THE COPY OF A LETTER SENT OUT OF ENGLAND TO DON BERNARDIN MENDOZA AMBASSADOR IN FRANCE FOR the King of Spain, declaring the state of England, contrary to the opinion of Don Bernardin, and of all his partisans Spaniards and others.  
This Letter, although it was sent to Don Bernardin Mendoza, yet, by good hap, the Copies thereof aswell in English as in French, were found in the chamber of one Richard Leigh a Seminary Priest, who was lately executed for high treason committed in the time that the Spanish Armada was on the seas.  
Whereunto are adjoined certain late Advertisements, concerning the losses and distresses happened to the Spanish Navy, aswell in fight with the English Navy in the narrow seas of England, as also by tempests, and contrary winds, upon the West, and North coasts of Ireland, in their return from the Northern Isles beyond Scotland.  
Imprinted at London by I. Vautrollier for Richard Field. 1588.   

THE COPY OF A LETTER SENT OUT OF ENGLAND TO DON BERNARDINE MENDOZA AMBASSADOR IN FRANCE FOR THE KING OF SPAIN.  
MY Lord Ambassador, though at the time of my last large writing to you of the state of this country, & of our long desired expectation of succours promised, I did not think to have had such a sorrowful occasion of any second writing, as now I have of a lamentable change of matters of estate here: yet I can not forbear (though it be with as many sighs as lives) to advertise you of the truth of our miserable condition, as now to me & others of our party the same appeareth to be: that by comparing of all things passed in hope, with the present now in despair, your L. who have had the principal managing hitherto of all our causes of long time both here & there in France, betwixt the King Catholic assisted with the Potentates of the holy League, & all our countrymen which have professed obedience to the Church of Rome, may now fall into some new & better consideration, how our state both for ourselves at home, and our brethren abroad, now at this present fallen (as it were) into utter despair, may be revived & restored to some new hope, with better assurance of success than hath happened hitherto. 
In what terms England standeth in the opinion of the Catholics.  For which purpose I have thought it necessary to advertise you in what terms this country now standeth, far otherwise then of late, both we at home, and others abroad did make account of.  
You know how we have depended in firm hope of a change of the state of this country by the means of the devout and earnest incitations of the Pope's holiness, and the King Catholic, and of other Potentates of the holy League, to take upon them the Invasion and conquest of this Realm: and by your assurances, and firm promises, we were now of a long season passed persuaded, that the King Catholic had taken upon him the same glorious Act, and thereof from year to year we looked for the execution: being continually fed and nourished from you to continue our hope, and sundry times solicited by your earnest requests, and persuasions, to encourage our party at home not to waver, as many were disposed, by sight of continual delays, but to be ready to join with the outward forces that should come for this Invasion. Nevertheless the delays and prolongations of times appointed for the coming of the King's forces, specially by Sea, have been so many, as until this last Spring, we were in despair: at what time you advertised us with great assurance that all the King's preparations, 
The Spanish preparation three years in making.  which had been in making ready these three or four years together, were now in full perfection, and without fail would this Summer come into our Seas with such mighty strength, as no Navy of England, or of Christendom, could resist or abide their force: and for more surety, and for avoiding of all doubts, to make the intended conquest sure, the same should also have joined to it, the mighty Army which the Duke of Parma had made ready, 
The Duke of Parma's army in Flaunders.  and kept in readiness in the low countries all this year past, wherewith he should land, and so both by Sea and land, this Realm should be invaded, and a speedy conquest made thereof, to the which were always added sundry reasons: whereupon was gathered, 
No foreign force could invade England, without a strong party in England.  that neither by sea, nor by land, there would be any great resistance found here, but a strong party in this Realm to join with the foreign force. For otherwise then with such helps, to be assuredly had from hence, I know, it was always doubted that no foreign force could prevail against this 
Hope of victory by the Spanish Army with assistance of a party in England this Summer.  realm, being (as it is) environed by sea, and notably replenished with more mighty and stronger people than any country in Christendom. But with the hope of the landing of these great Armies and our assistance in taking part, we here continued all this year passed in assured hope of a full victory, until this last month. But alas and with a deadly sorrow, we must all at home, and abroad, lament our sudden fall, from an immeasurable high joy, to an unmeasurable deep despair, and that so hastily fallen out, as I may say, we have seen in the space of eight or nine days in this last month of july, 
All Spanish hope fallen in nine days.  which was from the appearance of the Catholic great Navy upon the coast of England, until it was forced to fly from the coast of Flanders near Calais, towards the unknown parts of the cold North, all our hopes, all our buildings, as it now appeareth but upon an imagined conquest, utterly overthrown, and as it were with an earthquake, all our castles of comfort brought to the ground, which now (it seemeth) were builded but in the air, or upon waves of the sea, for they are all perished, all vanished away from our thoughts.  
And here with I am astonished what I may best think of such a work so long time in framing, to be so suddenly overthrown, as by no reason could proceed of man, or of any earthly power, 
The Catholics doubt, of their cause seeing the hand of God is against the Army.  but only of God. And if so it be (as no body can otherwise impute this late change & fall from our expected fortune, but to God almighty) then surely our case is either dangerous or doubtful how to judge thereof, whether we have been these many years in the right or not. For I do find, and know, that many good, and wise men, which of long time have secretly continued in most earnest devotion to the Pope's authority, 
Many English Catholics mislike of the Pope's reformation by force.  begin now to stagger in their minds, and to conceive that this way of reformation intended by the Pope's holiness is not allowable in the sight of God, by leaving the ancient course of the Church by Excommunication, which was the exercise of the spiritual sword, and in place thereof to take the temporal sword, and put it into a monarchs hand to invade this realm with force and Arms, yea to destroy the Queen thereof, and all her people addicted to her: which are in very truth now féene, by great proof this year, to be in a sort infinite, and invincible, so as some begin to say that this purpose by violence, by blood, by slaughter, & by conquest, agreeth not with Christ's doctrine, nor the doctrine of S. Peter, or S. Paul. And to tell your Lordship truly, I find presently a great number of wise and devout people, though they continue in their former religion, yet do they secretly condemn this intended reformation by blood and force. Insomuch that I heard a good divine allege a textout of S. Gregory in these words, Quid de Episcopis qui verberibus timeri volunt Canones dicunt benè paternitas vestra novit, pastors sumus non percussores. Nova enim est predicatio quae verberibus exigit fidem. This sentence I obtained of him, because it seemeth to be charitably written. But leaving this authority among Doctors, I must needs say that in very truth no one thing hath done at this time more hurt to the action, than the untimely hasty publishing abroad in this Realm before this Army of Spain was ready to come forth to the seas, 
The untimely publishing of the intended conquest before the Spanish navy was ready, did great hurt.  of sundry things written and put in Print, & sent into this realm, to notify to the people, that all the Realm should be invaded and conquered, that the Queen should be destroyed, all the Nobility, & men of reputation, of honour, and wealth that did obey her, and would defend her, or that would withstand the Invasion, should be with all their families rooted out, and their places, 
The hearts of all sorts of people inflamed against the Spaniards vaunting to conquer the land.  their honours, their houses and lands bestowed upon the conquerors: things universally so odiously taken, as the hearts of all sorts of people were inflamed: some with ire, some with fear, but all sorts almost, without exception, resolved to venture their lives for the withstanding of all manner of conquest, wherewith every body can say this Realm was not threatened these five hundredth years and more.  
These reports were brought to this realm with good credit, not in secret but in public writings & printings, and took deep root in all kind of people of this land, and in deed was of the more credit, 
The untimely publication of the Pope's Bull did hurt to the common cause.  first by reason of a new Bull lately published at Rome by the Pope's holiness, which I have seen, with more severity than other of his predecessors, whereby the Queen here was accursed, and pronounced to be deprived of her Crown & the Invasion, and conquest of the Realm committed by the Pope, to the King Catholic, to execute the same with his armies both by sea and land, and to take the Crown to himself, or to limit it to such a Potentate as the Pope & he should name. And secondly, there followed a large explanation of this Bull, by sending hither a number of English books printed in Antwerp even when the Navy of Spain was daily looked for, the original whereof was written by the reverend father Cardinal Allen in April last, 
Cardinal Allens books have done much hurt to the intended invasion and conquest.  called in his own writing the Cardinal of England, which book was so violently, sharply, and bitterly written, yea (say the Adversaries) so arrogantly, falsely, and slanderously, against the person of the Queen, against her father King Henry the eight, against all her Nobility and Counsel, as in very truth I was hearty sorry to perceive so many good men of our own religion offended therewith, in that there should be found in one accounted a father of the Church, who was also a born subject of this crown (though by the Adversaries reported to be very basely borne) such foul, vile, irreverent, and violent speeches, such ireful and bloody threatenings, of a Queen, of a Nobility, yea of the whole people of his own nation.  
Sorry, 
The Cardinal's rash & violent writing missiked by the Catholics.  and most sorry I am to report the general evil conceit of these unordinate and unadvised proceedings of this Cardinal, of whose rash choice to such a place, the world speaketh strangely, as though he came to it through corruption of the Pope's sister, without liking of the College of Cardinals, where otherwise the blessed intention of our holy Father, and the desire also of the said Cardinal, might without such fatal bloody premonitions and threatenings of future Invasions and conquests by the Catholic Kings noble forces, have taken better place.  
There was also to add the more credit to these terrible prognostications, 
The multitude of books published to show the greatness of the Spanish Navy, did also hurt  such kind of other books printed in Spain and translated into French, (as it is said by your Lordship) containing particular long descriptions, and catalogues of Armadas of Castille, of Andaluzia, of biscay, of Guipusque, of Portugal, of Naples, of Sicil, of Ragusa, and other Countries of the Levant, with a mass of all kind of provisions, beyond measure, for the said Armadas, sufficient in estimation, to be able to make conquest of many kingdoms or countries. And one great Argument is published by the Adversaries to stir up the minds of the Nobility of England against the Spaniards, which is very maliciously invented, to show the intention of the conquest, not only of England, but of the whole Isle of Britain: moving all men specially to mark by the description of the Armada, that there are specially named such a number of Noblemen, as Princes, Marquises, Condes and Dons, that are called Adventurers, without any office or pay, & such another number also of men with great titles of honour, and many of them named Captains and Alferez, without office, but yet in sold, and therefore called Entertenidos, as all those being for no service in the Armada may be well presumed (say they) to have come to have possessed the rooms of all the Noblemen in England, and Scotland: and this fiction hath taken more place than it is worth. And though these armies were in deed exceeding great and mighty, yet they were so amplified beyond all measure in these books, as in no preparation of Christendom in former times against the Sarracins or Turks could be greater. 
The forewarnings of the Armadas greatness caused the Queen to put all her Realm in force beyond all former.  By this means this Queen and her realm, being thus forewarned and terrified, took occasion with the aid of her people, being not only firmly (as she was persuaded) devoted to her, but thoroughly irritated, to stir up their whole forces for their defence, against such prognosticated conquests, as in a very short time all her whole Realm and every corner were speedily furnished with armed people on horseback, and on foot, and those continually trained, exercised, and put into Bands, in warlike manner, as in no age ever was before in this Realm. Here was no sparing of money to provide, horse, armour, weapon, powder, and all necessaries, no not want of provision of pioneers, carriages, and victuals in every County of the realm, without exception, to attend upon the Armies. And to this general furniture every man voluntarily offered, very many their service personally without wages, others money for armour and weapons, and to wage soldiers, a matter strange and never the like heard of in this realm or else where: And this general reason moved all men to large contributions, that to withstand a Conquest where all should be lost, there was no time to spare a portion.  
The numbers made ready in the Realm I cannot affirm of mine own knowledge, but I have heard it reported, when I was grieved to think the same to be so true, that there was through England no quarter East, West, North and South, 
The Armies made ready Navy England in every quarter of the realm.  but all concurred in one mind to be in readiness to serve for the Realm: and that some one country was able to make a sufficient Army of twenty thousand men fit to fight, and fifteen thousand of them well armed & weaponed: and in some countries the number of forty thousand able men.  
The maritime Countries from Cornwall, 
The Maritime Countries provided at lading places with twenty thousand men.  all along the Southside of England, to Kent: and from Kent Eastward, by Essex, Suffolk, and Norfolk to Lincolnshire (which Countries with their Havens were well described unto you in perfect Plots, when Francis Throgmorton, first did treat with your Lordship about the same) were so furnished of men of war, both of themselves, & with resort of aid from their next shires, as there was no place to be doubted for landing of any foreign forces, but there were within eight and forty hours to come to the place above twenty thousand fight men on horseback and on foot, with field ordinance, victuals, pioneers and carriages, and all those governed by the principal Noble men of the Countries and reduced under Captains of knowledge.  
And one thing I heard of, that was very politicly ordered and executed at this time, as of many late years was not used: that as the Leaders & officers of the particular Bands were men of experience in the wars: so to make the Bands strong and constant, 
All the bands were under the principal Knights of the realm compounded of the most mighty men being their tenants and servants.  choice was made of the principal Knights of all Countries to bring their renantes to the field, being men of strength, & landed, & of wealth: whereby all the forces of compounded were of a resolute disposition to stick to their Lords and Chieftains, & the Chieftains to trust to their own tenants. And to remember one strange speech that I heard spoken may be marveled at, but it was avowed to me for a truth, that one Gentleman in Kent had a Band of one hundred & fifty footmen, 
A strange report of the wealth of a band of soldiers.  which were worth in goods above one hundred & fifty thousand pounds sterling, besides their lands▪ such men would fight stoutly before they would have lost their goods, and by likelihood at this time, many other Bands were made of such principal men, both of wealth and strength. Of these things I am sorry to have cause to write in this sort: because you may see how heretofore you have been deceived with advertisements of many, which had no proof to know the truth thereof, and so I confess myself in some things to have erred, namely, in imagining that whensoever any foreign power should be seen ready to land in any part of this Realm, there would have been found but a small number resolute to withstand the same, or to defend the Queen, but that the same would have been very unable for the wars, untrained, raw, and ignorant in all warlike actions, without sufficient armour and weapons: and that also the Noble men and Gentlemen that were in this Realm of our Religion, whereof, you know, we made account when you were here in England of very many, 
An error of the Catholic fugitives in the number of their partners in England.  although many of them be dead since that time, but at this time there are not so many tens, as we accounted hundreds, whom we thought would have showed themselves like men of courage for our common cause, and would have suddenly surprised the houses, families, and strength of the heretics and adversaries.  
But now, such is our calamity, that it hath pleased God, as I think for our sins, or else for confounding of our bold opinions, and presumptions of our own strength, to put in the hearts of all persons here one like mind, & courage to withstand the intended Invasion, as well in such as we accounted Catholics, as also in the Heretics: so as it hath appeared manifestly that for all earnest proceeding for arming, and for contributions of money, and for all other warlike actions, there was no difference to be seen betwixt the Catholic, and the heretic. 
A consent and concurrency of Papists and Protestants to withstand the conquest.  But in this case to withstand the threatened conquest, yea to defend the person of the Queen, there appeared such a sympathy, concourse, and consent of all sorts of persons, without respect of Religion, as they all appeared to be ready to fight against all strangers, as it were with one heart and one body. And though some few principal Gentlemen, of whom heretofore you have had the names in such Catalogues of Catholics as you have been acquainted withal, werelately upon the report of the coming out of the Army to the seas, sent to the Isle of Ely there to remain restrained of their former liberty during the expectation of this intended Invasion: yet it hath appeared, that they were not so restrained for any doubt that they would with their powers have assisted our Army, but only thereby to make it known to all our friends and countrymen in Spain, and Flaunders, yea even to yourself (for so I heard it spoken, as accounting you to have been the most principal Author and persuader of this action) that there should be no hope to have any of them, or of their friends, to assist these great Armies. And in very truth, I see now whosoever of our friends in Spain or in Flaunders, or else where, made any such account of any aid against the Queen, or against her party here, they should have been deceived if the Army had offered to have landed. 
The gentlemen Recusants in Elie offer to adventure then lives against all invasions whatsoever, without respect of Pope or other potentate.  For I myself have heard that the best of those that were sent to Elie did make offers, yea by their letters to the Counsel here, signed with their hands, that they would adventure their lives in defence of the Queen, whom they named their undoubted Sovereign Lady and Queen, against all foreign forces, though the same were sent from the Pope or by his commandment: Yea divers of them did offer that in this quarrel of invading of the Realm with strangers, they would present their own bodies in the foremost ranks with their country men against all strangers. Whereupon I heard also by a secret friend of mine in the Court, that it was once in some towardness of resolution amongst the Counsellors, that they should have been returned and put to their former liberty. But the heat of the war being kindled with the knowledge of the King's Armada, being at that time come to the Groigne, and the Duke of Parma's readiness with so great an Army and shipping in Flaunders, daily looked for to land in England, yea to come to London, and a general murmur of the people against all such Recusants of reputation, was the cause of the staying of these Gentlemen at Elie, notwithstanding their offers of their service to the Queen: and so they do remain in the Bishop's palace there, with fruition of large walks about the same, altogether without any imprisonment, other than that they are not suffered to departed into the town, or country: and yet for their religion, 
The Recusants are not put in danger of their lives for their religion, but are fined at sums of money.  I think surely they do, and will, remain constant to the obedience of the Church of Rome: for the which nevertheless they are not impeached to any danger of their lives, but only charged with a penalty of money, because they will not come to the Churches: whereby, by the law, a portion of their Revenue is allotted to the Queen, and the rest left to the maintenance of them, their wives, and children.  
By which kind of proceedings our Adversaries here do pretend, that both these Gentlemen, and all other of their qualities are favourably used, that they are not pursued to death for their religion, as they say it was used in Queen Mary's time, and as it is daily used (as they say) most rigorously and barbarously in Spain against the Englishmen that come thither, only in trade of merchandise. And yet I and others sometimes privately speaking with such our Adversaries, as we think are not maliciously bend to have men prosecuted to death only for their Religion (for to say the truth, and as the proverb is, not to bely the Devil, very many of our Contraries are in that point not uncharitable) we do object to them the executions by cruel torments & deaths of very many, both here about London, and other parts of the Realm, whom we account as Martyrs, in that they do witness by their death their obedience to the Pope, and the Catholic Church of Rome.  
To which, these our Adversaries pretending some small drops 
The jesuits are not executed for religion but for treasons.  of charity do answer us: that no execution hath been of any, to their knowledge, for their religion, or for profession thereof: but for that they which have been executed, have been found to have wandered in the Realm secretly, & in a disguised manner, 
The Seminaries for the most part come disguised like Ruffians.  which the Adversaries scornfully term as Ruffians, with feathers and all ornaments of light coloured apparel, like to the fashion of Courtiers, and do use many means to entice all people, with whom they dare adventure to speak, not only to be reconciled to the Pope, and Church of Rome, but to induce them by vows and oaths to renounce, their obedience to the Queen: to deny her to be their sovereign: and themselves to be discharged of their Allegiance: and to repute all Magistrates under her to be unlawful, and in conscience not to be obeyed: with many more such matters (which I nevertheless count to be very vain calumniations) tending to make the facts of all such holy Priests as are sent with Commission to win men's souls to be direct treasons against the Queen, and the state of the Realm.  
These Defenders of these judgements and executions, contend, and do most earnestly maintain, that all such Priests, jesuits, Seminaries and others, so persuading the people against the Queen, the Laws, the Government, and state of the Realm, and all others that are so persuaded by them, are manifest traitors: and so they say that their inditements, and all process of law extended and pursued against them, do manifestly declare the same. Wherein, these our Adversaries do sometimes for maintenance of their arguments, show the very copies of their inditements and iugdements, wherein there is no mention made of charging them with their religion, but that they have attempted to persuade the queens subjects to forsake their Allegiance, and consequently to be Rebels to their Queen and Sovereign.  
In this sort these men for their advantage, do at all times, with these and many like earnest arguments maintain their proceedings against the holy Priests & jesuits, that have suffered death for their conscience, as just & necessary. And though, where I and others may reply without peril to ourselves (as surely in some small companies we may using modest words) we object the confession of the Catholic faith by the parties at their death, and that with great constancy, which our Adversaries cannot deny, 
Babington suffered for his treasons voluntarily confessed, not for religion: though at his death he professed the Roman religion.  so as it may seem they die for their religion: yet is it on the other part against us alleged, & maintained, that they are neither indicted, condemned, nor executed for their religion, or for offering of themselves to die for their religion, but only for their former treasons in conspiring against the Queen, and state of the Realm: no otherwise then of late time Babington and all his Complices, who were condemned for their attempt to have raised war in the Realm, and to have murdered the Queen, and to have set up the Queen of Scots, all which the said Babington and all his complices voluntarily confessed, and were codemned and executed, only for those their great treasons: and yet divers of them at the place of their execution, did in like manner (as these Priests and jesuits use to do) make confession of their Catholic faith, with offer to die for the same: and yet (say our Adversaries) it ought not to be affirmed, that Babington and his complices were put to death for religion, but for their treasons.  
And for further maintenance of the coloured arguments, wherewith I, and others my good, faithful, and Catholic brethren are often troubled how to answer them, it is alleged that the great number of gentlemen, & gentlewomen, yea some of honourable calling, 
A multitude of gentlemen suspected to be Papists, yet never endangered of their lives.  and of other meaner degrees, are known manifestly to be of a contrary religion to the laws of the Realm, both near the Court and far of, and yet they are never pursued by any form of law to put their lives in danger, or questioned, or imprisoned, for their opinions in religion, whereby to bring them in any danger. Only such as are presented or complained of by the parishioners where they dwell, for never coming to any Church by the space of certain months in a whole year, are thereof indited, and afterward being called to answer thereto, if they can show no such lawful excuse as the law hath provided, they are then condemned to pay a penalty out of their goods and lands, if they have any, and not otherwise punished, nor yet by inquisition any of them examined of their faith. But yet say these defenders, if they show themselves by their open deeds and facts to be reconciled from their Allegiance and obedience to the Queen, and that they will therein persist, than they are therewith charged and punished according to the laws therefore provided.  
These arguments in their defence I do not repeat as allowing of them, but yet surely they do move me, & some others that are wise, to think, that indeed the rashness of divers coming secretly into the Realm, & professing themselves to be Priests, 
Many of the Priests that are sent into the realm, are young, rash, & of lewd life.  many of them being both very young, unlearned, and of light behaviour, hath done great harm to the goodness of our common cause: and if they and such others could have temperately and secretly instructed the people, and used more circumspection in their own living & behaviour, there would have been a greater increase of numbers persuaded in conscience to have joined with us in our profession. Whereof I am the bolder to write to you, my Lord, that you may confer with our countrymen, that have access unto you, and that they also may deal with the Fathers of the jesuits, that more care and choice be had of such English men as are hereafter to be sent into England, and not to send every young man that hath more boldness, than learning and temperance, for such a function.  
In the former part of this my declaration to you of the universal concurrence of all men of value, wealth, and strength, in the body of the Realm, to serve and defend the Queen & the Realm, 
A great strength of the English Navy, by the Ships of the port towns that did serve without wages.  I forgot to report unto you the great numbers of Ships of the subjects of the Realm: as of London and other port towns, and cities, that voluntarily this year were armed, able to make a full Navy of themselves for an army, & all at the proper costs of the Burgesses, for certain months, with men, victual, and munition, which did join with the Queens own Navy all this Summer, a thing never in any former age heard of, otherwise then that such ships were always hired, waged, & victualled by the Kings of the Realm, which argued to the grief of me and some others a most vehement and unaccustomed affection & devotion in the Cities and port towns, such, as they showed themselves therein ready to fight, as it had been, pro aris & focis.  
Of the number and strength of the Queens own ships of war, I think you have been sufficiently informed many times heretofore. But yet I will make you a true report of the state of them this present Summer, what I have credibly heard thereof: because I have been very sorry to hear how you & others have been therein abused: and that not only in this matter of the queens ships, but in some other things also of late, whereof some part hath been here by very many, maliciously, and in common speeches, imputed to your own invention and publication: whereof in a few words I will make some digression before I shall show the estate of the queens Navy.  
In this Summer passed there was Printed in Paris, by your direction (as it was reported) a notable untruth, 
Two notable lies printed in Paris, and imputed to Don Bernardin Mendoza.  which I did see, & read: that the King of Scots had besieged Berwick, and had won it by assault, and possessed it quietly: whereof no part was true, nor any cause to imagine the same, though I wish it had so been: but not for any good will that I now bear to that King, but for the trouble to this Queen. For in truth there is no good for us to be hoped for from the King of Scots, howsoever the Scottish Bishops in France have sought to make you believe otherwise, who is so rooted in the Caluinists Religion, as there is never hope that he can be recovered to the church of Rome: and so I think you are of late duly informed, and by his violent actions against divers Catholics, & against all that favour the Spaniards, may certainly appear.  
And likewise another great untruth was lately Printed (as your enemies say) by your direction also in Paris, 
A most manifest lie printed in Paris, of a Spanish victory when it was altogether an English victory.  that now in july last, when the Spanish Fleet and English had met and fought betwixt France and England, the Spaniards had then a great victory, wherein they had sunk the Lord Admiral of England, with sixteen of the queens great ships into the bottom of the Seas, and that all the rest were driven to fly with the Vice admiral Frances Drake. Upon these two so notable untruths, which the Adversaries spitefully called Don Bernardin Mendozas mendacia, 
Mendacia of Mendoza.  many who honour you, were right sorry, that you should give so hasty credit, to publish the same (as your enemies say) you did: though I have to my power for clearing of you honour given it out, that these and such like have proceeded of the lightness of the French, who commonly Print more lies than truths, in such doubtful times, and not of you, whose honour and wisdom I thought would not be justly touched with so great untruths and lies: considering always, a small time will discover things that are in facts reported untruly, and bringeth the Authors to discredit and infamy. There hath been a speech also reported here, to have proceeded from you in France, that hath caused a great misliking of you in Scotland: which is, that you should in open assembly, and in a bravery say, that the young King of Scots (whom you called in your language a boy) had deceived the King your master: but if the King's Navy might prosper against England, the King of Scots should lose his Crown: and of this the King of Scots hath been advertised out of France, and useth very evil language of you, which I will not report.  
But now to leave this digression, and to return to let you know the truth of the state of the queens Navy this Summer. 
The state of the Navy of England this Summer.  The same was in the beginning of the year, when the brute was brought of the readiness of the King's Armada in Lisbon, and of the Army by land upon the Sea coasts in Flanders with their shipping, divided into three companies: the greatest under the charge of Charles L. Haward high Admiral of England, 
L. Haward, L, Admiral.  whose father, grandfather, uncles, great uncles, and others of his house, being of the noble house of the Dukes of Norfolk, had also been high Admirals afore him, whereof both France and Scotland have had proof.  
another company were appointed to remain with the L. Henry Seymour second son to the Duke of Somerset that was Protector in King Edward's time, 
L. Henry Seymour.  & brother to the now Earl of Hartfort: and these companies for a time continued in the Narrow seas betwixt England and Flanders, under the charge of the said high Admiral, to attend on the Duke of Parma's Actions.  
A third company were armed in the West part of England towards Spain, 
Sir Francis Drake.  under the conduct of Sir Francis Drake: a man by name and fame known too too well to all Spain, and to the Kings India's, and of great reputation in England: and this was compounded, partly of some of the Queens own ships, and partly of the ships of the West parts.  
But after that it was certainly understood, that the great Navy of Spain was ready to come out from Lisbon, and that the fame thereof was blown abroad in Christendom to be invincible, and so published by books in print, the Queen and all her Counsel I am sure (whatsoever good countenance they made) were not a little perplexed, as looking certainly for a dangerous fight upon the Seas, and after that for a landing and Invasion. Whereupon the Lord Admiral was commanded to sail with the greatest ships, to the West of England towards Spain to join with Drake, whom he made vice-admiral, & to continue in the seas betwixt France and England to stop the landing of the Navy of Spain. And with the Lord Admiral went in certain of the queens ships, the Lord Thomas Haward second son to the last Duke of Norfolk, 
L. Tho. Haward L. Sheffeld.  and the Lord Sheffeld, son to the Admiral's sister, who is wife to the queens Ambassador in France, with a great number of Knights of great livelihood: And at that time the Lord Henry Seymour was left with a good number of ships in the narrow Seas, upon the coast of Flaunders to attend on the Duke of Parma.  
Whilst these two Navies were thus divided, I confess to you that I and others of our part, secretly made full account that none of all these English ships durst abide the sight of the Armada of Spain: or if they would abide any fight, yet they should all be sunk at the first encounter. For such constant opinion we had conceived by the reports of the world, that the greatness & number of the ships, and the Army of Spain, being the chosen vessels of all the King's Dominions, was so eccessive monstrous, beyond all the Navies that ever had been seen in Christendom (not excepting the Armada at Lepanto) that no power could abide in their way. But how far deceived we were therein, a very short time, even the first day, did manifestly, to the great dishonour of Spain, discover. For when the Catholic Army came to the coast of England, which in deed the English confess did seem far greater than they looked for, and that they were astonished with the sight of them: 
The fight of the English Navy with the Spanish.  yet the Lord Admiral & Drake, having but only fifty of the English ships out of the Haven of Plymouth, where the rest remained for a new revictualling, without tarrying for the rest of the Navy that was in Plymouth, they did offer present fight, & furiously pursued the whole Navy of Spain, being above 160. ships: so as the same, with the furious and continual shot of the English one whole day, fled without any returning. 
The flying away of the Spanish Navy.  And after, the English Navy being increased to an hundred great and small, renewed their fight with terrible great shot all the whole day, gaining always the wind of the Spanish Navy. And as I am sorry to remember the particularities, which the English have largely written to their own praise: so to speak all in one word, for nine days together, they still forced them to fly, and destroyed, sunk, and took in three days fight, divers of the greatest ships: out of which, specially out of the principal great ship of Andaluzia, and out of the Admiranta of Guipusque, and thirdly out of the principal great galliass of Naples great numbers were brought (beside many more killed and drowned) to London, and to sundry other ports of the Realm, to the great dishonour of Spain: amongst which prisoners were a great number of Captains both for land and sea. And besides that, which deeply blemisheth the honour of Spain, and vexeth me at my heart, to consider the inequality of fortune, it is vaunted by our Adversaries, that in all the time of these fights so many days, 
The Spaniards prisoners say, that Christ showed himself a Lutheran in this Summer voyage of the Spanish Navy.  the Spaniards did never take, or sink, any English ship or boat, or break any mast, or took any one man prisoner. A matter that in deed these Spaniards which are taken do marvel at greatly, and chafe thereat: so as some of them in their anguish of mind let not to say, that in all these fights Christ showed himself a Lutheran.  
And though such speeches be unadvised, and not to be regarded: yet surely it is most manifest, that in all this voyage from the coming of the Navy out of Lisbon even to this hour, 
God showed no savour to the Spanish Navy from the beginning to the ending.  God did show no favour to ours any one day, as he did continually to these Lutherans: which, percase, may be done for our good, to correct us as putting our trust wholly in our worldly strength, & to the confusion hereafter of the Lutherans, by puffing them up, being his enemies, with prosperity for a time, to be afterwards the cause of their ruin. And amongst other things reported to the dishonour of the Duke of Medina, who, it is said, was lodged in the bottom of his ship for his safety, and to a great touch to the Commanders of the Spanish Navy, that they never would turn their ships, nor stay them, to defend any of their own ships that were forced to tarry behind, but suffered divers to perish, as are good witnesses thereof the three great vessels. 
Don Pedro de Valdez, Captain General of the Armada of Andaluzia. Hugo de Moncada, General of the Galliasses of Naples.  One wherein Don Pedro de Valdez was taken: an other Galleon of Guipusque that was spoiled with fire: and the noble galliass wherein Hugo de Moncada was slain: of which lack of care by the Duke of Medina, these Spaniards that are taken give very evil report. The like is said in Zealand by the Spaniards there, that were saved with Diego de Pimentelli, 
Diego de Pimentelli Captain of the Galleon named S. Matthew.  though the Galleon wherein he was, being beaten with the English shot, and not succoured by the Navy of Spain, did there perish in their coming to Flushing, and so also did another likewise perish for lack of succour before Ostend.  
And now I must needs think that you are stricken with some grief of mind, or rather with some anger towards me, to hear from me so much of those adverse things, although they are too true: and therefore I also imagine you may be disirous, for your better contentation, to understand what opinions we that are here have, being thus frustrate of our expected delivery, by the defeat of this enterprise: whether we do comfort ourselves with a conceit that this Action may be, by any probability, once again renewed this next year, for the recovery of our lost hope this year, famously spoken of by the number of 88 and so verified to the loss of all Catholiuqes. 
A consideration what may be done the next year to renew this Action.  Wherein surely for our own parts, as by secret conference I find with many with whom I have secretly of late upon this unfortunate accident conferred, we can not judge of any likelihood of good success for any long time: and if there should any be hoped for, surely the Sea-forces of the King Catholic, must of necessity be more increased, and better also governed than they were this year. For this we here do consider that this enterprise of Invasion and Conquest, was always principally grounded upon many probable opinions of the evil state of the Realm.  
First of the weakness of the English Navy: for so you know you were divers ways this last year advertised from hence, 
The 3. hopes conceived against England, are now all frustrated.  and so also many of us here did conceive the same: wherein we see by all this years service with these ships, we did all notably err.  
Next, of a supposed evil contentment of a number of people in this land to serve the Queen, and her Government against her enemies.  
Lastly, and most principally, of a great strong party that would be found here in the favour of us for the Catholic religion, that should take arms against the Queen upon the first sight of the Catholic Navy on the coasts of England. Of all which opinions, settled in good men's minds in manner of judgements, we know that none in the world did more constantly assure the King thereof then you: which, as the matters have evil succeeded, may, I fear, bring you in danger of his indignation, although I know you meant very well therein.  
And as these three opinions have all failed this year, so I assure you, though some of ours on that side the seas may persist in their former opinions against the experience lately seen (as it is likely they may be forced to do, to maintain themselves in credit, for continuing their necessary relief from the Pope, and the King, having no other means to keep them from starving or begging) yet because I would not have you further deceived by them, who have not been present in the Realm to see such contrary proofs against all their conceits, as I and others have done: I will show you a great number of manifest Arguments, though I am sorry at my heart to remember them, whereby you in your wisdom (if you be not blinded by others) shall see it most certain, that these former opinions, for comfort to be had from hence, will prove the next year as strong against us, and in some part more strong than they proved this year, if any account should be made thereof.  
First, for the Navy of England, which hath this year to the sight of the world proved to be of great force & value, for those Seas, and able to overmatch in their manner of fight, double to their number, of the great Galleons, Carikes, Galliasses, or Galleys, it is certain that it will be greatly increased this next year. For I know, that within these few days, bargains are already made, & Impressed of money delivered, and certain sent into the Estlands, for great store of all maritime provisions. And as for the increase of the number of good ships for the 
The English Navy will be stronger the next year.  queens proper use there is already a great quantity of timber ready, and order given to fell more in November, and December next, in the Country's near both to the Sea, and to Thames, to build a number of ships of war, equal to these whose service was seen this year to have overmatched the great Armadas & Castles of Spain & Italy. And furthermore, to join with the Navy of England this year following, not only the Hollanders and Zelanders, but also ships of Denmark, & other parts of Estland, will certainly be had in great numbers, whereof there was none at all required this year past to join with the Navy of England. Only certain Hollanders & Zelanders offered their service (according as they are bound) in the end of this Summer, 
Offer of Hollanders and Zelanders, to join with the English Navy.  since the conflict near Calais, to join with some of the English Navy in the narrow seas, to defend the issuing of the Duke of Parma out of the ports of Flanders: & in that service at this time there are above forty and six good ships of war, 
justinian Nassau Admiral of Holland with six and forty ships of war joined to the English Navy, against the D. of Parma.  with the Uiceadmirall justinian of Nassau: a man that agreeth too well with the English Nation, and is a sworn enemy to all Spaniards, and Catholics: & as it is reported for certain, there are threescore more coming out of North-Holland to the Seas, for the same purpose: so as it is to be doubted, that this Realm, this next year, will be double as strong as it was this last year.  
As to the second branch of our hope depending upon opinion of some great miscontentment of sundry persons against the Queen the proof of the contrary so appeared this year, 
Arguments to prove no miscontentment of the people towards the Queen.  both of her actions to maintain the liking of all her people, & of the general earnest devotion showed to her by all estates, Noble and mean rich & poor, as I think no Prince Christened ever had greater cause of comfort in her people: which I may judge to breed a pride in her. And to recompense the same she did most notably show herself in this time, even when most danger was threatened, in all her actions towards her people, as careful for their weal, and for the safety of her Realm, without any special or particular provision, or regard to her own person, 
The providence of the Queen to make her Realm strong.  as ever any Prince could do. First, to let her people understand what care she had to make her Realm strong against Invasion, she politicly, yea most carefully, by her own frequent directions, caused her whole Realm to be put in arms, she took account thereof herself by monthly Certificate from such as were made her lieutenants in every Shire of her Realm, she caused Armour, Powder, Weapon, to be sent to all Countries, and Ordinance to all Maritime Countries: There were also sundry Armies described, to defend every coast of the Sea: and as I heard it reported by some that did know the secrets of the Court, was importunate with her Counsel to leave no day unoccupied, to bring these services to effect, and yet she did still continue her Commissioners in the Low Countries to treat of peace, which surely she desired to have obtained, so that she might have had the same with certain conditions. So as to content her people, she did both treat and desire peace, and did not in the mean time neglect to make her Realm strong for defence, if peace could not be gotten. But in the end, when her demands were wholly refused (whereof we and all Catholics were most glad) and that she understood very certainly, that the Army of the Duke of Parma should come first to destroy the City of London, she revoked her Commissioners, approached London in person, and did lie, as it were, in the Suburbs of the same: whereby they of the City took great comfort, having daily in show and muster of their own ten thousand men armed and trained of very able men of the City, and in readiness thirty thousand more, able to fight.  
She caused also an Army to be brought to encamp near the Sea side, 
The Queen's being in the Army in Essex, when most danger was threatened by the enemies landing.  upon the River of Thames, betwixt the Sea and the City, twenty miles beneath the City: and after the Army was come thither, she would not by any advise be stayed, but for comfort of her people, and to show her own magnanimity of heart (as she said, she would so do though she was a woman) she went to that Army lying betwixt the City and the Sea, under the charge of the Earl of Leicester, placing herself betwixt the enemy and her City, and there viewed her Army, and passed through it divers times, lodged in the borders of it, returned again, and dined in the Army: And first, saw the people as they were, by their Countries, lodged and quartered in their several camps, which she viewed from place to place. Afterward, when they were all reduced into battles, ready, as it were, to fight with any enemy, she road round about them, and did view them curiously, being accompanied only but with the General, and three or four others attending on her: But yet to show her state, I well marked it, she had the sword carried before her by she Earl of Ormond.  
There she was generally saluted with cries, with shouts, with all tokens of love, of obedience, of readiness and willingness to fight for her, 
The notable Applause of the people to the Queen for her presence in the Campe.  as seldom hath been seen in a Camp and army, considering she was a Queen: and all tended to show a marvelous concord, in a mutual love, betwixt a Queen and her subjects: and of reverence, and obedience of Subjects to a Sovereign: all which she acquitted with very Princely thanks, and good speeches. I could enlarge this description with many more particularities of mine own sight, for thither I went, as many others did: and all that day, wandering from place to place, I never heard any word spoken of her, but in praising her for her stately person, and Princely behaviour: and in praying for her life and safety, and cursing of all her enemies, both Traitors, and all Papists, with earnest desire to venture their lives for her safety.  
And besides such particular Acclamations the whole Army in every quarter, 
The singing of Psalms by the English Army in the Campe.  did devoutly at certain times sing in her hearing, in very tunable manner, divers Psalms put into form of Prayers in praise of almighty God, no ways to be misliked, which she greatly commended, & with very earnest speech thanked God with them. This that I writ, you may be sure, I do not with any comfort, but to give you these manifest Arguments, that neither this Queen doth discontent her people, nor her people do show any discontentation in any thing that they be commanded to do for her service, as heretofore hath been imagined. 
An Army provided for the Queen, beside the Army, ready to withstand the landing of the enemy.  She had also an Army of about forty thousand footmen, and of six thousand horsemen, under the charge of the Lord Hunsdon Lord Chamberlein, as Lieutenant of that Army, made ready from the Inland parts of the Realm, to be about her own person, without disarming the maritime Counties: so as many marched out of sundry Countries towards her, at the very time that she was in the Camp: some came to the Suburbs & Towns near London, whom she remaunded to their Countries, because their Harvest was at hand, and many of them would not be countermanded, but still approached onward on their own charges (as they said) to see her person, & to fight with them that boasted to conquer the Realm. But though the greatest number of the said soldiers were compelled to return, yet the Captains, Leaders, and the principal Knights and Gentlemen came to the Court to offer their service: & those were graciously accepted of her with many thanks, and are now for the more part returned with a full determination, and firm promise to continue their Bands in such readiness, as upon a few hours warning they will assuredly return with them in good array.  
Beside these foresaid Arguments to disprove the opinion of discontentment of the people, which heretofore hath been thought a great furtherance to this honourable action, I will also remember you some other more notable Actions, to prove both contentation, and readiness, in all the Nobility of the Realm at this time, that were not tied to abide in their countries by reason of their offices, as Lieutenants and Governors there for Martial services. For assoon as it was heard that the Queen was come near London, and that the Armies were in gathering to come out of the countries, 
Great power of Horsemen brought by the Nobility to attend on the Queen's person.  for defence of all Invasions, and reports brought from the sea coasts of the appearance of the Spanish Navy: all the Noble men in the Realm, from East and West, from North and South, excepting only such great Lords as had special governements in Countries, that might not lawfully be absent from their charge, and some few that were not able to make forces according to their desire, came to the Queen, bringing with them according to their degrees, and to the uttermost of their powers, goodly Bands of horsemen, both Lances, light horsemen, and such other as are termed Carabins or Argeletiers, lodging their Bands round about London, and maintaining them in pay at their own charges all the time, until the Navy of Spain was certainly known to be passed beyond Scotland. And of these Noble men many showed their Bands of their horsemen, before the Queen even in the fields afore her own gate, to the great marucile of men of good judgement (as I heard reported) for that the number of them was so great, and so well armed, and horsed, as knowing that they were no parcel of the numbers of horsemen limited in every Country, and put into Bands with the Armies described, it was thought before they were seen, that there had not been so many spare horses of such valour in the whole realm, excepting the North part of England towards Scotland, whose forces consist chief of horsemen.  
The first that showed his Bands to the Queen, was that Noble, 
The Viscount Mountagues show of horsemen was the first.  virtuous, honourable man, the Viscount Montague, who, howsoever men do judge of him for opinion in Religion, yet to tell you the truth, he is reported alwaes to have professed, as now also at this time he did profess and protest solemnly, both to the Queen, and to all her Court, in open Assemblies, that he now came, though he was very sickly, and in age, with a full resolution to live and die in defence of the Queen, and of his country, against all Invaders, whether it were Pope, King or Potentate whatsoever, and in that quarrel he would hazard his life, his children, his lands and goods. And to show his mind agreeably thereto, he came personally himself before the Queen, with his Band of horsemen being almost two hundred: the same being led by his own sons, and with them a young child, very comely seated on horseback, being the heir of his house, that is, the eldest son to his son & heir: a matter much noted of many, whom I heard to commend the same: to see a grandfather, father, and son, at one time on horseback afore a Queen for her service, though in truth I was sorry to see our Adversaries so greatly pleased therewith. But I cannot conceal it from your Lordship's knowledge, because I think this Noble man is known unto you, having been used as an Ambassador to the King Catholic many years passed by this Queen (as I have heard) to require confirmation of the treaties of amity, betwixt both their Fathers. And of this Noble man's conditions, I think there be some others, of whom there is no account to be made that they will give savour to any attempt against the Queen or to any Invasion of the Realm.  
There were also many at the same time that made shows of great numbers of serviceable horses, 
A number of great Lords showed their horsemen.  whereof though it be no comfort to you to hear▪ yet is it good that you be not abused for lack of knowledge, how the present state is here: that you may better judge hereafter what may be done to recover this late loss and dishonour. 
Earl of Lincoln.  
Lord Windesore.  At this time the Earl of Lincoln, and the Lord Windesore, with some Knights and Gentlemen with them showed their Bands, as the Lord Montague had done: and after them, 
Lord Chancellor.  the Lord Chancellor showed goodly Bands of horsemen and footmen at his own house, very many and strong. And within one or two days after the Earl of Warwick, 
Earl of Warwick.  the Lord Burghley Lord Treasurer, 
Lord Treasurer  the Lord Compton, 
L. Compton.  and in the end of the day the Earl of Leycester, 
Earl of Leycester.  and the Lord Rich, 
Lord Rich.  besides sundry Knights of the Realm, 
Sir Walter Mildmay.  showed every of them several strong Bands of horsemen, 
Sir Henry Cromwell,  to the great liking of the Queen, 
Sir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and of all the people that were there, 
Earl of Essex with a great Band of horsemen and footmen afore the Queen at S. james.  being many thousands. And within two days after that, the Earl of Essex being Master of the queens horse, with certain principal Gentlemen his servants friends and followers, showed afore the Queen above three hundred horses of all service, and a great number of Carabins, and a fair Band of footmen all Musketeers.  
This show exceeded in number any other particular Band, and the Earl himself with a great number of Lances, horsed and armed, did run very many courses, and specially with the Earl of Cumberland (as they call it) the Course of the field which I had never seen before: 
Course of the field.  and did also himself, and his company Tourney on horseback a very long time, 
Tourney.  and caused also his Carabines, and his footmen to make many skirmishes there, to the great liking of the Queen, and of the multitude of people, which were many thousands. Amongst whom I heard many vehement speeches against all English Papists, calling them all Traitors, wishing also that the Spaniards, had been there in that field with triple the number, to make proof of the value of English men: all which I heard to my great grief, with many curses against all their countrymen, saying, that they as arrant Traitors to their native country, had villainously sold, as far as in them did lie, the liberty of their country to Spaniards, and other Papists. It behoved me not there to have contraried any of them, for surely if I had, their rancour was so stirred up, by the comfort of these fair shows of horsemen, as they would there in the field in their rage have killed me, and cut me in a thousand pieces.  
Besides these Lords above named, there were brought to the town, other fair Bands by the Earl of Worcester, 
Earl of Worcester.  the Earl of Hertford, 
Earl of Hertford.  the Lord Audeley, 
Lord Audeley.  Lord Morley, 
Lord Morley.  Lord Dacres, 
L. Dacres.  Lord Lomeley, 
L. Lomeley.  Lord Mountioy, 
L. Mountioy.  Lord Sturton, 
L. Sturton.  Lord Darcy, 
L. Darcy.  Lord Sands, 
L. Sands.  Lord Mordant, 
L. Mordant.  and by every one that were of the privy Counsel: so as by estimation, there were about London at that time, above five thousand horses ready to serve the Queen, besides all the horsemen that were raised in all other Countries for the Armies, and the Sea coasts. And besides these, I heard in a very good place, where I was silent, that there was by account twice as many in readiness, with the Noble men that were absent, attending on their charges in their several Lieutenancies. As the Marquis of Winchester, 
Marks of Winchester.  one counted to be the strongest man of his own furniture for Horse & Armour, who is Lieutenant of Hampshire, with the Earl of Sussex 
Earl of Sussex.  Captain of Portemouth, and Lieutenant also of Dorcetshire. Next to him is in account the Earl of Shrowsbury 
earl of Shrowsbury.  Earl Marshal of England Lieutenent of a great number of Countries, and of great power of his own, both for horsemen and footmen, beside the power of the Lord Talbot 
L. Talbot.  his son. The Earl of Derby 
Earl of Derby  also, though he was in Flaunders, from whence he came lately, yet his son the Lord Strange, 
L. Strange.  Lieutenent of Lancashire and Cheshire in his father's absence, is said to have raised a great power of horsemen. And to show the popular affection to this Earl in his Country, I heard it for certain reported, that when the Earl continued longer in Flanders then they liked, and doubting of his return, for that they supposed that the Duke of Parma would stay him, and the other Commissioners there, the people of his Country in a generality did amongst themselves determine, that the Lord Strange the Earls son, and all the manhood of Lancashire and Cheshire would go over the Seas and fetch the Earl home. A matter for no purpose to be spoken of, but to note the force of the love which the people do bear to the Earl, who with his son is firmly bend against the Pope.  
The Earl of Bath 
Earl of Bath.  also Lieutenant of Devonshire, had as is said, great forces of his own ready to have impeached the landing of any strangers in Devonshire. 
Earl of Pembroke's noble offer.  The Earl of Pembroke also being Lieutenant of Somersetshire and Wiltshire, and Lord Precedent of all Wales, was ready to have come to the Queen with three hundred horsemen, and five hundred footmen all of his own retinue, leaving all the Countries under his charge fully furnished.  
I omit here to speak of the Bands of horsemen, belonging to the Earls of Northumberland 
Earl of Northumberland.  and Cumberland, 
Earl of Cumberland.  which though they were ready to have been showed at the same time: yet the Earls hearing of the Spanish Army approaching, went voluntarily to the Sea side in all haste, and came to the queens Navy before the fight afore Calais. Where they being in several ships of the Queens, did with their own persons valiant services against the King's Armada. And to show the great readiness in a generality of sundry others at the same time, to adventure their lives in the said service, there went to the Seas at the same time divers Gentlemen of good reputation, who voluntarily without any charge, & without knowledge of the Queen, put themselves into the queens Navy in sundry ships, wherein they served at the fight afore Calais: of which number being very great, I remember that the names of some of them were these: 
Master Henry Brooke.  Master Henry Brooke son & heir to the Lord Cobham, 
Sir. Tho. Cecil.  Sir Thomas Cecil son and heir to the Lord Treasurer, 
Sir Wil Hatton  Sir William Hatton heir to the Lord Chancellor Sir Horatio Pallavicino a Knight of Genua, 
Sir Horatio Pallavicino.  Master Robert Carie son to the Lord Hunsdon, 
M. Robert Carie.  Sir Charles Blunt, 
Sir Charles Blunt.  brother to the Lord Mountioy. 
M. Thomas Gerard.  But much speech is of two Gentlemen of the Court that went to the Navy at the same time, 
M. Wil Heruie.  whose names are Thomas Gerard and William Heruie, to me not known, but now here about London spoken of with great fame. These two adventured out of ship boat, to scale the great galliass wherein Moncada was, and entered the same only with their Rapiers: a matter commonly spoken, that never the like was hazarded afore, considering the height of the galliass compared to a ship boat.  
And yet to make it more manifest, how earnest all sorts of Noble men, and Gentlemen, were to adventure their lives in this service, it is reported that the Earl of Oxford, 
Earl of Oxford.  who is one of the most ancient Earls of this land, went also to the Sea to serve in the queens Army. There went also for the same purpose, a second son of the Lord Treasurer, called as I can remember, 
M. Robert Cecil.  Robert Cecil: 
L. Dudley.  there went also about that time to the Seas, 
Sir Walter Ralegh.  the Lord Dudley an ancient Baron of the Realm, and Sir Walter Ralegh a Gentleman of the Queen's privy Chamber, and in his company a great number of young Gentlemen, amongst whom I remember the names of the heir of Sir Thomas Cecil, 
M. Wil Cecil.  called William Cecil, 
M. Edward Darcy.  of Edward Darcy, 
M. Arthure Gorge.  Arthure Gorge, and such others: with the rehearsal of whom I do not comfort myself, but only to show you, how far we have been deceived to think that we should have had a party here for us, when as we see both by land and Sea, all sorts of men were so ready of their own charges, without either commandment, or entertainment, to adventure their lives in defence of the Queen and the Realm.  
And for the Earl of Huntington's forces, 
Earl of Huntingdon.  being Lieutenant General in the North, it is reported, that he hath put in readiness for an Army in Yorkshire, and other Countries commonly limited to serve against Scotland, to the number of forty thousand well armed footmen, and near hand ten thousand horsemen, to come to him if any occasion of Invasion should be in the North parts: to whom are joined with their forces three Lords in the North▪ the Lord Scroop, 
L. Scroop.  Lord Darcy, 
L. Darcy.  and Lord Evers. 
L. Euers.   
There are also divers other Lords that are Lieutenants of Countries, that have in readiness of their proper charges good numbers of horsemen. As the Earl of Kent, 
Earl of Kent  Lieutenant of Bedfordshire the L. Hunsdon Lord Chamberlain, 
L. Hunsdon.  Lieutenant of Norfolk and Suffolk: the Lord Cobham 
L. Cobham.  Lieutenant of Kent: 
L. Grave.  the Lord Grace of Buckinghamshire: the Lord North 
L. North.  of Cambridgeshire: Lord Chandos 
L. Chandos.  of Glocestershire: Lord S. john 
L. Saint john.  of Huntingtonshire: Lord Buckhurst 
L. Buckhurst.  of Sussex: and so by this particular recital not unmeet for your knowledge, it is to be noted what disposition the Nobility of the Realm had at this time to have withstood all Invasion. And if percase you shall peruse your ordinary Catalogue of the grrat Lords of the Realm, you shall find that these are the substance of all the great Lords, 
Earl of Rutland.  saving three young Earls within age, 
Earl of southhampton.  Rutland, 
Earl of Bedford.  Southampton, and Bedford: all three brought up in perverse religion. And so remaineth to be spoken of, the Earl of Arundel, who is in the Tower for attempting to have fled out of the Realm, by provocation of him that now is Cardinal Allen: who, howsoever he may be affected to the Catholic religion: yet I hear most certainly that he offereth his life in defence of the Queen against all the world.  
And where account was made to have a party in this Realm, which by these former relations appear could not be possible, the whole Nobility being assured to the Queen, and the force of the people not violently bend that way: In this very time was offered to the Queen as great a party for her, to come to her service, and defence of the Realm, as out of all Christendom, she could not have to all respects a stronger. Which was the King of Scots, who hearing of the intended Invasion of the Realm, 
Offer of the K. of Scots to the Queen of England.  sent a Gentleman to the Queen, with his letter, as I credibly heard, to offer her all the power that he had to defend her & her Realm: and if she so would, he would come in his own person, and hazard his own life, to defend this Realm against all Invaders for Religion, or any other pretence whatsoever. So by this you may see, what account may be made of any vain promises, made in the name of this King. And because you shall perceive that I have good means to have intelligence of any other forces of the Realm for defence thereof, 
Bands of horsemen and footmen erected by the Bishops.  it is most certain as I hear, and I have seen a List or Rol of a great number both of horsemen and footmen, which the Bishops of the Realm have of their own charges, with the contribution of the Clergy, raised up in Bands of horsemen and footmen, which are to be led by Noble Gentlemen at the queens nomination: and these Bands must be vainly termed Milites Sacri.  
As to the last point of the three foundations of the principal hope conceived, 
The third and last hope which the Catholics had of a party in the realm was all frustrate.  whereupon the Invasion was chief grounded and taken in hand, which was most certainly and generally believed, that there should be found here in the Realm a strong party of Catholics, against the Queen to join and assist the Invaders, upon the appearing of the Spanish Navy: by my former relations of the general great & fervent love of the people towards the Queen, and of the great offers of service now made by the whole Nobility of the Realm, this their foundation may appear to have been wrong laid, only by imaginations, as it were upon a quick sand or rather as flying in the air. And yet it appeareth very truly that no small account was made hereof by the King of Spain, and by his principal Ministers: for there is nothing at this present more universally, with one lamentable voice spoken of, by all the multitude of the Spaniards, 
The Spanish prisoners condemn the K. purpose, as being abused, by the exiled Catholics, whom the Spaniards call traitors to their country.  now here prisoners, yea by the chiefest of them, then that they now evidently see, that the King their Master was with such informations greatly abused, yea rather betrayed, For they say there was no man of value in all this Army, but he heard it constantly affirmed, and so delivered for comfort of all that served therein, before they were shipped, that they should not be afraid of any resistance to land in England, for that there was good assurance given to the King, that they should find a strong Army of Catholics ready in their favour, assoon as ever their Navy should be seen upon the Sea coast, 
No possibility to Invade and conquer a realm, without favour of a party inward.  & so they all here say they were encouraged to come to this journey: otherwise, many of them swear they would never have come on shipboard: so unlikely, they say, it was and against all reason, to Invade a Realm, with opinion to conquer it, without both some title of right, and a party also: but specially without a good sure party.  
And therefore now finding this report very false, many of these prisoners do by name curse you, 
The Spanish prisoners condemn the enterprise and course of Don Bernardin of Mendoza.  as being the kings Ambassador: as him, they say, who upon the opinion of the knowledge which you had gotten in England, was therein more credited than any other, and had these many years together tempted the King their Master, upon hope, and other such like persuasions, to attempt such a matter as this was: being utterly in all wisdom to have been condemned, without some certainty of this latter part, specially to have had a strong party here. They also curse all such Englishmen, as have fled out of this Country, whom they spare not to call arrant Traitors, for offering the sale of their Country to the Pope and the King of Spain. And these prisoners add also, that they were borne in hand, that this Country was so open to march in, and so weak to withstand any force, and the people so miserable, as they thought the Conquest thereof had been of no more difficulty than the overcoming of a number of naked Indians was at the beginning of the Conquest thereof by King Ferdinand.  
And now for strength of this country and people: many of these prisoners having been brought from the Sea coasts hither to London, whereby they have observed the country and the people, do speak marvelously thereof, counting the same invincible, otherwise then by treason of some great party within the Realm. But whether all these speeches which are commonly reported of them proceed from their hearts, or that they speak thus to please the English, because they are well used by them, who also are easily deceived with flattery, I know not: but sure I am they do thus speak daily, with outward show of great passions against such as have been persuaders to the King for this journey. divers of them also which are of good judgement, & have heard of such of the English banished men as have been in Spain, & have known some of them there (as of long time, 
Sir Francis Englefield.  Sir Francis Englefield, & of late, 
Lord Paget.  the Lord Paget & his brother) have curiously inquired, of what power they were & credit here, to have a party. They also inquired of the Earl of Westmoreland: 
Earl of Westmoreland.  although of him they confess he is a man but of small government. But our Adversaries here have so abased these & all the rest, to have been of no credit to carry any numbers of men but by the queens authority, when they were at their best: as the prisoners wonder how the king could be so deceived to give them pensions otherwise then for charity, because of their religion. But they confess they have often heard in Spain, how the King was once notably deceived, 
Thomas Stukleyes' abusing of the King of Spain and the Pope, newly remembered by the Spaniards.  when one Thomas Stukley a private Englishman, who fled out of Ireland for debt & other lewd Actions into Spain, not being worth one penny, his debts being paid, & but the second son of a mean Gentleman, pretended, and was believed in Spain (by so entitling of himself) to be a Duke, a Marquis, and an Earl of Ireland, and so was a long time entertained, as a man that could do great service against the Queen of England: until at length the King understood his falsehood, and banished him out of Spain. And after repairing to Rome, was by the Pope also maintained for a time, until he was discovered even by some good Catholics, that could not endure the Pope's holiness to be so grossly mocked: of whom some of the prisoners using merry speeches, how both the Emperor Charles and afterward this King, and the Pope, were so notably deceived by this Stukley, do conclude merely, that they think some of these English that have thus abused the King, have followed Stukeleys steps. And in very truth, I and many others have been very often ashamed to hear so broad speeches, of the King, and of the Pope, yea of the Emperor Charles, whom such a companion as Stukley was, could so notably deceive: and it was the more to be marveled, how he could deceive the King Catholic, considering he was known to many of his Counsel, at the Kings being in England, to have been but a vaunting beggar, and a Ruffian, and afterwards, a Pirate against the Spaniards.  
Now my Lord Ambassador, 
A conclusion by the writer, to persuade an other course, not by violence.  by these my large relations of the things evil passed, and of the opinions of such as I have lately dealt withal, with mine own conceit also, which I do not vainly imagine, your Lordship may see in the first part, our present calamity, and miserable estate: in the second part, the state of this Queen, her Realm, her people, their minds, their strength, so far contrary to the expectation of the Pope's holiness, the King Catholic, and specially of you (my Lord) and all others that have been in hand these many years with this Action, as I know not what course shall, or may be thought meet to take, seeing it is seen by experience, that by force, our cause cannot be relieved, Neither will any change amend the matter, when this Queen shall end her days, as all Princes are mortal. For both the universality of the people through the Realm, are so firmly and desperately bend against our religion, as nothing can prevail against their united forces: and whosoever shall by right sucéede to this Crown after the Queen (who is likely to live as long as any King in Christendom) if the Crown should come to the King of Scots, 
No hope for furtherance of the Pope's authority by any now living that may succeed the Queen in the live Royal.  or to any other of the blood Royal, as there are very many within this Realm descended both of the Royal houses of York, and Lancaster, there is no account to be made, but every one of them, that now live at this day, are known to be as vehemently disposed to withstand the authority of the Pope, as any of the most earnest Protestant or Heretic in the world. So as to conclude, after all circumstances well considered, for the present I know no other way, 
A Conclusion what is best, to maintain the Catholic Religion in England.  but to commit the cause to Almighty God, and to all the Saints in heaven, without continual prayers: and in earth to the holy Counsels of the Pope, and his Cardinals, with our supplications to relieve the afflicted number of our exiled brethren, and to send into the Realm discrete, holy, and learned men, that may only in secret manner, without intermeddling in matters of estate, by teaching us, confirm us in our faith, and gain with charitable instruction, others that are not rooted in heresy.  
And for relief of such as are forced to pay yearly great sums of money out of their revenue, because they forbear to come to the Church, 
A toleration from the Pope for the Recusants in England.  it were to be charitably considered, whether there might not be some dispensation from the Pope's holiness for some few years, to tolerate their coming to the Church, without changing of their faith: considering a great number do stand therein, not for any thing (as they say) used in this Church, that is directly contrary to God's law, but for that the Rites and prayers (though they are collected out of the body of the Scripture) are not allowed by the Catholic Church, and the head thereof, which is the Pope's holiness: and for that cause justly, all true Catholics, account this Church to be schismatical. By which remedy of toleration, a great number of such as will be perpetually Catholics, might enjoy their livings and liberty: and in process of time, the Catholic religion (by God's goodness) might with more surety be increased, to the honour of God, then ever it can be by any force whatsoever. For so did all Christian religion at the first begin, and spread itself over the world: not by force, but only by teaching, and example of holiness in the teachers, against all human forces. And so I will end my long Letters, with the sentence which King David used four times in one of his Psalms. Et clamaverunt ad Dominum in tribulatione eorum & de angustia eorum liberavit eos: And so must we make that for our foundation to lay our hope upon, for all other hopes are vain and false.  
At London the of August. 1588.  
AFter that I had made an end of this my letter, which I found by perusal thereof to have been at more length, than I looked for, although the matters therein contained did draw me thereto, and that I had made choice of a friend of mine who had more knowledge in the French tongue, than I, to turn the same into French: my mishap was, that when he had done some part thereof, he fell sick of a burning fever, whereby my letter remained with him upon hope of recovery for ten or twelve days: and seeing no hope thereof, I entreated another very trusty & a sound Catholic having perfect knowledge in the French tongue, who took upon him to put it into French, wherein was also longer time spent: so as my letter being written in the midst of August, I am forced to end it in September. And thereupon I thought good, whiles my former letter was in translating, to add some things happened in the meantime meet for your knowledge.  
About the seventh of August, the Lord Admiral returned with the Navy, having followed the Spanish Navy (as they reported) as far as the 55. degree Northwards: the Spanish Navy taking a course either to the furthest parts of Norwey, or to the Orcades beyond Scotland: which if they did, than it was here judged that they would go about Scotland and Ireland: but if they should go to Norwey, than it might be, that if they could recover provisions of masts, whereof the English Navy had made great spoil, they might return. But I for my part wished them a prosperous wind to pass home about Ireland, considering I despaired of their return for many respects, both of their wants, which could not be furnished in Norwey, and of the lack of the Duke of Parma's ability to bring his Army on the Sea, for want of Mariners. Nevertheless, upon knowledge from Scotland that they were beyond the Orcades, 
Orders taken by the K. of Scots in favour of the English.  and that the King of Scots had given strict commandment upon all the sea coasts that the Spaniards should not be suffered to land in any part, but that the English might land and be relieved of any wants: order was given to discharge all the Navy, saving twenty ships that were under the Lord Henry Seymours' charge, to attend Spaniards. Upon these shows great rejoicing followed: And as in june and july passed, 
Daily prayers.  all Churches were filled daily with people exercised with prayers, and shows of repentance, and petitions to God for defence against their enemies: and in many Churches continually thrice in the week exercises of prayers, Sermons, & fastings all the day long from morning to evening, with great admiration to see such general devotion (which I and others did judge to proceed more of fear then of devotion) so now since the English Navy is returned, and the Spanish Navy defeated, and intelligence brought of the disorders in Flaunders: of the dissensions betwixt the Spaniards, and the other soldiers: of the contempt of the Duke of Parma by the Spaniards, being thereto maintained by a Duke called the Duke of Pastraw, the King Catholics bastard: and of the departure and running away of the Duke's Mariners, here is a like concourse of the people to Sermons in all Churches: wherein is remembered the great goodness of God towards England, 
Public prayers and giving of thanks.  by the delivery thereof from the threatened Conquest, & prayers also publicly to give thanks to God for the same.  
At London this of September. 1588.   

The Printer to the Reader.  
ALthough it be well known, that neither the first writer of these Letters now by me printed, nor yet the Spaniard Don Bernardin to whom they are directed, had any desire to hear of any good success to the state of England: as may appear in the writer, by showing himself grieved, to make any good report of England, other then of mere necessity he was urged: and in Don Bernardin, who was so impudent, or at the least, so blindly rash, as to disperse in print, both in French, Italian, and Spanish, most false reports of a victory had by the Spaniards, even when the victory was notable on the part of England, and the Spanish vanquished: yet whilst I was occupied in the printing hereof, a good time after the letters were sent into France, there came to this City certain knowledge, to all our great comfort, of sundry happy Accidents, to the diminution of our mortal enemies in their famous Fleet, that was driven out of our seas about the stla of july, towards the farthermost North parts of Scotland. Wherefore I have thought it not amiss to join the same to this Letter of Don Bernardin, that he may beware, not to be so hasty of himself, nor yet to permit one Capella, who is his common sower of reports, to write these false things for truths.  
The particularities whereof are these. The Fleet was by tempest driven beyond the Isles of Orknay, about the first of August, which is now more than six weeks past, the place being above three score degrees from the North Pole: an unaccustomed place for the young Gallants of Spain, that never had felt storms on the sea, or cold weather in August. And about those North Islands their mariners and soldiers died daily by multiutdes: as by their bodies cast on land, did appear. And after twenty days or more, having spent their time in miseries, they being desirous to return home to Spain, sailed very far Southwestward into the Ocean to recover Spain. But the Almighty God, who always avengeth the cause of his afflicted people which put their confidence in him, and bringeth down his enemies that exalt themselves with pride to the heavens, ordered the winds, to be so violently contrarious to this proud Navy, as it was with force dissevered, on the high seas West upon Ireland: and so a great number of them, driven into sundry dangerous bays, and upon rocks, all along the West, and North parts of Ireland, in sundry places distant above an hundred miles asunder, & there cast away: some sunk, some broken, some run on sands, some burned by the Spaniards themselves.  
As in the North part of Ireland towards Scotland, betwixt the two rivers of Loughfoile and Lough Swilley, nine were driven to land, and many of them broken, and the Spaniards forced to come to land for succour amongst the wild Irish.  
In another place, twenty mile's south-west from thence, in a Bay called Calbeggy, three other ships driven also upon rocks. In another place Southward, being a Bay, called the Borreys, twenty mile's North from Gallowey, belonging to the Earl of Ormond, one special great ship of a thousand ton, with fifty brass pieces, and four Canons was sunk, and all the people drowned saving sixteen: who by their apparel, as it is advertised out of Ireland, seem to be persons of great estimation.  
Then to come more to the Sowthward, thirty miles upon the coasts of Thomond, North from the river of Shennan, two or three more perished, whereof one was burned by the Spaniards themselves, and so driven to the shore: an other was of S. Sebastian's, wherein were three hundred men, who were also all drowned▪ saving three score. A third ship with all her lading was cast away at a place called Breckan.  
In another place afore Sir Tirlogh Obrynes' house, there was also another great ship lost, supposed to be a galliass. These losses above mentioned, were betwixt the fift and tenth of September, as was advertised from sundry places out of Ireland: so as by account, from the one and twentieth of july, when this Navy was first beaten with the Navy of England, until the tenth of September, being the space of seven weeks, and more, it is most likely that the said Navy had never good day, nor night.  
Of the rest of the Navy, report is also made that many of them have been seen, lying of and on, upon the coast of Ireland, tossed with the winds, in such sort as it is also doubted, that many of them shall hardly recover Spain, if they be so weakened with lack of victuals and mariners, as part of their companies that are left on land do lamentably report. These accidents I thought good to add to the printed Copies of the letters of Don Bernardin: that he may see, how God doth favour the just cause of our gracious Queen, in showing his anger towards these proud boasting enemies of Christian peace: as the whole world, from Rome to the uttermost parts of Christendom may see, that she and her Realm, professing the Gospel of his son Christ, are kept and defended, as the words of the Psalm are, Under the shadow of his wings from the face of the wicked, that sought to afflict her, & compass her round about to take away her soul: which, I doubt not, by thankfulness yielded by her Majesty and her whole Realm, will always continue.  
The 9 of Octob. 1588.   

CERTAIN ADVERTISEMENTS OUT OF IRELAND, CONCERNING THE LOSSES HAPPEned to the Spanish army upon the West costs of Ireland, in their voyage intended from the Northern Isles beyond Scotland, towards Spain.  
Upon Saturday the seven. of September, 
The seventh of September.  the bark which was in peril of wrack in the bay of Trayly, of between forty and fifty ton, did render themselves, in which there were xxiiii. men, whereof two were the Dukes own servants and two little boys.  
On Tuesday the tenth of this September, there was a Frigate cast of as it seemeth by this Navy, which, as Sir William Herbert saith, wrecked upon the coast of Desmond.  
On the same Tuesday there wrecked in the sound of the Bleskeys, 
A place near to Smerwike where the Spaniards were defeated by the Lord Grace.  a ship called our Lady of Rosary, of one thousand ton. In this ship was drowned the Prince of Ascule, the King's base son, one Don Pedro, Don Diego, and Don Francisco with seven other Gentlemen of account, that accompanied the Prince. 
Michael Oquendo was general of the squadron of xiiii. ships of Guipusque.  There was drowned in her also Michael Oquendo a principal sea man chief governor of the ship: Villa Franca of S. Sebastian's, Captain of the same ship: Matuta, Captain of the Infantry of that ship: Captain Suwares a Portugal, Garrionerie, Lopecho de la Vega, Montenese, and one Francisco Castillian, Captains, one john Rise an Irish Captain, Francis Roch an Irish man & about five hundred persons, 
Five hundred drowned, whereof were a hundred gentlemen, and one only saved of the whole number.  whereof one hundred were Gentlemen, but not of that reckoning as the former were, and only one john Anthonio de Monona a Genuan being the Pilots son of that ship, saved.  
The same Tuesday it wad advertised to the Uicepresident of Monster, that there were lost upon the coast of Thomond two great ships out of which there were drowned about seven hundred persons, 
Seven hundred drowned, and one hundred taken prisoners.  & taken prisoners about one hundred & fifty.  
About that Tuesday also, as appeareth by a letter written to Stephan White of Limmerik the twelfth of this September, there was cast upon the sands of Ballicrahihy a ship of nine hundred tons, 
Ballicrahihy. Thirteen gentlemen taken.  thirteen of the Gentlemen of that ship, as he writeth are taken, and so writeth that he heard the rest of that ship being above four hundred have sought for their defence, 
Four hundred have sought to entrench themselves.  being much distressed, to entrench themselves.  
He writeth also of another ship which was cast away at the Isle of Clere in Irrise, 
Seventy & eight were drowned and slain. Threescore taken.  and lxxviij. of the men of that ship are drowned and slain.  
He writeth also that there was about the same time another great ship cast away in Tireawley, & that there are three Noble men, a Bishop, and a Friar, and lxix. other men taken by William Brook of Ardnerie, and all the residue of that ship are slain and drowned, in somuch as he writeth that one Melaghlin Mac Cab, a galloglass killed fourscore of them with his galloglass axe. 
Melaghlin Mac Cab slew four score of them.  Wednesday the xi. of September, seven of those ships that then remained within the Shenan departed out of that Road with an Easterly wind, 
A Spanish ship of a thousand tuns burnt by the Spaniards.  and before their going forth they set on fire one other very great ship of their company, which was one thousand tons at least.  
It was informed from the Uicepresident at Cork, upon this seventeenth of September last, 
Two other ships lost.  that two other great ships of that Fleet should be lost upon the coasts of Connaught.  
The Admiral called john Martin de recalled came into the sound of Bleskeys 
Ricaldes the Admiral in the sound of Bleskey.  with one other great ship and a bark about the vi. day of this September, & remaineth there with one other ship of four hundred tons, & a bark which came in since that time, if they be not dispersed or lost by the great tempest that was the xvii. and xviii. of this month: for the state of the Admiral at his coming in was thus, the ship had been shot through xiiii. or xv. times, her main mast was so beaten with shot as she durst not bear her full sail, and now not lx. mariners left in her, and many of them so sick that they lie down, and the residue so weak, that they were not able to do any good service, and there is daily cast over the board out of that ship five or six of the company.  
After this was printed thus far, as every day bringeth more certainty in particulars of the loss of the Spaniards in Ireland, these reports which follow came from Ireland, being the examinations of sever all persons there taken and saved.  

JOHN ANTHONIO DE MONONA AN Italian, son to Francisco de Monona Pilot of the ship called Sancta Marie de la Rose, of a thousand tons cast away in the sound of Bleskey. 11. September. 1588.  
EXamined the xi. of September saith, that he and the rest parted from the English Fleet, as he thinketh, about the coast of Scotland, and at that time they wanted of their whole Fleet four Galleys, seven ships, & one galliass which was the Captain galliass, and there were then dead by fight & by sickness viii. 
Eight thousand Spaniards lost by fight & sickness.  thousand men at the least. Where he left the Duke he knoweth not, but it was in the North Seas about eighteen days sithence, he saw then no land, and therefore can name no place, but they severed by tempest, the Duke kept his course to the sea: we drew towards land to find Cape Clere, so did divers other ships, which he thinks to amount to the number of forty ships: with the Duke there went five and twenty ships.  
Hither he came round about Scotland, he thinks the Duke is by this time near Spain, the Duke's desire was, after his stay before Calais, to go to Flanders, but by reason of the contrariety of the winds, the shallowness of the water (his ships being great) he could not arrive there.  
Besides the ships before mentioned, he remembreth that two ships were sunk upon the coast of Scotland, 
Two ships sunk.  by reason of shots received from the English ships, the one called S. Matthew of five hundred tons, wherein were drowned four hundred and fifty men, the other ship a Biskey of S. Sebastian of four hundred tons, wherein were drowned three hundred and fifty men, and the ship wherein he was called S. Marie Rose, of one thousand tons, wherein of five hundred there escaped but himself, in which ship of principal men there were drowned, these principal men following. The Prince of Ascule base son to the King of Spain, Captain Matuta, 
A ship of 1000 ton sunk & of 500 persons but one saved.  Captain Conualle a Portugal, Rupecho de la Vego of Castill, Suryvero of Castill, Montanese of Castill, Villa Franca of S. Sebastian Captain of the said ship. The General of all the Fleet of Guipusque called Don Michael d'Oquendo, twenty other Knights and Adventurers upon their own charges.  
He saith, 
The King's base son drowned with other principal perions.  that the Fleet was in great want of fresh water, and being examined what ordinance, wines or other matters of moment were in the ship here cast away, saith, there were fifty great brass pieces▪ all Canons for the field, five & twenty pieces of brass and cast iron belonging to the ship, there is also in her fifty tons of Sack. In silver there are in her fifteen thousand Ducats, 
Fifty Canons, twenty five pieces of ordinance, fifty tons of seek & thirty thousand Ducats in gold and silver sunk.  in gold as much more, much rich apparel and plate and cups of gold.  
He saith also, that the Duke of Medina appointed all the Fleet to resort and meet at the Groin, & none of them upon pain of death not to departed there hence afore they should know his farther pleasure.   

The examination of Emanuel Fremosa a Portugal 12. September 1588.  
HE saith, he was in the ship called S. john of the port of Portugal of one thousand one hundred ton. In which Don john Martin's de recalled is, who is Admiral of the whole Fleet, and is next under the Duke who is General, in which ship at their coming forth there were eight hundred soldiers, and for mariners threescore Portugese's and forty Biskeyns, this is the greatest ship of the whole Navy.  
He saith, they were in all at their coming forth a hundred thirty and five sail, whereof four were Galliasses, four Galleys, and nine of them were victuallers.  
They came from the Groin on the fifteenth day next arter Midsummer last passed, by their account.  
He saith they were directed to the Duke of Parma and by him to be employed for England at such time as Parma should appoint.  
He saith after their departure from the Groin about eight days the Fleet came to the Lysardes.  
He saith about that place, the General struck sail whereupon they all stroke sail all night, and the next morning they saw the English Fleet, whereupon they hoist their sails.  
He saith they were before informed that the English Fleet was in Plymouth and Dartmouth.  
He saith on the North-east of the Lysards the first fight began between the Fléets, 
Fifteen men lost in fight upon the Disards.  & in that fight their ship lost fifteen men.  
He saith that there were other fights within a four or five days after along the coasts, 
Five and twenty more lost in the same ship.  in which the ship that this examinat was in, lost five and twenty men, what were lost in these fights out of the other ships he can not tell, and in these fights they lost two ships, 
Two ships lost.  in the one of which Don Pedro was, and one other that was burned.  
They anchored at Calais expecting the Duke of Parma, where through the firing of the English ships they were driven to leave their anchors and to departed, so as each of the ships lost two anchors at that place, the next morning, the fight began about eight of the clock in the morning, and continued eight hours along the channel to the North, all which time the English Fleet, pressed the Spanish Fleet in such sort as if they had offered to board the Spanish Fleet, they saw their Admiral so fearful, that he thinketh they had all yielded.  
He saith that in the said fight the Spanish Fleet lost one galliass, 
One galliass cast on shore.  which ran a shore about Calais, two Galleons of Lisbon which were sunk being the kings, 
Two Galleons and one Byskeine sunk.  and one Biskeine ship sunk, of between four and five hundred tons, and one other ship sunk also, after which fight, the General took account of the whole Navy, & found that they were left about a hundred & twenty sails of the whole Fleet, as was delivered by those that came from the top, but of his own sight he saw not passing fourscore and five sail or there about, but what was become of the rest he cannot tell.  
He saith that there were also in that fight three great Venetian ships, 
Three Venetian ships sort beaten with shot.  which were in danger of sinking, being sore beaten and shot through in many places, but were for that time helped by the Carpenters, and as he hath heard, for that they were not able to keep the Seas, took themselves toward the coast of Flanders, but what is become of them he cannot tell.  
He saith they were pursued by some of the English Fleet about five days after this fight Northward out of the sight of any land, and as he thinketh of the North part of Scotland.  
He saith that about four days after the English Fleet left them, the whole Fleet remaining being towards one hundred and twenty sail, as it was said, came to an Island as he thinketh of the North part of Scotland, where they stayed not, nor had relief, but at this place the General called all the ships together giving them in charge that they should with the best they could hast them to the first place they could get to of the coast of Spain or Portugal: for that they were in such great distress, through their great wants of victuals and otherwise. He saith they came forth the worse furnished thereof, for that they expected to be relieved of those things more amply by the Duke of Parma: he saith that out of this ship there died four or five every day of hunger and thirst, and yet this ship was one that was best furnished for victuals, which he knoweth, for out of some of the other ships some people were sent to be relieved in this ship.  
After this for a ten days the whole Fleet remaining, held together, holding their course the best they could towards Spain.  
He saith that at the same time, which is now about twenty days or more past, they were severed by a great storm which held from four of the clock in the after noon of one day, to ten of the clock in the morning the next day, in which storm the Admiral came away with seven and twenty sail which this examinat did tell, and that one of them was a galliass of eight and twenty owers on a side, what is become of the rest of the Navy he can not tell.  
He saith also that about ten days past, they had one other great storm with a mist, by which storm they were again severed, so as of those seven & twenty sail there came into the coast by Dingle Cushe, but the Admiral, one other ship of four hundred tons and a bark of about forty tons, and what is become of the rest of the seven and twenty sail he can not tell, but of one great Hulk of four hundred tons which was so spoiled as she cast towards the shore about twenty leagues from Dingle Cushe, he knoweth not who was Captain of this Hulk, he saith that of all sorts there be now remaining in the Admiral near about five hundred, of which there be five & twenty Biskers & forty Portugeses which are mariners, the Master being very sick and one of the Pilots.  
He saith, there be four score soldiers & twenty of the mariners in the Admiral very sick, and do lie down and die daily, and the rest he saith be all very weak, and the Captain very sad and weak, he saith this Admiral hath in her fifty four brass pieces, and about four score kintals of powder.  
He saith they were so near the coast before they found it, that by means of the strong Westerly wind they were not able to double out from it.  
There is in the Admiral left but five and twenty Pipes of wine, and very little bread, and no water, but what they brought out of Spain, which stinketh marvelously, and their flesh meat they can not eat their drought is so great.  
He saith no part of the Navy to his knowledge ever touched upon any land until such time as they came to this coast at Dingle Cushe, nor hath had any water, victual, or other relief from any coast or place since the English Fleet left them.  
He saith, that when they lay before Calais there came a Pinnace to their fleet from the Duke of Parma who told them the Duke could not be ready for them until the Friday following, but by reason of this fight of the English Fleet with them, they were not able to tarry there so long.  
He saith, that the Admiral's purpose is upon the first wind that serveth, to pass away for Spain.  
He saith also, that it is a common brute amongst the soldiers, if they may once get home again, they will not meddle again with the English.  
He saith, there be of principal men in the Admiral's ship, Don john de Lina a Spaniard, who is chief Captain of the soldiers of that ship, Don Gomes a Spaniard, an other Captain: Don Sebastian a Portugal gentleman an Adventurer: and a marquess an Italian, who is also an Adventurer, and one other Portugal Gentleman whom he knoweth not, but that they are principal men that have crosses on their garments: other mean Gentlemen there be also in the same ship: He saith, all the soldiers in this ship were Spaniards, he saith there are in the small Bark that is with them about five and twenty persons, how many are in the Hulk that is there, he knoweth not.  
He saith, he thinketh that the Duke is passed towards Spain, for that he was some twelve leagues more Westerly, than the Admiral was in the first storm.  
He saith, that the great Gallion which came from the Duke of Florence, was never seen sithence they were in the sight at Calais: He saith, the people of the Galliasses were most spoiled by the English Fleet.   

The examination of Emanuel Francisco a Portugal. 12. September. 1588.  
EManuell Francisco a Portugal, saith in all things as the former examinat, till the fight at Calais, in which fight he saith he knoweth there was lost a galliass that ran ashore at Calais, two Galleons of the Kings, the one called S. Philip of the burden of seven hundred, and the other called S. Matthew of eight hundred, a Biskeine ship of about five hundred, and a castilian ship about four hundred ton all sunk. This he knoweth for that some of the men of those ships were divided into the Admiral's ship, in which this examinat was.  
He saith, after this fight ended, it was delivered by him at the top, that there was one hundred and twenty sail left of the Spanish Fleet, and saith that those were very sore beaten, and the Admiral was many times shot through, and one shot in their mast, and their deck at the prow spoiled, and doth confess that they were in great fear of the English Fleet, and doubted much of boarding.  
He saith, the Admiral's mast is so weak by reason of the shot in it, as they dare not abide any storm, nor bear such sail as otherwise he might do, & for the rest he agreeth in every thing with the former examinat, saving that he saw not, or understood of any Pinnace that came from the Duke of Parma, nor doth remember that he saw above twenty sail with the Admiral after the first storm: and saith, that those in the ship that he is in, do say that they will rather go into the ground themselves, then come in such a journey again for England: and saith, the best that be in the Admiral's ship, are scarce able to stand, and that if they tarry where they are any time, they will all perish as he thinketh, & for himself he would not pass into Portugal again, if he might choose: for that he would not be constrained to such an other journey.   

john de le Conido of Lekit in Biskey mariner 12. September. 1588.  
IOhn de le Conido of Lekit in Biskey mariner, saith he was in the ship that the Admiral is in, and that he told the Navy after the fight ended at Calais, & that there were then remaining not passing a hundred and ten or a hundred and twelve of the whole Spanish Navy: and saith that a leak fell upon one of the Galliasses about fiteene days past, which he taketh to be fallen upon the North coast of this land: he saith, he doth not remember that there were above twenty sail left in the company of the Admiral after the first great storm, which fell on them about thirty days sithence: he saith the Duke did give them express commandment that they should not go on land in any place without his order: he confesseth that the Navy that remained after the last fight, were marvelously beaten and shot through, 
The Spanish Navy sore beated with shot by the English▪ and their tackling much spoiled.  and their tackle much cut and spoiled with the shot, and for the rest of the matter agreeth with the former examinat in every point in effect, and saith there was an English Pilot with the Duke. He saith that the Scot that is taken was taken in the North part, after the English fleet parted from them in a ship of fifty tons in which were about seven men, which the fleet hath carried with them, both the ship and people, six of which Scots were aboard the Admiral, whereof one is he that is taken.  
He saith, 
The Spaniard cast their horses and mules over board.  after the English Fleet parted from them the Spanish Fleet cast out all the horses & mules into the sea to save their water, which were carried in certain Hulks provided for that purpose.   

The reexamination of john Anthonio of Genua mariner. 15. September. 1588.  
HE saith his father and himself with others came into Lisbon in a ship of Genua, about a year sithence where they were embarked by the King of Spain, that ship was of about four hundred ton.  
He saith his father after this was appointed Pilot in the ship called our Lady of the rosary, of the burden of a thousand ton being the Kings: he saith the Prince of Ascule the Kings base son came in the company of the Duke in the Duke's ship called the Gallion of S. Martin of a thousand ton, but at Calais when the English Navy came near them, this Prince went to the shore, & before his return the Duke was driven to cut his Ankers, and to departed: whereby the Prince could not recover that ship, but came into the said ship called our Lady of the rosary, and with him there came in also one Don Pedro, Don Francisco, and seven other Gentlemen of account that accompanied the Prince. He saith the Captain of this ship was Villa Franca of S. Sebastian's, and Matuta was Captains of the Infantry of that ship. There was also in her Captain Suwares a Portugal, and one Garrionero a castilian Captain, Lopicho de la Vega, a castilian Captain, Captain Montanese, a castilian: and one Captain Francisco a castilian: and Michael d'Oquendo who was General of this ship. There was also in her one Irish Captain called john Rise, of about thirty years of age, and one other Irish man, called Francis Roche. The Prince was of about eight & twenty years of age. He saith there were other Gentlemen Adventurers in the ship, but not of that reckoning as the former were. He saith there were in all seven hundredth men in this ship at their coming forth: he saith, there were about five hundred in this ship at such time as she sunk: the rest perished by fight and by sickness. He saith, this ship was shot through four times, and one of the shot was between the wind and the water, whereof they thought she would have sunk, and the most of her tackle was spoiled with shot, this ship stroke against the rocks in the sound of the Bleskyes, a league and a half from the land upon Tuesday last at noon, and all in the ship perished saving this examinat, who saved himself upon two or three planks that were lose, the Gentlemen thinking to save themselves by the boat, it was so fast tied as they could not get her lose, whereby they perished: he saith as soon, as the ship stroke against the rock, one of the Captains slew this examinate's father, saying he did it by treason. He saith, there came in their company a Portugal ship of about four hundredth, who coming into the same sound, cast anchor near where they found the Admiral of the Fleet at Anchor, called S. john▪ in which Don Martin de Ricalde the Admiral was, he saith that about two and twenty days past the Duke departed from them, and about five and twenty ships in his company, and about forty ships were with the Admiral, but this ship was not able to follow the Admiral, by reason her sails were broken: and for the rest of the Navy that remained, they were so dispersed, as he cannot tell what is become of them▪ He saith the Duke being better watered then the others were, held more Westerly into the seas, and willed the Admiral with his company being in worse estate for water to see if he could touch with any coast to get fresh water, since which they have been severed by the nights and by tempest: he saith, this ship nor any other of the ships touched upon any land, nor had any relief of water or victual at any place sithence they parted, but from two Scots, which they took upon the coast of Scotland, whose fish and victual the Duke took, but paid them for it.  
He saith, their ships were so beaten, and the wind so contrary, and the sholles upon the coast of Flanders, so dangerous, as the Pilot that was in the Duke's ship, directed them this course Northward as their safest way. He saith, that in one of the days in which the fight was between both the Navies, the Duke seeing the English Fleet so hardly to pursue them willed his Fleet, seeing no other remedy, to address themselves to fight. 
In the fight at Calais were slain the Master of the Cavallary of the Tercij of Naples & Sicily.  He saith, that in that day of the fight at Calais they lost four thousand men in fight, one thousand were drowned in two ships, he saith the master of the Cavallary of the Tercij of Naples and Sicily was slain in this fight by a great piece that broke his thigh, his name he remembreth not: at which time also the Master of the Camp of the horsemen, 
The Master of the Camp of the horsemen.  and the Master of the Camp of the footmen were both slain, 
The Master of the Camp of footmen. And four thousand others, besides a thousand drowned.  but their names he remembreth not: He saith the four Galliasses were of Naples: He saith the four Galleys left the Fleet, before they came to the English by well near xl. leagues: He saith, the Florentine ship is gone with the Duke: He saith, there were xiiii. Venetian ships in this Fleet, two of them he saith are drowned, what is become of the rest he knoweth not, they served the king but by arrest: he saith there be three English men Pilots in the Duke's ship.  
He saith, this ship that is drowned hath in her three chests full of money: he doth not know what moved the Duke to command that the whole Navy that remained should repair to the Groin and not to departed without his direction upon pain of death.   

The examination of john Antonio de Moneke thirty. miles from Ganna. 17. September. 1588.  
HE saith, the Prince of Ascule was a slender made man, and of a reasonable stature, of xxviii. years of age, his hair of an auburn colour stroked upward, of a high forehead, a very little beard marquesotted, whitely faced with some little red on the cheeks, he was drowned in apparel of white satin for his doublet and breeches after the Spanish fashion cut, with russet silk stockings. When this Prince came into their ship at Calais, he was appareled in black razed velvet laid on with broad gold lace. He saith, that this Prince's men, for the most part were in the ship that this examinat was in, from their coming out of Spain: and when they were at Calais the Prince passed in a litte Phelocke with six others from ship to ship to give order to them, and some said he went to the shore at that time.  
He saith, it was thought to be about lx. leagues West from the Northwest part of Ireland, that the Duke departed from the rest of the company. He saith, they parted by a tempest growing in the night, & that about six days after, a Portugal Gallion overtaking this ship told unto those of this ship, that there were xxv. ships of the whole Navy passed away with the Duke, and that the rest then remaining of the whole Navy were dispersed by this tempest, some eight in one company, and four in another: and thus dispearsedly passed on the seas. But how many ships remained after their departure from the coast of Scotland, of the whole Navy, this examinat can not tell. He saith that after this first tempest which was about xxv. days now past, growing of a south-west wind, they had sundry tempests before they were lost with variable winds, sometime one way, and sometimes an other.   

The reexamination of Emanuel Fremosa. 17. September. 1588.  
EManuel Fremosa mariner examined the same day, saith that the day next before the great tempest, in which the Duke was severed from them, being a very calm day, himself counted the Navy then remaining, which then were about lxxviij. sail in all: when they were farthest of in the North, they were at lxii. degrees Northward, and were then about four score leagues and somewhat more from any land, and at the Northwest part of Scotland, Cape Clere being then from them South and by West, and this was about four or five days, before the said great tempest, and from that time until the same tempest, they had the wind most West, and West south-west, and sometimes West Northwest, but that not very long, he saith that it was known to very few of the Navy that the Prince the King's base son was in this Navy until they came to Calais, where this Prince about the time of the fight, was said to take himself into a little boat upon the coast of Calais, but before that, he kept himself as private in the Dukes own ship, as it was said, and not noted or spoken of in the Navy until then. But he saith there was a great Prince an Italian, that was a chief man in a great Argosy very well furnished, who before their coming to the English coast did very often banquet the Duke and the other great men of the Navy. This Argosy was called the Rat: he saith he did not perceive if this ship were in this Fleet the day before the said tempest or not, but he saith this being a famous ship, it was often demanded, if she were in their company, and it was answered that she was: he saith, the chiefest of the treasure that served for the pay, was as he heard in the galliass that arrived on the shore at Calais, and in a ship of Siuil made in Galicia called the Gallega of about seven. hundred tons, in which Don Pedro de Valdez was, which was taken on the South coast.   

The examination of Pierre Carrea Fleming.  
HE saith that in the ship that he came hither in called Saint john a Gallion of nine hundred tons, besides john Martin de recalled, there are five Captains, Don john de Lune, Don Gomes de Galanezar, Don Pedro de Madri, the Count of Parades, Don Felice, and there is also an Italian marquess of Piedmont called the marquess of Faruara.  
He saith also, that the Admiral after such time as the fight was at Calais came not out of his bed, until this day seven nights in the morning that they ran upon the shore. 
The Admiral after the sight at Calais came not out of his bed in seven weeks and more.  He saith his Admiral is of Biskeye either of Bilbo or Allerede, and of lxii. years of age, and a man of service. He saith, that there were in this navy of the old soldiers of Naples under the conduct of Don Alonso de Sono & of the old soldiers of Sicily under the conduct of Don Diego de Piementell● whose ship was lost near Calais. There was also Don Alonso de Leva master of the camp of the Cavalry of Milan: he saith, there is a bastard son of King Phillips of xxviii. years of age in this Fleet in the ship with the Duke, called the Prince of Ascule in Italy, who passed from them in a Pinnace about Calais as he took it.  
By other Advertisements of the fourteenth of September, it is certified to the Lord Deputy of Ireland, from the Earl of Tyron being at his Castle of Dongannon that upon intelligence brought to him of the landing of certain Spaniards in the North of Ireland, he sent two English Captains with their bands towards them, to the number of an hundred and fifty, who found them at Sir john Odogherties' town called Illagh, 
Six hundred Spaniards assaulted by one hundred and fifty English, vanquished & taken prisoners.  and there discovering their number to be above six hundred, did that night encamp within a musket shot of them, and about midnight did skirmish with them for the space of two hours, in which skirmish the Spanish Lieutenant of the field and twenty more of the Spaniards were slain, besides many that were hurt.  
The next day following they did offer skirmish again to the Spaniards, whereupon they all yielded, and so as prisoniers were carried to Dongannon to the Earl, who meant to send them to the Lord deputy, being judged to be men of good value and one thought to be a man that hath had some great charge and conduct of men for many years, whereof the Lord deputy will give knowledge as soon as they shall be brought to Dublin.  
There may be some errors in the writing of the Spanish names in English, because the same are written by way of interpretation, but there is no error in the nombring of the persons that are either dead or alive.  
26. September. 1588.    

SHIPS AND MEN SUNK, DROWned, killed, and taken upon the coast of Ireland in the month of September 1588.  
In Tyreconnell In Loughfoyle. 1. ship 1100 men Of that ship and others that escaped. In Connaught In Sligo haven. 3. great ships 1500 In Tireawley. 1. ship 400 In Clear Island 1. ship 300 In Finglasse 1. ship 400 In Oflartie 1. ship 200 In Irrise 2. ships The men fled into other vessels. In Galway bay. 1. ship 70 In Munster In the Shennan 2. ships 600 In Traylie 1. ship 24 In Dingle 1. ship 500 In Desmond 1. ship 300 In the Shennan 1. ship burnt The men embarked in another ship.   total 17. ship of men 5394.   

AFORE THE LOSS OF THE Foresaid seventeen ships in Ireland, there perished in july & August fifteen other great ships in the fight betwixt the English and Spanish Navies in the narrow seas of England, where no one English Vessel or person of any reputation, perished or was taken.  
 Ships Men  First Galleys. 4 1622.  Near Ediston by Plymouth at the first conflict. 1 0000.  
* Don Piedro de Valdes taken.  The same time was distressed & taken Don Pedro de Valdes ship 1 422. These two remain in England. At the same time by fire a great Biscaine ship. 1 289. 
These two remain in England.  
* In this vessel Don Hugo de Moncada was slain.  Afore Calais spoiled the principal galliass of Naples. 1 686.  In the conflict was sunk a great Biscaine. 1 000.  The Gallion S. Philip. 1 532. These two forced into Flushing being sore beaten by the English great shot. 
* Don Diego Piementel taken in this.  The Gallion S. Matthew. 1 397. A Biscaine wrecked before Ostend. 1. 000.  The day after the fight there sank two Venetians. 2 843.  A great Biscaine forced by two of the Queen's ships to perish at Newhaven. 1 000.   Ships Men  Total of these ships 15 4791.  total of both these losses. 32 10185. Whereof there are prisoners in England & Zealand at the least 1000 besides a great multitude of men not here accounted, that were slain in the fight, and that have died of famine, as by the examinations aforesaid appeareth. Beside many ships not yet heard of, thought to be lost.