal bulwark, and stay of all the estate of Albany, and whereupon all the rest depended. He provided therefore, and stuffed it with good store of soldiers, part of them Albanois, and part Italians, all of them of approved loyalty and resolution: and he made 
Balthasar Perduce, governor of Croy.  choice of an Italian Gentleman to be governor of the town, one Balthasar Perduce, a man highly esteemed for his prudence, judgement, and resolution.  
But before I pass any further, it shallbe requisite, that I recount unto you one plot or devise forged and framed in the shop or storehouse of the Ottomans treachery and infidelity, the invention and practice whereof as it was subtle and devilish, so was it 
Conspiracy & traitorous plot of Mahomet to contrive the death of Scanderbag.  miraculously discovered and avoided: by the knowledge whereof you may easily conjecture, how greatly they redoubted and stood in awe of Scanderbag, whom they could not suffer and endure, no more than a thorn sticking in their foot. The Turkish Monarch perceiving that the Prince of Epire was now grown to that height of honour, that his name began to be fearful and terrible unto all the Mahometistes, was in great fear lest that by reason of this exceeding fame and renown of the Epyrots, his own people and subjects should take an occasion to grow mutinous & to raise some sedition; and so taking arms against him, should either seek to murder ther him and to cut his throat, or else might chase and expel him out of his ●eate an● throne Imperial, and bestow the same upon the king of Albany: for he was not ignorant that his notable cruelty had made him most hateful and odious unto all men, whereas this is not the mean to reign long and happily, but clemency and i●stice 
Sentence.  are the firm pillars of each estate and Empire: for this cause did he imagine an● determine to surprise Scanderbag by deceit and treachery, whom he saw he was no● able to destroy by force and violence: he procured therefore and provided himself o● two men practised and expert in most languages, (as it is commonly seen that Princes and great personages do never want ministers to execute their dissolute and unlawful 
Sentence.  passions,) and having corrupted them with great gifts and bountiful rewards, and assuring them that he would continually and daily heap upon them greater and better benefits, he persuaded and instructed them to fayne and dissemble themselves to be fugitives from the country and dominions of the Turk, and that for the zeal of Religion, they were come to offer their service unto Scanderbag and to pray him to have pity and compassion of their estate, and that they might be received and admitted to the holy Sacrament of Baptism as good Christians, the which after they had persuaded him according to their desires, that then they should find the means to work his death, either by poison or otherwise. These wicked wretches had no sooner presented themselves to the presence of Scanderbag, but that both of them were baptized and (as the common report is) were enroled and admitted to be of the guard, and to wait upon him for the ordinary safeguard of his person. Within a while after, it pleased God (who had this Prince in his especial protection) to reveal their pernicious attempt & conspiracy, such was his good pleasure that this good Prince and faithful servitor of Christ, should not die so miserable and unhappy a death: for the parties themselves were made the bewrayers and discoverers of 
Conspiracy against Scanderbag wonderfully detected.  their own devilish intent and practice. For so it happened that a jar and contention fell between them (and it may be it was in their cups, and in a drunken humour) but their choler and fury grew so outrageous and immoderate, that each upbraiding other with injurious and gross words, they fell in the end to accuse and detect one an other: openly objecting, that they were purposely sent by Mahomet to empoison Scanderbag: wherepon being apprehended, and put to the tortures, they presently confessed the whole order of the matter, by means whereof, being delivered to the executioner, they were both hanged according to their deserts.  
Let us now return to the course of our discourse: The places and fortresses of Epire being carefully furnished and provided with necessaries in such sort as we have showed; it was not long, but that often letters and messengers did arrive from all parts, giving the alarm and making report, that Mahomet with two hundredth thousand men, would be shortly before Croy, and that his light horsemen and vauntcurrours were even at hand: who accordingly did make their present entry into Albany, and for two days were seen to course up and down the country, and to put all to sword and fire: and the night following, about two hours after evening, they presented themselves before the town, enuironning it on all sides round about. Ballaban Badera 
Ballaban besiegeth Croy with an army of 80000. men.  had the conduct and command of these troops, amounting to the number of four score thousand horse, all picked and choice men. This enemy having entrenched and fortified his Camp, did daily skirmish with the Croians, who made many and often sallies out upon the Turks: the event and success whereof, was very variable and diverse. During these doings between the forces of Ballaban, and the besieged, the Sultan being accompanied with the gross, or body of his main army, arrived before Croy: and before that he attempted any thing against the town (according to the use and custom of war) he caused the same to be summoned upon certain 
Mahomet cometh to the siege of Croy & summoneth the town.  offers and conditions. The defendants gave him such answer as men resolute are wont to make, namely, that they would sooner be torn in pieces then to commit any act that should sound to their reproach, or that might violate and change their faith given to God and to their Prince: or that should blemish the honour and reputation which they had gotten in his service: and with their muskets, arquebus, & other shot they made sign unto them that they would not have them to approach near the town: and immediately issuing out with great fury upon the Infidels, they came to handystrokes with them, not without a notable slaughter of the Turks, and afterward 
Sally by the Croians upon the Turks.  returned joyfully into the town carrying with them in sign of victory many of the heads of these enemies. Mahomet being incensed with this bravado, caused his Canons to be planted, and to play against the walls. For he had brought thither abundance of metals to cast artillery of all sizes: and he had provided himself of expert and skilful workmen, in the making of all kinds of warlike engines, wherewith he determined to thunder against Croy, and meant to make them sing another song. But Scanderbag with his troops sometimes here sometimes there, by the mountain and other places, out of the reach and access of the enemy, did daily vex and trouble the army of the Infidels, not suffering them to have any space or time to breath or to rest themselves, but was continually at their backs on all sides, giving them a thousand alarms and invasions day and night, without any intermission, one while upon their foragers, and another while upon their Campe. And like as a mighty river Iwelling and raging with continual rain, doth role and tumble down most impetuously from the tops of the mountains, carrying and drawing along with it, whatsoever it encountereth, and turning all things upside down which it findeth in the way: in like manner Scanderbag rushing with extreme fury & violence upon the Turkish host, now of one side then of another, he did commit notable slaughters of the infidels, beating them down on all hands, and afflicting them with all kinds of mischiefs and discommodities, which was an occasion, that the Ottoman thought it high time to look to his affairs, both in regard of the calamity of his people, which seemed likely to increase daily more and more, as also in respect of his own person, which might be in evident and apparent danger, by reason that he had no hope nor likelihood, to get any profit or honour by this voyage, (for that Croy was so far from being forcible, that it could not conveniently be made assaultable:) and therefore he determined not to make any longer abode before the town, but to retire back again, to Constantinople. Notwithstanding for that he could not do it with any honesty, 
Ballaban left to continue the siege before Croy, with a huge army.  nor without great blemish of his honour and reputation, if at the least wise he left not behind him some show or token of some worthy exploit in this voyage, he determined that Ballaban should continue and hold on the siege with a strong and mighty army over which he made him General: he appointed therefore unto him a power of eighteen thousand horse, and five thousand foot, and beside he adjoined unto him eight Saniackes of great account and estimate, giving unto each of them a regiment of seven thousand good and tall soldiers: all which nevertheless were commanded to take and acknowledge him for their chief, & to be at his commandment. These things thus concluded and accomplished, Mahomet with shame enough 
Mahomet his departure from the siege of Croy. Chaonia. Chidna.  after his short stay, trussing up his baggage in the night time lest Croy, and with long journeys took his way home to Constantinople.  
In his passage through the country, he surprised certain people of Chaonia, and certain places called Chidna in this manner. He suborned two soldiers Albanians, promising to make them great men, and to advance them to high honour, whom he sent with instructions to lie, and to tell them of Chidna, that they were 
Stratagem of Mahomet to surprise Chidna.  come from Croy purposely to advertise their friends, & to wish them to look unto themselves, for fear least being ignorant of the lamentable and desperate estate of the province, they might peradventure be the cause of their own ruin and destruction if they would carry themselves with too much obstinacy towards the Turkish Monarch: for that Scanderbag (as they made them believe) durst not abide the face of the Ottoman, nor the fury of his arms which were so terrible, that they made him to play least in sight, and that it was verily thought, that he had abandoned & forsaken Epire, for which cause, Croy also seeing itself without hope of succours, was now upon terms to yield upon composition to Ballaban, who pressed it very hard with a wonderful straight siege, that Mahomet for his part was now dislodged from Croy with part of his army to reduce all the province under his obeissance, and that there was scant any place or fortress of account, but that they were at his devotion, that therefore they should look to themselves, and that they should do well to imitate their example, choosing rather to take the benefit of his clemency, & singular love towards them which yielded themselves voluntarily, then to taste the extreme rigour of the war, and the misery of bondage and servitude reserved for those persons which should be found rebellious and obstinate: so well did these traitorous wretches play their parts; & so vehemently did their persuasions work with those poor people being too too credulous, that (as it is ordinarily seen, that the vulgar sort do follow that 
Sentence.  side which they think to have the best fortune,) so these unhappy folks at the first 
Cruelty and infidelity of Mahomet used to the inhabitants of Chidna.  summons made by the Sultan, upon his fair and smooth promises of entire and free liberty of conscience, and of their goods, franchises, and immunities, did simply yield themselves, by the enticements of these false Sinon's, to the faith and fidelity of the Turk, which they found to be such, as is usual with one that maketh public profession of perjury, impiety, and disloyalty: for which most monstrous and inhuman cruelty he caused eight thousand of them to be put to the sword, besides women and children. Thus did this hateful tyrant upon pure rage and despite shed the blood of innocents, because he could not execute the venom of his malice and hatred 
Sentence.  against Scanderbag, who stood so surely upon his guard. Undoubtedly the wrath and displeasure of Princes is heavy and horrible, and (as the saying is) it is not light as feathers, but weighty as lead. Thus went Mahomet out of Epire bathed in the blood of innocents, and having left Ballaban behind him with innumerable troops, he had given him straight charge to continue the siege of Croy, even to the last point of extremity, and till such time as the inhabitants being worn out with the length of time, and being consumed and weakened with famine and calamities, should be enforced to yield themselves unto him, even with halters about their necks.  
All this while was Scanderbag very sad & pensive to see so many enemies within the hart of his Realm, but that which grieved him most was, that such a villain as Ballaban (whose parents and predecessors, had ever been but as base varlets, and servile drudges to the house and family of the Castriots, and to whom he had given so many overthrows and disgraces) should yet for all this be still opposed and make war against him, and that he should dare to compare with him, and to brave him. For this cause he had an extreme desire by all means possible to entrap him, and if he could by any devise in the world, to work his confusion, but he wanted means and ability, to compass so high and difficult an enterprise, especially since the loss of Chidna, whereof he made great reckoning, by reason of the good number of brave soldiers, which he had in that place. Wherefore by the counsel and advise of his friends and Captains, he determined to solicit, and press both by letters and ambassades, all the Princes, great Lords, and peoples his next neighbours, by the spurs of common 
Persuasions used by Scanderbag seeking aid of his neighbours for the relief of Croy.  necessity to embrace at this time especially the defence of Albany, and the repulse of the Infidel from the siege of Croy: accordingly with great promptness & celerity, he put the matter in execution by men of a sharp and quick conceit: showing them first of all with what rage and brutishness the tyrant Mahomet had conspired to abolish the name of Christ, and the professors of his holy Religion, that his ancestors having laid Asia waste & desolate, and passing into Europe had by deceit and other detestable means, destroyed and rooted out infinite Kings & potentates of Christendom, & that this hellhound following the tract & steps of his ancestors having subdued & conquered the Greeks, the Tryballians, & the slavonians, & repulsed & weakened the Hungarians, did now display all his forces & powered forth the venom of his malice and fury upon him & his people, as being the last Relics of Christendom, which he had of late made show of upon the Chaonians his subjects, in putting to the sword, contrary to his faith, & o'th' 8000. men, who if they had been now living, he should not need to implore or desire the aid & succours of his neighbours & confederates to drive Ballaban from the siege of Croy, & to cut in pieces both him & all his forces, that they should call to remembrance, how in the former wars which he had most happily achieved, he never had any recourse to them nor required their aid, but only with his own men had continually (by the power & blessing of God) made resistance against the common enemy, & had gotten the victory always against the Insidels, with great expense of the blood of his Albanians, even in a manner, to the last drop thereof▪ by the long continuance of which wars his best and most valiant soldiers were either dead, or slain in fight, or taken prisoners, or else maimed, so that by the multitude of battles, and continual services of so many years wars, his country was altogether drawn dry of able and sufficient forces to make resistance against the Infidels.  
These reasons did easily persuade the minds of his confederates and induce them to incline unto his demand, but (as it is commonly seen that the face and countenance 
Sentence. Princes of Epire confederates of Scanderbag promise to aid him for the relief of Croy.  of a man carrieth with it the chiefest power and virtue to persuade men.) So Scanderbag went unto some of them, himself in proper person, which was the occasion, that all of them promised and swore unto him by a new league and alliance, that they would not make spare of their lives, nor of their best means to secure him against his enemies, and from thenceforward, they began to put to their helping hands, labouring in the matter tooth and nail, and with greater courage and fotwardnesse than they had done at any time before. Nevertheless the Prince of Albany, considering with himself that those Turks which lay encamped & in leaguer before Croy were for the most part good and hardy soldiers, men of courage, and warlike, besides that being masters of the mountain of Cruyna, which they had excellently 
Or Crayna.  well fortified & rampired, his forces would hardly suffice to remove them from thence, 
Voyage of Scanderbag into Italy to get aid against the Turks.  he having communicated his counsel and conceit with the Archbishop of Duraz, and the Ambassadors of Venice and no other, left Tanusee Lieutenant General in his army, and departed secretly out of Albany in a disguised habit towards Italy to his holiness, there to obtain some further succours of the Christians.  
You must give me leave upon this voyage of the Epyrote Prince, somewhat 
Exclamation of the author upon the indignity offered to Scanderbag, in his voyage into Italy.  to wander from the course of my history. Is it not a pitiful thing, and a matter full of commiseration, that a Prince of so great merit, vowed and dedicated to the service of God, and the Christian commonwealth, whose victories had sounded over the whole earth, who of late refused the peace, and scorned even the shortest truce with this great Monarch the Turk, who at the solicitation & urgent persuasions of the Pope, of the kings & great Princes of Europe, did not long since with a mighty army pass the sea into Italy, for the service of the Italians, now, as a poor fugitive and exile should be constrained in his aged years to abandon his country, covered and filled with Infidels, his capital and chief town straightly besieged, and himself in a strange country to beg for aid, and to seek the favour and support of others? O the inconstancy of this worlds glory! o the incertainty of human fortunes! o the mockery of fortunes flatteries! where are your eyes, o you Christians? where are your hearts? what was your devoir and duty? and what ought you to have done in this case? seeing God presented unto you so noble, so faithful, so zealous a Chieftain. Was it not your duty at the least, to have given some time of truce to your wicked rancours and cursed divisions? to have followed this brave champion, and under the happy fortune of his invincible virtue, to have joined your arms to his arms, and your forces to his forces, that you might have chased and expelled out of Europe the cursed sect of Mahomet, and the bloody wolf which devoureth the holy flock of Christ? did it stand with your honour, or with your Religion to hold off from succouring those provinces, and to suffer so worthy and incomparable a Chieftain, so Religious and devout a Prince, to come and seek unto you within your own doors and houses: but seeing such was his mishap, and your hearts so impassionat, let us see what was the success and issue of this his voyage.  
The king of Albany being come to Rome, had gracious entertainment of the 
Scanderbag at Rome with the Pope.  sovereign Bishop, and of the holy Senate in regard of the glory of his name, and the great and excellent majesty of his presence, and being brought into the Consistory or Conclave before the Pope and his Cardinals, he pronounced an eloquent and vehement oration: wherein he began first with the exaltation of the holy siege Apostolic, 
Oration of Scanderbag to Pope Paul the 2. of the Cardinals at Rome.  and his own singular devotion and service, which he had ever borne to the same, which wrought in him an incredible contentment, in that he was so happy as to come and to kiss the feet of his holiness, whom he reputed and reverenced as the light and singular ornament of the Church of God, being divinely chosen for the successor of the blessed Saint Peter the first Vicar of Christ, and of so many holy and Religious Pastors and excellent fathers: who being replenished with all virtues and knowledge, adorned with simplicity, and purity of life, had crected and raised the faith of Christ, & had beautified the world with miracles & examples of perfection: your merits (quoth he) most holy Father, are in all points correspondent to those of your predecessors in all rare & divine qualities, so that it is no marvel, if every man have conceived a singular hope of your worthiness, the which if you do not excel and exceed, yet do you at the least in all respects equal, well deserving the public opinion conceived of you, not only for freeing and delivering your holy flock from the bloody jaws and throat of those hungry wolves the Mahometistes, but also for spreading and enlarging the faith and Religion of jesus Christ, even to the extremest and farthest parts of the world. Good God that my tongue and eloquence were able to recount your virtues, which do exceed far beyond all praises and commendations: but if I were able to do it, yet the infinite tumults and perils, wherein, by a certain fatal and inevitable destiny, both I and my people are plunged and drowned more than any other nation in Christendom, do not permit nor suffer me, to enjoy the sweet pleasure and benefit of your perfections: the just grief of my oppressed estate doth withdraw me: the Turkish Prince will not suffer me, who following the tract of his ancestors, doth every day invade your flock, and doth dismember and persecute it, & being not satisfied with so many murders, with so many rapines, and burnings, which he hath committed in Asia, and in Europe, & wherewith he hath polluted even the whole earth, doth now strive with all his strength and puissance to destroy and suppress me and my people with our poor little Realm, as being left unto him, for the last subject of his cruelty. The long continuance of the wars and the multitude of the battles, which we have had, hath worn out, eaten up, & consumed all our forces, & we are now at the last cast, in so much that there is not left in our whole body any part whole and sound, which may receive any more wounds, neither have we any blood left us, which we may shed or bestow for the common weal of Christendom. Wherefore (most reverent father of all Prince's Christian, & the brightness & glory of the Church of God,) if your holiness and clemency do not speedily and readily help to withstand and prevent this mischief, the estate and welfare of Albany is for ever gone and lost. This is the cause (most reverend Father) that hath brought me hither: this is it that hath caused me to have recourse unto you, I have left a great fire kindled and flaming in my house, the enemy is even at my doors, who hath not only destroyed and laid desolate, and wasted my province, but hath murdered and captivated my people, he holdeth Croy the key and bulwark of my Realm straightly besieged, & is resolved not to departed from thence, till he have brought and made it to be Turkish, and I doubt me, he will go near to do it, if we be not succoured by your greatness and authority: whilst it is time therefore think upon me (most worthy Prelates and Fathers) provide for me betimes I beseech you, it standeth you upon to repress his violence, and to bridle his rage which is grown so strong and mighty, that it threateneth and menaceth with all extremities not only the estate of Christendom, and the Church of God, but even the ground and foundation of our Religion also. He hath already inflicted upon the Christian people all the examples & acts of inhumanity which can be possibly invented, in such sort that it would be no less difficult and troublesome for me to tell them, than it would be reproachful for you to hear them. You see most holy Pastor, you see most reverend Fathers, not only the doubt, but even the certainty of a most horrible ruin and calamity? you see (most Religious Prelates) how this ambitious Prince hath already seized upon two Christian Empires: the most part of Asia is in slavery & thraldom under him: all the Greeks' are in a manner destroyed, the Tryballians, the Rascians, and the Thracians are brought under his subjection, Sclavonie is subdued by his forces, Morea is in servitude, and almost all Macedon and Epire, is burned, sacked, and made desert by his fury and outrage: you see the relics of so many Princes, of so many Chieftains of Macedon and of all Greece: you have heard (most sovereign Prelate & you most reverend Fathers) how many wars, how many travels and tedious exploits & toils my ancestors have had against this perjured & faithless nation, & how myself after them, have not had one day, not one minute of rest & quietness, but without ceasing for more than these 20. years, I have had most sharp & bloody conflicts against this profane people, & especially against this fierce beast Mahomet, who hath now afflicted my estate with so many ruins, & mischiefs, that I have no other way but to give place unto him, I have even till this day resisted & opposed myself against him, & I have almost continually, by the divine bounty, gone away with the victory, but now at this time (most holy Father) being wearied with so many travels & discommodities both past & present: being wasted & consumed with so many battles: having lost so many excellent Captains, and so many of my soldiers & subjects being slain and destroyed, we have no part of our ancient fortune now left us, but our generous hearts, and devout souls: whereas this Barbarous Scythian (it may be our sins have been the cause there of) hath increased his forces and hath amplified his Empire beyond all discourse of human reason: humbly therefore (most holy father) I do prostrate myself, here before your holiness, I do invocate & call upon your sacred name, & I do implore your aid & succours, most worthy Prelates. Consult, I beseech you, make provision, & take such order, that I may have some means to resist against so many tempests, & storms of the war, & that I may with the less peril of my life, & prejudice of my affairs, be able to bear & sustain the brunt thereof, & if the private misery of your soldier do nothing move you, if the affliction of your champion do not passionate you, at leastwise let the common necessity, the imminent peril of your flock, & the future desolation of the estate of Christendom stir you up & persuade you: is there any servitude more grievous, than the Turkish bondage? what accident can hap more bitter to godly & Christian souls, them to see their infants now united unto Christ by holy baptism, & redeemed by the precious blood of the son of God, to the eternal communion & society of the faithful, afterwards again to be cut away and separated from him, & to be nuzzled in the execrable blasphemies of Mahomet: to be made open, professed, & cruel enemies of Christ and his Church, to make war against heaven, and to perish in eternal death and damnation? Is there any thing more hard, and lamentable, then to see our own children, issued from our own bowels to become our enemies, and to see them made the only means and ministers to cut our throats, and to work our ruin and destruction? it cannot be but this servitude and bondage of Christian souls is an evil much more grievous and intolerable, than death itself.  
This Oration of the King of Epire, was hearkened unto with no less attentiveness, then accepted with the allowance, and good liking of the whole Consistory, and every man said openly, that it was most requisite and necessary to secure, with all speed and diligence, their Christian brethren, and not to suffer so noble a province and so virtuous a people to be devoured and swallowed up by so cruel and bloodthirsty an enemy. But all these smooth speeches, fair words and goodly promises, whereof they gave him plenty, proved in the end nothing else then court favours, & vanished into smoke: what the cause thereof should be I know not, but so it happened, that at his departure from thence (which was soon after) he had little and 
Scanderbag ill succoured by the Christians.  very small succour of Pope Paul the second, who (though he were a Venetian borne) yet was but badly affectioned towards his own country: to the which Scanderbag was a most inward and faithful friend, over and beside the strict and ancient knot of friendship and confederacy, which had been preserved and nourished with great devotion between him and that commonwealth. Three thousand Crowns were delivered 
Demetrius Frank treasurer to Scanderbag.  into the hands of Demetrius Frank: who being one of the chief and principal citizens of Drivasta, and cousin to the Archbishop of Duraz, was treasurer to Scanderbag: and this was all the aid that he found or had from them: yet did not this any thing trouble the Prince of Epire, neither was he discontented at this sorry and simple 
Return of Scanderbag from Rome to Epyre.  entertainment: but praising God for all, he took his leave of the Pope, and returned into his own country. He was once in the mind to have gone as far as Venice: but taking advise upon the matter, and not finding it expedient, by reason of the piteous estate wherein he had left his kingdom and country of Epire: he contented himself to send thither his Secretary, to let the Senate of that city understand, the hard success of his voyage to Rome, and to animate & persuade them to ministersome aid 
Aide given by the Venetians and others to Scanderbag for the relief of Croy against the Turks. Lech and Nicholas Ducagin.  & succours unto him: the which he obtained as you shall hear. Scanderbag being upon the way of his return towards Epire, went first to Scutary, where josaphat Barbare had great command and authority, (of whom we have spoken heretofore) and there having made a notable levy of the subjects of the Venetians, he adjoined them to his own forces. In like manner Lech Ducagin, and Nicholas his brother, being bravely mounted, came unto him with 400. valiant horsemen, and as many footmen, all of them most expert and skilful soldiers. To these did adjoin themselves a hundredth men at arms armed all in white, and 500 footmen Italians, being in the pay and entertainment of the Signiory of Venice within scutary: besides 1000 good horse, & three thousand footmen gathered out from amongst the Scutarians, the Drivastines, the Antivarians, the Lissians, and the Dirrachians: in so much that those aids being united and incorporated all in one, did make up the full & complete number of 13400. chosen men. For you are to note that the Princes & peoples of Epire, Macedony, Sclavony and Dalmatia, which were leagued and allied together, did not fail to send each of them certain forces, all which made their rend vous at a place appointed, and were at the command and disposition of Scanderbag, who divided them into two troops: one part whereof he committed to the conduct and leading of Lech Ducagin above named, being a knight of no less policy than hardiness in the wars: and Nicholas 
Nicholas Moneta governor of scutary.  Moneta borne in scutary, the Vaivoda, or governor of that city, being a Gentleman of great estimate and valour, had the guiding of the other part of those forces. Now it was set down and appointed, that these troops being dislodged from Lissa, and having cut over the plain country or fields of Pharsalia, and the forest of jonimes, 
Forest of jonimes.  should make their approach, and charge upon the enemy on that side. And that the King of Epire being accompanied with his own bands both horse and foot, should make towards the mountain of Cruyna, there to assail and set upon Ballaban on the otherside, who had enclosed & fortified himself exceeding strongly and conveniently upon that mountain. But before I will lead our Christians any further into the country, I hold it not amiss to figure and describe unto you the site of the place where the Mahometan had entrenched himself, to the intent the matter may be the better represented to your sight, and made more plain and apparent unto you.  
I told you long sithence, that Croy is in Epire, in the fields of Emathia or Pharsalia, 
The situation of Croy.  seated upon the high crest or ridge of a mountain: which in the circuit and compass thereof is on all parts environed with many steep downefals, excepting in one only place where it is very hardly to be approached, and is divided and cut off from the mount Cruyna, which being very nigh, & continuing on even close to the town, doth seem much higher than the same, and to have the command thereof. This mountain runneth a long by the side of the Castle of Croy, where hanging over it with a deep cliff, after a small descent it doth divide itself into diverse hills or little mounts. In this place had Ballaban placed his camp, and having drawn thither the mass or main strength of his army, he had gotten the possession of the mountain of Cruyna, the which having fortified and guarded with a great and strong garrison, he did press the town with a hard and grievous siege.  
But leaving him there encamped, let us return to our troops. Their plot being laid as is before mentioned, and their bands being divided, Scanderbag with his forces went first on to visit the enemy: and being come to the said mountain, he received advertisement, that jonyme the brother of Ballaban was marching on towards 
jonime brother to Ballaban coming with a supply of Turks to his brother is surprised by Scanderbag.  his brother with a good number of Turks: and the report went that he was already past the mountain of Bulgarie. Immediately upon these news Scanderbag with singular promptness and resolution, took with him the choice and flower of his army: and (having caused the residue to keep themselves still and quiet) he road all that night with extreme speed and diligence to meet with jonyme, whom having surprised on a sudden and unprovided, he soon broke and dispersed, taking him 
jonyme and his son Heder taken prisoners  alive with Heder his son likewise, and the same night with no less speed than he went forward, he returned to his company with the victory. The next morning he brought forth and presented to the sight of Ballaban, his brother and his Nephew bound and tied together. And thereupon giving a brave charge upon the garrison of the Turks which lay upon the mount Cruyna, he chased them from 
Scanderbag chaseth the Turks from the mount Cruyna.  thence, and being seized of the place, he took up his lodging upon the top of the mountain, giving present order that his confederates should have notice thereof out of hand. Now Ballaban (who promised himself some intelligence within Croy) was wonderfully abashed to see the Christians so suddenly to come so near him, and to be in a manner over his head, and where they might command him. Wherefore having newly encouraged and reassured part of his people who were somewhat troubled with the alarm: and letting them to understand, that the town was surely their own, if they would make any haste to enter it, and so provide for their own safety, whereas otherwise if they failed in the enterprise, it was not for them to stay there any longer before Croie: knowing well that they should but lose their labour, that the dangers would be very great to continue there at the siege, and that it could not but cost them dear, now that he saw his brother defeated and the enemy so forward which could not but be an occasion of great inconvenience 
Ballaban soliciteth the Croians to yield unto him.  unto them. Thus being accompanied with a good troop, he presented himself before the walls, and went on even almost to the port of the city, persuading and soliciting them within, to render themselves unto him: and there did he continue for a while attending the issue of that which he expected. The Croians being incensed 
sally by the Croians upon Ballaban.  with his presumption made a brave sally out upon him, & falling into skirmish with the Turks, they enforced them to the retreat, and made their Chieftain to know the vanity of his practices. Herewithal Ballaban being enraged and even mad for anger, and making head a fresh against the croians, thought by pure force to have driven them into the town. But the citizen's beginning to retire in very good order, without the loss of any one of their company: it happened that one George Alexie an Epyrot borne, and a good harguebussier discharging a bullet upon Ballaban 
George Alexie.  hit him quite through the throat, giving him a mortal and deadly wound. Yet did not Ballaban fall presently, but when he found himself shot, he kept himself 
Death of Ballaban slain with a shot before Croy.  sure within his saddle, and setting spurs to his horse, h●ranne with great speed and a swift pace even to his tents, where he was no sooner arrived, but he tumbled from his horse, and fell rudely to the ground, embrewing his country soil with his own blood, the destruction whereof he had so bloudilie desired. The fall and death of the General put the whole camp of the Infidels in extreme fear and terror: in so much, that the night following, the Barbarians in great silence 
Siege of Croy raised.  and secrecy abandoned the siege of Croie, and retiring themselves about eight long miles off, they encamped and fortified themselves very diligently at Tyranna. The next morning upon break of day, Scanderbag coming to take a view of the enemy's tents, found them void and empty of men, but fully furnished with baggage and provisions, so that there was no want of any thing, either of corn or other victuals: all which he caused to be removed and carried thence into Croie, the same being in a manner sufficient to victual it for one whole year. After this himself entered with great triumph into the city, where he was received with great honour and joy by the inhabitants, whom he highly commended (and that worthily) for their fidelity and good perseverance, adding therewithal many gifts and rewards in recompense of their deserts. 
Messengers from the army of the Turks to Scanderbag desiring leave to departed out of Epyre.   
Whilst these offices of civil courtesies passed between Scanderbag & his citizens, there came from the camp of the Barbarians lying at Tyranna, two horsemen, seeming to be persons of good account and reckoning, who presenting themselves before Scanderbag in the name of the Chieftains & Commanders of their army, prayed him to grant them that favour which he had never refused to men of their quality, namely that leaving their baggage, horses, and armour, they might be suffered to departed with their lives only. For they were sore afraid, lest that the passages being forestalled and laid for them, should have been shut up and fortified to enclose and famish them within the country. Hereupon the King caused his Princes, Nobles, and Captains speedily to be assembled, that he might deliberate and determine upon some answer to be given to the Turks, and might hear the advise of every man in particular: and he took order in the mean while, that those two horsemen should 
Council called by Scanderbag to consult upon the message & demand of the Turks.  be conducted into a tent, and thereto be well and graciously entertained. josaphat Barbare was the first whose opinion was demanded in this matter, but he excused himself, saying: That the Signiory of Venice had sent him thither to be resident near about the person of the Prince, only to do what it should please him to command him: and therefore for his part he referred himself for this matter to his own good will and pleasure. Lech Ducagin spoke more liberally, and as he was a man of a fierce and forward disposition prompt of hand, and quick of invention: so in one word did he acquaint them with his mind, saying: Embetha: which in the Albanian language signifieth, to horseback: for he saw no reason why any grace or mercy should be showed to this people, who were devoid of all pity, and were so mightily given to bloodthirstiness and cruelty, but that all of them ought rather to pass under the edge of the sword. Of the same opinion were the most part of the assembly, especially Paul Angel the Archbishop, who propounded and set before his eyes the example of julius Caesar, who in times past having in those very marches broken and defeated the Pompeyans, did pursue them even to the last extremity: that he also ought not to forsake his own good fortune, which oftentimes 
Sentence.  when she seethe herself not to be lively and roundly followed, turneth herself with a contrary bias, to favour those upon whom she before frowned. And many other reasons did he allege to that effect. Scanderbag replied unto them in this manner.  
I know right well (most worthy and valiant Epyrots, and my fellow soldiers) 
Oration of Scanderbag dissuading his soldiers from pursuing the Turks after the relief of Croy.  and I have already had good experience of your singular valour, your notable resolution and the greatness of your courage, whereby you have always terrified and discomfited your enemies: and I do not think but that even now also you have both the courage and the power to break & to trample under your feet the relics and remainders of these amazed Infidels. Nevertheless (gentle warriors) it behoveth us often to bethink ourselves, and to call to mind that sage sentence of the wise man. That it is the part and property of fools to wish for a tempest in fair 
Sentence.  and calm weather: but it is the guise and fashion of them that are wise, to seek by all means, how to remedy and avoid it, when the time and necessity do press them to it. It hath pleased our good God, without blood, without fight, without murder, to send us the victory even from heaven: the city is delivered, the siege is raised, Ballaban our capital and mortal adversary, is now laid dead upon the ground, his army is fled, we ourselves are in rest and quiet, and all things do seem to smile and fawn upon us: wherefore then should we seek to have wart? wherefore should we desire our own torment? why should we tempt fortune that is so blind and variable? you are not ignorant (my good friends) that any fault or error committed in the war is irreparable and unpossible to be 
Sentence.  amended. In other businesses and affays, if a man be forgetful of anything, it may be amended and corrected: but the oversightes of martial matters, and of battles are passed all hope of recovery or amends. This is the reason why those ancients and thrice renowned Captains, did not so much esteem and set by those armies which were great and populous, as those which were well governed with good order and discipline. For the success of battles is doubtful, the issue of wars is uncertain, and doth not depend of our hand and industry, but of the power and disposition of fortune. An enemy is always to be redoubted, never to be despised, never to be disesteemed: and more than that, when the war is ended, when the victory is obtained, yet is there no less diligence even then to be used, then was at the very first beginning of the same: and we must not any time rashly and unadvisedly come to the fight or combat with our enemy. Wherefore if we should desire to adventure the chance of war, and to try the fortune of the field with this enemy which is now before us, we shall endanger and put in hazard (which God defend) our own safety and our estate, which now (God be thanked) are in good case and security. Refrain therefore this ardent and burning ferventness of your courages: let the victory which we have already gotten suffice and content us: we have had many and great triumphs upon our enemies, and you ought to hold yourselves satisfied with so many murders, with so many overthrows given them, and with the manifold favours of fortune, which hath hitherto so graciously fawned upon you. Moreover you see that the troops of the Barbarians are excessive, and in a manner innumerable, they are not of the base and rascal sort of people collected and gathered at adventures: but they are the flower and strength of all the Turkish forces, chosen men, stout, expert, ready provided & prepared to fight, armed with necessity (which of all weapons is the most extreme and dangerous) and they desire not, nor seek after any thing else but battle: either to revenge the death of their General, or to carry home unto their Sovereign the report of some notable and worthy exploit. This their offer of rendering themselves is but coulorable and feigned; believe me, it is but dissimulation, and they do make a semblance only of fear and terror: I am well acquainted with their cunning draughts and disguisements, I know that this is nothing but one of their subtle sleights and guileful policies, wherein these men more than in any thing else, do make singular profession. Assure yourselves, they desire nothing so much as to come to fight with you, and to be revenged: wherefore if we be wise, let us keep ourselves from them, let us not trouble them. But let it be that they do not intend any malice nor any deceit against us: yet they are enraged, they are desperate, their shame and ignominy doth press them on against us, being afraid of all things, they fear nothing. Nothing is so perilous as to set upon men whose safety consisteth in being desperate and without hope of safety. He commonly fighteth and combatteth 
Sentence.  outrageously, who hath no comfort left him, who relieth not upon hope of any thing. And what if we do put them all to the sword? what if we make them to betake themselves to flight? yet cannot this be done without your damage, without your loss, without your blood, without the expense and cost of many of your lives: how then can such a victory be otherwise to me then rueful and lamentable? Wherefore (my loving and good soldiers) if you will believe me, if you will be counseled and advised by me: be you assured we will have them all at our mercy without fight, without using swords or weapon against them. For they are in great want of all things especially of bread, which failing and being not to be gotten, an army is easily vanquished without fight. Let us shut up all the ways and passages, so that no succours nor victual may not by any means come unto them: let us newly fortify and stuff our town with a good and strong garrison, and let us furnish it with all sorts of munitions, for the provision of many years: so shall we see that these our enemies being shut up and besieged within our confines shall all perish and die miserably of pure famine and hunger. And we shall see them utterly overthrown and destroyed, without sword, without arms, and without bloodshed.  
Some there were who showed themselves well pleased with this oration, and did allow of Scanderbag his persuasions, but others would not be satisfied therewith, especially the common sort of soldiers, who being grown more fierce and audacious against the enemy, began to make a great noise not without some tumult and 
Soldiers of Scanderbag murmur against him, & will not be dissuaded from following the Turks.  uproar inclining to a mutiny on all parts within the camp of the Christians: crying out aloft with a loud voice, that they ought to march on directly and presently, and to go seek out the Turks who were already vanquished and discomfited. That it was not expedient in this matter to yield unto the motion of Scanderbag, who showed himself to be grown fearful and fainthearted: considering that of a most fierce and furious combatant, and who had never refused any occasion of fight in open and plain battle, he was now become a fearful temporizer, and would seem to dissuade them from arms who were borne and bred to follow arms, and whose only desire was to be doing with their enemies: that now the General did fail and was wanting to the soldiers, and not the soldiers to their General. Thus the heat and vehemency of the Epyrots was scarce repressed and withh●lde by the Captains and masters of the camp, till such time as it was generally concluded and agreed, that assoon as Croy was provided and fortified with all necessaries, they should have free liberty to pursue the Infidels, and to force their camp. Wherefore Scanderbag calling unto him the two Turkish messengers gave them this answer: That they should go and tell their companions, that as they came into that 
Answer of Scanderbag to the two messengers sent from the Turks.  country without his commandment, so should they not for his part be commanded to return from thence. Now in this mean time, the King of Epire had sent and dispatched away certain forces to gain and shut up the passages from the Barbarians, whilst that the residue of the Christian troops by the order and direction of their Captains did go to the river of Isme, where certain vessels lay at an anchor charged and loaden with corn, meal, salt-meates, and biscuit, and did unlade all, bringing it on land, in such sort, that in three days Croie was well and sufficiently revictualled for six years space at the least. Whilst every man was thus busied and intentively occupied in this work, and that every one did set forward and hasten this provision to the uttermost of his power: behold news were brought unto Scanderbag, that the very same night about the second watch, when that men are in their soundest and deepest sleep, hunger and necessity (which worketh masteries beyond all impossibility) had pressed the Turks to dislodge secretly from Tyranna, and with the hazard of their lives to make way for themselves by force, and to open the passages which were defended against them by the Scanderbegians. Howbeit they could not do it so closely, but that those soldiers which had the guard and custody of the passages, and the inhabitants of the country joined together with them, did maintain a long and obstinate conflict with the Infidels, who with the slaughter of a great number of their companions, and the loss of the most part of their baggage, did at length by their sword make way through the midst, and in despite of their enemies. When Scanderbag his army heard thereof, it cannot be expressed how extremely they were aggrieved and displeased at the matter: for their murmuring and muttering against Scanderbag did sufficiently testify the greatness of their discontentment, imputing the whole blame thereof to him, as if this evasion and escape of the enemy, had been by his default only. But he pacified and appeased them both with his bountiful gifts, and with gracious speeches: and more than that, to content them the better, he caused them immediately to take arms, and to march with Ensigns displayed into the field, where he gave them the spoils of those other Turks and Infidels which were found in garrison within Chaonia & other places of Epire: not suffering any one of them to escape but that they were either slain or taken, being spoiled and stripped out of all. Thus having purged and cleansed the Province of this vermin, and having settled all things in good and peaceable order, every man returned to his own quarter loaden with the spoils of the Barbarians, and with many commendations, presents, and great thanks given them by the King of Albany.  
The affairs of Epire thus standing in sufficient good and flourishing estate, we will now leave them for a while, and turn our discourse to the Turkish Monarch to show unto you the grief and displeasure which he conceived in his haughty and great stomach, aswell for the death of Ballaban, and the dishonourable and shameful flight of his army: as also for that the siege of Croie was raised to the great glory and advantage of the Christians. For he did so unmeasurably afflict and passionate himself with the conceit hereof, that he could not take any rest, nor eat, nor drink: but that still day & night his spirit & thoughts were troubled, beating his brain, & devising 
Mahomet purposeth a second journey into Epire against Scanderbag.  with himself, how he might deface and abolish the blot of this shame and ignominy, and take some notable revenge upon Scanderbag. In the end his deliberation was, once again to return himself in proper person, and with more puissant forces into Epire, that by his presence he might give the more grace & majesty to the enterprise. Hereof Scanderbag being speedily informed, made no delay to prepare for the receiving 
Scanderbag maketh preparations against the coming of Mahomet.  of him with all the best means and preparations that he could possibly make: he gave the Princes, Signors and peoples his confederates to understand of the purpose and intent of the Turk, willing them to be in a readiness against such time as he should send unto them: and he made good provision of all kind of munition, victuals, and all other necessaries in all his strong holds and fortresses: in such sort, that they needed not to be afraid of any thing that the Turk could attempt against them.  
The year being past and spent in these preparations on both parts, now began the spring to come on, which being a time wherein all things begin to bud, and grow pleasant to the eye, and most fit and convenient for warlike voyages and expeditions, Mahomet had deferred his journey to that season, and accordingly assoon 
Second journey of Mahomet into Epyre.  as he saw the time to serve, he took his journey with infinite troops, engines, and instruments for assault of all sorts, and with an incredible number of expert workmen and artificers for this end and purpose which I will show you. Being come to a certain large and wide plain commonly called Saura, he determined there to abide 
Plain of Saura.  and sojourn for a while, and he encampèd his army near to the river of Scombin, within the signiory or principality of Aryamnites Comynat father in law to Scanderbag 
The river of Scombyn.  During the time of his abode in that place, the Sultan did employ not only his artificers and workmen, but a great part also of his soldiers about the repairing or reedefying of the town of Valmes (which at this present the Albanois do account and call a city) and in times past was ruinated and laid even with the ground by the Gallogrecians and other strange Nations. It is seated in an anglet or little corner of 
Valmes a city in Epire new built by Mahomet.  Epire near unto the peoples of the jates, Bratescosages, Cherabes▪ Buserseches, and Sopotanies. Having fully ended and perfected that work with incredible diligence, and having furnished and fortified it with able men, victuals, and such like necessaries for the sure keeping and defence thereof against his enemies: he speedily dislodged from thence, and marched on with his army towards the city of Duras, with a determination 
The city of Duras besieged by Mahomet.  to carry that town at the first assault: supposing that it had been unprovided both of men of war and of victuals. But he found himself deceived in his hope by the vigilancy and providence of the Venetians and of Scanderbag, who had wisely foreseen and prevented that tempest, by means whereof it was well and sufficiently furnished and defended both by sea and by land, in such sort, that it scorned all the power and assays of the Infidel, who saw himself most rudely and bravely repulsed from thence with the notable slaughter and loss of many of his people. But for the better contentment of the reader, by the variety of this discourse, you must give me leave a little to wander and digress from my matter, and to honour this town with her due praises and commendations.  
Dirrachium, by the Italians called Duraz, was in times of antiquity named Epydamnum: 
The city of Dyrrachium or Duraz anciently called Epidamnum her original and foundation.  it is a town situated within Epire, and builded of old (as it is thought) by one Epidamnus of whom also it had her first name: and this man's nephew or grandchild by his daughter, being named Dyrrachus did add unto the town the port or haven calling it Dyrrachium. But there he others of another opinion, who hold that Dirrachium (being atowne seated upon the sea coasts of Albany, is the capital and chief city of those peoples which are called the Taulantians, Pyrreans, and Pratinians, and it lieth between Lissa and Apollonia: and they say that the Romans finding it to be called Epidamnum by reason of the unlucky sound and sense of that name which they held to be ominous and unhappy, did change the same into the name of Dyrrachium, taking this term for the Cherronese or demi Isle whereon it was seated, or rather re-edified (as some do affirm) by the Corcirians or the inhabitants of 
Corcyre or Corfu.  Corfu. For if we will give credit unto the common report, and to those authors that are most ancient: it hath been numbered amongst the most ancient cities: and there are yet extant to be seen many great and goodly praises and commendations of this place. For as Lucan saith:  

This town is not a work as others are  
Of ancient structure built of lime and stone,  
No work of man, nor such as time or war,  
Can easily bring to alteration.  
Great is their power and they can do much,  
Yet greater is the strength of Duraz town,  
Her fortress is so strong, her seat is such,  
That mines nor engines cannot beat her down.  
Nature itself hath fortified her seat,  
Having enclosed it on every side,  
With cliffs that break the billows as they beat,  
And with a gulf that is both deep and wide:  
Nought but one mountain from an Isle her saves,  
Rocks are her rampire threatening ships to dash,  
And Cliffs her walls on which the foaming waves,  
In storms do beat and her strong buildings wash.   
For this city is environed with the sea on all sides but one, where the rocks being 
Description of the city of Duras in Epire.  divided and cut a sunder each from other, do join it to the firm land. On the one side it hath a goodly haven or harbour, wherein ships may safely lie and anchor: on the other side it hath large and pleasant fields and pastures, abounding in fertility and plenty of all good commodities: and within the walls, he goodly temples and sumptuous churches do make the city much more stately and venerable: besides that it is adorned with the statues and proud monuments of sundry Kings and Emperors: especially that of Adryan: or rather his monstrous Colossus or image of 
Colossus.  copper, which is erected in a place very high and eminent near to the gate Caballyn towards the North. Besides there is to be seen his Amphytheater made by 
Amplry-theater a place made with seats and scaffolds for the beholding of shows, games, plays, and triumphs.  wonderful art and industry. The walls of the city are passing strong, flanked with their towers, bulwarks and other excellent works wherewith they are beautified and adorned. Besides this city is very famous for the commodity of the rare saltpits which it hath, and for the great abundance of all kinds of merchandise which are brought unto it. To be brief, this is that famous city of Duras which enjoyed the presence, and with singular entertainment received the Roman Senate, and was no less famous than unfortunate through the civil wars and notable slaughters and bloodshed of the Romans'. But what the estate of it may be at this instant, since it is become Turk, and that it is reduced under the servitude of so fierce and barbarous a nation who are mortal enemies to all good order and civility, I had rather leave it to you to imagine it, then to speak what I think of it. But to our matter.  
After that the Sultan had been so rudely entertained before Duraz, and that his bloody actions and attempts proved vain and to none effect: he conceived an opinion that Scanderbag had put himself within the town for the defence thereof; because 
The departure of Mahomet from the siege of Duras.  a great number of his people were known and discerned to be within it. This was the occasion that he dislodged speedily from thence, and made directly towards Croy, pitching his tents before the town in hope to astonish and appall them by the suddenness of his coming. For experience having taught him, that the endeavours and assays both of his predecessors and of himself had profited him little or nothing: 
Croy besieged the second time by Mahomet.  he was not of the mind that he could carry the town by this course, but his determination was to bring them to reason by a long and obstinate siege, if Scanderbag would permit him. Wherefore neglecting and leaving all other counsels, he summoned the Croians to yield themselves unto him, making them great offers of riches and inestimable honours, if they would deliver the town into his hands. But he had no better answer now then he had the year before: for they gave him good store of cannon and musket shot for his good-morrow: and more than that, they issued forth to visit him nearer home, with a furious and stout sally made upon the infidels, carrying away with honour and glory many of their heads, for an argument and proof of their good devoir and worthy demeanour. On the other side, Scanderbag according to his wont and accustomed manner, keeping continually upon the skirts of this fearful and huge army, and being attended with his ordinary forces, did uncessantly importune and endanger the enemy by his often invasions made upon their camp both by day and by night: and the slaughters and butcheries which he committed upon them were notable and wonderful, insomuch that Mahomet perceiving the small profit which he was like to purchase by this enterprise, was glad to leave the pursuit thereof, and to reserve himself to some other exploit which might be more for his honour and advantage. Wherefore raising his camp from before Croie, he bent his course towards a certain 
Siege of Croi● raised by Mahomet.  place lying on the coast of the Adriatic sea, or gulf of Venice not far from Duras: now called the head of Redoni, where Scanderbag had begun of late to build a town which he called Chiurill. The Barbarian finding it without inhabitants 
The town of Chiuril begun to be builded by Scanderbag razed by Mahomet.  and unfinished did raze it from the very foundation. From thence he went forward purposing to destroy certain people's subject to Scanderbag: but the army of the Christians did follow him so close at the heels, coasting him continually wheresoever he went: and sometimes by day, sometimes by night would he charge and set upon him, one while in the tail, another while in the flank, and many times in the front and head of his army: that he took from him all occasions and means to profit himself in that country: yea the inhabitants themselves dwelling in the forests and mountains did so annoy and molest him, afflicting him with infinite mischiefs, slaughters and discommodities: that being in utter despair of doing any good upon the Province, he returned back again to Constantinople more confounded and full of despite and grief than he was at his coming forth.  
Nevertheless the Ottoman was no sooner removed out of Epire: but because he 
Alybeg and Aiasbeg sent with an army of 28000. Turk's to safeguard their frontiers from the Albanois.  would keep the Christians still in breath, he sent two of his chief Captains, men of great renown and reckoning Alibeg & Aiasbeg with an army of 28000. Turks: willing them only to look to the safety and defence of his own frontiers, and not to stir or to offer any warlike violence upon the country of the Christians. Assoon as they were come and had settled themselves upon their borders: they fell to their wont cunning and practices, sending unto Scanderbag secretly and under hand certain presents of great value and estimate, in hope to draw him to have some amity and friendship with them, and to make him secure and negligent. The King of Albany though he were an old Courtier, and had been well acquainted with these kinds of dealings, so as he could not be overreached nor deceived by their sottish devices, yet he was content to accept of their presents: and he sent unto them back again others of no less value, in counter change of those which they had given him. And this was all that was done between them, because he was too clear sighted, and too circumspect for them to go beyond him. For notwithstanding these private courtesies and kindnesses passed between him and them, Scanderbag was minded to keep them doing, and therefore caused a general muster and levy of men to be made throughout all his dominions, purposing to get again from the Turks the town of Valmes, which had been lately built and edified by Mahomet. But (such 
1467.  was the will and pleasure of the cruel destinies) that being detained with a grievous malady, he was constrained to desist from his attempt. For after he had revisited all parts and quarters of his realm, and had caused a general enrolment to be made of all such able men, as were fit to do him service and to bear arms for the safety and defence of his estate: he came to the city of Lissa (which being under the signory and government of the Venetians, he had ever loved and most dearly affected) where being determined to have called a council and assembly of all the Princes and Lords of the league, he was suddenly taken with a strong and violent fever: and the 
Scanderbag sickeneth.  force of this disease increasing every day more than other, he imagined that his last end began now to approach, wherefore being in doubt lest that death which is inevitable, should take him away before he had disposed and set in order his affairs, he prayed the said Princes and Lords his confederates to enter into his bedchamber together with the Ambassadors of the signory of Venice, and his chief Captains and officers of his camp: unto whom he framed his speech in this manner.  
The sovereign and chiefest virtue, and the true and most perfect religion (most 
Speech and last words of Scanderbag to his Princes & nobles before his death.  worthy Princes and you my beloved companions) in my opinion is this. First to reverence, to serve, and to adore God most high and omnipotent, in justice, sanctity and piety: and next, not only to love dearly, and to have a continual care and regard of the good and benefit of our country: but if need be, to spend even our lives, and to shed our best blood for the preservation and safety of the same: for to all such as behave themselves in that sort, by the opinion of them that are wise, there is a special and peculiar place reserved aloft in the highest heavens. For my part, with what singular desire and affection I have always sought and embraced these things, how all my thoughts have continually been bend and employed upon them, and how I have endeavoured all my forces, and to the uttermost of my power to attain unto them. First God himself can witness it with me, and next, all of you my good friends can well testify. The three and twentieth year is now past and expired since that I escaped out of the impure hands of wicked Amurath King of the Turks, and that I fled into this realm being the ancient patrimony and inheritance of my ancestors: ever since that time have I held and endured the wars against a most perjured and faithless nation, and against the rage and fury of the Ottomans for the particular safety and defence of our crown and kingdom, and for the dignity of the public estate and weal of Christendom: in all which time (by the grace and favour of the divine clemency) we have had most happy and fortunate success, according to our hearts desire: and you never yet saw me return either vanquished or repulsed in true and set battle. But (if I may speak it lawfully) I had always the advantage upon the enemy: and I do not remember that I was ever hurt or wounded but only once: when being shot with an arrow in my right foot, by a Turk, yet did I presently kill him even in the head and front of the enemy, and threw down his bloody head at your feet. But now (according to the ordinary course of human things) in the three score and third year of my age, old age being grown upon me, seized with a grievous sickness, and destitute of all my wont strength and corporal forces, Behold my good friends, behold my dear companions, how I now begin to wax feeble, and by little and little I go the way of all flesh. I perceive (my friends,) I see well; that it is the will and pleasure of the divine providence (by the which I confess and do acknowledge, that all things are subsisting and have their being, and whereby all things are guided and governed) that it behoveth me now to lay aside this mortal and frail burden of my body, to go to another and better place, and that I must exchange the brevity and miseries of this life for the felicity of true and everlasting joys: and I protest unto you before God, that the thought hereof, or rather this necessity which is laid upon me, doth not in any sort trouble nor grieve me. I do not repine against that law which the destinies did impose upon us at the time of our nativity: for we ought not to be aggrieved or to find fault with that which we suffer according to law and justice: with this condition were we borne, that we should be subject to this necessity of our mortality. And I know well, that whatsoever is of necessity cannot be accounted miserable to any man particularly. It behoveth us in the end to yield earth to earth, and to be obedient to nature: and it is required of us as our due, that we resign up this our soul being eternal and immortal: and this spirit of ours which is heavenly and celestial, to him which hath only lent it us for a time. Nevertheless (my dear friends and companions) I do not receive and embrace this fatal lot of my death and departure with such courage and cheerfulness: because I am willing to be freed from the perils and dangers, or because I would eschew and shun the travels and labours, or because I would withdraw myself from those mischiefs and inconveniences, wherein even till this time I have consumed all my best years, and have ended my days for the service of God and the religion of Christ: for I am ready and could find in my heart to expose and adventure my life continually for the same, to the like or greater hazards: but I see I see well, that this is God's good will and pleasure: I perceive it is my good God that calleth me (to whom we must be obedient) and I must now retire myself out of this earthly and filthy dungeon, and from this miserable and wretched prison. I have followed nature long enough, I have lived long enough, I have finished the course, and I have run the race, which it pleased God to appoint for me. But yet before my soul departed from my body, and before I do leave you, one thing there is of which I hold it expedient now to admonish and advertise you, as I have always used in cases of importance, when I was able in former times, and in the better years of my age. And that is, That as heretofore during my life time, even till now, you have endured all travels and labours even to the last gasp, for the safety and dignity of the Christian religion and the Catholic faith, by means whereof you have made all the Princes of Christendom to favour, honour, and admire you: even so hereafter when I am dead and gone, let that be the only and the whole desire of your hearts, let that be the only thing that you shall set before your eyes. All things (I can assure you) will fall out easy and happily unto you, as long as you continue steadfast in concord and unity (by which small things and contemptible do grow great and invincible) and as long as you entertain mutual love and fidelity: and that you do make little account of all other things in comparison of the common profit and general good of all of you. For there is no Empire so puissant & so well grounded, which falleth not to present ruin 
Sentence.  and declineth not to destruction, where mutual enmities & dissensions are suffered to have an entry, and where private profit and particular commodity is preferred before the public and common good. But if you shall join together as brethren and friends, and shall live one with another in perfect love and amity: no attempts nor practices of your enemies whatsoever shall be able to grieve or hurt you. Your Sceptres and your crowns shall be durable and permanent, and you shall maintain your peoples, your Provinces, your wives, your children, and your riches in quietness, and in perpetual felicity. You shall not need to fear the fury of the Ottoman, nor the rage of the Barbarians: their frauds, subtleties, trains, and cunning sleights, shall not be able to harm you nor to prevail against you. Doubt you not but the tyrant doth seek to disjoin you, and to disunite your forces, he doth lay many plots and devices, he is very watchful and vigilant, he doth spare no pains nor labour to divide and separate you: which if he can once bring to pass, and do see you never so little at variance, he will oppress you one after another, and in the end he will utterly destroy and consume all of you. Moreover (my good friends and confederates) there is john my son, whom with all possible care, affection and diligence (as heartily as a father can do) I do recommend unto you. I do commit, I do give and dedicate him to your faith and fidelity, and to your singular virtue. His tender years and the infirmity of his age which is yet (as it were) stuttering and stammering, do make him unfit either to foresee or to repulse the imminent calamity: he is not able to preserve himself from being torne-in pieces and devoured by those fierce & enraged Tigers: to keep himself from being oppressed by that perjured & common enemy Mahomet, who is of him and his kingdom so greedy and desirous, that he ceaseth not to watch continually, how he may swallow up both in his bloody & cruel throt. And (alas) he will work it, he will effect it, he will oppress him poor wretch: if your arms, if your valour do not protect and preserve him. For assoon as he shall perceive that I am dead, the cruel tyrant will not make any stay at all, but he will come flying as a savage and wild beast, to the intent he may revenge so many losses, so many outrages and calamities which he hath suffered and endured by the father, upon the poor and unhappy infant: and to the intent he may execute upon him (silly wretch) all kinds of cruelties, and whatsoever his barbarous and felonous heart can put in practice. Let me therefore (my loving friends and good companions) entreat you, to embrace his estate and his affairs with like love, fidelity and promptness of affection, as I have embraced your commodity and your glory, all the days of my life, if you list to acknowledge the truth of that which I now speak. For you know I have not lived to myself alone, but for all you and your children: I have so laboured & toiled myself, that day nor night I have not spared any pains or travels for your sakes. In the whole course of my life, I have not enjoyed any time or space of rest or leisure, I never had any place certain, I never kept any hours nor time limited to eat and drink, or to sleep in: the nights and the days have been to me all one and alike: I took no less care for the prosperity of your estates then of mine own: and God is my witness, (for now that I am fallen into speech of that matter, I will freely discover my thoughts unto you) I never dreamt nor meant any fraud or deceit against you, but I did always repute you, not as soldiers, as servants, or as subjects, but I have ever held and loved you as my brethren and companions. Not any one of you (as far as I remember) was ever wronged or outraged by me in word or in deed. In all cares and services of the field, in all duties either of scouts, watches, or sentinels, I was never inferior to any of you: but I have still borne myself as one of the most simple and meanest of my soldiers: having always had a desire to be followed and imitated in my deeds and actions, and not in my words or speeches: and that my soldiers should learn by me, not only good order and discipline, but the example and imitation thereof also. I never refused any labour, hazard or peril: I never made excuses by any shows of unwillingness or dissimulation: whensoever the onset was to be given upon the enemy (be it spoken without envy) I was one of the foremost in going against them, and one of the last in returning from the combat. The spoils and booty gotten upon our enemies, I always shared and divided amongst you, and never reserved any part or portion thereof to myself. In brief, even my realm, my goods, my fortune, and all that I had, I held in common with you. Nothing was proper or peculiar to myself, I held: nothing divided or in several. And now (my companions, my friends) behold I die, I leave you, and I must go hence. Wherefore I pray and request all of you, I require and adjure you: that the faith, affection, and love which was never wanting on my part towards you: the same you would bestow and employ towards john my son, whom as the lively image and resemblance of the father, I offer and dedicate unto you, as Vicar and Lieutenant for me and in my stead.  
Having ended this speech, he caused likewise the young Prince his son to be sent for: to whom being come, he used some speeches in the presence of the Queen his mother, exhorting him sweetly and lovingly in this manner.  
My son: john my son: thou seest that I now die, and that I leave thee but a 
Speeches and last words of Scanderbag to his son before his death.  child, an infant, young and tender: behold I leave thee a Realm and Kingdom, if thou be good and virtuous, stable and firm: if thou be otherwise, most weak and feeble. Study therefore (my son) and strive to prefer goodness and virtue, before all other goods whatsoever. For thereby thou shalt both maintain & make thy estate not only peaceable and quiet, but thou shalt increase it daily, and make it more glorious: but for as much (my son) as thy age is yet weak, unapt, and unable to sway the Sceptre and Crown of this thy kingdom, for that thou hast on all parts great and mighty enemies, most fierce and savage beasts, which will seek to dismember and to devour thee. There is Mahomet that wicked tyrant and common enemy of Christians, who (if thou shouldest so young and weak of years take upon thee the managing and government of thy Realm) would presently oppress, and utterly subvert thee: for this cause (sweet heart) assoon as thou hast closed and covered thy father's eyes, and hast yielded this mybodie to the sepulture, get thee presently from hence, and taking thy mother with thee: pass the seas into Apulia, and make no delay, but hasten to thy own towns and Lordships, and see that thou continue and abide there, till such time as thou be grown to man's estate, and that thou be capable and sufficient for the affairs and government of thy kingdom. When thou art come to be of years, make thy repair to the noble Senate and Signiory of Venice, who will re-establish thee in the seat and throne of thy ancestors. For that now I leave and commit thee to their government, fidelity, and tutorship to the intent they may undertake the guard and custody of thy kingdom, and may defend it from the enemy, and may keep it to thy use and benefit. For so are the conventions and articles of agreement between the Venetians and me, that they shall preserve thy estate from thy enemies, and reserve it for thee: and that when thou shalt be able to undertake the charge thereof, they shall reinvest thee in the possession of the same. I have no doubt of their diligence in thy affairs considering that they only amongst all the Princes of Christendom (be it spoken without offence) are not inferior to any in gravity, prudence, and worthy exploits: besides that for the excellency of their faith and bounty they do merit and deserve to be beloned and reverenced above all others. Of the which I have had good trial and experience more than any others, during the whole time of my reign and life, in all sorts of actions, and by the proof of many matters: and they have been continually leagued and confederated with me in strict friendship and amity, and I have always found them in stead of kind and loving parents unto me. Them therefore (my son) do I leave to be as Parents, as Princes, as Tutors unto thee: depart not from their instructions, precepts, and counsels. The Venetians only are the most just, the most religious, the most constant tutors and defenders of the Christians faith, the protectors of Orphans and widows, and of all weak, miserable, and afflicted persons: and therewithal, they have showed themselves so good and assured friends unto me, that all my life long I have had their Signiory in no less regard and recommendation than mine own kingdom and Dominions. And they again have had such confidence in me, and have so affected me, that they have put the whole right and full disposition of their towns and territories into my hands, and have referred the government of them to my discretion: and (I praise God) I have maintained them in good and happy estate, and have kept them to their good liking and contentment, as long as I had the charge and command of them. Wherefore (my good son) thou mayest live safe and secure under the shadow and support of their puissance, and when thou shalt be of age, fail not to resort unto them, with a good courage and confidence. For they will gladly and willingly repossess thee of thy crown and dignity, they will friendly and lovingly restore thy Realm and strong holds unto thee, and if thou be sage, wise, and virtuous, they will continually maintain and defend thee against all the violence, arms, and forces of any enemies: they will keep thy estate whole & entire for thee, as most puissant, most sage, and most invincible Princes both by sea and land, and such as never abandoned their faithful friends and allies, nor never abused or deceived any person that put their trust and affiance in them. And whensoever (my son the joy of my heart) thou shalt return and be seated in thy royal throne, and that it shall please God to give thee the quiet and peaceable possession thereof, and that thou shalt have taken upon thee the government and managing of thy estate: principally and above all things see that thou do administer and yield justice to all men indifferently, 
Precepts of Scanderbag to his son for the institution of a Prince.  for of all virtues she is the most noble and most excellent: keep and observe equity without any acceptance or difference of the faces of poor or rich, of the weak or mighty: use temperance and moderation in all thy actions, strengthen thy realm with friendship and amity of good men: for neither are great treasures, nor strong armies, the garrison or fortress of estates and Empires: but true and faithful friends, which are not to be gotten with silver and gold, but are purchased with good offices of courtesy, kindness, and fidelity. And therefore that divine speech of king Philip 
Saying of Philip of Macedon to his son Alexander.  reprehending the great Alexander his son, is yet extant in record: what motion (quoth he) hath induced thee my son, to this vain hope, to think or surmise that they will continue faithful and trusty unto thee, whom thou hast purchased for money to be thy friends? It is love, that must yield true and unfeigned friendship. For as this earth on which we live, doth desire above all things the presence and comfort of the sun, which we see in the heavens: so the life of man cannot be without friendship and amity. Thou therefore my son shalt soon get and purchase all these things, if thou believe and follow my counsel: thou shalt draw unto thee, thou shalt bind unto thee all the world by thy benefits, if thou observe my precepts and commandments. 
Commendation of humanity, courtesy, and beneficence.  For courtesy, beneficence, and bounty, are the only virtues, acceptable to God, pleasing to men, sure and secure in all places, exempted from all perils, and they do engender and stir up in the spirits and minds of men a wonderful and admirable love and liking of them, easily surmounting & exceeding all other virtues, and excelling far beyond them: they only (by the testimony and consent of the sage and wise) are the most necessary virtues for all kinds, estates, and degrees of men: but especially for Princes and great personages: for they be the virtues which have the command and possession of the affections and humours of every man, and they only have the disposing of the hearts of all men. Moreover my son, in adversity, and in things that are high and difficult, I would advertise thee to be magnanimous and valiant: in prosperity remember that thou moderate and temper thy good fortune with virtue. Fly sloth and idleness, the nurse of effeminacy: for from thence proceed all mischiefs, and it is the root of all vices. Suffer not thy soldiers to lie idle, or to be slothful, but exercise them in continual travel, watchings, and daily labours. Howbeit use them not as vassals and servants, but as thy fellows and companions. In the camp and in the field demean thyself not only as a Captain, but as a soldier also: above all things abhor delicacy, and fly luxuriousness and incontinency: for by these, the most stout and strongest men have grown faint and effeminate. Too much severity and cruelty avoid equally and alike, for they are proper to fierce and savage beasts: be patiented of labour without weariness: and let not any perils make thee learefull or timorous: the variety and change of thy affairs, do thou moderate with prudence and magnanimity, the cross accidents of contrary fortune see that thou endure and bear them with that wisdom and discretion, that (dissembling and concealing thy grief) thy enemy have no cause to glory or triumph over thee, nor to insult at thy calamity. For what can be more unfitting and unbeseeming the constancy of a brave Chieftain, and General of an army, then that his countenance should discover the passion of his heart? Be not forgetful but bear it always in mind, that thou foresee and eschew the trains and snares of the Barbarians, whereof the Turks make an ordinary and principal profession: shun the perjury, the cautels, and guileful sleights of this faithless Nation; disdain their amity, and let the friendship and society of this disloyal tyrant be abominable unto thee: neglect and contemn his gifts and presents, his flatteries, and his promises, for fear least in drawing and alluring thee to trust him, he do oppress thee unawares, and cast thee down headlong into perpetual and endless mischiefs. And for this cause be thou sure to be always provided of good Councillors, such as are well known unto thee: faithful, and loving. These are the precepts (my son, the light of my life,) these are the ensignments and instructions, which I heard and learned of my father, a master of no small experience, and my delight was to meditate upon them continually: by them was I instructed and taught, by them did I fashion and frame my life; and my whole age: and to be short by them have I reaped no small fruit and benefit, wherefore I do now exhort thee, I do admonish, and (if thou canst endure to be entreated by thy father) than I thy father do pray and request thee, yea even from the very bowels and entrails of my heart, I do again and again pray and double pray thee, that thou wouldst teach thyself these things which I have taught thee, that thou wouldst carefully and diligently embrace, retain, and digest them in thy memory.  
Whilst Scanderbag was thus speaking and persuading with his son, there 
Invasion by the Turks upon the Venetian territories.  sprang up a strange rumour throughout all the town, and a sudden brute and tumult arose, by reason of a message brought from the fields, that the Turks were near at hand, and that they had overrun and burned the country near adjoining. At the report of these news, Scanderbag although he kept his bed in great extremity, yet could he not repress nor refrain that ancient and invincible courage, nor that lively and martial spirit which was wont to dwell and be resident in his noble hart. For 
Courage of Scanderbag in vincible even at point of death.  raising himself up in his bed, aswell as his fainting and feeble limbs would give him leave, he called for his armour and commanded his horse to be made ready. So lively and flourishing was his spirit still remaining sound and disposed within his stomach abounding in courage and vigour. But when his members being now destitute of strength and growing weak, did begin to yield and sink down again into the bed: then falling and bearing himself forward upon his couch with his face turned towards his Captains, he thus spoke unto them.  
Forth forth (my companions) issue out upon those traitors, and Infidels: go 
Speech of Scanderbag to his Captains upon an alarm given by the enemy.  you before, I will follow after you immediately.  
Herewithal a troop of horse making out of the town, went to seek out the enemy not ceasing till they had found them, who having newly sacked the territory of the Scutarians were encamped upon the brook Clyre near to the city of scutary. For Ahamat (the General of those troops) was come thither with fifteen thousand 
Ahamat with 15000. Turks fly upon the conceit of Scanderbag his presence.  horse purposely to waste and spoil the country about scutary. Now assoon as the Barbarians did discover the Christians coming towards them, imagining that it was Scanderbag, they took suddenly the alarm, and being in great fear and tumult, they left the better part of their booty and fled away in the night time over the mountains, which by reason of their roughness were in a manner unpassable. For it was in januarie at which time the Snow and the Ice did cover all places with their whiteness. These Infidels thus retiring themselves by the tops and craggy passages of the mountains, and holding no certain way nor path, did find themselves so hardly pressed and rudely entreated by the Lords and inhabitants of those quarters, that they compelled them to yield a good account of their journey, and of the havoc and spoil which they had made upon the country. For many of them being taken prisoners, and a great number slain, they lost almost all their prey and booty.  
The same night that the Turks did fly away so hastily from the Christians no man following nor pursuing them: Scanderbag after the confession of his sins with great penitency, having received the Sacraments with good devotion, according to the rites of the holy Church, and recommending himself and his soul without ceasing 
The death of Scanderbag.  to God his creator, he gave up the ghost, and exchanged this life, for the happy joys of that which is eternal. The time of his departure wherein he left this world, was the 17. of januarie in the year of grace 1460. and (as the report goeth) in the three score and third year of his age, and of his reign the four and twentieth. The beginning of his reign and the time wherein he recovered the crown of Epire was the eight and twentieth of November in the year of our Lord, 1443.  
Lech Ducagin (of whom we have often made mention) perceiving by the exclamations and lamentable voices every where given out that he was dead: he made haste to the place, and in the open view and hearing of all men with a sad and sorrowful countenance, and a voice full of confusion, pulling himself by the beard, and the hairs of his head, he broke out into these speeches.  
Hasten you, hasten you hither (quoth he) you Princes and Lords of Albany, this 
Speech of Lech Ducagin bewailing the death of Scanderbag.  day are the gates and rampires of Epire and Macedon broken open: this day are our fortresses and walls fallen to the ground: this is the day wherein our strength and forces begin to fail us: this is the day wherein our Crowns and Sceptres are overthrown: and from henceforth all our help, all our hope with his good Prince is quite gone and extinguished.  
His body was interred at Lissa in the Cathedral Church of S. Nicholas. His funerals according to the custom of his ancestors were celebrated with great pomp, 
Scanderbag buried at Lissa.  and with the incomparable sorrow and mourning both of his Captains and soldiers, as also of all the Princes and Lords his confederates. It is a thing incredible to report the exceeding tears and lamentations made both by the Province of Albany and the countries near adjoining, and in diverse other places of Christendom. His body being there entombed, did rest in peace, till the coming of Mahomet into Epire to the siege of scutary which was about four years after. At which time the Turks having gotten the town of Lissa, did with a vehement and earnest desire search out the body of SCanderbeg: and having found it, they drew it forth of the supulture, 
The body of Scanderbag taken out of his sepulture and highly honoured and admired by the Turks.  and (it may be some divine dispensation working that motion in them) they took a singular pleasure and contentment to see it, to reverence it, and in a manner to adore it being now dead and dissolved, which being a live they so greatly redoubted and stood in fear of, that the only brute and sound of his name did make them to fly away confounded and astonished. They ran thither from all parts, flocking together in troops and companies with so greedy and vehement a desire and longing to see his bones, that happy was he which might come to touch them, or but to have a sight of them only: but much more glad and joyful was he that could get or carry away any piece of his body were it never so little: and those that had any part thereof, caused the same most religiously to be set and curiously enchased, some in silver, some in gold, bearing it about them upon some part of their bodies as a thing most holy, divine and fatal: and they did with singular reverence and devotion observe and keep it very carefully: being fully persuaded, that all such as did bear those relics about them, should enjoy the like fortune, felicity and privilege during their lives which Scanderbag (by the gift and grace of God) only and alone within the memory of man, had used and enjoyed all his life time.  
It may be, that the Turks were induced to be of this mind, and were drawn to 
Certain private acts and exploits done by Scanderbag most rare and memorable.  this persuasion, by reason of many strange and wonderful reports, that went of the rare strength and corporal force and vigour of this worthy parsonage, amongst many notable examples, making show thereof one was, upon a savage and wild Bull whose extreme fierceness, and huge greatness made him fearful to all the inhabitants dwelling in the lands and country of Mamisa sister to Scanderbag, where this furious beast did a thousand outrages and damages and committed many most 
Scanderbag killeth a wild Bull in Epyre.  pitiful and cruel murders: insomuch that Scanderbag coming where he haunted and setting upon him on horseback, with one only blow of his Cimitarie, he cut his neck clean from his shoulders. The like exploit was that which he did upon a 
Scanderbag killeth a wild Boar in Apulia  monstrous Boar in Apulia, which had made many of the Courtiers of King Ferdinand to bear his marks: nevertheless Scanderbag being one day on hunting with the King, in the open and plain field encountered with this beast, where assailing him in the same sort as he had done the former, he soon parted the head from the body. This also is reported of Scanderbag, that after the death of Ballaban, and the discamping of his army from the siege of Croy: jonima and Heder the brother and Nephew of Ballaban being brought before him straight tied and bound together, the 
jonimas and Heder slain by Scanderbag & cut in twain with one blow.  sight and presence of those two (putting him in remembrance of Ballaban, and the cruelty which by his means was executed upon the persons of Moses and his companions) did cause him to enter into so great a vehemency of wrath and choler against them: that not staying for any other to lay hand upon them, he divided them in two pieces, and with one only blow parted both their bodies a sunder in the midst. This Cimitary was made at Damascus in Syria, it was of a most perfect goodness and excellent temper: and many times he would bear two of them in one scabbard both of the which sometimes he should break in one only battle. This weapon was generally reputed so rare and excellent, that Mahomet on a time having heard thereof, 
Mahomet demandeth Scanderbag his sword in gift.  that it would cut helmets, head pieces, and powdrons clean a sunder: one day when they were in truce together he sent unto him, demanding this sword to be given him; which being granted, and proof being made thereof in the presence of the Sultan by many of the strongest & ablest men of his Court, and such as were thought to have the best arm: but perceiving none of these wonders and miracles that had been reported of it, he sent it back again unto Scanderbag in great scorn and disdain, 
Speech or message of Mahomet unto Scanderbag, returning his sword again unto him.  with this message, That he would not be beholding unto him for such a thing as he could get for his money, and which should be of much greater and better perfection: and that he did not give any credit to any of those reports that had been given out touching the excellency of that sword. But Scanderbag in the sight and presence of the messenger, having made strange and admirable proves with this same Cimitarie willed him to tell his Lord and Master what he had seen, and withal to 
Answer of Scanderbag to the message of Mahomet.  let him know, That it was not the virtue & goodness of the sword which wrought such rare and extraordinary effects: but that it was the strength and force of his arm, which he reserved against his enemies.  
But to make an end of this work, I could here add many reports of like quality, which are written of the force and wonderful disposition of the body of Scanderbag, exceeding perhaps the common course and law of nature, and which would hardly be credited or believed: but I will let them pass and not speak of them. Howbeit that we might with as good reason and aswell enlarge our consciences, and give credit unto them, as to those which are reported of elder times, and which antiquity hath commended unto us: the which nevertheless even at this day we do celebrate and greatly set by; as the labours of Hercules, the adventures of jason, of Perseus, of Castor, of Pollux, of Bellerophon, of Hector, of Achilles, with infinite other most famous and heroical personages, whose glory is not bounded nor confined within any straighter limits, than the large and spacious circuit and compass of the wide world: and yet notwithstanding we have no other proof of their exploits, nor any certainty of the acts ascribed to those ancient Princes, but only the bare prescription of the time and the tradition of our forefathers, which have admitted them for true beyond time out of memory. But the truth of these wonderful matters reported of Scanderbag doth carry greater show of likelihood and probability: for (to omit those two thundering tempests of war Hunyades and his son Mathias corvinus King of Hungary, who lived in the time of Scanderbag, and of whom are reported as great and strange matters) we may see in Scanderbag a pure work of the finger of God, and the evident assistance of his divine hand and power, for the succour and relief of his Church and chosen people: in that it pleased him to raise upper his worthy and Christian Prince, and to endow him with so many special prerogatives as another David against these two Goliaths, Amurath and Mahomet, the most cruel and bloody persecutors of the house and Church of God that ever lived. So did God in times past provide the Israelites of a josua against the Hethites and Cana●nites, and of a Gedeon against the Medianites and Amalechites: and of a Samson against the Philistines, and of a Martell, a Pypin, a Charlemagne against the Sarracens. So will God still do the like, and he will provide our France of another Pucell, he will never fail to raise up some one or other for the defence and delivery of his people from their enemies: if that we with true contrition and hearty repentance for our sins and enormities, with a loathing and detestation of our abominable Sects and Schisms, of our partialities and divisions, of our ambition and mortal hatreds and mutual enmities, will beat down that partition wall which hath separated and disjoined us from his grace: and if we will humble ourselves under his hand, and if in faith, zeal, and hope we will implore his gracious favour, to protect and assist us.  
FINIS.   

AN INDEX OR TABLE OF ALL THE PRINCIPAL AND most memorable matters contained in this History.  

A  
ARmath a Turk with Barach promiseth Mahomet to kill Scanderbeg. 292. he is slain by Scanderbag. 300  
Acts and exploits done by Scanderbag privately most rare and memorable. 496  
Adrian Emperor of Rome his Colossus or statue, and his Amphitheatre at Duras in Epire. 488  
Ahamat and the Turks fly upon the conceit of Scanderbag his presence. 495  
Ahemaz a Turk. 338. his combat with Zacharie Groppe. 339. he is slain by Groppe. 340  
Aidin brother of Gnee Musache. 58  
Airadin agent for Amurath with Scanderbag. 81  
Albanians their original. 44  
Albericke de Barbian General of the Pope his forces, overthroweth Lewes the first Duke of Anjou in battle. 393  
Alcanzi Turkish adventurers and vauntcurrors without pay. 138. 207  
Alchria, once named Pharsalia in Macedome. 36  
Alexander the 5. made Pope. 399  
Alexander Sforce aideth Ferdinand King of Naples against the Duke of Anjou. 405  
Alphonsus King of Naples, sendeth succours to Scanderbeg. 280. his bountiful presents to Scanderbeg. 249. his death. 381. his praises & commendations. 382. he is adopted by Queen jone of Naples, & received into that city. 400 he besiegeth the Queen in Naples, who disinheriteth him. 401. he returneth into Spain and looseth the kingdom of Naples. ibid. he is taken prisoner by the Duke of Milan. 402. he is delivered. 403. he besiegth and recovereth Naples. ibid. he dieth. ibidem.  
Alybeg and Aiasbeg sent with an army to defend the Turkish frontiers. 489  
Ambassade of Scanderbag to the Despot of Misia praying passage for his army against the Turks. 73. to Alphonsus' King of Naples. 378. 309. 344. to diverse Christian Princes. 377. to Ferdinand King of Naples. 382. to Mahomet for the redemption of Moses and other his Nobles. 455.  
Ambassade from Amurath to the Sfetigradians. 150. to Vranocontes to corrupt him to betray Croy. 231. to Scanderdeg to conclude a peace with him. 236  
Ambassade from Mahomet to Scanderbag with offers of peace. 259. 431. from the Venetians to Scanderbeg. 127. 435. 437. from the Princes of Epire to Scanderbag, offering him their aid against Amurath 154. from Alphonsus to Scanderbeg. 280. 281. 311. from diverse Princes to comfort Scanderbag for his misfortune at Belgrade. 311. from Vsuncassan king of Persia to Mahomet. 386. from the Pope and Ferdinand and the Duke of Milan to Scanderbag. 406  
Ambition of Debreas. 267. of the Turkish Chieftains. ibid. of the Greeks'. 324  
Ambuscado by Scanderbag against Haly Bassa. 56. against the Turks besieging Sfetigrade. 143. against the Turks within Sfetigrade. 196. against the Turks his victuallers at the siege of Croy. 226. against Isaac Bassa. 363. 365. against Carazabeg. 430. against Seremet. 449  
Ambuscado by Ballaban against the Epirots at Valcala. 453. against Scanderbag to entrap him. 462  
Amesa son of Reposius Nephew to Scanderbag revolteth with him from Amurath. 18. he is baptized 35. he is made joint governor of Baleze with Marin Span. 107. he attempteth the surprising of Drivasta. 108. he spoileth their territories. 112. he is reproved by Scanderbeg. 114. he rebelleth against Scanderbeg. 349. he goeth to Mahomet and carrieth his wife & children with him. 350. he is created a Saniacke, and sent to accompany Isaac Bassa with an army against Scanderbeg. 354. he is proclaimed King of Epire by Isaac Bassa and the Turkish army. 361. he is taken prisoner by the Epirots. 371. he is brought to Scanderbeg. 372. he is sent to Naples to be kept in prison. 377. he is brought back again into Epire, and is reconciled to his uncle. 382. he feigneth flight to Constantinople for the delivering of his wife and children: and is there prisoned by Mahomet. 384  
Amesa a Turk sent with an army by Mahomet against Scanderbeg. 264. he is surprised and overthrown. ibid. he is taken prisoner by Amesa the Nephew of Scanderbeg. 265. he is ransommed. 267. he commendeth Scanderbag to the Turks. 267  
Amurath the second King of Turks usurpeth the kingdom of Epire. 12. he practiseth the death of Scanderbeg. 15. he marcheth against Vladislaus king of Hungary. 73. he professeth a religious life. 87. he cometh in person to the siege of Sfetigrade. 147. he endeavoureth to corrupt the Sfetigradians. 179. he departeth out of Epire to Andrinople 189. he returneth into Epire to the siege of Croy. 209. he sickneth upon grief and melancholy. 240. he dieth. 245. his manifold exploits and famous acts. ibidem. he is buried at Bursa. 246. his age at the time of his death. ibidem. his death is deplored and lamented by his subjects. 251  
Amurath Bassa a Greek, descended of the Emperors of Constantinople slain in the battle of Euphrates by Vsuncassan King of Persia. 387.  
Andrew Angel General of the Drivastines against Amesa. 110  
Andrew Angel brother to Paul Angel. 449  
Andrew Thopie, father of Comine & Musache Thopie. 45  
Andrew Humoi. 102. prisoner to Scanderbag. 107  
Andrew second son of Carolobert king of Hungary married to jone the first Queen of Naples. 389. he is murdered. ibid.  
Andrinople the chief seat of the great Turk in the days of Amurath. 7  
Anell a mason betrayeth Naples to Alphonsus. 403  
Angelina daughter of john Castriot and Voisava: sister to Scanderbag 3. mother to Musache de Angeline. 271  
Antibara a town in Epire. 113  
Antony de Bouchardes. 318  
Antony de Dieds. 319  
Antony Caraffa, ambassador for Queen jone of Naples to the Pope. 400  
Ariamnites Theopie, tributary to Amurath revolteth to Scanderbeg. 45. his praise and virtues. ibid. and 257. his descent. 271  
Arms of Scanderbag his family. 42  
Army levied by the Christians against the Turks. 63  
Army levied by Scanderbag for the aid of Vladislaus king of Hungary against the Turks. 70  
Army levied by Pope Pius the second, and the Princes of Christendom against the Turks. 442. it is dissolved and broken. 449  
Argilat a place in Epire. 466  
Assambeg sent by Mahomet with an army against Scanderbag, is overthrown and hurt in battle: and is afterwards in great extremity. 427. he yieldeth himself to Scanderbag, and is freely delivered. 428  
Avarice of Christians. 73  
Avarice naturally in the Turks. 92  
Avarice of the Greeks' in Constantinople. 319  
Avarice and treachery of a Christian Cannonier. 321  
Avarice of the Greeks'. 322  
Aueniades certain towers in Constantinople. 319  
avignon in France purchased to the see of Rome by Pope Clement. 370  
Aide vide Succours.  
Answers of Scanderbag to Amurath dissembling with him upon the death of his father. 13 to the ambassadors of the Princes of Epyre. 154. to his Nobles dissuading him from the combat with Ferybassa. 174. to a Turk demanding truce at Belgrade. 202. to the Sfetigradians offering conditions of surrender. 202. to Isup his ambassade. 239. to the Ambassadors of Mahomet. 259. to his Chieftains persuading him to grant truce to the Belgradians. 287. to the ambassadors of Alphonsus. 311. to the ambassadors of other Princes. ibidem. to his soldiers being inquisitive of his proceed against the Turks. 357. to Meisseit Saniacke refusing to have truce with Mahomet. 376. to the message of Hamur. 380. 381. to the speech of Amesa. 383. to Count Pycenin. 414. to Assambeg. 428. to the last letters of Mahomet. 444. to the two messengers of the Turkish army. 485. to the message of Mahomet. 497  
Answer of the Daynians to Scanderbag. 106  
Answer of Paul Manassey to Caragusa. 121  
Answer of the Sfetigradians to the enticements of Amurath. 179  
Answers of Amesa to Marin Span. 109. 110. to Isaac Bassa questioning with him upon the retreat of Scanderbag. 360  
Answers of Amurath to the reasons and advise of his Councillors. 179. to the speeches of his son Mahomet. 186  
Answers of Peter Perlat to the Heralds of Amurath. 148. to the ambassador of Amurath. 150  
Answers of Vranocontes to Scanderbeg. 153. to the oration of Scanderbag in the name of all the Epirots. 262  
Answer of Alphonsus king of Naples to the letters of Scanderbag. 280  
Answer of the Turks within Sfetigrade summoned by Scanderbag. 195  
Answer of the citizens of Belgrade to their governor. 283. 286.  
Answer of Mahomet to his Captains persuading him to hold on his siege before Constantinople. 326  
Answer of Fusian to Scanderbag. 422  
Answer of the Epyrots to Gabriel Trevisan ambassador from the Venetians. 436  
Answer or Oration of the Turkish ambassador to Vranocontes. 232   

B  
Bajazeth the first King of Turks taken prisoner by Tamburlaine the Scythian. 2  
Bajazeth the second Emperor of Turks destroyeth the Darnisses in Turkey for their villainies. 5. his act upon the river of Danow in Hungary. 291  
Baldus of Perusa a famous Lawyer. 388  
Balesia a town in Epyre. 47. re-edified and fortified by Scanderbeg. 107. razed by the Scutarians. 118  
Ballaban Badera sent against Scanderbag: his birth and description, he is made Aga or Colonel. 452. he is reproached by Scanderbeg. 453. he is overthrown by Scanderbeg. 454. he is rewarded by Mahomet for the taking of Moses and other Nobles of Epyre. 455. his second journey against Scanderbeg. 456. his third journey against Scanderbeg. 457. he is in disgrace with Mahomet. 459. his fourth journey against Scanderbeg. 461. he besiegeth Croy. 474. He is slain. 482  
Balthasar Perduce Governor of Croy. 473  
Baltogle Admiral to Mahomet at the siege of Constantinople in disgrace for the loss of the battle at sea. 321  
Bank of Saint▪ George at Genes. 404  
Baptista Fellizan a Genua. 320  
Barie or Barletta a city in Apulia, besieged by Count Pycenin and john Duke of Anjou. 406  
Barach a Turk●● and Acmah his companion promise Mahomet to kill Scanderbeg. 291. ●e is slain by Scanderbag. 299  
Battatinea a Tower in Constantinople. 316  
Battles at sea between the Turks and Christians at Constantinople. 320. between Philippe Duke of Milan and Alphonsus king of Arragon. 402  
Battle of Morava between Huniades and the Turks. 17  
Battle of Belgrade in Hungary between Huniades and Mahomet. 354  
Battle of Varna between Vladislaus King of Hungary, and Amurath king of Turks. 73  
Battle of Euphrates between the Persians and the Turks. 387  
Battle of Arsengua between Vsuncassan king of Persia and Mahomet Emperor of Turks. 387  
Battle of Roque Siech between Lewes the second Duke of Anjou, and Ladislaus of Duras king of Naples. 396  
Battle of Farney between john Duke of Anjou and Ferdinand king of Naples. 405  
Battle of S. Fabian between the army of Ferdinand and the Duke of Anjou. 405  
Battles fought by Scanderbag.  
Battle against Haly bassa. 58  
Battle of Mocrea against Ferisee. 88  
Battle against Mustapha. 92  
Battle of Drinon against the Venetians. 102  
Battle of S. Segian against Count Pycenin. 418  
Battle of Oronichea against Mustapha. 123  
Battle against Feribassa. 171  
Battle of Modrissa against Amesa a Turk. 264  
Battle of Pologue against Debreas. 270  
Battle of Belgrade in Bulgarie against Sebalias. 298  
Battle of Oronichea against Moses. 341. 342  
Battle of Pharsalia against Isaac Bassa and Amesa his Nephew. 369  
Battle against Synam. 427  
Battle of Alchria against Assambeg. 427  
Battle of Scopia against jussumbeg. 428  
Battle of Alchria against Seremet. 449  
Battle of Valcala against Ballaban. 454  
Battle of Sfetigrade against Ballaban. 458  
Battle of Oronichea against Ballaban. 456  
Battle of Valcala the second against Ballaban. 464  
Battle of Cassar against jagup. 468  
Beglerbey a chief officer under the great Turk, one of Europe, another of Asia. 140  
Belgrade in Hungary once called Alba Greca, or Taururum. 353. besieged by Mahomet. 354  
Belgrade in Bulgarie besieged by Scanderbeg. 283. battered. 285. relieved, repaired and victualled by Sebalias. 303  
Belgradians give hostages to the Turks in garrison at Belgrade for assurance of their faith. 284. they demand truce of Scanderbeg. 285. they repair the breach of their walls contrary to promise. 293. they sack the camp of Scanderbag. 297  
Bellisarius taketh Naples. 403  
Bishops of Varadia and Strigonium by their folly hinder the victory of the Christians in the battle of Varna. 73. they are drowned. 75  
Body of S. Lewes of France carried away from Marseilles by Alphonsus. 401  
Body of Scanderbag adored and reverenced by the Turks after his death. 496  
Boniface the ninth made Pope. 395  
Boniface or Port Syracusan a castle in Corsica besieged by Alphonsus' king of Arragon. 399  
Bosa the mother of Lech or Luke Zacharie putteth herself and her estate in the protection of the Venetians. 94  
Braccio Fort Bracci● of Perusa warreth upon Pope Martin the fifth, overthroweth Sforce in battle, and is retained in pay with Queen jone of Naples. 399  
Brethren of Scanderdeg poisoned by Amurath. 13.  
Bursa or Prusa in Bithynia the place of Amurath his sepulchre. 246  
Busegiarpeni a country in Epire near scutary. 128.   

C  
Calegarie a place in Constantinople. 316  
Calepin brother to Mahomet or one in his steed strangled. 253  
Calybassa a Turk Councillor to Mahomet, & friend to the Christians. 316. he counseleth Mahomet to leave the siege of Constantinople. 325. he advertiseth the Emperor of Constantinople of the council of the Turks. 326. he is betrayed by Chirlucke, and put to death by Mahomet. 332  
Calixtus the fourth, see Pope.  
Campobasso a Neapolitan county, joineth with john Duke of Anjou against Ferdinand. 405  
Camp of the Turks before Croy victualled out of Macedon. 226. and by the Venetians. 227  
Campupescupi a place in Epire where Scanderbag had rich saltpits. ●1  
Canuazado by Scanderbag to the Turkish camp. 165. 221. 228. 241.  
Carambey and Scanderbag sent with an army of Turks against the Hungarians. 17  
Caragusa a Turk slain by Paul Manassey in combat. 122  
Carazebeg sueth to be sent against Scanderbeg. 429. he is sent against him. 430. he challengeth Scanderbag to a set battle, who setteth upon him in his camp, and he retireth to Constantinople. 431  
Carolobert King of Hungary son of Charles Martell. 388  
Cassar a village in Epire. 467  
Cathagusina daughter of the Despot of Misia married to Amurath. 71  
Cause of the war between Scanderbag and the Venetians. 95  
Cause and ground of the treason causing the loss of Sfetigrade. 180  
Causes of the conquests of the Turks upon the Christians. 248  
Cause of the Schism in the church of Rome between Pope Vrban and Pope Clement. 391  
Causes of the treachery of the Despot of Servia. 71.  
Ceremony of the Turks in their circumcision. 5  
Charles Thopie first founder of Croy. 31  
Charles the second king of Naples, Nephew to the French king S. Lewes, his marriage and issue. 388  
Charles Martell king of Hungary. 388  
Charles the first Duke of Duras overcome in battle by Lewes' king of Hungary, is beheaded. 389  
Charles the second Duke of Duras, carried away into Hungary by king Lewes. 389. in●ested with the crown of Naples by Pope Vrban. 392. he conquereth Naples, and is crowned king of Naples. 393. he is chosen and crowned king of Hungary. 394. he is slain at Buda. ibidem. his issue. ibidem.  
Chaonia a country in Epire. 475  
Chidna a place in Epire surprised by Mahomet, the manner of it. 475  
Chieri a place in Macedon. 431  
Chios an Island in the mediterran sea. 319  
Chirluc a Greek of Canstantinople. 319. his infidelity & notable treachery. 332. his death and execution. 333  
Chiurill a town in Epire begun to be builded by Scanderbag, and razed by Mahomet. 488  
Chrisoceras a Promontory by Constantinople. 315  
Christian Princes their carelessness of the loss and danger of Constantinople. 314  
Christians their voyage against the Turks broken. 449  
Christians their delays and security. 291  
Christians, subjects of the great Turk their miserable estate. 217  
Christians slain at Belgrade, buried. 307  
Cimmerians a people of Epire. 45  
Clement the seventh made Antipope. 391  
Clemency and rare humanity of Scanderbeg. 348. and towards Assambeg. 428  
Colchina a city of the Venetians in Dalmatia upon the sea or gulf of Venice. 263  
Colla Humour. 102  
Combat between Scanderbag and a Scythian. 8. between him and two Persians. 9 between Paul Manassey and Caragusa. 120. between Scanderbag and Feribassa. 174. of Acmath and Barach with Scanderbeg. 299. between Zacharie Groppe and Ahemaz. 339  
Comparison of Scanderbag and Huniades. 75  
Complaints of the Turks of Macedon to Amurath against Scanderbeg. 77. of the Despot of Servia against Scanderbeg. 78. of A●esa to his soldiers. 119. by Amurath at his death. 243  
Conditions of peace offered by the Venetians to Scanderbeg. 127. by Mahomet to Scanderbeg. 432. by Amurath to Scanderbag. 81  
Conditions of composition offered by Amurath to the Sfetigradians. 148. by the Turks within Sfetigrade to Scanderbeg. 202. by Amurath to Vranocontes and the Croians. 210  
Confederacy between Scanderbag and the Princes of Epire against the Turks. 51  
Confederacy and levy of the Christians against the Turks. 63  
Confederates of Ferdinand send to Scanderbag for succours in his behalf. 406  
Confederates of Scanderbag promise him aid for the relief of Croy. 477  
Conference between the Governor of Belgrade and the citizens upon the suspicion conceived of their faith. 283. between Hamur and Scanderbag. 380  
Conflict between Amesa and the Drivastines. 112. between the Turks and the Epyrots. 146. between Scanderbag and the French in Apulia. 413. between the forces of Carazabeg and Scanderbag. 431  
Conquests gotten of late days by the Turks upon Christendom. 248  
Conquests of Mahomet during his truce with Scanderbag. 425  
Constancy of the Dainians. 127  
Constantin Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople. 314. he craveth aid of Christian Princes against the Turks. ibidem. his oversight. 329. he is smothered & trodden to death by his subjects flying from the Turks. 330. he is the last Emperor of Constantinople. 333  
Constantine the Great the son of Helen, first Emperor of Constantinople. 332. ill advised to translate the Empire from Rome thither. 336  
Constantine a name fatal to Constantinople. 333  
Constantinopolitans their wretched covetousness. 319. 322. 325. their miserable estate. 323. their devotion. ibid.  
Constantinople besieged by the Turks. 323. the description of it. 314. it is battered. 316. 322. ill furnished with provisions. 317. the manner of the defence thereof by the Christians. 318. it is assaulted. 322▪ 327. it is lost by the covetousness of the Greeks'. 225. it is taken by the Turks. 330. the sack thereof with all horrible cruelty. 331  
Conspiracy by Mahomet against Scanderbeg. 291. 473.  
Conspiracy against Scanderbag strangely detected▪ 474  
Consultation by Amurath for the war against Scanderbeg. 39 130. 138. for his proceed against Sfetigrade. 178. for his proceed against Croy. 235  
Consultations of Mahomet for his proceed in the siege of Constantinople. 225. for the war of Epire. 375. 472  
Consultation of the Governor of Belgrade with the citizens. 286  
Consultation of Isaac Bassa for his proceed against Scanderbeg. 360. 367  
Consultations of Scanderbag for aid to be given to Vladislaus against the Turks. 66. for his proceed against Sfetigrade. 196. for the resisting of Isaac Bassa his invasion▪ 355. for his proceed against Ballaban. 463. for the answering of the message and demand of the Turks. 483  
Contaren a Venetian gentleman. 319. twice ransommed by the Turks. 333  
Continency of Scanderbag. 349  
Contumely offered by Scanderbag to Ballaban. 453  
Corfu or Corcira an Isle upon the coast of Epire. 45. 478  
Corsica an Island in the mediterrane sea, assailed by Alphonsus' king of Arragon. 399  
Courage of Scanderbag invincible even at point of death. 495  
Courtesy and magnanimity of Scanderbag to the Venetian captives. 107  
Council of Mantua, called by Pope Pius the second, for the taking of arms against the Turks. 404  
Cowardice of Antony de Dieds. 319. of john justinian. 329. of the Greeks' at Constantinople. 323.  
Covetousness see Avarice.  
Craina or Cruina a mountain over Croy. 243  
Croy the chief city of Epire resigned to Scanderbag by the Governor. 20. the foundation thereof. 31. the strong situation thereof. 136. 481. repaired and fortified. 206. besieged by Amurath. 208. battered. 211. 222. assaulted. 216. 220. 224. 234. mined by the Turks. 227. repaired and new fortified. 255. it was besieged by Mahomet. 475. 488. by Ballaban. 474  
Croians their notable courage. 210. their resolution. 212. their demeanour before and after the victories of Scanderbag against Ballaban and lagup. 469  
Cruelty of Mahomet most extreme. 253. 232. 455. 476.  
Cruelty of the Turks most Barbarous upon the dead bodies of the Christians. 301   

D  
Daina a city in Epire. 46. besieged by Scanderbag. 95  
Dainians their constancy. 127  
Dalmatia or Sclavony upon the sea, a country bordering upon Epire under the Venetians. 207.  
Damalique a Promontory near Constantinople. 315  
Daniel jurich Vaivoda or Governor of scutary for the Venetians, and General of their army against Scanderbag. 98  
Darnisses a kind of Priests amongst the Turks. 5.  
Daughter of the Despot of Servia married to Amurath. 71  
Daughter of Sponderbeg Prince of Penderacia married to Amurath. 253  
Daughter of Ariamnit married to Scanderbag. 257  
Daughter of john Commenes Emperor of Trebyzond married to Vsuncassan king of Persia. 386  
David Emperor of Trebizond and his two sons put to death by Mahomet. 426  
David Chancellor of Ragusa. 408  
Debreas sent with an army by Mahomet against Scanderbeg. 267. his ambition. ibidem. he is slain by Scanderbeg. 273 his horse and armour given to Moses. ibid.  
Demetrius Berissey. 304  
Demetrius frank treasurer to Scanderbag. 480  
Devotion without piety or religion. 401  
Despina daughter of the Emperor of Trebizond and the wife of Vsuncassan king of Persia. 386  
Description of Scanderbag his person. 72. of Dibria. 180. of the soil and territory about Croy. 208. of the Despot of Misia. 71. of Drivasta. 113. of Mahomet his person. 255. of the country about Petralba. 263. of the country about Pologue. 269. of Constantinople. 314. of the gulf of Hellespont. 315. of Amesa his person and qualities. 351. of Ragusa. 407. of Vrsara in Apulia. 416. of Ballaban his person. 452. of the city of Duraz. 487. of Croy. 481  
Despot of Misia or Servia restored to his estate, and expelled again by Amurath. 16. he is aided by Vladislaus king of Hungary. 17. he hindereth Scanderbag marching to the aid of Vladislaus and partaketh with the Turks against the Christians. 71. his irreligion. ibid. his country is spoiled by Scanderbag. 76  
Dibria a town and country in Epire receiveth Scanderbag and revolteth with him. 19  
Dibrians their discipline and readiness in wars 57 their notable superstition. 181. they yield Sfetigrade to Amurath. 185. they are pardoned by Scanderbag. 187  
Discord between the Genoese and Venetians at the siege of Constantinople. 321  
Discourse of the Author upon celestial signs & prognostications of future accidents. 364  
Disgrace offered to Pope Vrban to M. Nicholas of Naples. 391  
Discipline of the Dibrians. 57 by Scanderbag observed in his camp. 349. the original of it. 356  
Dissimulation of Amurath with Scanderbeg. 13. of Moses to Scanderbeg. 279. of Mahomet with the Christians at Constantinople. 322. of Picenin to deceive Scanderbag. 413  
Dominicke of Novara. 320  
Don Garzia a Spaniard ambassador for Alphonsus' king of Arragon to the Pope. 400  
Doniqua the wife of Scanderbag. 257  
Drynon a river in Epire. 46. the source and head thereof near Alchria. 449  
Drivasta a city in Epyre. 47. the description of it. 113  
Duras or Durachium or Epydamnum a city of Epire subject to the Venetians. 45. besiegned by Mahomet. 487. her original and foundation, and the description of it. ibid.  
Dyrrachians the inhabitants of Duras, they aid Scanderbag with victuals. 222  
Dukes of Sesse, of Sora, of Venuse in the kingdom of Naples rebel against Ferdinand 404. 405  
Duke of Milan and the Genoese take Alphonsus prisoner. 402  
Duke of Milan and the Pope aid Ferdinand against the Duke of Anjou. 405  
Duke of Urbin Frederick aideth Ferdinand against the Duke of Anjou. ibid.  
Duchy of Spoleta restored to the Church of Rome by Ferdinand. 404  
Dukes of Dande & of Malsie, partake with Ferdinand against john Duke of Anjou. 405  
Duke of Emathia, see Vranocontes.   

E  
Emanuel Gregare. 324  
Emperors of the Turks their manner of succeeding to the crown. 252  
Emperor of Greece, see Constantine.  
Emperor of Trebizond conquered and put to death by Mahomet. 426  
Empire of Trebizond conquered by Mahomet. ibidem.  
Encouragement of Moses to his soldiers in the battle of Drynon, against the Venetians. 104  
Encoragement of Scanderbag to Paul Manassey ammating him to the combat with Caraguza. 121  
Encouragement of Scanderbag to the croians against the invasion threatened by Amurath. 136  
Encouragement of Ferybassa to his soldiers in the battle against Scanderbag. 172  
Encouragement of Scanderbag to his soldiers for a new assault to Sfetigrade. 203  
Encoragement of Vranocontes to the croians their walls being battered by the Turks. 212  
Encouragement of Amurath & Mahomet to the Turks, being to assault Croy. 213  
Encouragement of Scanderbag to his soldiers not to fear the tempest. 269  
Encouragement of Scanderbag to his soldiers to give the charge upon Debreas. 273  
encouragement of Scanderbag to his soldiers against Sebalias. 298  
Encouragement of Amesa to the Turks against Scanderbeg. 369. 370  
Encouragement of Moses to his soldiers at the battle of Pharsalia. ibidem  
Encouragement of Picenyn to his soldiers. 416  
Encouragement of Scanderbag in the battle against Ballaban. 465  
Enmity between Pope Vrban and master Nicholas of Naples. 391. between Charles king of Naples & Pope Vrban. 394. between Sforce and the grand Seneschal. 399  
Envy of the Turks against Scanderbeg. 14. 267  
Eugenius Pope aideth Rene Duke of Bar against Alphonsus. 402  
Exclamation of the author upon the miserable estate of the Christians under the Turks. 218. 223. against the invention of ordinance. 255. upon the indignity offered to Scanderbag in his voyage into Italy. 477  
Exhortation of the author to all Christians. 333   

F  
Falcon a town in Epire under the dominion of Stephen Cernovitche. 77  
Farrafin a tower in Constantinople. 319  
Ferdinand, bastard son to Alphonsus' king of Naples succeeded in that kingdom. 387. and is crowned. 404. he flieth to Bary or Barlette, and is besieged by Count Picenyn. 406. he is rescued by Scanderbeg. 410. he overcometh Picenyn & the Duke of Anjou in battle. 419. he recovereth his kingdom. 421. he giveth certain towns in Apulia to Scanderbag. 423  
Feri-Bassa sent against Scanderbag by Amurath. 86. he is sent to renew the assault of Sfetigrade. 157. he is appointed with an army to restrain Scanderbag from hindering the assault of Sfetigrade. 168. his praises and commendations. ibid. he challengeth Scanderbag to the combat. 172. and is by him s 〈…〉. 174  
Flambur a Turkish regiment. 139  
Flectanella. 320  
Forest of jonimes. 481  
Fortress builded at Modrissa by Scanderbeg. 259. finished and furnished. 260  
Francis Sforce, son of Sforce Cotignolle aideth jone second Queen of Naples, in the recovery of her kingdom. 401. his liberality to the grand Seneschal. ibid. he is Duke of Milan and deceiveth Count Picenyn. 42  
Frontier war between the Turks in Sfetigrade and the garrison of the Albanois. 193  
Friar john Capistran. 71  
Fusian a Sicilian governor of Trana in Apulia for Ferdinand, usurpeth it to himself. 421. he is taken prisoner by Scanderbag & yieldeth up Trana. 422. he is released and departeth into Sicilia. 423   

G  
Gabriel Trevisan, governor of the Venetian foists. 319. he is sent Ambassador from the Venetians to persuade Scanderbag to open war with Mahomet. 435  
Gampsa Sultan of the Tartarians. 386  
gentle Bellin a painter of Venice. 255  
George Alexie an Epirot killeth Ballaban. 482  
George Castriot the youngest son of john Castriot. 3. delivered in hostage to the great Turk. 4. by the Turks circumcised or named Scanderbag. 5  
George Cernovitche, nephew to Scanderbag. 47  
George Chuque taken prisoner by the Turks & put to death by Mahomet. 455  
George Despot of Misia. See Despot.  
George and Goic Streezes, Nephews to Scanderbag by his sister jella, do come to his aid. 25  
George Thopie, brother to Tanusee, his misfortune. 298  
Gilbert Ortafane, a Knight of Naples, sent by Alphonsus to the aid of Scanderbag. 280  
Goic Streeze sent by Scanderbag into Apulia. 407  
Goleme Ariamnite, the ancestor of Moses. 271  
Governor of Stellusa, named Desdrot, by the Turks of his own garrison delivered prisoner to Scanderbeg. 30. is executed. 33  
Greeks their negligence in furnishing, fortifying and defending of Constantinople. 324  
Grudge and hatred between justinian and Chirluc, and between the Greeks' and the Latins. 324  
Gulf of Ambracia in Epyre. 45  
Gulf of Cape de Lach in Epyre. 424  
Gulf of Hellespont described. 315  
Gulf of Rizic or Catarra. 47. 407  
Guirize d'Vladienne. 408  
Gyne Musache husband to Vraica, the sister of Scanderbag cometh to his aid. 25  
Gyne Musache, Gyne Manasse, and Guirize d'Vladienne taken prisoners by the Turks, & put to death by Mahomet. 455   

H  
Haly-Bassa with an army of 40000. Turk's sent against Scanderbeg. 52. he is appointed governor of Mahomet the son of Amurath. 87  
Hamur sent with an army to defend the Turkish frontiers. 377. conferring with Scanderbag, he persuadeth him to peace. 380  
Hebdomi a Promontory near Constantinople. 315  
Heder the son of jonime and nephew to Ballaban together with his father taken prisoners by Scanderbag and slain. 481  
Helena Queen of Misia and Esclavonie. 113  
Helena mother to Constantin the great. 333  
Helena mother to Constantin Paleologus. 333  
Hemas a mountain by Varna near to Thrace. 72  
Hexamile a brickwall made by the Greeks' at the entry into Morea, thrown down by Amurath. 246. re-edified by the Venetians and overthrown by Mahomet. 426  
Hippodrome a tower in Constantinople. 315  
History how it should be written. 254  
Horatius Cocles his strange prowess. 215  
Hozes a kind of Priests among the Turks. 5  
Huniades, see john.   

I  
jagub Arnauth sent with an army against Scanderbeg. 460. he is slain by Scanderbag. 468  
james Coque a Venetian, with others drowned. 321  
james of Narbone, Count of March marrieth jone the second Queen of Naples. 397. his folly and oversight. 398. he is taken prisoner and again restored to liberty. 399. he forsaketh Naples, returneth into France, and becometh an hermit. ibidem  
janissaries footmen of the guard of the great Turk's person. 140. their custom to sack the houses both of Christians & jews at the death of their Prince. 251  
jella daughter to john Castriot and Voisave, sister to Scanderbag. 3  
jerom Mind. 319. beheaded. 333  
Impatiency of Amurath, enraged for his ill success at the siege of Croy. 235  
Impiety of the Despot of Servia. 71. of Mahomet. 253. of the Greeks'. 322  
Incontinency of soldiers. 249  
Industry and carefulness of Scanderbeg. 205. of Mahomet at the siege of Croy. 212. of john justinian at the siege of Constantinople. 329  
Infidelity of Amurath against the Greeks' and others. 55  
Infidelity and avarice of some Christians who holp to transport the arm of Amurath over Hellespont against the Christians. 73  
Infidelity and perjury of Mahomet. 322. 333  
Infidelity and treachery of Chirluc. 332  
Invasion. Vide roads.  
john Boccace. 393  
john Carracciola paramour to jone Queen of Naples is made grand Seneschal. 399. he is taken prisoner by Alphonsus. 400. and ransomed by Francis Sforce. 401. he is slain by the practice of Queen jone. 402  
john Castriot father to Scanderbag, his issue. 3. being invaded by Amurath the great Turk, making peace with him, he delivereth all his sons in hostage. 4. he dieth. 12  
john Castriot son to Scanderbag. 496  
john Cernovitche, nephew to Scanderbag. 47  
john Comenes Emperor of Trebyzond in league with Vsuncassan king of Persia against Mahomet. 386  
john Coss a Neapolitaine Admiral, to john Duke of Anjou. 401  
john Duke of Anjou, son to Rene Duke of Bar, aided by the Genoese against Ferdinand, king of Naples. 404. he is overcome in the field by Ferdinand and Scanderbeg. 420. he returneth into France. 421  
john Duke of Calabria. 388  
john Huniades Lieutenant General of the Hungarians at the battle of Morava. 17. he is Despot of Transiluania, and father to Mathias corvinus king of Hungary. 53. Lieutenant General at the battle of Varna. 73. after the loss of the field he flieth and is imprisoned by the Despot of Servia. 75  
john justinian a Genua, Lieutenant General for the Emperor within Constantinople. 318. he is highly commended by Mahomet. 324. his industry and virtue. 329. being wounded, he fainteth and forsaketh his charge. ibidem. his death. 331  
john le Grand, a German. 319. 321  
john Maria of Vincentia, slave to Mustapha. 254  
john of Sclavonie his honourable death & end. 330  
john Perlat taken prisoner by the Turks & by Mahomet put to death. 455  
jone or jane the first, Queen of Naphes married Andrew the younger son to the king of Hungary 389. she procureth his death and taketh a second husband. ibidem. her third and fourth marriage. 390. she is enemy to Pope Vrban, who depriveth her of her kingdom. 392. she flieth with Pope Clement to avignon. ibid. she adopteth Lewes. the first Duke of Anjou for her heir and so returneth to Naples. 392. she is put to death by Charles Duke of Duraz. 393  
jone the second Queen of Naples, sister to Ladislaus and daughter to Charles the second of Duraz. 396. her familiarity with Pandolphel Alop. 397. she marrieth james Count of March. ibid. she entertaineth john Caraecciolle for her minion, and is by the Pope deprived of her kingdom. 399. she disinheriteth Alphonsus, adopteth Lewes the third of Anjou, and is restored to her kingdom. ibidem. she causeth the grand Seneschal, her minion to be slain. 402. making her will and ordaining Rene Duke of Bar to be her heir, she dieth. ibidem.  
josaphat Barbare Ambassador for the Venetians to Scanderbag, and one of his counsel. 473  
Isaac Bassa of Romania sent with an army against Scanderbag. 354  
Isidore Rutheniam Cardinal, the Pope's Legate at Constantinople, prisoner to the Turks, ransomed. 333  
Island of Lissa, in the adriatic sea, upon the coast of Epyre. 47  
Isthmus, or straight of Corinth, what it is. 426  
Isup sent Ambassador to Scanderbag. 235  
julian Cardinal of S. Angel causeth the king of Hungary to break his faith and league with the Turks. 63. his miserable end. 75  
julius Caesar of Capua taketh Sforce Cotignolle prisoner. 397. he intendeth the death of the Count of March, is bewrayeth by Queen jone, and executed. 398  
jussumbeg sent against Scanderbag. 428   

L  
Ladislaus son to Charles of Duraz, king of Naples is crowned king of Naples by Pope Boniface. 399. he is made king of Hungary. ibid. he taketh Rome by force. ibid. he warreth upon the Florentines and is poisoned. 396  
Lech or Luke Dusman. 47. he aideth the Venetians against Scanderbag. 96  
Lech or Luke Zacharie, Lord of Dayna in Epire. 46. he is murdered by Lech Ducagin. 93  
Legion what it is. 359  
Leon the sage his table of the Emperors of Constantinople. 336  
Leonard Longaske. 319  
Leonidas his valour. 215  
Letters from Francis Albert Cardinal to Vladislaus king of Hungary. 63  
Letters of Vladislaus to Scanderbag. ibidem. of Scanderbag in answer to Vladislaus. 69. of Amurath to Scanderbeg. 79. of Scanderbag to Amurath. 84. of Amurath to Mustapha. 116. of Mahomet to the Governor of Sfetigrade to practise the revolt of Moses from Scanderbeg. 276. of Scanderbag to Alphonsus' king of Naples. 279. of Mahomet to Scanderbeg. 431. 434. 442. of Scanderbag to Mahomet. 433. of Pope Pius the second to Scanderbag. 445  
Lewes Duke of Duraz the 3. son of Charles the second king of Hungary. 339  
Lewes king of Hungary son of Carolobert. 388. he warreth upon jone Queen of Naples. 389. He sendeth Charles of Duraz with an army against her. 393. he causeth her to be put to death. ibidem. he dieth. 394  
Lewes Prince of Tarent, son of Philip husband or paramour to jone, the first Queen of Naples. 389  
Lewes the first Duke of Anjou, second son to john king of France, adopted by Queen jone. 392. he invadeth the kingdom of Naples and is overthrown in battle. 393. he is sore hurt and dieth. ibidem  
Lewes the second Duke of Anjou, crowned king of Naples by Pope Clement, and entereth Naples. 395. He is confirmed in the kingdom by Pope Alexander the fift. ibidem. he is overcome in battle by Ladislaus, and returneth into France. 396  
Lewes the third Duke of Anjou, adopted by Queen jone, whom he restoreth to her kingdom of Naples. 401. he dieth. 402  
Liberality of Christian Princes, sending great gifts and presents to Scanderbag, upon the death of Amurath. 248  
Liberality of Amesa the nephew of Scanderbag. 266  
Liberality of Francis Sforce. 401  
Lassa or Alexia, a city of Epire, subject to the Venetians. 44. 359  
Lyvad a plain in Macedon. 431  
Magnanimity of the Epirotes in the days of Scanderbag. 239  
Mahomet brought up under the government of Haly-Bassa. 87. he is at the siege of Sfetigrade with Amurath. 186. and at the siege of Croy. 209. his mortal hatred to the Christians. 213. he voweth the destruction of Scanderbag, 215. he is named Emperor of the Turks. 251. his cruelty, impiety, Atheism, tyranny and notable vices. 224. his description. 255. his voyage to Constantinople. 313. he violateth the peace sworn to the Emperor of Constantinople. ibibem. his perjury to the Peratines'. 333. he is overthrown by Humades in a battle before Belgrade in Hungary and wounded, with a great slaughter of the Turks. 353. he seeketh truce with Scanderbeg. 375. in two battles he is overcome by Vsuncassan, but in the third overthroweth him. 387. his conquests in the East during his truce with Scanderbeg. 425. 426. he sendeth Ballaban to begin the siege of Croy, and after followeth in person. 475. he maketh a second journey into Epire. 486. he returneth to Constantinople and craveth Scanderbag his sword in gift. 497  
Maloncre or Demire king of Persia, son to Gampsa Sultan of the Persians slain in battle by Vsuncassan. 386  
Mamiza daughter to john Castriot and Voisave. 3. by her brother Scanderbag given in marriage to Musache Thopie. 25. she celebrateth the obsequtes of her husband. 305. her perfections and praises. 309  
Mara daughter to john Castriot and Voisave. 3. sister to Scanderbag & married to Stephen Cernovitche. 25  
Margaret the wife of Charles king of Naples, sister to Queen jone flieth with her children to Gaietta. 394  
Margaret the sister of Sforce Cotignolle, her hardiness and generosity. 397  
Marin Span & Amesa governors of Baleza. 107  
Marquis of Crotona overthrown & taken prisoner by Ferdinand. 404  
Marquis d'Est. 405  
Marry daughter to Stephen king of Hungary married to Charles the second, king of Naples, her issue. 388  
Marry sister to jone Queen of Naples, wife to Robert Earl of Arthois, her familiarity with john Boccace. 393. she is put to death by Charles of Duraz. ibidem  
Maurice Cataneo a Genua. 318  
Messeit a Saniack taken prisoner. 371. he is ransomed. 377  
Messenger of Amurath rejected by the croians. 211.  
Messenger of Perlat to Moses. 276. from Hamur to Scanderbeg. 379. from the Turkish army to Scanderbag. 482  
Metopick a Promontory near Constantinople. 315  
Miliander a place in Constantinople. 318  
Misia, Vide Servia.  
Modon or Methone in Greece spoiled by Mahomet. 426  
Monticlea. 221  
Morea, Vide Peloponesus.  
Mocrea won by Scanderbag. 42  
Morsena his prophecy of Constantinople. 338  
Moses Bassa, the murderer of Tursines, murdered by the mother of the infant. 253  
Moses Goleme of Dibria aideth Scanderbag, in his revolt. 24. he is left to continue the siege of Sfetigrade. 33. he goeth disguised as aspie into the Turks Campe. 164. he is wounded. 198. his immoderate fury in the heat of fight. 271. his original and descent. ibidem. his hardy act in the battle of Pologue. 271. 272. his valour & virtue rewarded by Scanderbeg. 273. he revolteth from Scanderbeg. 278. 302. his goods & livings are confiscate. 305. he cometh to Andrinople and is honourably entertained. 310. he is sent with an army against Scanderbeg. 312. 337. he challengeth Scanderbag to the combat, yet refuseth him. 344. being overthrown he is in disgrace with Mahomet, and in danger of his life. 345. 346. he returneth into Epire, submiteth himself to Scanderbag, is pardoned & restored to his goods, livings, and dignities. 347. 348. he is taken prisoner by the Turks and put to death by Mahomet. 455  
Mount Gargan in Apulia or mount Saint Angel. 410  
Mountain of Mocrea. 264  
Mountain of Modrissa. 258. 264  
Musache de Angeline nephew of Scanderbag son of Vladienne Goleme and nephew to Scanderbag, by his sister Angeline. 271. he is wounded. 299. he is taken prisoner by the Turks and put to death by Mahomet. 455  
Musache de Thopy, the son of Mamiza Scanderbegs sister. 25. he is surprised by the Turks before Belgrade where he maketh a most glorious end. 295. 296. his virtues and praises. 309  
Mustapha sent against Scanderbag by Amurath. 89. he is sent the second time. 94. he is taken prisoner by the Albanois. 125. he is ransomed. 127  
Ours discovered by a devise. 230  
Ours of the Turks against Constantinople disappointed by countermines. 321   

N  
Naples kingdom an example of fortune's inconstancy. 387. conquered by Lewes king of Hungary, restored to Queen jone. 389. besieged by Philip Duke of Milan and others, and wone for Queen jone. 401. recovered by Rene Duke of Bar besieged & wone by Alphonsus. 403. taken by Bellisarius from the Goths. ibidem  
Neapolitans their humours and disposition. 387. their rebellion against Ferdinand, and confederacy with john Duke of Anjou. 404. 405. they are reconciled to Ferdinand, and pardoned by means of Scanderbag. 421  
Anatolia or Asia Minor, named Turkey. 6  
Negligence and security of the Turkish army. 163. 366. 367  
Neophyte a monk at Constantinople. 324  
Nicholas. Berize. 304. taken prisoner by the Turks or put to death by Mahomet. 455  
Nicholas Ducagin, the son of Paul. 46. his valour and prowess. 89  
Nicholas de Gullelle. 319  
Nicholas Moneta, governor of scutary. 481  
Nicholas of Naples at enmity with Pope Vrban the sixth, and the cause thereof. 391  
Number of Turks slain in the battle against Haly Bassa. 60. in the battle against Ferybassa. 175. at the siege of Sfetigrade under Amurath. 189. at the siege of Belgrade in Macedon. 304. at Belgrade in Hungary. 353. in the battle of Pharsalia. 301  
Number of Christians slain at the siege of Sfetigrade under Scanderbeg. 204. at the battle of Belgrade. 301  
Number of Christians prisoners at the taking of Constantinople. 332  
Number of soldiers in garrison at Constantinople. 314  
Number of Scanderbegs army against Amurath at the siege of Sfetigrade. 133. at the siege of Croy. 208  
Number of Amurath's army brought to the siege of Sfetigrade. 140. to the siege of Croy. 207   

O  
Oration of Amese to Mahomet. 351  
Oration of Amurath to his counsellors for war to be made against Scanderbeg. 130. to his Chieftains before Croy, reproaching their faintness and cowardice. 223  
Oration of Andrew Angel, to the Drivastines. 111  
Oration of Carazabeg to Mahomet. 429  
Oration of a common soldier in Sfetigrade. 31  
Oration of Daniel jurich, General of the Venetian army against Scanderbag. 98  
Oration of Debreas, encouraging his soldiers against Scanderbag. 270  
Oration of the Emperor of Constantinople. 327  
Oration of the governor of Belgrade to his people. 284  
Oration of Isup to Scanderbag, persuading him to peace with Amurath. 236  
Oration of Mahomet to his Chrieftaines against the Christians. 445. purposing a journey against Scanderbag in proper person. 472  
Oration of Paul Angel Archbishop of Duraz to Scanderbag, incensing the Epirots against Mahomet. 437  
Oration of Paul Ducagin touching the sending of succours to Vladislaus king of Hungary. 67  
Oration of Perlat to the Dybrians within Sfetigrade, dissuading them from yielding to Amurath. 183  
Oration of Scanderbag to the Citizens of Sfetigrade. 137. to Pope Paul the second and his Cardinals at Rome. 478 to the Princes of Epire, assembled in Parliament at Lissa, 47. to his subjects, to comfort them after that the voyage of the Christians against the Turks was broken. 450. to the Venetian Ambassadors upon the conclusion of peace between them. 128  
Oration of Zagan counseling Mahomet to continue the siege of Constantinople. 326  
Orations of Scanderbag to his soldiers. 

1 At his going to recover the fortresses of Epire against the Turks. 25  
2 After the recovery of the fortresses of Epyre. 34  
3 Marching against Haly Bassa. 54  
4 After the battle with Haly Bassa inviting them to the sack and spoil of the Turkish territories. 60  
5 Consulting to assay Mustapha. 91  
6 Before the battle between him and the Venetians. 99  
7 Before the battle of Oronichea against Mustapha. 122  
8 Being to give a canuazado to the Turkish Campe. 165  
9 Persuading them to proceed in their Conquests against the Turks. 260  
10 Before the battle against Debreas. 270  
11 Marching to the siege of Belgrade. 281  
12 Before the battle of Oronichea against Moses. 341  
13 Being to march against Isaac Bassa. 355  
14 Encouraging them against the French in Apulia. 411  
15 Before the battle of Valcala. 453. 24  
16 Before the second battle of Valcala. 463  
17 Being ready to march against jagup. 466  
18 Dissuading them from pursuing the Turks after the relief of Croy. 483    
Order observed by the Turks in the division of their armies. 139  
Ordinance cast for the battery of Croy. 211. the authors exclamation against the invention thereof. 255  
Original and antiquity of the towns in Epyre. 30. of the Turks. 55. of the city of Duras. 487  
Oronichea, a place in the upper Dibria. III. 358  
Ottoman the surname of the great Turk. 4   

P  
Paleologus brethren Thomas and Demetrius, Lords of Peloponnesus, but deprived thereof by Mahomet. 426  
Pandolphel Alop a Neapolitan Count, the paramour of jone Queen of Naples beheaded. 397.  
Parliament of all the Lords and Princes of Epire to consult with Scanderbag for the war against the Turks. 44. 45  
Parthinia now called Praese, a town in Epire, her original. 208. was ruinated by julius Caesar. ibidem.  
Passages of Abruzza freed by Ferdinand and Scanderbag. 412  
Paul Angel Archbishop of Duras, a near friend to Scanderbeg. 408. his descent & virtues. 436 he cometh as Ambassador from the Venetians to Scanderbeg. 437. he is one of Scanderbegs chiefest Councillors. 473  
Paul Ducagin his religiousness, 46. his praises and commendations. 69  
Paul Manassey. 120. rewarded by Scanderbag. for killing of Caragusa. 122. assailed by the Turks. 124  
Paul Troilus Bouchardes. 318  
peasants of Albany surprised by the Turks. 362  
Peace between Amurath and the Hungarians. 40. between Mahomet and Scanderbeg. 435. violated. ibidem. between Scanderbag and the Venetians. 127. 128  
Peloponnesus or Morea a country in Greece, the commendation thereof. 426. vide Morea.  
Peneropole or Persair a town in Thrace. 69  
Pera or Galata, a city near to Constantinople. 315, voluntarily yielded to Mahomet. 333  
Perjury, see Infidelity and cruelty.  
Peter Dusmam Lord of the Peonians, Pelagonians and Sardicians people of Epire. 47  
Peter Lewes Borgia nephew to Pope Eugenius, is a competitor with Ferdinand for the kingdom of Naples. 388  
Peter Perlat goveruour of Sfetigrade. 137. his providence and prudence. 149. his good deserts for the defence of Sfetigrade. 188. he is rewarded by Scanderbag and made an Abbot. ibidem.  
Peter Span or Spaniard and his sons. 47. he aideth the Venetians against Scanderdeg. 96  
Petralba a town in Epire and the description thereof. 29. yielded to Scanderbag. 30  
Petrella besieged by Scanderbag, and yielded by the Turks. 28. the situation thereof. ibid.  
Phare a tower and lantern at the entry into the haven of Constantinople. 315  
Philip Prince of Tarentum, the fourth son of Charles the second king of Hungary. 389  
Picenin General of an army for Duke john of Anjou against Ferdinand. 405. he moveth parley with Scanderbeg. 413. his dishonest practice against Scanderbeg. 414. which discovered he is challenged by Scanderbeg. 415. he dislodgeth secretly. ibid. his praise and commendation. 420. his pitiful death and end. 421  
Piec Manuel. 146. 363. 449. he is Lieutenant to Scanderbag in the battle of Valcala. 463  
Plombine in Tuscan besieged by Alphonsus. 344  
Post sent by Sebalias to certify the Belgradians of succours. 292  
Posts of Turkey what their order is. ibid.  
Policy of Count Picenin. 413. of jone the second Queen of Naples. 398. of Perlat within Sfetigrade. 151  
Policy and prudence of Amurath before Sfetigrade. 158  
Policy of Scanderbag in causing counterfeit letters to be written to the governor of Croy for the delivery of the town to him. 18. in marching with his army. 163. in giving a canuazado to the Turkish army before Croy. 221. in a set battle to aim at the death of the enemy's General. 272  
Policy used by the Turks to oppress the Christians. 232. used by the Turks within Sfetigrade. 201  
Pologue, a country in Epire or a part of Macedon and Bulgarie. 3. the description thereof. 268. 269.  
Pope Calixtus the fourth, claimeth the kingdom of Naples by escheat. 388  
Pope Pius the second persuadeth the Christians to make a voyage against the Turks. 442. his birth, death, and commendation. 449. 450  
Port S. Roman at Constantinople. 316  
Port imperial at Constantinople. 319  
Poisoning and a strange kind thereof. 396  
Prayer of Scanderbag going to the aid of Ferdinand. 409  
Precepts of Scanderbag for his son, comprehending the institution of a Prince. 493  
Priests, their diverse orders and estates in the Turkish religion. 5  
Princes of Tarent, Beseignan and Salerne with others rebel against Ferdinand. 405  
Princes and Nobles of Naples partakers with Ferdinand. ibidem.  
Prisoners Christians taken at Belgrade. 301. put to extreme torments. 310. beheaded by Mahomet. 321  
Prisoners Turks feasted by Scanderbag. 264  
Prisoners Venetians freely set at liberty by Scanderbag. 107  
Prognostications foreshowing the future greatness of Scanderbeg. 3. foreshowing the great slaughter in the battle between Scanderbag and Isaac Bassa. 363  
Prophecies foreshowing the ruin of Constantinople. 336  
Proverb. 399. 340  
Proverb used by Scanderbag. 190  
Proverb of Prince's children. 252  
Providence and care of Scanderbag to prevent surprises. 236. 456  
Providence of Amesa in the wars. 361  
Punishment inflicted upon spies. 149  
Pyramet king of Caramania overcome by Mahomet. 426   

Q  
Quarrel between two private soldiers for their booty. 373  
Question between Musache and a Turk his prisoner, decided by Scanderbag. 274   

R  
Ragusa the description thereof. 407  
Rebellion of Amesa against Scanderbeg. 349. of Moses Goleme against Scanderbeg. 302. of the Neapolitans against Ferdinand. 404  
red plain in Epire. 236  
Redona a country in Epire. 349  
Rene Duke of Bar, brother to Lewes the third of Anjou ordained heir to the kingdom of Naples by Queen jone, & is prisoner in Burgundy. 402. being delivered he gaineth Naples, which he looseth again, and is forced to for sake the kingdom. 403  
Reposius son of john Castriot. 3. by the Turks named Caragusa and poisoned. 18  
Retreat of Scanderbag from the army of Isaac Bassa and Amesa. 358  
Revenues of Scanderbag. 51  
Rewards given by Scanderbag to Perlat. 188. also to the citizens, soldiers, and inhabitants of Croy. 247  
Road into the Turkish frontiers by Scanderbeg. 36. 442. 445. 470. into the dominions of Scanderbag by the Turks. 435. into the Venetian territories by the Turks. 435. 495  
Robert king of Naples, son to Charles the second, his wisdom. 388. his will and death. 389  
Roislave the wife of Musache Goleme, and the mother of Goleme Ariamnite, the ancestor of Moses. 271  
River of Aoe, or Aeas, or Vavisa in Epire. 45  
River of Cydrus and Barbiza. 315  
River of Isme. 222  
River of Mathias. 366  
River of Scombine in Epire. 486   

S  
Saying of Scanderbeg. 453. touching the often removing of an army. 42. touching surprises by enemies. 163. touching the cutting off the General of an army in battle. 272. touching the obstinacy of Moses in the battle of Oronichea 343. touching incontinency of soldiers. 349  
Saying of Amurath touching Scanderbag. 214  
Saying of Hannibal touching Fabius Maximus and Varro. 355  
Saying of Mahomet touching the marriage of Scanderbag. 258  
Saying of the Epirots to Scanderbag. 449  
Saying of Fabius Maximus. 453  
Saying of Philip of Macedon to his son Alexander. 494  
Saint Nicholas de la Pierre a mountain in Epire 51  
Saint Angellor mount Gargan a town in Apulia given to Scanderbag by Ferdinand. 423  
Saint john de Ronde a town in Apulia given to Scanderbag by Ferdinand. ibid.  
sally made by the Drivastines upon Amesa. 112  
sally by the Sfetigradians upon the Turks. 159  
sally by the Croians upon the Turks. 224. 228. 275  
sally by the Belgradians upon Tanusee. 305  
Saniacque a Turkish Colonel of horsemen. 139  
Saura a plain in Epire. 486  
Scanderbag his disposition and education under Amurath, his first services and preferment. 6. he is made a Saniacque. ibid. he is made General of an army in Asia. 7. he is envied, slandered, and suspected in the court of Amurath. 14 he is sent against the Despot of Servia, & conquereth his country. ibid. He is sent against the Hungarians with Carambeg. 47. he revolteth from the Turks. ibidem. he is chosen General of the wars against the Turks by the Princes of Epire. 50. he is chosen king of Epire. 51. he is made free of the city of Venice, and Lieutenant general of the Venetian territories in Epire. 130. he is persuaded to marriage by his Nobles. 192. he offendeth in overmuch courtesy. 202. he goeth disguised as a spy into the Turks camp before Croy. 164. and a● a spy unto Sfetigrade. 205. he is in hazard of his life. 214. 459. 462. he is married. 257. he goeth on progress with his Queen. 258. his provident order for the sudden arming of his subjects, & the speedy raising of an army. 268 he useth the aid of Italians in his wars. 278 his strange quality in the heat of fight and in his anger. 296. his retreat at the battle of Belgrade. 300. he is felled upon his horse crupper 343. he is received at Ragusa. 407. he embarketh himself for Italy to the aid of Ferdinand. 409. he is honoured with ambassades & presents from the Pope and all the Princes of Italy. 423. he restoreth Ferdinand to his kingdom. 421. he hath certain towns in Apulia given him by Ferdinand. 423. he returneth out of Apulia into Epire. 424. he cometh to Rome to the Pope to crave aid against the Turks. 478 he is ill succoured by the Christians. 480. he sickneth and maketh his last will & testament. 489. he dieth. 495. he is buried at Lissa 496. his body is taken out of his sepulchre & highly reverenced by the Turks. ibid. his private acts and exploits most rare and memorable. ibid.  
Sclavonie. 43. divided from Epire by the river Drinon. 47  
Sclavonian tongue very ample. 185  
Scopia a chief town in Macedony. 269. 428  
Schism in the Church of Rome the motive and occasion thereof. 390  
Scouts of Scanderbag surprised by the Turks. 295  
Scouts of the Turks surprised by the Epirots. 362  
Scouts placed by Scanderbag to observe the passing of the Turkish army. 363  
Scutarie or Scodra a city of Epire subject to the Venetians. 47. besieged by the Turks. 218  
Scutarians their exploit against Baleza. 117  
Sea of Propontide. 315  
Sea of Bosphore or Thrace. ibid.  
Sebalias' Lenrenese sent by Amurath to begin the siege of Croy. 207. to divert Scanderbag from troubling the Turkish camp. 224. to raise the siege of Belgrade. 291. he surpriseth the army of Scanderbag before Belgrade. 294. his oversight. 297 he is put to the retire in the battle of Belgrade. 300. his return to Andrinople and his triumph. 310  
Security, vide negligence.  
Secrecy of the Ottomans in concealing their counsels. 132  
Selit a mountain in Epire. 51  
Seraill a place where the great Turk useth to keep his Concubines. 254  
Seremet sent against Scanderbeg. 214. 445. his son is taken prisoner in the battle of Alchria. 449. he is put to flight by Scanderbag. ibid.  
Servia alias Bosnia or Rascia, or Misia called by the Turks Segoria. 14. restored to the Despot by Amurath upon peace made between him and the Hungarians. 40  
Sfetigrade besieged by Scanderbag and described 30. it is yielded to Moses. 51. fortified by Moses. 137. besieged by the Turks. 141. the natural strength and situation of it. 160. battered. 154. 160. Assaulted. 155. 167. 169. yielded to Amurath. 185. fortified by Amurath. 187. besieged by Scanderbeg. 194. the suburbs thereof assaulted & burnt by Scanderbeg. 195 assaulted by the Epirots. ibid. 197. 200. 203  
Sforce Cottignole Lieutenant of the Pope's forces 395. 396. he is made prisoner. 397. he is delivered. 398. he is sent to the aid of the Pope by Queen jone of Naples, & is overthrown by Braccio, the Queen depriveth him of all authority. 399. he is reconciled to the Queen 400. he delivereth her from the siege of Alphonsus, and getteth a victory of the Spaniards in Naples, and dieth. 401  
Sibilla Erithrea. 336  
Siege of Dayna given over by Scanderbag. 129  
Siege of Sfetigrade given over by Scanderbag. 204  
Siege of scutary by the Turks. 218  
Siege of Croy given over by Mahomet. 246. 475 488. and given over by the Turks after the death of Ballaban. 482  
Siege of Belgrade raised by Sebalias. 297  
Siege of Constantinople the manner of it. 316  
Siege of Barie or Barlet in Apulia raised by Scanderbag. 410  
Siege of Duras given over by Mahomet. 488  
Simeon Volcathagne. 102. prisoner to Scanderbag. 107  
Simeon de Nemague king of the Misians and slavonians. 113  
Skirmish between the Turks and Epirots. 143. between the Turks garrison within Sfetigrade, and the garrison of the Epirots in Dibria. 193. between the French and the Epirots in Apulia. 412  
Soldiers of several Nations serve under Scanderbag. 194  
Soldiers of Scanderbag terrified at a tempest. 269  
Soldiers of diverse Nations Christians serve under Mahomet at the siege of Constantinople. 313  
Soldiers of Scanderbag the kinsmen of Ballaban corrupted by him to betray Scanderbag. 456  
Soldiers of Scanderbag murmur against him about pursuing of the Turks after the siege of Croy. 485  
Spachi, or Sulastari, or Vlufagi, Turkish horsemen guarding the pavilion of the great Turk. 140  
Spaniards their intolerable pride and envy. 400  
Speeches of Scanderbag to his subjects excepting against the making of peace with Amurath and the Turks. 82. to certain of his soldiers touching the security of the Turkish army. 163. to the Dibrians. 187  
Speeches also of Scanderbag to his Nobles concerning the estate of the married life. 192. to Moses reprehending his over much hardiness. 271. to Musache and a Turk deciding a controversy between them. 274. to his Nobles upon the revolt of Moses. 307 to his Nobles touching the rebellion of Amesa. 350  
Speeches moreover of Scanderbag to two soldiers quarreling together. 373. to Fusian. 422. to his soldiers encouraging them against jussumbeg. 428. to his Nobles touching Carazabeg. 430. to his Chieftains advising them to give an onset upon Ballaban. 463. to his neighbours and allies seeking their aid for the relief of Croy. 477. to the Epirots touching the flight of Ballaban. 469. to his Princes and Nobles upon his death bed. 489. to his son upon his death bed. 492. to his Chieftains upon his death bed, upon an alarm given by the Turks. 495  
Speeches of Amurath to the Turks upon the receipt of Scanderbag his letters, 86. to his soldiers reproaching them for flying from Scanderbag. 159  
Speeches also of Amurath to his soldiers encouraging them to a new assault of Sfetigrade. 168. to the Turks concerning Scanderbeg. 230. to his son Mahomet upon his death bed. 234  
Speeches of the Turkish Chieftains and councillors to Feribassa, dissuading him from the combat with Scanderbeg. 173. to Amurath persuading him to renew the assault of Croy. 219. to Mahomet calling for an assault to be given against Constantinople. 326  
Speeches of Mahomet to Amurath, persuading him to violate his faith with the Sfetigradians. 186. to his Courtiers animating him against Scanderbeg. 275. to his Bassas persuading him not to leave his voyage to Constantinople for Belgrade. 290. between him and Moses. 312  
Speeches also of Mahomet to the Turks in commendation of john justinian. 324. to himself upon the invasion of his territories by the Epyrots. 442. to himself upon the hearing of the taking of Moses and other Nobles of Epire. 455  
Speeches of Mahomet to Ballaban urging him to the destruction of Scanderbeg. 460. to Scanderbag by a messenger, by whom he returned his sword unto him. 497  
Speeches of the Nobles of Epire to Scanderbag, dissuading him from the combat with Feribassa. 173. persuading him to marriage. 192. persuading him to grant truce to the Belgradians. 286  
Speeches of Moses to the Turkish messenger. 278. to Scanderbag in dissembling with him. 279. to his friends persuading them to revolt with him from Scanderbeg. 303. to the Turks his soldiers, after his overthrow by Scanderbag. 345  
Speeches of Amesa to the Epirots upon the rebuke given him by his Uncle. 114. to Scanderbag upon his delivery out of prison. 383  
Speeches of Vranocontes governor of the city of Croy, to the Ambassador of Amurath. 232. 234  
Speeches of Vranocontes and Tanusee, touching the oration of Scanderbag to them and the citizens of Croy. 357  
Speech of Ariamnites offering himself tributary to Scanderbag. 51  
Speech used by a paysaunt unto Scanderbag. 91  
Speech of Marin Span to Amesa, nephew to Scanderbag. 108  
Speech of a Turk, called Caragusa to Paul Manassey. 121  
Speech of Paul Manassey to the Turks flying from the battle. 125  
Speech of a Turk of Sfetigrade desiring a parley and truce. 201  
Speeches of the Christians subjects of the great Turk, to the Christians their enemies at the siege of scutary. 218  
Speech of the Governor of Belgrade to the citizens. 283  
Speech of Sebalias deriding and reproaching the Christians. 298  
Speech of the soldiers of Scanderbag desiring that their fellows slain at Belgrade might be buried. 308  
Speeches of Demetrius and others to Scanderbag comforting him after his great misfortunes. 306  
Speeches of the Ambassadors of diverse Princes to Scanderbag touching his loss at Belgrade. 311.  
Speeches of Ahemaz to Moses desiring leave to fight a combat. 338  
Speeches between Ahemaz and Zachary Groppe 339  
Speech of master Nicholas of Naples touching the disgrace offered unto him by the Pope. 391  
Speech of Ladislaus King of Naples of the battle between him and Lewes the second of Anjou. 396  
Speech of Count Picenin used unto Scanderbeg. 414.  
Speech of Assambeg a Chiefetame of the Turks to Scanderbag. 428  
Speeches used by Ballaban to Mahomet excusing his overthrow by Scanderbeg. 459. 460  
Speech of jagup of the fortune of Scanderbag. 468  
Speech of Lech Ducagin bewailing the death of Scanderbag. 496  
Speech of Scanderbag to a Scythian before his combat with him. 8  
Speech of Zampsa a Persian to Amurath challenging his Courtiers to the combat. 9  
Speech of Amurath to Scanderbag animating him to undertake the combat against two Persians. 10  
Speech of Scanderbag touching the oration made by a soldier Turk within Sfetigrade. 33  
Speech of the citizens of Sfetigrade to Scanderbag. 41  
Speech of Haly Bassa touching the order observed by Scanderbag in setting of his battles. 58  
Speech of the Despot of Servia to Friar john Capistran. 71  
Speech of john Huniades to Vladislaus King of Hungary in the battle of Varna. 74  
Spies their punishment. 149  
Sponderbeg Prince of Penderacia. 253  
Stellusa a town in Epire described, it is yielded to Scanderbag. 30  
Stephen Cernoviche husband of Mara the sister of Scanderbag aideth him against the Turks 35. his issue. 47  
Stephen King of Hungary. 388  
Stratagems of Scanderbag against Haly Bassa. 57 against the Turks before Sfetigrade. 142. in the often removing of his camp. 160 in retiring from the Turks. 359. in the battle of Pharsalia. 367  
Stratagem usual with the Turks against the Christians. 140  
Stratagem of Amurath to divert Scanderbag from troubling his army during the assault of Croy. 224  
Stratagems or strange enterprises of the Turks against Constantinople to get the haven. 317 and in building a bridge. ibidem.  
Stratagem of Mahomet to surprise Chidna. 476.  
Streezes their family. 46. the nephews of Scanderbag. 25  
Subassides a Turkish leader of horsemen. 139  
Subjects of Scanderbag, willing to have peace with the Turks. 82  
Succours sent by Alphonsus' king of Naples to Scanderbeg. 280. by the Venetians and others to Scanderbag for the relief of Croy. 480  
Superstition of the Dibrians' most strange. 181. causeth the loss of Sfetigrade. ibidem  
Synam sent with an army to defend the Turkish frontiers. 377. 378. sent with an army to invade Epire. 426. surprised and overthrown by Scanderbag. 427  
Synope the country of Mithridates. 426   

T  
Talasmans' a kind of Priests among the Turks. 5.  
Tanusee Thopie. 45. invadeth the Turkish camp before Croy. 229. sent to begin the siege of Belgrade. 282. his valour in the battle of Belgrade. 296. he is sent with an army to bury the Christians slain at Belgrade. 308. he spoileth and burneth all the country about Belgrade. 305 he is appointed to keep the frontiers of Epire against Sinam and the Turks. 379. he is Scanderbegs Lieutenant at the battle of Valcala. 463  
Theodore Caristin a Greek, a good archer. 318  
Theodore Corona Lord of Belgrade in Bulgary. 282  
Theophilus Paleologus. 318. his honourable end and death. 330  
Thuraca, Saniacke of Romania councillor to Mahomet. 326  
Timariot a Turkish horseman. 139  
Towns in Apulia given to Scanderbag by Ferdinand. 423  
Trana a city in Apulia usurped by Fusian against Ferdinand, 421. yielded to Scanderbag and by Ferdinand given unto him. 422. 423  
Treachery intended by Amurath to corrupt some of the garrison of Sfetigrade. 180  
Treachery intended by Mahomet to corrupt some of Scanderbegs friends. 275. 276  
Treason of Anell a Mason betraying Naples to Alphonsus. 403  
Treason of certain soldiers serving under Scanderbag. 461  
Treason of a labourer corrupted by Amurath to betray Sfetigrade. 180. the manner thereof. 181 rewarded by Amurath. 186. the end and estimate of it. ibid.  
Trebizond besieged and won by Mahomet. 476  
Triballians people of Misia. 19 inhabit the upper Dibria. 181. they hold of the Greek Church. ibidem.  
Truce granted by Scanderbag to the Turks within Sfetigrade. 202  
Truce for sixteen days granted by Scanderbag. to the Belgradians. 287  
Truce between Scanderbag and Mahomet. 407  
Triumphs and general joy of the Christians for the death of Amurath. 247  
Triumphs in Epire for the overthrow & death of Amurath. 249. for the victory against Moses. 344. for his return and reconciliation. 348  
Triumph of Scanderbag for the overthrow of Amesa and the Turks. 373. after his victory of jagub and Ballaban. 470  
Triumph of Sebalias after his return from relieving Belgrade. 310  
Tumenist a amountaine in Epire four miles from Croy. 208  
Turks massacred within Croy. 20. their obstinacy. 22. they make head against Scanderbag and are put to the sword. 24. their devise in their ensigns. 125. within Belgrade they doubt of the faith of the citizens. 283. their wonderful care to preserve their conquests. 291. they cut off the heads of the Christians slain at Belgrade. 301. Their opinion of the Epirots. 310. they honour virtue and valour even in their enemies. 346  
Turks conspiring the death of Scanderbag are executed. 474  
Tursines brother to Mahomet drowned. 253  
Tyranna the greater a town in Epire. 28  
Tyranna the lesser in Epire. 208  
tire the lesser in Epire. 45   

V  
Valachia the country of Huniades. 72  
Valley of Mocrea. 88  
Valley called the fair Valley. 167  
Valley of Valcala. 453  
Valmes a city in Epire. 271. re-edified by Mahomet. 486  
Variety of opimons touching Amurath's religious life. 86  
Varna or Dionisiopolis a city near to Romania 73  
Venetians aid Scanderbag in his wars with supplues of money. 205. in peace and amity with the Turks. ibidem. their subjects relieve the Turks before Croy with victuals. 227  
Viziers counsellors to the great Turk. 330  
Vlach Posts of Turkey. 292  
Vladien Goleme de Ariamnite, father to Goleme Ariamnite or Musache de Angeline. 271  
Vladislaus king of Hungary craveth aid of Scanderbag against the Turks. 63. he marcheth against the Turks. 72. his rashness or over great hardiness. 74. he is slain. ibidem  
Vlaica daughter to john Castriot and Voisave, sister to Scanderbag. 3  
Vlixians a people of Epyre. 45  
Voyage of the Christians against the Turks broken. 449  
Voyage of Scanderbag into Italy. 477  
Voysave the mother of Scanderbag dieth. 12  
Vranocontes. 58. made governor of Croy. 361. his praise and commendations. 209. he is by Scanderbag made Duke of Emathia. 247  
urban the sixth created Pope. 390. enmity between him and master Nicholas of Naples. 391 he is besieged within Nocera by Charles of Duras king of Naples. 394  
Vsuncassan king of Capadocia, Armenia, and Persia, his descent. 386. his acts and marriage. ibidem. in two battles he overcometh Mahomet, but in the third is himself overcome by Mahomet in the battle of Arsengua. 387   

W  
War determined by Amurath against Scanderbag. 79  
War between the Turks and the Hungarians. 62. between Scanderbag & the Venetians. 94. between Mahomet and the Persians. 386  
War renewed between Mahomet and Scanderbag. 442  
Waters of Albulae. 366  
Winter wars most discommodious & hurtful. 262   

X  
Xabiac a town in Epire under the dominion of Stephen Cernovitch. 47   

Z  
Zacharie Groppe. 196. 197. he desireth leave of Scanderbag to answer the challenge of Ahemaze. 333. he is in pay with the French in Italy. 415. he is Lieutenant to Scanderbag at the two battles of Valcala. 463  
Zadrime a country in Epire, upon the river Drine, belonging to the family of the Ducagines. 46  
Zagan a counsellor to Mahomet. 326  
Zemalda eldest son to Vsuncassan king of Persia slain in the battle of Arsenuag. 387   
FINIS.