A Brief Discourse, Concerning the force and effect of all manual weapons of fire, and the disability of the Long Bow or Archery, in respect of others of greater force now in use.  
With sundry probable reasons for the verrifying thereof: the which I have done of duty towards my Sovereign and Country, and for the better satisfaction of all such as are doubtful of the same.  
Written by Humphrey Barwick, Gentleman, Soldier, Captain, Et Encor plus oultre.  
AT LONDON. Printed for Richard Olive, and are to be sold in Paul's Churchyard at the sign of the Crane.   

To the right Honourable my very good Lord, Henry Carey, Baron of Hunsdon, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Lord Chamberlain of her majesties household, Lord governor of Barwick, Lord warden of the marches for and anent Scotland, Lord Lieutenant of Suffolk and Norfolk, Captain of her majesties Gentlemen Pencioners, and one of her highness most honourable privy Counsel, Humphrey Barwick wisheth long continuance in health and honour.  
RIght Honourable, having read over two little Books, set forth by two several Knights, the one dedicated to the magistrates of England by Sir john Smith Knight, the other by Sir Roger William's Knight also, dedicated to the right honourable the Earl of Essex: the which two Books either doth or aught to tend both to one purpose, and yet nevertheless in some special points therein, are such great diversity of opinions, that it would make men not perceiving the intent and what things are: even to waver and doubt of the truth of those causes, and considering that they are men both of good account and quality, loyal and faithful to one Sovereign, and also well traveled, whereby they ought to have the better knowledge in warlike weapons and Marshal Discipline: the variety whereof seemeth to many very strange. whereupon I have at sundry times had conference with divers persons of sundry callings, touching some part of the several discourses of the said two Knights, wherein I have found so very many addicted to the opinion of Sir john Smith, as touching the commending of the Archerye of England with so many reasons and arguments by him alleged in that behalf, that many are thereby persuaded, that the long Bow is the only weapon of the World for the obtaining of Battles and victories in these days, with so many allegations against Muskets, Harquebuzies and other weapons of fire, as in the same Book appeareth.  
Sir Roger William's upon the contrary doth seem to except of the Muskets specially, with the rest of the weapons of fire, and partly seeming to prove the long Bow to be the worst shot that are used in these days, as by divers arguments are set down in the 46. and 47. leaf of his discourse.  
Wherefore may it please your good Lordship to accept of my intent, being one of the meanest of a great number that are and hath been under your Lordship's government: to explain the matter according to my simple knowledge and experience in this cause, and that it may under your Lordship's protection be published in the behalf of your Honours dutiful and obedient Soldier, so shall I think my travel in doing but my duty towards her majesties Country and your Lordship, most happily harboured, and in the mean time remain ready to serve and obey at your good Lordship's commandment.  
H. Barwick.   

To all skilful Captains and Soldiers, who hath had the use and do know the force and effect of weapons of war, and to all such as are willing to know or understand the true effect thereof. Of whom H. B. craveth equal judgement.  
¶ There are three principal causes that doth give unto Conquests great and happy success. viz.  

Loyalty in Subjects.  
Exercises in Arms.  
And perfect intelligence   
I Do not a little marvel what the cause should be that men are so slow in things to so good effect: is there any in doubt to do good in causes most requisite? doth not every Captain repine and think much that doth know the force and effect of all weapons of war, to hear such arguments and so many reasons and devices to fortify a matter against all true knowledge and experience? what, shall we refuse the Cannon and fall to the Ram again, or to known weapons more meeter for Savage people then for puissant Princes, that are able to maintain those of the greatest force: or shall we be carried away with affection, threatenings, or eloquent and sweet words? it is not our parts, we must abide the greatest blows, or else what willbe the issue of the matter? shall the blind lead himself? or shall we run into a mischief headlong that we both see and know? considering how far the same doth differ from the matter alleged, even so far that every private Soldier that knoweth himself, may judge it were more than beastly: and so stands the case with us, if we do wilfully or ignorantly forsake that which we have so long time made just trial to be of the greatest force, and do return to that again the which we have so often forsaken, for the disability that by trial we have found therein: then are we well worthy to abide the smart thereof to our own reproach. And yet were it but the loss of the thing itself, the matter were the less. There are none that in person hath made just trial of the Archers that ever will if he may choose be partaker with them again: it is but the love that many do bear unto the same weapons, for that in times past they were the best shot that were: and yet were they the cause of more bloodshed then in these days is used: and my reason is this, that when battles and great encounters chanced to fall out, by reason that the shot were no more offensive, then by the use of the long Bows and Crossbows: the enemies did then commonly join both with long and short weapons, as by the dints of two handed Swords, Battle Axes and Bills, with Lead malles, whereby the fight continued unto the last end of the one party, but in these days where the weapons of fire hath been rightly used, it hath been scarcely seen that either Pike or Halberd hath come to join at any time before the one party did turn their faces, by reason of the terrible force of the great and small shot the which by skilful conductors of the same, have been placed upon their enemies by vantage of grounds or otherwise, as time and place hath served.  
And for that I have heard so many several opinions as is aforesaid: I thought it my part and duty to set down my opinion and knowledge the which I have learned by using of divers several weapons, in times of service as well on horseback as on foot, and the rather for the better satisfaction of those not understanding how requisite it is to be resolved in those points, not thinking in all my life to have done any such matter, but upon this occasion the which I am driven unto for divers causes, not altogether for want of experience in the thing itself, but for want of knowledge how to perfect the same in the setting down, being unlearned, save only to write a very simple style: it may be thought in me a presumption, yet for that the thing is laudable and tendeth to no other end then for the trial of so good a cause as this is, the which all good Subjects are bound to favour: wherein I do with a clear conscience protest not willingly to offend any party or parties under the Sun, of what quality or calling soever he or they be. I am not to treat of any matter of ancient times, but as some occasion may cause me for proof, but only within my own knowledge or at the least recorded, or to be proved: And for that I entered to be a Soldier at the age of 18. years, which was the second year of that good and godly King Edward the 6. at which time our English Archers were in force and greatly used, and Harquebuziers not as then common. For the first that ever had any whole band in England, was Sir Peter Mewtas Knight, who had as I do remember the charge of 500 half Hakes, the which were but mean stuff in comparison of those that are now in use, and at that time there were not in most bands of 100 men, above 10. or 15. and in many none at all: saving Captain Hugh Smith, who had in Guymes 100 Harquebuziers, saving 10. or 12. of other weapons, insomuch that the perfection of them were not as then in England known to any purpose, nor yet unto this day but with few, in respect that the sa 〈…〉 is in other countries near unto us, which I would wish might be as well in England as elsewhere, for those weapons of fire are not to be used without exercising of the same to any good purpose for service upon the sudden: but being once throughly practised, it is an excellent weapon and next unto the Musket, as in place hereafter shallbe shown.  
It may be thought by some Captains of late experience, for that I have not entered into these troublesome toils in the Low countries, or the civil wars in France, that I cannot have that experience & knowledge as others have: whereunto I answer that when I was young I did seek to serve, both in England, France, and Scotland, to that end I might the better do my Prince and Country service, and also to sustain myself, who otherways was not able to live as I did desire to do: whereas I learned to know the use of most weapons of war both for Horsemen and footmen, that are or have been used in this age, with as good Schoolmasters as any Italian, Spaniard or Wallon whatsoever, hath been or now is.  
And further I hope I may without offence set down the several pays that in my own Prince's service I have received for my own person. The first pay that I had was 6. pence per diem, for 3 months: after that 8. pence per diem, 16. pence per diem, 20. pence per diem, 2. shillings per diem, 4. shillings per diem, charge after 4. shillings per diem, charge after 6. shillings per diem, charge after 8. shillings per diem, charge after 14. shillings per diem. In all which advancement of pays & credit I did never make suit nor require any of the same pays: saving my first pay of 6. pence per diem: but they were all bestowed upon me either by the Prince, or by those who had the next place: without suit either of myself or of any other in my behalf: my entertainment in the French Kings service was such, as none of our nation for a footman ever had, only captain Lampton excepted: who after he was discharged from his band of footmen, became a private Soldier in the foot bands of France, and had great allowance for his own person and servants. I have been offered in France better pay and greater advancement than ever I had or desired.  
I was promised by the King of Spain to have a pension of 200. Crowns by year to be paid unto me in England for my service done unto him at St. Quintin's, but before I could come from whence I was prisoner, his Queen was dead, and he again married to the French kings Daughter, and at my return from my troubles in France, I was answered that the King was gone who did promise the said pension, and the Queen was dead, wherefore the promise was not to be performed, I required letters into Spain to the King, I was answered that it was no time as then, but when time served I should have letters of Sertificate, and so the cause grew worse than before, and so as yet I had nothing. This have I set down to th'end, that those who do not know me may the better understand, that I do not write or speak by reading or hearsay but by experience only.  
Wherefore I do heartily wish that we may grow all to one perfect knowledge without contending in any point, so far differing from all true knowledge and experience: and let the times past, rest, with such weapons and engines, as in those days were the best, and yet but trifles in respect of things now in use: As for example, was not our old Castles and Towers, sufficient to defend against all Rams and engines in those days used: whereas in these times there is hardly any device of fortification will serve against the force of the Cannons? Was not that famous King, Edward the third, constrained to lie before▪ Calais 13. or 14. months, for that he wanted the use of the Cannon, the which in four or five days was lost with the force of the same, and other fiery weapons? some may say it was lost by treason, but those that do know any thing, do perceive how that was done. And again, was not jack and Salad within our remembrance thought to be sufficient for arming of Soldiers? and further, concerning our simple arming in times past, notwithstanding that Sir john Smith doth affirm that men were as well armed in times past, as now present: which for example, look into the Histories the 11. year of Edward the fourth: where it appeareth, that Robert Basset Alderman of London, and the Recorder there, was thought to be well armed, being both armed with jacks to defend the City, against that Rebel Bastard Nevell: a man would think, that being an Alderman, if Armours had been as then in such store as now they are, that the Alderman would have had one for himself, and another for the Recorder. Again, did not the Duke of Bedford arm the most part of his Soldiers with tanned leather for the chief parts of their bodies, at such time as he was commanded by that prudent Prince Henry the 7. the 2. year of his reign, to encounter with that Rebel the L. Lovel: whereas now by reason of the force of weapons, neither horse nor man is able to bear armours sufficient to defend their bodies from death, whereas in the former times afore mentioned, wounds was the worst to have been doubted, touching the force of all their Archers, as by that manner of arming it seemeth most certain.  
I wish without offence, that all the Spanish shot were archers, as good as ever were in England, to that end, our nation might once join with them, for any harm that the arrows could do, they would soon return to gather grapes in Spain.  
Why should not Spaniard's being owners of that pleasant wood the Yew, become Bowmen and Archers? they are artificially sufficient, and they have and do seek by all means possible, that their ambition may be made complete. There is no doubt, but mighty Princes would have them, either of their own Subjects or of hirelings: if they were but half so good as in the opinion of sir john Smith they are thought to be.  
And thus by these simple reasons, the which cannot justly be denied, it may appear how things in times past, and now in these our times do differ, which may and will I hope in time be better considered off.  
My intent is to no other effect, but only to explain the matter so far differing, by the discourses of the said two Knights, in declaring my opinion touching the same: I might the rather be blamed herein, as no doubt I shall be, of some half Latinists, for want of congruity in my doings: but nevertheless, I will not let for all those to proceed with this, seeing that in all this time none doth frame to set down something touching the matter before rehearsed. I hope I may as a labourer, take upon me to dig forth the stones from the Rocks, and to leave the same in more readiness for the woorkmen to hew and pullish to a greater perfection.  
It doth cause me to remember one Cornelius a Gentleman and a Soldier in the French Kings service, who could have played of a Lute or a Gittern excellent well: but his conditions was such, that if the best Lord or Lady in France had requested him to have played, he would not have done it, the reason was that he doubted, that he should have been taken for some foolish Musician, and yet was he to be brought to have played without entreaty, as thus: if any of his acquaintance had taken the Lute or Gittern in hand, the worse that he or they had played, the sooner would Cornelius have taken the same forth of his friends hands, and thereon would have played right pleasantly. And so now I doubt not but even at the first blush we shall have a Cornelius to set these instruments in better tune, in all their wants and imperfections by me for want of learning and knowledge committed and left unperformed: so shall I be glad to have given an occasion to so good effect.  
H. Barwick.   

Certain discourses written by Humphrey Berwick Gentleman, with his opinion concerning the several discourses, written by S. john Smith and S. Roger Williams Knights, and of their contrary opinions, touching Muskets and other fiery we apons, and the longbow: with divers other points of war by some others afore time mistaken.  

FFirst I will begin in this my said discourse, to remember one of the examples that S. john Smith doth set down in his discourse, for proof of Archers to be weapons of force: And thus he saith at the time of King Henry the eight of famous memory, lying in Camp before Turwin, there was a Convoy to go from Guynes to the said Camp, of Munition and Uictualles: and all the French Captains of Picardy & Varmendois, having intelligence thereof, did assemble all their men at Arms and Lances of those Provinces, with some number of shot, also of Harquebuzers & Cros-bowers, and attended the English Convoy in an ambush, more than a league beyond the town of Ard towards Turwin, where encountering with the english light horsemen, the vantcarreres than did overthrow them: which being perceived by the Captains of the Convoy, then presently indused their carriages into a convenient form, and placing convenient numbers of Archers unto two open places before and behind, and forcing all other places betwixt carriage and carriages where the French Lances might have any entrance, after a long fight and many charges by the men at arms of France, and their shot given: the terrible effect of the volley of Arrows was such, that a great number of their horses were wounded or slain: and one of their chief Captains called Monsieur de Plesse lifting up his sword to strike, was shot in at the armhole through his Gosset of Mail, and there slain, with many other french gentlemen and others of good account, in such sort that the French did far exceed the English in number, were that day repulsed and overthrown by the excellency of archers, etc.  
If Sir john Smith do give credit unto old master Candwell, and thereupon set down as abovesaid: he may in that point be deceived, as for example: do but read Hollinsheades Chronicle the fifth year of H. 8. folio. 817. upon B. how the same fell out contrary. Again at solemn mass, where the power of scotlan to the number of 15000. minding to ivade the West borders of England, and so being in the English ground in a misty morning about twelve mile's distance from the Scottish power: there was upon the warning of the Beacon coming from the Baronrie of Kendal, about two hundredth Archers, and notwithstanding the Scots nor Archers did not meet by ten miles: yet was it reported and yet is said, that the Archers was the cause that the Scots were that day overthrown: whereas there was no such matter touching the said Archers: but true it is that the Scots was there overthrown, their whole power in effect as jedeon overthrew God's enemies, the Scots were 44. to one English man, I could rehearse more, but this may suffice, being done in H. 8. his days.  
And whereas Sir john Smith doth rehearse many and sundry examples of victories and overthrows, given by the force and effect of Archers, some above 2000 years since, and some 200 years since, and the most betwixt these times: but what hath been done since the perfect knowledge of fire weapons hath been in use? and whereas Manuel the Emperor of Constantinople, had in his armour or Target the number of 30. arrows sticking: one arqebus or Musket shot would have dispatched the matter, whereby men may see that it is but our own opinions and grounded affection, that our countrymen do bear unto the same weapon, in respect that the same was the best shot in ancient time, when others of greater force were unknown: we have the like estmation of the Long Bow, as the Irish have of their Darts, the Dansker of their Hatchets, and as the Scotch men have had of their Spears: all which are more meeter for Savage people or poor Potentates, who are not able to maintain others of greater force, then for puissant Princes. The Scots and Irish for the defence of their Countries do use their Bows, and so do the Burgonians and Walloons in the time of the wars, guard their Caves, Churches & small piles: the Cuntrymen for the safety of their goods, but the Soldiers in pay do never use them, neither in hold no rfield, who would not forbear to use them, if they knew no better or other of greater force.  
Notwithstanding, that Sir john Smith doth say that the arrows of Archers will kill th'enemies' farther distance off then any arqebus can do, I leave that to the judgement of all such Captains and Soldiers as have seen the true trial of both the weapons.  
It is not possible that noble men should understand or know the force and effect of weapons and abiliments of war, as other meaner persons do, who are brought up with the use thereof: some with one, and some with other, and self with all: neither is it the place for a noble man or worthy parsonage, to become a Musketter, Harquebuzere, Cannonere, miner, trench master or fortefier, all which are for meaner persons and young men to begin their service withal, and to proceed from one to another, as the body and the mind is addicted, and without these the wars cannot be conveyed to any good purpose: and as for footmen, a Pike, a Halberd, or a leading staff: and for horsemen, a Lance, a punching staff, Pistol or mace, it is seemly for a parsonage of good account, either on foot or on horseback to use them as in their kinds they ought to be: all which weapons are soon learned saving the Pistol the which must come by exercise. And now to verify my words, I will here set down and name such as by wrong instructions of them that have informed some noble men in marshal causes not so near the matter as the cause required to have been done, all things considered: and also of some that have been accounted wise and expert Soldiers in England, and yet in their doings have not so well performed the same: I would be loath to offend any in this point, for I do rather set it down for example of those that do live, then in any sort to blemish those departed:  
I will begin with the noble Earl of Pembroke, 
The worthy Earl of Pembroke.  whose valour and wisdom is not forgotten: and yet was he not greatly trained in the knowledge of Martial Discipline, as by these reasons shall appear.  
After that I had been in the French Kings service from the 6. year of Edward the 6. unto the siege of Saint-quintans in France, at which time I did come to the said Camp, where the said Earl was Lieutenant of the English army unto the King: it pleased his Lordship to call me to him and to talk with me of divers French matters: and after many discourses what preparations were made in France, it pleased his Lo. to ask me who was chief in the Town of Saint-quintins, I told his Lo. the Admiral and his brother Andelot, he asked mine opinion 
Admiral Satylyon.  of the Admiral's courage and knowledge: I told his Lo. that he was both wise and valiant, as any that ever I had served under. No, no, said the Earl, you are deceived, he is wise but not valiant: I did not reply any further in that point, thinking that the Earl by his great wisdom, knew more than myself, being then but young, but the Admiral did prove my opinion sufficiently: then the Earl did ask me what I thought of that army, and if that I had ever seen the like: I said it was a goodly army, and that I had seen the like at divers times. Yea said the Earl, but did you ever see the like expedition that is made in battering the walls of the Town? I demanded of his Lo. how long the same had been placed, his Lo. answered 14. days, I said that I had seen as much done in three days, the which was of greater strength then that was off: he asked me where, I told him, and after some other speeches, his Lo. departed for that time. Now his Lo. had never seen the like before: wherefore it seemed to him a new thing: this is not any reproach to that noble and worthy Earl, for how can any man whatsoever he be, know that he did never see?  
And shortly after it happened that the Castle of 
The Castle of Guynes besieged.  Guines was besieged by the French: and having drawn their Trenches near unto the walls of the said Castle, even at the point of the day, a volley of cannons went off at the Castle walls, and a gentleman of good account hearing the same, said to his man, me thinks said he, I do hear the battery go off, go see at what place the same is placed. The man went, and brought his M. word that the battery was placed against the Marie Bulwark, that is well said the Gentleman, God hold them there this month, supposing that the same would have holden forth the like time, but the same was made assaultable, before two of the clock the same day. Thus in mistaking of things, men may see the want of experience: for that many other fortifications was supposed to be of strength sufficient to defend the cannon, and thereby have been deceived.  
There was in those days great difference betwixt the French and the Spaniards in battering, for I have seen both, and have considered of the strength of both, the forcive and the defencive: and in troth the Spaniards are or were, far inferior unto the French: For examples sake, first at Turwin, where the Emperor's camp lay at the least 3. months before it was won, being in effect dry round about, without any water in the ditches, which is a great strength to any hold. Saint-quintins was the weakest Town in all Pickardy, Taresse, or in Uarmendois, and yet it cost the King 20. days work, whereas the French King did win in one season 
Towns won in one summer by the french. K. H. 2.  these towns, viz: the Town of Seem in one day, the Town of Marianbrugh in one day, the town and castle of jevoye in one day, the Town of Bovaigne in one day the castle of Denant 3. days, the town of Binks in one day, whereof the most part were stronger than either Turwin or Saint-quintins.  
Now to return where I left touching wrong informations or want of experience: It fell out 
The french Nation expelled forth of Scotland.  within two years, that the Queen's Majesty that now is, sent her army into Scotland for the expelling of the French Nation from thence, at which time the French did then retire themselves, with some few Scots, into the town of Lieth, for their most safety upon the approaching of her majesties army: the L. W. Grace of Wilton then General of 
The L. W. Grace.  the said army, it pleased his L. to send the horsemen to the number of 500 to view the grounds, where the Camp might best be placed the next day, and Sir William Pelham, being then Captain of the Pioneers, and trench master, went also to see, where he might best begin to entrench: I seeing him going about the same, and notwithstanding I had no acquaintance of him: and yet knowing that he had neither served in France, nor with the Emperor, 
M. Pelham entrencheth and is offended without cause.  of good will that I bore unto the service, I went unto him in courteous manner and said, master Pelham, it were very good for you to begin at the foot of this hill, and run strait to yonder hillock, whereat he seemed to be offended and said that I stood not charged with these matters▪ it was his charge and not mine: I was sorry of that I had spoken, considering how uncourteously he did accept of my good will. But how did the matter fall out? before ten days, by leaving his trench open: the French perceiving that they might without any let come both on horseback and foot, and so did: whereas it cost the lives of 200. soldiers, and Captain Bartlet taken prisoner, with divers others, and at the rescue whereof the L. Grace of Wilton that now 
The L. Arthur Grace sore wounded.  is, having not time to arm himself, was shot through the body with a Bullet, so that many thousands have died of lesser wounds then that was.  
And again at the time, that the good Earl Francis of Bedford, was L. Governor of Berwick, and 
Francis E. of Bedford.  L. Warden of the East Marches: it chanced amongst other warlike talk proceeding from his L. at dinner time, he demanded of the Captains there present, how many shot a harquebuzier might discharge in one hour: one Captain Brode even suddenly did answer and said ten, the rest of the Captains 
Captain Brode his answer unadvisedly made.  did not reprove his answer, although that they did know, he was far short of the matter: and I sitting at the table, though not to cross the said Captain Brode but rather to tell him thereof after dinner, the which I did and withal told him, that it was not so well done, as of right he ought to have done, as all the Captains there present did confess. But the said Captain Brode, to maintain his said answer, said that he had said truly, and thereupon did offer to wager, whereto I did offer there, to shoot 
40. Single Bullets to be shot forth of a Caliver in one hour.  forty in the like time, single Bullets forth of one piece, but the Captain would abide no trial, the which I did offer to make.  
And thus may we see, that Noble men by wrong information, of such as they do suppose should know, may be abused.   

The second discourse.  
ANd for further example, the two Tresmains, they 
The two Tre●smaynes.  were very proper Gentlemen, and had been in France four or five years, during the wars betwixt the Emperor Charles, and the French King: and it was supposed at their return into England that they had been trained in that service, during their abode there: but it was not so, they never did command in the field, neither were they of any other commanded, in any martical cause: nevertheless at their home coming, they were appointed to take charge, but what was the end of them both? even death, without doing their Prince or country any good, to their friends or themselves any praise or reputation.  
Wherefore I wish all young Gentlemen, and others minding to do their Prince and country 
To learn first to obey, the better shall you konwe how to command.  good service, to learn first to obey, and the use of warlike weapons, and not to think, by reading only to attain to knowledge, without some further experience: and that done, they may the better proceed, according to their callings, to command and lead others the better, with more commendation for their service and for the security of themselves, and followers.  
There is no greater grief can be offered to a Captain, 
Knowledge and ignorance.  that doth rightly, and truly understand what service is: then to be commanded by his Chieftain, to do and execute to the contrary, wherein there may be no denial. It is even so with the skilful soldier, unto his unskilful Captain, these things I do perfectly know to be true of mine knowledge.  
I will set down a little further, touching a 
A reported matter.  matter reported unto me, by men of skill and knowledge concerning a Gentleman, who was accounted to be one of the most skilfullest Soldiers in England: and in troth he was a marvelous honest Gentleman, and offaire conditions: but a soldier is never justly tried, unto such time as cause and action hath made due proof thereof. I did once here S. Richard 
It is better to have the name in the court, then to perform in the field.  Lee the fortifier, say unto a counsellor in England, that it is better for a man to be counted a good soldier in the Court, then to be the best soldier in the field, and not known in Court.  
And now to the reported matter▪ It pleased her Majesty and counsel, to send M. Edward Randall Esquire, into Ireland about the tenth year of her majesties reign, with divers bands of footmen, for the better guarding of some part of her highness countries and subjects there, against such rebellious persons as then pretended to injure the same, and so being placed in Ireland, it fell out that either upon some false report, or the ignorant advertisement of such as was put in trust, for the discovering of the enemy's numbers: but how so ever it was, the Colonel commanded that Captain Cornwall, Captain Gorlay, Captain Skreven, and Captain Ward, should be ready with their several bands, to march forward as they should be directed: and about two hours before day they did march forth towards the enemies. At the point of the day before the son was up: the few English horsemen did discover of the enemies to the number of 3000. horsemen and footmen, being very near unto our foot men, who were in number about 400. with 50. horsemen, lead by Captain Haruy, whereupon our Captains, perceiving that there was no hope to retire with any safety, by reason the enemies were so many horsemen: took their grounds for their best advantage, and aranged their men in good order, and encouraging their soldiers, to try their vallures, in that parcel of ground of some advantage, and to show themselves to be the men, that they professed to be: whereupon they made ready their weapons to receive the enemy's violence. 
Colonel Randall having not perfect sight.  Now master Randall the Colonel, having not perfect sight, demanded how far the enemies were off, and what number they were: It was told him they were in horsemen and footmen to the number of 3000. even hard at hand, ready to charge the footmen: where withal, he without either taking time to encourage and accompany his men, or to suffer the footmen to give their volley of shot as reason did require, but even presently put the spurs to his horse, 
Edward Randall wilfully slain through his own oversight.  and ran into the thickst of the enemies, even at the instant that the Harquebuziers did give their volley of shot at the enemies: insomuch, that he was slain with his own men and friends most wilfully: to the great discouragement of the rest, had there not been men both of courage and knowledge in their doings, who in that action did right well try themselves to be Soldiers, for the enemies were there by God's help & their good service, overthrown and put to slaughter and flight, to their great 
The valiant Captains not remem bred in the Chronicles.  praise. Now if this be true as it is supposed, I do think that it is against reason, that the same should be accounted a matter worthy of the praise that by the Chronicles is set down, and to leave unremembered the valiant Captains that was the just cause of the deed and victory obtained.  
I do not set this down for any malice that ever I did bear unto M. Randall, for I did ever for his courtesy, both love him, and thought well of all his good speech and doings, until this fact was committed: and for that I have heard some of good account say that his doings in the same was valorous: I am not of that mind, but it is for the most part holden for valour with such as do not understand what true valour is: when in troth it is but 
True prows, and foolish hardiness.  very foolish hardiness, without any discretion at all.  
And thus much have I said as touching ignorance as well in the greatest who have received their 
Touching ignorance.  knowledge by wrong informations: as the meaner who doth not regard what they do take in hand, through the like offence. A man might make a long role, but this is some part to show, that it is necessary 
To have regard to whom great charges are given.  to look, unto whom such great charges are committed: to be men well able to discharge the same, not in words but in action: so shall it the better fall out for our Prince's service, and defence of the Realm.   

The third Discourse.  
AS for the disorders in the Low countries, it is sufficiently spoken off in the discourse of Sir john Smith, and as concerning the battle at Tilburye 
The Battle at Tilbury.  in Anno. 1588. I have heard divers reports thereof, the which if they be true, there was some cause to find fault. But as touching the Archers they were placed in my opinion, in the place most fit for them: for the best was to be placed in the front, and the worst in the rearward.  
And as concerning great or small Bands of footmen: my opinion is this, that it is necessary for footebands or bands of horsemen, to be of divers numbers, for sundry causes: First, for that there are Captains, who are better able to govern five hundred, than some othoers are to guern two hundred. Again, if there happen some piece of service 
It is good that Bands of footmen and horse men be of divers numb bers for divers causes.  to be done, which one hundred may do, it is more than needeth to send two or three hundreds to do the same, or peradventure there cannot be spared so many: If therefore there should be sent one hundredth from another hundredth, if in both the places service should come in hand: the two hundredth so parted, shall be the weaker in both the parts, by dividing the Officers. As for example.  
I have the charge of 200. footmen, my commander commands me to set forth of my band of 200. 
dividing of bands doth weaken the same.  one hundred, to keep a strait or passage, or such like: it is reason that either my lieutenant or myself do go with them: if in the mean time occasion of service be offered, both my two hundreds are by this means weakened.  
And so doth the matter fall out, if a parcel of service should be done, where 500 should be employed thereunto: it were better that one sufficient Captain took in hand to do the same with his only band, then to send two Captains: for two may be of divers opinions, and so may differ, whereby the service is oftentimes hindered. So is it in my opinion, not amiss, that there be in a great Army, 100 200. 300. 400. 500 or 600.  
The Frenchmen do use when a noble man hath 600. footmen in charge, to have two Ensigns, and two Lieutenants, four sergeant, and 8. corporals, for commonly, they do use 300. to one Ensign in Camp time: but the County of Creance had in the service against Charles the 5. the charge of 600. footmen.  
And for the numbers to be admitted under Colonels, it standeth in the same state, as doth the Captains before mentioned: for a worthy parsonage that is able to govern aright, would I wish to have under his charge 3000. men, a mener 2000 and the least 1000: so should they the more properly serve upon several occasions, as the Captains may in their estates do. But one thing I do wish, that the Collonelles should take such order with their Captains, that every several band be armed and weaponed alike, according to their proportion: so shall it be a great furtherance at the time that the Army shall be reduced into battle, and put in order to fight, without any confusion or trouble to the corporals of the field, or to the sergeant majors: but with great ease may embattle them upon the sudden, if they were in number 20000. footmen. Thus much after my mean skill and understanding have I set down, as concerning Colonels and Captains, referring the same to my betters, and Captains of greater experience and knowledge, to allow or disallow at their pleasure.  
And further concerning the proportion of weapons 
The proper shows of weapons for foot bands.  afore mentioned: I wish to every hundred 35. armed Pikes, 30. Muskets, 20, Calyvers, and 15. Bills, Halberds or Partesants: my reason is this, that I would have so much to offend, as to defend: for as by common experience, that those Swissers and Almains, whose hirelings soever they be, the chief cause wherefore they are retained, are but to fortify the bodies of their battles as defendants, and therefore are most sure and strong. But as for the offensive, which be the shot next unto the Horsemen: they must be of other nations, and men of more agility of body, then either Swisser or Launceknight. And now to the declaration of our weapons.  
IT is supposed by many, that the weapon called commonly a Caliver, is another thing than a 
The Duke of Guise was the first that did invent them  arqebus, whereas in troth it is not, but only a arqebus, saving that it is of a greater circuit or Bullet, than the other is of: wherefore the French man doth call it a piece de Calibre, which is as much as to say, a piece of bigger circute.   

The fourth discourse.  
ANd now for that the arqebus, was the first weapon that I did use, I will therefore say some thing touching the same: it is a weapon most offensive, that as yet ever was invented, for all manner of service, as well on horseback as one foot, and in the hands of a skilful soldier, well practised and trained with the use thereof, a most terrible and 
arqebus in the hands of ignorant men are rather hurtful then commodious  deadly weapon. But this I must needs confess, that in the hands of an ignorant person, neither apt nor willing to use the same, as of right it ought to be, it is rather hurtful then commodious: For whosoever shall take in hand to use the same weapon, must take (as it were) a delight in the well using thereof. First to keep the same clean and clear as well within as without, and to have his mould, to cast his Bullets, as round as is possible, and the same well pared, to that end it may fall close to the powder, without staying by the way, than his match well made and dry, his steel and flint to strike fire, his screws and worms to serve all for his scouring stick, and for every ten soldiers to have a casting pan. For flasks, it were better that the use of them were left, and in lieu thereof the Spanish use, which is now had with us for our muskets, for it is the best, the surest and the readiest, that yet hath been used for divers causes, which I omit lest I should be tedious. This Harquebuzier must yet have a tuch box, a purse for his Bullets, steel and flint, and a priming Iron for the clearing of the tuch hole, when need▪ shall require, a good Morion, with not to high a crest, a good short sword of a yard in blade, and dagger of twelve inches in blade, with a good girdle and strong. This soldier thus furnished, being apt & willing, and doth understand 
A Harquebuzer need not being perfect to encounter a man at arms.  what himself is in force: needeth not to care who he doth encounter withal being but one, although he were a man at arms: and in grounds of advantage to be the death of many, the which advantage of grounds, is the greatest help to all defendants, the which I take to be our parts at this day in England, to think upon.  
For these Harquebuziers, is the only weapon, that hath been the greatest cause of the deaths of such numbers, as have been of late days overthrown, in great encounters, yea and in small skirmishes, & by the terrible shot of Pistoliers or Reisters', and specially at Saint-quintins: and at graveling the English ships, were a great cause of that overthrow.  
But read the book of the Commentary of the scivile wars of France, and the encounters in the Low countries: and at the same time, that the French King Henry the second encountered with the Emperor Charles at Rentie, what was the shot of Harquebuzers there? the very morning before the sun was one hour high, there 
400. Harquebuzers slain in one morning.  was 400 Harquebuziers slain of the French party, and drawn out of the shrubs or bushes by the héels: the which the French and Spaniards did strive to obtain, for the better advantage of a greater matter which was done there that same day: And it was well known that of the Spanish party, there was slain in the same skirmish, almost double the number. And after the obtaining of the same bushes or shrubs, by the french, the Emperor came forward towards the King's army, being a Falcon shot the one off the other: at which time the Duke of Savoy having the leading of the Uantgarde, did descend towards the said bushes possessed by the French footmen: and the encounter began with such terrible shot of the Spanish Uantgarde and the French 
The shot of Harquebuzers are most deadly weapons if they be in the hands of skilful men.  footmen, that who so ever did see the same; may well say, that the shot of the Harquebuziers, are most deadly weapons, being in the hands of skilful men: For what with the terror of the French shot, and the brave charge of the French light horsemen, the Uantgarde of the Emperor was there overthrown, and chiefly by the terror of the French shot, laid in the bushes as afore is said.  
Again before cambray, the armies aforesaid being near together, where the King had stayed four days according to his promise for the Emperor: It fell out the last day, the King removed his Camp, at which instant there approached near unto the French Camp 2000 horsemen of the best in the Emperor's army, accompanied or backed with two thousand Harquebuziers one foot: the French being 5000▪ men at arms, & archers, within Pystol shot of their enemies for the space of four hours, still beholding one another, who durst first break: for if the French, being the greater number, had charged the Sapniards, then would the two thousand shot, have galled and destroyed the most part of them, to their great detriment and loss: wherefore it may be thought that the French would not have over shot themselves so far, as to have omitted such a days work: but only for the doubt that they had, of the same Harquebuzers so couched in a hollow way, behind the horsemen, as aforesaid.  
Again at the siege of Bovaigne, where the French King being in person, the Emperor at Namure, within eight miles, the King's pleasure was to have five hundred horse, to go as near to the emperors Camp as they could, to discover the enemies: but it fell so forth, that there were 2000 horsemen enemies abroad, at the same time: and meeting the one with the other, they both paused to charge: for the most part of the way lay, betwixt the river of Moose and a great bank: so that the French supposed, that the whole Camp of the Emperor had been coming, they retired a soft troth: their enemies pursued, and made after with more speed, and the French having but only forty shot, horsemen, they caused them to light and to defend the straight at the best advantage: & by means of those forty shot, the 500 horse were saved, and came to their Camp without loss. Also the very first day, that Bovaigne was besieged, the French shot so freshly followed the Spaniards, that were sallied forth for the mainetenance of their skirmish: that in conclusion, they 
A battery plase with out trench or gabyon.  came close to the walls of the town, and there stayed: and so without either trench, basket, or gabyons, continued there, from eight of the clock in the morning, unto four in the afternoon: in which time, there was not any, either soldier or townsman, that durst look over the walls: in so much, that the canoneers and Pioneers, did place their ordinance, without any more defences for their safety, than afore is said: so that before five of the clock, the french footmen entered, and slew man, woman and child, or threw them into 
Man woman and child slain or drowned.  Moose, which doth run close by the wall upon the one side: so were these people all slain or drowned saving nine Spaniards, that fled into a little tower, the which they defended about two hours, to the loss of five or six french shot: But the next day they were all hanged upon one pair of Gallows, that were set up, right against the castle of Denant, being little more than half a mile, distant from Bovaigne: wherein was at that time, julian Romero with 200. of his country men, who by his and their valours, and force of their shot, withstood the kings power three days, to the death of a great number of the french, which were lost at two assaults, and then yielded by composition.   

The fifth discourse.  
ANd touching the rest of our fiery weapons, I will set down partly my opinion, and when I do speak of Harquebuzies, it is meant by all Callivers & Curriers: & although the musket be a weapon of greater force than the arqebus is of, yet generally both on horseback and on foot, a arqebus doth serve for both. But were the musket to be dealt withal on horseback, as one foot: I would then think it the best of all manual weapons, that yet have been devised and invented: and not only in defending of holds and trenches, but also in the plain field for Battles and great encounters: yea and to back the smaller shot in skirmish, to 
Pieces of more force to defend holds then Muskets.  great purpose. For within holds or trenches, there may be used, as the manner is, pieces of better force, and more to offend the enemies than muskets: as Fauconits', Robinets, and Organpipes, all these be but light pieces, & are mounted upon carriages, and the greatest may be removed with two or three men (which is the Fauconit) all along the rampires: and ever new and new, small lowpes made, that the enemies shall not discern the same, before the shooting thereof, which may not be done, but upon good occasion: and also there be other pieces, to be set upon Blocks, and to be removed in like manner: as Bases of divers sorts, and arqebus with crooks, otherwise called Hagbuts a crook, the name come of the hook of the same, which is to be holden fast to a stock or stone, for recoiling.  
But to the musket again: The musketes are 
No armours can defend against the Musket being near hand.  weapons of great force, and at this day, both with leaders and followers, much feared: for few or no Armours, will or can defend the force thereof, being néerehand, which is as well a terror to the best armed, as to the meanest: it will kill the armed of proof at ten score yards, the common armours at twenty score, and the unarmed at thirty score, being well used in bullet and tried powder.  
And where as it is alleged in S. john Smiths book, of many and sundry imperfections, incident unto the same weapons of muskets, and Haquebuzies, as in dankishnes of powder or match, the smallness of their bullets being not equal for the bore of the same pieces, with divers other impediments, as there is to be seen, who so lists to look: which 
No impediments where as skilful soldiers are.  are no impediments, where skilful soldiers hath the using of the same pieces. And for the cause of rainy weather (by him alleged) if it be such a great wet, that all things are wet: then is it as bad for y● one party as for the other: Let the service rest, or fall to it with hand strokes. another objection is made in the same book, against all knowledge and experience, and that is touching the taking level at their mark or marks, whereat they shoot, as being so far inferior unto the Longbow in that respect, as though there were no comparison to be made therein. To the which I answer, both of my own knowledge and by common experience, for that I myself did use my bow, unto my age of 17. years, and could have shot therewith right well, and so from my bow to my arqebus, and after that I had used the same, but 4. or 5. months, I would have shot at any mark, at butts short or long, or bank: with the best bowman in England, for all that I had, and so shall I as yet do, for a good wager, or at the least some scholar of mine.  
And as it is there termed point and blank, I never heard but that it is termed point blank, 
Point blank and not point and blank.  but I will not stand upon terms, for either have I and many more such plain fellows, misued our terms in that point, or else I am in the ●ight. But as touching the certainty of shooting at marks or enemies, let it be with arqebus or musket, considered but with the archer himself: Whether a Crossbow, or a Longbow in a Tiller, shoot more certainly, either at mark or prick, then doth the Longbow that from the hand of the bowman is delivered: and then I think it will be allowed, that when the arqebus or Musket, do take the level from the button of his sight, unto the pin in the fore end of his piece, that he may shoot with more and surer level, then can either lose Longbow, Tiller-bowe, or Crossbow: and specially the Musket, who hath his rest to stay his piece upon, right steadfastly.  
And whereas it is set down, also by S. john Smith that it is not meet, that any Harquebuziers should discharge or shoot, but within 8. 10. or 12. yards at the most. I wonder what manner of soldier that should be, that within point blank of his weapon, be it musket or arqebus, that should miss the breadth of a trencher: and these are my reasons which consisteth in two points. First as touching a good and skilful Cannonier, notwithstanding that his 
Touching a good and skilful Canonere.  Cannon doth recoil, six or eight foot: he will not fail the compass of a yard of his mark, being within point blank: Secondly the fowler, who doth shoot without a rest many times, and hath his piece charged with small hail shot, if he be perfect, will not fail to kill a Mallard, (yea sometimes half a dozen if they sit near together, or right upon his level) within fifty yards. Then much less will the skilful Harquebuzier or Muskettier miss the hitting of a man: And again, there is not so simple a soldier, that cannot make an estimation how far his mark is without his level, that is without point blank, and so give his weapon that vantage, as the distance doth require. And so I omit to answer unto the rest alleged, for the slenderness of them: thinking this sufficient, to prove my arguments manifest enough unto all that doth know the use of weapons of war: and for such as are ignorant, let them learn of them that doth truly know them.   

The sixth discourse, proving the Longbow to be far inferior unto the fiery weapons.  
ANd now to the Longbow so highly commended by S. john Smith, by so many & sundry recited arguments and proofs, by him alleged in his said book, as therein is declared and set forth in so 
It is not needful to answer unto so many recited reasons.  many several places, that I think it is not needful or requisite to answer unto the most part thereof. But as the old proverb is, that good things need no praising: therefore as near as God will give me leave, I shall set down my opinion and knowledge, without either affection or hatred to the same.  
The time that I first entered into the wars, was at Boleigne, where there were a thousand five hundredth, or thereabouts in the same Town, and Forts there near adjoining: and although I served there some five or six months, yet did I not at any time during my abode there, see them altogether at any one instant, unto such time as the same was delivered unto the French king: all which numbers came from thence to Calais in good order of march: and I serving in Guines under sir john Wallop Knight went to see them, and beholding them well in divers respects, I thought that in all England, there were not so many in any one shire to be found, of the like comeliness and shape of body: and notwithstanding that the most part of them were archers, I did never see or heard, of any thing by them done with their Long bows, to any great effect. 
Nothing done by the archers, but many have been seen lie dead with Harqubuze and Pistol.  But many have I seen lie dead in divers skirmishes and encounters, between the English in those Forts, and the French in Garrison, in the Fort called Mon pleasure and mon gardenet, right over against our Forts and holds there. And where as I served in Guynes as afore is said, in a band that were all Harquebuzieres saving fourtéen persons, there was also another Band of▪ Soldiers, under one Captain Basset, who had no Harquebuzeres in his Band, he was an Essex man toward the Earl of Oxford, and the two bands served oftentimes together, in divers skirmishes and overthrows, betwixt the Garrison of Guines and Arde, and amongst many other, both before the town of Arde and at other times, near unto the Castle of Guines, where trial was to have been made, twice or thrice in a week of all manner of warlike weapons, and the sufficiency thereof to have been justly proved, and amongst many other of greater force, in numbers I will hear set down the manner of one encounter done by the Garrison of Guynes.   

The 7. Discourse.  
IT fell out that Sir john Wallop Knight of th'order of the Garter, who had gotten intelligence by his espials that the Frenchmen would come into the English grounds upon a night: whereupon as soon as the gates was shut, he sent forth his Gentleman Porter, to command the Captains to put in readiness their Bands, all saving one that should continue within the town, for watching and warding, until their return back, which was done accordingly: and according to the time appointed, they did march forth of the Town 400. footmen, and 25. horsemen: and being not half a mile from the Town, there fell such a huge rain and tempest, that the Captains consented together to return home to the Town again, and so did. Sir john Wallop was a lame man, and could neither ride nor go, but in a litter as he was carried, and yet in his directions most perfect.  
The Frenchmen being abroad, and had lain in covert all the same morning: about ten of the clock in the foorenoone, the Cattle of the English inhabitants being all abroad, and suspecting no enemies, the French horsemen broke upon the villages, from Mewnam Bridge, close by the marish side, and drove away great numbers of Cattle and Sheep, not coming near unto Guines by two miles: and when they had gotten that they could, they returned towards Hambletewe, and so after that they were forth of the sight, of the day watch of Hams and Guynes, the Garrison of Hambletewe and them of Arde▪ there parted their booty, and so returned towards their Garrisons. In the mean time Sir john Wallop had understanding that the Captains went not forth according to his direction wherefore he sent to command them to come before him to answer their cause: but before the Captains did come, the Alarm was throughout the Country, and the day watch struck the Alarm, and off went a Cannon, to give the rest of the Country warning, and forth with the Captains and Soldiers issued forth and with their weapons only without any armour at all, the Bell continued striking the Alarm so hotly that every man thought the enemy had been at the Town gates, insomuch that the governor himself came forth, and there meeting with some of the Captains, so be called them for not performing his directions, that he swore by God's mother (which was his common oath) that they were all cowardly knaves, and durst not look a Frenchman in the face, wherewith the Captains were sore grieved: but in this mean space there came a Horseman from Sindercase Church, who had seen all the demeanour of the French, and declared that one part were going towards Hambletewe, and th'other towards Arde: the Captains and the Soldiers hearing this, never staid, but made towards a place called Buckhole or Buckhold, they ran by 20. and 10. and more and less, until they came near to the open where the French were newly come through the the woods, with the Cattle and booty, and took their grounds of advantage, and put their footmen in their best order, and their horsemen upon their left hand: and by that time the French were well set in their orders, the English were about 280. footmen that were come together, and 9 horsemen: but before that the English could come into the ground, where those French had embattled themselves, there was a hedge wherein was a gap, that 3. in a rank could not pass through the same, whereof we stood in doubt that the horsemen would have charged us, before we had past the said strait: but they suffered us quietly to come through the same: there needed no Sergeant, for every man as fast as he could place fell into his rank, which was seven, and then we had to ascend towards the enemy, who stood upon a Linch of a bank 2. yards high: the horsemen stood at the end of the same Linch, upon whom we strait directed our shot: the French shot off their pieces, in effect upon our flank, and overshot us in manner, but we let fly amongst their horsemen, so full in their faces, that they to go, it was no need to bid them spur, and so many as were not slain went clear away: the footmen stayed until we came to join Pike to Pike, and at the last they began to shrink, and thought to have saved themselves, being so near the wood: but we pursued them so fast, that few did scape by flight, and so they threw away their Pikes, and fled towards the wood, but we killed 117. of the footmen, and five horses, and took monsieur de Outing Lieutenant to the Governor of Arde, and one other Horseman, and 69. Prisoners, with the armour and weapon of the rest that were slain: the booty went clear away, for before we had done and put ourselves in good order again to march home, the booty was near Arde gates: and Sir john advertised by some that were in the day watch, that the French and our men were together, for the smoke of the shot might well be seen, he wished that we had been at home, for all his land said he: But when news was brought him by one Muse, one of the nine horsemen, that he should cause his cook to provide his supper, for Monsieur de Outing would sup with him & a great sort more of his partakers: then the governor was right glad, and was sorry that he had so be called the Captains. This was done about November in the 3. year of Edward the sixth, by my Captain Hugh Smith and Captain Thomas Sibell, Captain Matson and Captain Basset with 268. footmen, and 9 horsemen. The french were 87. horsemen led by Captain Pelowes, and 340 footmen led by the L. of Outing: in this encounter we lost but five men, yet divers hurt but recovered all well again, amongst these there was 35. Bowmen▪ whereof there was one slain, but not one slain by the archers, nor to my knowledge, I never saw any slain out right with an arrow, and but with Quarrels few, but with arqebus and Pistol shot, I have been at several times, where 20000. hath been slaive outright, besides many wounded and maimed.  
I have made a long rehearsal of this overthrow at Buckhole, & the rather for that I find it not set down in any other place, by any of these our late Chroniclers, but many matters of smaller effect than that.  
I have been at many greater matters, but never at any, done with more good will, or better courage either of Captain or soldier. For albeit that we were clearly unarmed and the enemy well armed, yet we might have chosen to have set upon them, or to have left them where they were.  
And now where I left touching archers with their Longbows.   

The 8. discourse.  
LEt us consider justly of sir john Smiths words, although he doth give the Longbow, many great and excellent commendations: yet when he cometh to account of the full force thereof, he saith, that it doth most wonderfully with the noise thereof terrify the enemy, and so forth: and also doth confess that it doth but sometime kill. I refer that point to all good soldiers judgement, there is none worthy to be a soldier, that doth not think to be a Captain in time, by his valour, knowledge, and good behaviour: And what is he that is of that mind, or that doth fear any wounds, so that life 
Archers are rather an encouragement, then hurtful unto a resolute soldier.  may be in little or no danger? I do firmly believe, that it is rather an encouragement to a resolute soldier, rather to approach towards them, than any way to shun them: For in troth when I was in the french King's service amongst the old bands of footmen, I did greatly commend the force of the Longbow, but how was I answered: to be short even thus, Non non Anglois, vostre cause est bien salle car dieu nous a donnes moyen de vous encountrer apres, unautre sort que en temps pass. No, no, English man saith he, your case is become fowl, for God hath given us means to encounter with you after an other sort then in times past, for now saith he the weakest of us are able to give greater wounds, than the greatest and strongest archer you have: & when I replied, as sir john Smith often doth that the number of arrows doth come so thick, that it was like unto hail: well saith he but it is not to be feared, as that weapon that doth kill where it lights: for saith he, when I do march directly upon them and seeing them coming, I do stoop a little with my head, to that end my Burgonet shall save my face, and seeing the same arrows lighting upon my head piece or upon my breast, pouldrons, or vambraces, and so seeing the same, to be of no more force nor hurtful: then do I with less fear than before, boldly advance forwards to encounter with them. But these are but arguments of small effect, and rather to show the opinion of the french soldiers then for any just proof of the matter, it is requesit that by our own knowledge, it be truly considered of, for as I have said before touching the English service at Bolloigne and Guisnes, with all the great Garrisons there of long time kept, which was to our Princes an infinite charge, and specially Bolloigne with the members and fortifications. And not withstanding there were, as many strong and able archers, in the same Garrisons, as in all Christendom there were none better, for that number: Let it be considered, what was by them done, at any time of service, within those five years that it was English: or at Guisnes or Calais during the same time.  
And now to a latter time, as in the second year of the Queen's Majesties most happy reign that now is, at the siege of Lieth, where there was very many archers, as of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, Nottinghamshire, and Darbishire: 
There was many archers at Leeth and good place to have tried them.  there was as good place to have tried them, as was in any place of late days, but I know that there was no good proof made to the commendations of archery or of the Longbow. And I may the more certainly speak it for this cause.  
It was my chance at the conclusion of the peace, and the yielding up of the town of Lieth, to meet with divers of my acquaintance being Frenchmen: amongst the rest, I met with a Gentleman and an old soldier, who served in the same company that I was off, amongst the footmen in France, whose name was Mounsieur de Sentan, whose valour and honest conditions, I did perfectly know, so much the better, for that we were both under one Corporal, and lodged together, and frequented at meat and tabling long together: in so much that in respect of the great courtesy, that I found at his hands in France: I partly considered of at Lieth, & after divers speeches passed betwixt him and me, I demanded two questions of him.  
The first was to know how many of our soldiers were slain, at the Scale or Saltie by us given: he answered that there were slain 448. I demanded 
448. Slain at Lieth at one assault  how he did know the same, he answered that the Governor of Lieth did command, that all the uppermost garments of the slain men of the English party, should be brought into the market place, and there to be counted, which was done as he affirmed, and there were found said he so many as aforesaid.  
Secondly remembering the words of the frenchmen before rehearsed, at the time of my being in France touching archers, I demanded of this Sentan, how many were slain with Arrows, from the beginning of the siege unto that day, he answered not one, saving said he, that one who was shot betwixt the shoulder and the body, and that 
Not one slain at Lecth with archers, but one hurt.  with the heat of his body when the arrow was pulled forth, the head stuck behind, and came not forth together, wherefore the Surgeon was constrained to cut the man to recover the head of the arrow, and so the man still lay upon the amendment of his wound. 
It doth appear that few or none hath been slain with arrows, but great numbers by the fiery shot.  Now by this and other before rehearsed, and hereafter to be rehearsed, it doth and may appear, that by Harquebusses great numbers have come to their deaths, and either few or none with arrows, or archery.  
And now touching the service done at that time that New-haven was kept, the 5. year of her Majesty, by the Earl of Warwick: let the Chronicle, or those that yet do live, make account who were there slain, with the force or dent of arrows. And albeit that it was so, that in the skirmish before the town 
It is to be thought that the French would have retired, if the Archers had not come at al.  of Newhaven, that Sir john Smith speaketh of in the 37. leaf of his discourse: it may be supposed, that the French having continued long in Skirmish, whereby their powder and bullets were spent: and besides being near unto the Town, and in danger of the great Ordinance, were of themselves willing to retire, if the fourscore Archers had not come at all. I see no report in the histories made, touching 
The longer the archers be continued, the worse.  the same, or any to any purpose of late time, and spe cial since the arqebus hath been rightly known, and the longer that the archers be continued, the worse they will be esteemed.   

The 9 Discourse.  
ANd now to answer unto the first part of Sir john Smiths arguments, which is in the 20▪ Page, the 15. line. I will now saith he proceed, to 
To answer unto Si● 10. S. his 3. questions.  the consideration and examination of three most important things, in the which all the effects of muskeeteers, Harquebuziers, and Archers and their weapons do consist.  
And that is whether Musketeers and Harquebuziers be most readiest to give volleys, etc.  
The second is, whether the weapons of fire, or the bow do fail, in discharging and shooting, etc.  
The third is, whether by reason and common experience, the Bullets or the arrows do annoy the enemies most, be they horsemen or footmen.  
To the first I answer thus, I will not follow sir 
Sir I. S. his answer not followed but the true observation.  john Smith, in his answer unto the same, but rather the true observation, which by all good Soldiers is not forgotten to be performed upon any occasion of service. The Harquebuzier doth first charge his piece in good order, as to a Soldier it needs no rehearsal, and to other not knowing how to do it, it is but folly without exercise: But thus, having charged his piece, he goeth towards his enemies, as doth the Archer with his Bow bend, and one arrow in his hand: the Harquebuzier hath also for his first shot, all things in more readiness than any Archer can have: for whereas the Harquebuzier against the time that his officer shall command him to shoot, his match of a yard in length is fired at both the ends, & ready set in his serpentine: that done, he hath nothing to do, but lay his piece close to his shoulder, and mark his enemy just. The Bowman though he have his arrow ready nocked, yet must he draw the same to the head, the which I 
The archer doth require more time than doth the fiery weapon to shoot the first shoot.  have seen oftentimes very slenderly performed: and the drawing of that to the head, doth require more time than the fiery weapon doth, being in the readiness as is aforesaid.  
But this is the effect of the matter. If it must be as Sir john Smith doth say, that a arqebus may not discharge but within 8. 10. or 12. yards: I think that if that be allowed, that the Harquebuzier may discharge the first, before the Archer, being ready as afore is said. And if it be at horsemen and the horsemen be so near as within 10. or 12. yards: then is it too late to charge again, or to shoot, for the horsemen being so near as aforesaid, will either enter or else immediately retire, with that they have already received: for it is a thing most certain, that horsemen in their charge if they be Soldiers, when they are within danger of the shot, will either not charge at all, or else being near, will with all possible speed perform their charge: for otherways, they should 
One of the Tresmaines slain in hovering in his charging of footmen.  be counted but simple Soldiers, for even so was one of the Tresmains (in hovering in the charging of footmen) slain at Newhaven: and as for shooting 4. for one, there is no Archer that can shoot 2. for one, if the Harquebuzier be perfect and well trained.  
The Harquebuzier that doth perfectly know 
A perfect Harquebuzere will does charge more Bul lets, be the time short or long, than any Bowman can do arrows.  how to use himself and his weapon: will discharge more Bullets, than any Archer can do Arrows: and by this way and mean. If it be a Musket, so much the better for my purpose, and this is to be done in great encounters, whereas armies cannot march but easily, for that the numbers are great, and being a Musket, I would first deliver a single Bullet, at 24. score off or there about, by that time they had marched fourscore nearer, I would deliver 
All this while the Bow doth stand without doing any hurt.  another Bullet, and at 12▪ score two, and at eight score three, at fourscore 6. Pistol Bullets, with less powder than at the first by the third part, for always the more lead the less powder, and yet shall the force be never the less.  
Now consider, that betwixt eight score and the joining of the battle, how many arrows can a bow well deliver? for within that distance, both the battles doth come on with great speed, or else not at 
No man can tell how to fight before he see his ground and numbers.  all. But no man can tell how to fight, but as the time, the ground, and the number shall either give leave or suffer.  
Now even as I have declared for the Musket, so doth it stand with the arqebus, but not to begin so far off with the arqebus, as with the Musket: and take this for most certain, that a Musketiere or a good Harquebuzier, will deliver more bullets, & of greater force than any archer can do arrows, be it in short time or long time: for as before 
A Musket shoots more Bullets than a Long bow doth are rows.  is declared, if the enemy be so near that the Archer can shoot but one, then may the Harquebuzier let fall another Bullet into his piece, and shoot two for the archers one. And if th'enemy be far of, then may it be performed as afore is said.  
And touching the second point, that is, whether the Archers with their weapons, or the other Soldiers with their weapons of fire, do fail least, to shoot, discharge and give their volleys.  
As touching this second point and question, I answer thus, that touching the certainty of near shooting, or failing to hit th'enemies', the Bow cannot be able to come near the arqebus or the musket, for the fiery weapons doth shoot with a certain Level, as it were by rule, and the Bow but by guess, 
The bow cannot come near the fiery weapon in near shooting for the fiery weapon shoots by rule and the bow but by guess  as I have said before sufficiently touching that point. And for failing, as in respect of dankishnes of powder or match: with a good soldier it is never to be found but that he will be as careful thereof as of his life, and for the rest that may happen in failing, it is nothing to be compared to the faint drawing that the archer doth use, in not drawing his arrow to the head, when he is near his enemies, as by many yet living, that can witness the same, as well as myself, and how lewdly they will at the half Arrow flirt them into the air and withal stoop, as though every shoot of arqebus that went off, were shot at them.  
And where as it is set down in the same place, that there can nothing hinder the archer, but the breaking of his Bow or bowstring, yet I take it that there are divers other lets, the which I have seen divers archers complain of.  
first, for that he could get no warm meat, nor his three meals every day, as his custom was to have at home, neither his body to lie warm at night, whereby his joints were not in temper, so that being suddenly called upon, as the service doth often fall out: he is like a man that hath the Palsy, and so benumbed, that before he get either to the fire, or to a warm bed, he can draw no bow at all.  
And it is further set down in the said book, that neither Rain, hail nor Snow, can hinder the Archers from shooting, but I am not of that mind, for that the archer lying in Camp, where as he may not lie forth of his appointed place, and having not to cover his Bow nor scantly his head, then, I think his bow to be in danger to dissolve the Glue in the horns of the bow, and something hinder his string and sheaf of arrows, 
Raine doth hinder the bow and string.  whereof he doth make his pillow: but to conclude in this point, how shall a man make a strong argument or answer, unto a matter of no substance? except he have help by Logic the which for my part, these few lines may witness, that it is not my profession.  
Now to answer the third question, which is whether the Bullets of weapons of fire, or the arrows of archers, do annoy the enemy most, which question is frivolous, for by the propounding of the question, and answered by the author himself, it doth carry a show in words, to be taken as a thing most certain, with such especallye, as doth not understand to the contrary.  
But with all soldiers, Captains and skilful Conductors of the wars, it is evidently and manifestly known, that where as there hath been one slain with arrows, there hath been a hundred slain with manual weapons of fire, since the use of the same 
A 100 for one slain with fiery weapons. So that if death be any anoiance let that suffice.  hath been practised and rightly known. Wherefore if death be annoyance to either Horseman or footman, let this suffice: for it is not wounds or small hurts, that daunteth the soldiers where as death is not greatly to be feared, as before is declared.  
And where as Sir john Smith doth say himself, that the archers do hurt and wound, as in the face and places unarmed▪ yet doth he confess, that the same doth but sometimes kill, whereby it 
Bows do but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  may well be understood to be a thing of small force, in respect of the weapons of fire.  
Again, whereas it is set down in the same place, that the arrow heads being rusty, is the cause that wounds given by the same will not heal, whereby some will imagine, that it is for the beif to have their arrow heads rusty.  
But truly I never did see any archer in the wars, that had any other than such rusty arrow heads: and beside I did not at any time see, any of those archers go about to mend them, and to make them clean and smooth, that thereby the same might the better enter through the doubletes, or garments of their enemies: for by common reason and daily proof, any thing that is rusty, be it 
Rust ye things will not enter in to any mean thing with great force.  Bodkin or Dagger, or arrow head, it will not with great force enter through any mean thing if it were but a meanly bombasted doublet.  
And I am of that opinion, that the doubletes used in these days, are as good a defence against a rusty arrow, as a Target of the best proof: and as touching the heads of the archers arrows being barbed, and broad before, by reason whereof, it can not enter as a smooth sharp head would do therefore it must of necessity be that the same heads, was devised for galling of naked horses. And doubtless the same being of so small force, and entering so little way into the horse, should immediately fall forth again, whereas by reason of the barb it was supposed to stay, & trouble the horses the more. 
All the announces that arrows can give is but mean stu●e to wards the defence of a kingdom.  All which annoyances are but mean stuff towards the defence or invading of a kingdom, as by some other arguments hereafter shall by God's help be showed and proved.  
But first to conclude with these our archers and of their disabillitie, in respect of the service of these days: true it is, that before the weapons of fire, were invented, and unknown, as also untried, to be weapons of great force and effect, in all service on horseback as one foot, as before is declared: and yet but of late days that the same have been 
This nation is brought up with the long bow as a parcel of our chiefest pastime  made public in arms, and not as yet throughlie and generally known unto this our Nation, as unto some of the greater calling, and to the most of the meaner sort, as the Longbow or archer is, by reason that we are brought up therewith, even as a parcel of our chief pleasure. 
And yet good hope that the fiery weapons shallbe better practised in time, for without practice they are not commodious but hurtful.   
But yet there is good hope, that by reason of such good provisions as are made, within this realm, that in some convenient time the same may be more used and practised then it is, and specially the Musket, the arqebus and the Pistol: the which without exercise can not be commodious or profitable in any good sort to be answerable against the usurping enemies the Spaniards, who are wholly and fully practised therewith, and specially with the Musket and arqebus: And would it pleased God 
The Spaniards are fully practised in the fiery weapons.  our Prince and Magistrates, to have our able men in England, to be used and trained in the same weapons of fire: it would not only encourage them, but also be a great delight to their Captains and leaders, the rather to encounter with those wicked enemies or any other.  
And also it would be a terror to all our enemies, that should chance to offer any injury to this realm of England or Ireland: for we may assure ourselves that it is our want of skill, that maketh these foreign enemies the more bold to invade upon us.  
For if we were practised in our weapons as 
The Spaniards are but peevish weeds in respect of this nation, if we were trained as they be.  they are, they would never seek us in England nor else where: For in respect of this nation, the spaniards in deed are but peevish weeds. For by experience I do know, that in all the time of the wars, continued betwixt the Emperor Charles and Henry the 2. French king: the Spaniards were the least accounted off in the field, of any other nation whatsoever: they will do well in skirmishes with their shot, or in defending of a hold, or assaulting of any breach: but for any other great encounters, you shall hear little of their doings to any great purpose. For the overthrows that were at Saint-quintins and at graveling, was not done by them (though King Philip bore the name) but by the Duke of Savoy and the County Egmond, with his Walloons, and by the Duke of Brunswick and those Almaigns, 
We are not able to encounter with them without exercising of our weapons, but to our loss.  all which was done with horsemen, insomuch that without exercise of our weapons, we shallbe a great deal worse able to encounter with them, but to our great grief and loss.   

The 10. Discourse.  
THus having spoken of the fiery weapons, and the Long bow, in which I have partly showed mine opinion: yet for the better proof of my allegations herein declared, for that the contrary is so fixed and rooted in the minds of many of these our friends in England, that unless it be tried, and with action in their sight proved, they will in no wise yet be persuaded from their former opinions in the matter. Wherefore I have thought it my part, in respect thereof to set down some course, whereby the same may by action be made manifest unto all that are doubtful in that behalf.  
And thus, if it may please our Prince and state to allow some Gentleman who shall have the best opinion in archery, as in the Long bow for the better satisfying of all parties, to call by commission forth of any one hundred or weapon take in all England, 
To make a h●rse as Sir 10. S. alloweth.  so many Archers as shall suffice to make a hearse, according as Sir john Smith hath said that archers should be, let them be twenty ranks or more, and every rank to contain in flank seven or eight, as by him is set down to be the best ordering of them, and let them be placed in the plain field to the best advantage, so that there be no impediment to let horsemen to come close to them but themselves, their Bows and sheaves of arrows, and so being set in their best order, I will be one if it may be permitted that shall take in hand to charge them, and to run through them, having no let but their Bows and 
One horse man will charge 7. archers, and take no harm, nor do none to them but run through their ranks.  arrows, and we will be but for every rank one horseman: for 20. ranks of 7. in a rank, twenty horsemen: and we shall arm ourselves and our Horses▪ with no armours of Proof, further than the Pistol proof.  
And whereas it is further set down in the same Book, that Harquebuziers may not give their volleys of shot, but within 8. 10. or 12. yards, and not 8. 10. or 12. scores: & that archers will hurt, wound, 
Harquebuziers may not give any volley of shot▪ saith si● I. S. but within 8. 10. or 12, yards.  gall and sometimes kill, at 9 10. and 11. score, as well as the fiery weapons can do.  
To this I say, that for trial thereof, I will stand at six score yards distant from the best of these Archers aforesaid, and let him shoot 10. arrows one after another at me, and if I do stir from the place, let me be punished, and I will be armed as before is said of the Pistol proof, and if I be therewith wounded, I am contented to take my mends in my own hands: and again, let me be set in the same place where this lusty Archer stood to shoot his ten arrows, and let there be a whole complete armour set right up where I did stand, and let me have but two shoots with a Musket or arqebus, and let it then appear, what the one and the other is in force or cunning, this in my opinion were no harm: and it were 
Trials to be made touching Hatquebuziers and are cheers, without harm to any.  not amiss that trial were made, for it is supposed by many that have read Sir john smith's book, that there needeth no Pikes to guard the Archers, for saith he, they are Pikes good enough of themselves.  
And again it seemeth, that Sir john Smith doth commend the Long bows and the Crossbows, to serve on horseback, to be better weapons then either the Petronelliers or the Pistolliers, as in the same book is set down, where also he affirmeth, that the same weapons do far exceed and excel, all weapons of fire, on horseback. It doth appear in the same place, the manner how that he would have them armed for the field, the which arming and weaponing in my slender opinion are very mean. For the Crossbows he alloweth to be of ●. pounds and a half, and the Longbowes all men know them: And for armours, he wisheth the Crosbower to have a morion of the Spanish fashion, collars, light and short wasted cuirasses and backs, with sleeves of mail or cheined sleeves, or with Brigandines and broad Swords, etc. And the Archers on horseback saith he would be armed with a deep steel skull, with a narrow brimbde hat, well stuffed for the easiness of his head, and either jacks of mail according to ancient 
But mean arming to defend the fiery shot.  manner, when they were called Loricati Sagittarii, or else light and easy Brigandines, or at the least I let hole doublets very easy, and so forth.   

The 11. Discourse.  
NOw as concerning these Soldiers thus armed and weaponed as afore is said, I think with men of experience and judgement, both are but mean. As for both the weapons, every man that hath seen a Deer killed or shot, doth understand the full force of them.  
And for the long bow, it standeth in the like estimation that other Archers on foot doth: as for the armours, the best is the Brigandine, the which 
M. Ewery doth run against the Lord of Grange with a sharp Spear.  is but equal with a coat of plate of the best making, which M. Euers or Ewery was armed with, when as the Lord of Grange called Kirkaudie a Scot, and the said M. Ewery did run the one at the other, in a challenge by them made with sharp Spears: but how fell out the same? even like to 
M. Ewery is run through the body for want of good are mour.  have been the death of that good and valiant Gentleman M. Ewrye, for Kirkaudy ran him clean through the armour, as in at the breast and forth at the back, through both: them to what purpose is that arming in that manner? For shot, all men doth know 
3. Several noble men slain at one encounter with Pistol shot at Saint quin tins in France.  that the like armours will not defend the force thereof, no not the Pistol being the least of all the rest. For example, was not the Duke of Anieu, the viscount of Tourain, the Lord of Chandevoir, slain with Pistol shot, upon S. Laurence day, near unto Saint quintins in Varmendoe, with many thousands of mener persons? and likewise the Constable of France 
The Cun stable of France slain with a Pistol before Paris.  Memorancie, was slain with a Pistol before Paris, who were better armed then any Brigandine can be of, as by the Duke Anieu his armour, yet ready to be showed in England, it may be witnessed. Why then should such mean armours be allowed, with men▪ of understanding and knowledge? it were most fit that our enemies were so armed: for if it would defend against any thing, it would serve best against archers, whose force is like unto that manner of arming.  
And now will I by God's help show my simple 
Here is the author's manner of arming  opinion touching the arming of light horsemen, as Hargolets, Petronels, and Pistolliers: the Hargolets or as they term them Hargoletters: which when I served in France against Charles the 5. 
Hargolets & not Hargolettiers.  were called Hargolets, or being but one, Hargolet. These were taken into pay in the time of the wars, for to be guides, for they were all those countrymen whereas they were in Garrison, & notwithstanding that the other bands had removed, yet these Hargolets remained for that they knew the passages & straits, through all near adjoining to them, and yet good lusty soldiers, and would serve well. And in my opinion these soldiers last spoken of may be armed all after one sort: as a good strong burganet, a collar with a pair of good Cuirasses of the Pistol proof, and a pair of well arming Poldrands, one Gauntlet for the Bridle hand and no Uambraces: & the horse with a good strong saddle, with strong furniture, with two rains to his Bridle whereof one should be with a pretty strong chain of wire, and the head part also of the Bridle, for being not cut in sunder with the blow of a sword: Then a good sword and a dagger: for weapons, either 
3. Sorts of horsemen armed all after one sort.  a arqebus with a snaphance, or a Spear and one Pistol, or else three Pistols two in cases and one at his girdle, or at the hinder part of his saddle: I do account the arqebus and the Petronels all as one, and these should be for these kinds of Light horsemen.  
And if that I were well and strongly mounted, and thought that I should at any service encounter with footmen: I would have a placket to clap 
A Placket.  upon my breast of the like proof as aforesaid.  
And as touching men at arms and Lances, 
The lance being broken the pistol will give a deadly blow.  their manner of arming is common, except the Lance would have as some will a Pistol of a mean length, that when as the Lance is broken and he entered amongst his enemies, may yet therewith give a deadly blow: or having broken his Lance, and shall yet be put to retire, it is good to defend himself from being taken: as for example, the Reister who in retiring, wounded the late Duke of Guise in the face, in the chase, or else he had been slain or taken: or if a man should be in chase either following or retiring, for the better speed of both, the Lance is a great hindrance to 
The lance a trouble in flying or following, the pistol is not so.  the speed of the horse, where the Pistol is none: but either to the defendant a preserver, or to the followers to move his adversary to yield, and so standeth the case in this respect.   

The 12. discourse.  
ANd now to the arming of footmen, I would wish within her majesties store, in Corselets for footmen, over and beside all those common and private armours placed in shires, to be 5000. of such good proof and shape, as no nation should have better, with good and strong Burgonets, to arm close to a man's head, not over high crested, a good collar and an easy, wide enough with Cuirasse well breasted, and not too flat, with good Taises broad above and narrow downward, according to the shape of a 
Armours fit for men's bodies and not for great hose as of late hath been used.  man's body, and not for great hose as of late days have been used, fair Poldrands with the turning joint, and Uambrases with Gauntlets: for all these 5000. a good strong sword of a yard in blade, and no hilts but cross only, a dagger of ten or twelve inches in blade and the like cross hilt: for weapons a fair Pike well armed with cheeks a yard deep, of eighteen foot in length and a Pistolet at his girdle.  
All these armed pikes should be allowed twelve 
Armed pikes to have 12. pence by day.  pence the day, who should be for the most part gentlemen, and those should never be called upon, but upon some great occasion. For Halberds or Bills 
For short weapons, meaner arming will serve.  meaner arming will serve, as burgonets, cuirats with Taises and Poldrands, and no Uambrases, he shall the better have his arms at liberty to lay about him: and to have swords and daggers as the armed pikes. I wish no Halberds into the hands 
Halberds are not to be put in the hands of an ignorant person.  of any that hath no skill to use the same, for it is a weapon that can abide no blows, as the Bill will do, but yet in the hands of officers, & such as hath skill how to use the same, it is a very good weapon, but the same must be handled delicately with the push only, and quickly drawn back: the cause that the French officers do use them with such long staves and pikes, is to encounter with the lanceknights, who do use being Sergeants of footebandes, to carry very good long sword or Slaugh sword.  
But for our common country men, not used to 
Strong black bills for our plain fellows to be well made.  handle a halberd as aforesaid: I would wish him to have a good strong black Bill wide in the socket, to receive a strong Staff, the head thick in the back, with a strong pike in the back and point sharp edged: and thus much touching these kinds of armed men, I think them in my opinion to be sufficiently armed and weaponed for the service if occasion be offered. And not withstanding that I have spoken some thing touching the Harquebuziers, how that I wish them to be furnished: yet for that I am in hand with the same, I will set down my opinion touching the fiery weapons.   

The 13. Discourse.  
THe Muskets are weapons of great force and effect, in all service on foot whatsoever: they will help to great purpose. And whatsoever numbers be furnished into the shires in England, I 
To have in her majesties store 5000. Muskets.  would wish her majesties store to remain still furnished with 5000. of the best Muskets that could be made, and rather of a little bigger bore then these common Muskets that be sold in the country: and so being well proved and tried to be sure, and not over churlish in recoiling, the which consisteth much in making the vice in the bréech, for when that is short, whereby any of the powder doth lie behind the tuch hole, then will they recoil very much, but being well made and also furnished, they will not.  
I would wish that from among all the Captains 
To have the best trained for their muskets.  in England, that there should be chosen forth of their numbers, the most apt and able, both in strength and knowledge 5000. men, that by the said captains could be chosen, and those being well chosen should be trained five days in every month 
For training 54. days in one year.  in the year, saving December, januarie and February, to that end they should be perfect in that weapon: and those should also be in the same pay, and to the same effect, that the 5000. pikes should serve for.  
And for Harquebuziers, I would wish 3000. of 
3000. Harquebuziers to be trained as the muskets.  those to be as well chosen, trained and furnished, as the Muskets are in their kind. Now do we yet want 1500. Pistolliers, to be well mounted and furnished, and as perfectly trained as the Harquebuziers or muskeeteers, both how to use their horses, as also their weapons. For as there be many 
Few can use both Pistol and the horse well at one instant.  that can ride & use a horse well, so is there many that can shoot a Pistol, and yet but few that can rightly use both together: for he that will be a Pistollier, must use his horse to know it, whereby he do not fear neither the crack nor the fire: and that done, he must learn to occupy his bridle hand, his Pistol, and his spurs in due time and form, all at one instant.  
All these numbers do not yet amount unto 
These are but bulwarks, flanks, & curtains to a battle.  15000. for these are but as it were Bulwarks, flanks, and curtains to an army, and yet would these be to a better purpose than forty thousand not trained, and the matter through this Realm 
Pikes, Halberds, Lances, & Spears are made perfect in six days, better than fiery weapons are in 60. days.  were no great charge. And as for the armed pikes and halberds, lances and spears, are better to be made perfect in six days, than the fiery weapons are in 60. days.   

The 14. Discourse.  
ANd now having spoken of such things as have come to my memory, the most part whereof I have had the use off: I will by God's help and the 
Touching devices against such an army as Sir john Smith doth speak of.  favour of authority, proceed a little further touching devices, and give my opinion, as concerning the defence of the landing of such an army as sir john Smith doth speak off in the 10. 11. 12. and 13. leaf of his said discourse, where he doth say in this manner. viz.  
NOw saith he for answer unto some of these unsoldierlike opinions, I say that if any such as do hold that wonderful opinion of the effects of muskeeteers, how good Soldiers soever they think themselves, were at any haven in England with five or six thousand of the best muskeeteers that they ever saw of our English nation, without an army of horsemen and footmen of other weapons to back them, I think they would work very small effect against the enemies landing, although they had ensconced themselves, etc.  
I will omit to rehearse the whole set down by sir john Smith, but the principal effects as thus, If they should see an army of thirty or forty thousand men besides sea men, and such as should be left for the guarding of the ships, under some notable and sufficient General, enter into any capable haven in England, with wind and weather fit for the purpose, with intention to invade as God forbidden: they should find themselves, etc.  
For upon the discharging of the third Cannon (saith he) all the longboates and vessels of oars for the landing of men, do row with all fury towards the land, 
A wonderful terrible noise of Drums & Trumpers.  with a wonderful terrible noise of trumpets & drums: Now if our such men of war with their muskeeteers, would give their volleys of Musket shot upon these shipboates full of men, with intent to destroy great numbers of them, being so thick and so many: they shall find, that discharging their musket shot from the higher grounds down into the sea, which by the Italians are called Botti di ficco, accounted of all other the most uncertain, etc. That insomuch that in despite of this insconcing & musketeers, the enemies will land and approach their indented Sconce, not with any cross trench gabyons nor mounts, according to the order of approaching and battering of places, in form fortified: but with other inventions gardable against musket shot, that peradventure our such men of war are ignorant of, as also with musket shot, etc. Insomuch that our such men of war (as he saith ) would not scarcely abide the landing of the first boat full of soldiers, without abandoning both sconce and shore unto the enemies.  
Whereunto I say, that if any such foreign enemies 
The author's answer to the objection.  should pretend to land here in England, as of late the Spaniards would have done as it was thought, the which by God's providence, and the endeavour of our valiant Seamen were prevented, and dispersed to their loss and reproach. Wherefore I am fully persuaded that if the like occasion should be offered, although that they were more in number than is spoken of, with the most sufficient General being but a man: that by the same grace and help aforesaid, and with the supply of the five thousand muskeeteers and Harquebuziers, with 500 Pioneers, and twelve Falcons and Fawconets, 
Pioneers.  to assist our Seamen, with such Gentlemen as would accompany the same, there is no doubt but it would suffice to be such a bar against those enemies, that they should not be able to touch our 
A mean to bar the landing of the Spaniards.  shores in England, & chiefly if it should so come to pass, as sir john Smith doth allege, that the banks were high above the Sea, it were so much the worse for the enemies to assail the same five to one: as for example, the banks being high as aforesaid, the enemies must either have ladders to climb forth of their tottering boats, or else some of their own friends or fellows, to draw them up with pikes, the which I would think by all reason, that our muskeeteers, harquebuziers and labourers with the black bill, should right well serve their turn in that behalf, to their destruction and repulse. For whereas the enemies must of necessity stand upright in their vessels of oars at the full show, to their great annoyance, and also shall not be able to give their volleys of shot, with any such certainty as shall our muskeeteers, who shall lie close upon the shores, with a small trench before them, and shall need to show nothing but their heads and weapons above the same, which trench may be made in half an hour, with the pioneers aforesaid.  
And again, if the haven be full, that the banks and water be in manner equal, then may our field pieces with muskeeteers cleanse the haven, at the very first volley, being discreetly delivered, and in due time: that is first the field pieces at 12. score yards, and the muskets at eight score, the harquebuziers at four score, and so by these doings, every piece both great and small, should have time to recharge before the enemies could touch the shores: and to be ready again to give them their welcome to their faces.  
But I do not believe, that the enemies would abide the second welcome being thus used. And besides all this I doubt nothing less, but that her majesties army by sea, will be as ready to attend upon them as aforetime they have done, and with a greater desire to deal with them than at the first they had, by reason of some wants, etc. And so being still beating at the buttocks of the enemies, with the like advantage as before they did. So that our Seamen keeping them occupied in their rearguard, I doubt not but this number aforesaid may with small loss stay their landing.  
Now I fear nothing of this to be performed, 
Nothing to be feared in all this but the uncertainty of the enemies landing.  but for the uncertainty of the place of their pretended landing: for otherwise I had rather be one of the defendants upon the land, of the 5000. shot with the assistance aforesaid, than to be one of 50000. to approach the shores: for some must stay to defend their ships against our Navy, again some are so seasick, that they are for a space 
Some are sea sick unfit to fight.  unfit to fight: and for the uncertain taking their level to shoot either their Base or Musket, being upon the swelling water, and our defendants upon the firm land, where they may shoot with the best advantage. There is great difference in divers respects, etc.  
And again, whereas Sir john Smith doth further allege, besides all which before is alleged, saying, That if a puisante and mighty Enemy, that in the time of Summer, intendeth the invasion of foreign Dominions by Sea, to the intent to give battle and subdue, doth not always bend himself to land his army in a haven, but sometime upon an open coast and shore, if the Sea without hidden rocks and flats be deep, and the wind and weather fair, having commodity by the deep of the sea to approach his Navy, and to cast anchor in open road near unto a commodious shore, to land and march upon, etc. The which army saith he, cannot be repulsed neither with ensconcing of sconces, nor yet with any well ordered fortification, but only with a great and extraordinary wisdom, and with the valiant hands of a puissant army and a camp form.  
Whereunto I say as before, if the certainty of their landing might be known, it were no matter: for in my opinion they should be as well letted upon the open coast as in the haven. And let it fall out that the same should be at a dead low water, and a mile distant from the shore, I would wish then that the defendants should be advertised where the most meetest place for their vessels were, for the landing of their men, and so soon as the first boats should direct their course towards the land, I would put forth of my number two hundred shot close to the low water mark, and there attend the approach as near to offend them as could be, all as lose shot abroad upon the sands, who with a little retiring in good 
200. Shot put forth to skirmish whiles the labourers do make the trench for the rest.  order should keep the enemies occupied, until such time as from the same 200. shot I would in one half hour, cast a trench in the Sands towards the land, into which the rest of the shot should descend to back the two hundred first, and with some of the labourers aforesaid, draw down the said féelde-péeces, as by this figure may be seen.  
Thus before the enemies could land two thousand 
All this would be done before that the enemies could land 2000 men.  men, I would not doubt but all this would be performed, so that if I thought good to break forth, before the Boats should return for more men: I would do so, if not, I would ply the skirmish with some more fresh shot, and lie close with the whole regiment, if the enemies were not above four thousand, unto that they were 6000. or 8000. and then would I take the vantage of 
Time to discharge the field pieces.  the wind from before the field pieces, so that so soon as the defendants were so near, that their volley of shot were delivered: even forthwith would I discharge the field pieces right upon the enemies, and thereupon would I run upon them with Halberds and Swords, and dispatch those against the rest should come, or at the least put them to swimming. And thus using the matter, it should move our Seamen to buckle the better with them, upon their great bulwarks the Galliass, the which may not start from their course, and this being performed in this sort, I would not let if the enemies should land at the first 
If the enemies should land ten thousand, this would serve.  ten thousand of their best men, (the which I think is as many as can well land at one vault, for as I said before they will have some impediment by sickness or other ways:) There is no doubt but these aforesaid defendants cannot be without the company of some Gentlemen well mounted, who would not forbear to put forward themselves and the rest, seeing so great 
A cart load of bills for the labourers. The enemies shall be terrified after an other manner than with drums or trumpets.  opportunity as that would be: and the labourers having performed their works would serve with a Cart load of Bills to some effect: in so much that we should within two hours terrify them after an other manner than they should do unto us with their Drums and Trumpets or their two Bases afore-ship in their vessels of Oars.   

The 15. Discourse.  
ANd now to the insconcing, as it is termed of late by the Lowe-countrie men, with many other such like, it is a very bad Sconce, that cannot 
The sconces would not be kept above one day.  hold forth a piece of a day, for longer I would not wish the same to be maintained, in this respect, but for the day of landing, and in the night to leave the same, and to draw all to one force there to abide them upon grounds of the best advantage, if our first attempt should not prevail, by not knowing the place of the enemies landing, or other ways, for those Sconces are but to defend 
Sconces are but for a time to be kept against the Cannon.  some straights, or passages, where enemies might other ways come upon the sudden, to do some exploit and so retire again: but against the Cannon or such a force as is able to abide the field they are to small purpose: there were the like betwixt us and the French Pale, near unto Arde in France, when Calais was English, as Anderne bulwark, jones bulwark, Boyts bulwarcke, harrow bulwark, and Henowayes bulwark, appertaining to the Flemings near Anderwike and graveling.  
But as concerning Fortifications to be rightly 
Fortification.  made, upon such situations as are by nature strong: is a thing most necessary for the safety or defence of any kingdom, that can be possible, as by proof sufficient it may be seen in the Low country or France. Some may allege that it is dangerous for sundry causes: yet were it better to put it upon that hazard than into the hands of a stranger.  
And again, this Realm is so little a thing 
A rebel can not stand against the prince in a little kingdom.  that a rebel can not stand against the Prince: as by examples a great many it may be proved.  
And for good Situations, we have divers in England, upon the coast most in danger, that are very strong by nature, whereof I will name those the which I do know. The first is Hartlepoole, Skarborough, Kingston upon Hull, Boston, Linne, Portsmouth, and the Isle of Dogs near unto Greenwich, there is not within my knowledge, any such parcel of ground in this Realm all things considered, being well fortified, it were sufficient to snub the greedy desire of the ambitious Spaniards, 
To snub the greedy desire of the Spaniard, and to make them fight like sheep.  and to make them fight like sheep, whereas at Antwerp they fought like Lions: for no doubt a poor soldiers manner is to venture ten lives if it might be, for gold and jewels before all other things whatsoever.  
Now having roughly run over some part of the discourse of Sir john Smith Knight, as concerning my opinion touching armour and weapons specially, and with some other small matters, as the form of the said discourse hath given me occasion: and for the rest I have omitted, thinking this to be sufficient as concerning the use of weapons, the which is the greatest and chief cause that hath moved me hereunto, seeing such great difference of opinions in the beginning of this treatise is something touched, but not so 
The cause of sickness hath hindered his discourse.  largely as willingly I would have done, if my health would have permitted: wherefore again I do right heartily wish, that all true English hearts and minds, may with perfect love and courtesy join together and confer of these causes of so great importance, friendly and as dutiful and natural subjects best can devise, and rather to instruct each other, than any way to contend, considering how much the same doth concern the safety of our dear Sovereign, Country, Commonwealth and our own estates: and let the end try the troth of all parties, for howsoever we do flatter ourselves or be supported by friends, the end will justly try what the behaviour hath been, either in virtue and valour, or in vice and vanities, etc.   

The 16. discourse.  
ANd now to remember some things touching 
Touching the discourse of sir Roger William's Knight, who doth declare the manners of the Spanish wars.  the discourse of Sir Roger William's Knight, who doth for the most part of his said discourse, make relation of the manner and use of the Spanish wars, as touching the long continuance of their armies, and how they do divide the same, and how they do divide their horsemen and footmen, the order of their marching and besieging of holds, the manner of their assaulting of breaches, and his opinion in the goodness of divers sorts of horsemen and footmen, and their armours and weapons: and the difference between the goodness of the one and the other, wherein I find no new devise, either in government, or orders, but in times past and before that ever these troubles did begin in the Low Countries, the like hath been used: saving the great numbers of Muskets, and one other point of service, which is also set down by Sir Roger William's Knight, and that is whereas he saith in the 38. page of his book in this manner.  
That the captain or captains, saith he, that charge either with troop or troops, do not care whether the soldiers do break their lances or not, but to enter resolutely and keep together, and that half of them should carry their swords and Pistols in their bridle hands, and rather than fail to quit their lances, and use their swords and Pistols.  
I am fully persuaded, that there is no furtherance in acquitting of any weapon, but as I have declared in my 11. discourse fol. 22. of this Treatise, but that every weapon may be in as great readiness in their accustomed places, as in both their hands at once being of convenient length, for long swords are not to be used with horsemen and footmen.  
But as touching the good orders of encamping, marching, or battering, with most excellent justice both in Town and Field: the Spaniards were never comparable unto the French, at such time as the wars was continued betwixt Charles the fifth, and Henry the second French king, the which did continue from Anno 1551. unto the first year 
There were greater matters accomplished in the wars between the Emperor Charles the 5. and Henry the 2. French king, than in the wars between subjects and subjects, can be.  of the queens Majesties most happy reign that now is. In which time there were greater armies, greater matters accomplished than these broils betwixt Subjects and Subjects, could be by any ways or means: for as common reason may allow, Charles the 5. had as many friends as king Philip ever had: again, the French King had his whole Realm of France in such quietness and replenished with such abundance of wealth, as the like was not in any one kingdom in Christendom: beside, he had all Pidemount, and Savoy, with the Duchy of Lorraine and the Isle of Corceca, with so many Almains and Swissers, as he would require: I have seen in one army 35000. Strangers in the French Kings service, besides Frenchmen. And as touching justice, I will here for proof remember a matter committed by a Spaniard under the charge of julian Romero, done in the Town of Macklin, as Sir Roger Williams hath set the same down in his discourse in the 26. page, and thus he saith,  
That the Alfere of the said julian Romero, being 
An evil example.  in love with a Gentlewoman, could not obtain her love: on a May day he and his company armed, came unto her Father's house: under the colour of Maying, took her away by force, her friends and kinsmen doing what they could to save her: with the disorder of the Alfere and soldiers divers were slain: complaint being made, justice could not be had, but persuasions to the friends of the Gentlewoman, showing them what an offence it was to stir against a flying Ensign of the king their lord, etc.  
And now to show the like offence committed 
A good example.  and yet in my opinion not so hainons as that was, it fell out that at the time that Calais was yielded to the Duke of Guise: one of the chief captains would have taken away a merchant's Daughter of the Town, but the Maiden being unwilling, he sought means to force her: whereupon, the Maiden did cry with a loud voice, insomuch that one of her friends told the Duke of the matter, upon which advertisement, the duke straightways caused the said Captain to be hanged for th'example of others. This was justice. At many other times I have known the like justice done, touching many other matters: and again, there is used as Sir Roger Williams doth set down in his discourse, in the 16. page, as touching a Secretary of greater trust than either Duke or Prince, who hath divers Blanks signed with the King's hand, it would make some Governors think much, having his large commission from the King, to be over awed with a Secretary, etc. These two points are differing from my erperience, or else nothing that I find set down by Sir Roger Williams but as before is set down, though it be supposed by Sir Roger otherways: for whereas he speaketh of some Fortifications, and to prove a wet ditch stronger than a dry: it appeareth also in the 49. page, that the counter scarf of a hold, should be made of lime and Stone, which I do think not to be the best course to fortify: for all men that have seen the experience of the Cannon, will never fortify with stone where the Cannon may batter. And again, he wisheth mines to be made in the same, for thus he saith: It were not amiss although it hath been never seen before (saith he) to have mines like faults overthwart to the midst of the counterscarffe, etc.  
It is a common thing in the frontyre Towns 
These things are common in the front towns in France.  in France, both in their Rampires and counter scarves to have the like, the which are casemats, and not the Flankers, for as there be Flankers, so be there Casemats: and a Flanker is not a Casemat, nor a Casemat is not a Flanker, for a Casemat may be made of timber, as of Planks: this I speak of experience for that I have been, and did serve in the most part of the Frontier Towns betwixt Calais and the Duchy of Lorain. And did see divers of the same amended, in fortifying against the force of the Cannon and mines. And also after the conclusion of peace, betwixt King Philip and Henry the second of France, I by extraordinary cause was prisoner in France, and being newly delivered forth of prison, and my horses and armour lost, of necessity I went with one Captain Sturton, Captain of fifty miners to raze Towns fortified, the which by composition of the peace was to be razed and laid open, wherein I did see the secrets of divers things, 
Strange matters not to be written but first to be performed.  which I had, nor could never have known, but for the same rasing, the which were very strange, whereof I will omit to write for two causes, etc.  
Notwithstanding that Nicholas Machiavelli have set forth his whole knowledge, as touching fortification, and other sundry policies, the which if he had been a soldier he would never have done. As in his book called the Art of war is to be seen.  
It is a sport to hear how he doth by himself, fight a battle in words, and saith, that if he had been a soldier in his youth, he would either have won the field with valour, or at the least have lost it without shame. Who did let him to become a soldier in his youth?  
And thus by alteration of times and the sundry opinions of men, divers matters do come in question, and especially with such as do least understand the just trial of the thing itself, whereof 
Reasoning without knowledge.  they do reason: for as I have heard at many and sundry times, that such Gentlemen and soldiers, the which have gotten their knowledge and experience of service in the Low Countries and other places where civil wars have been, do hold that opinion that the like discipline hath not been seen neither in this age, no nor at any time before, and thereupon do seem to disgrace some of good calling, and more ancient than themselves and of greater experience in service, than any that hath been: but in these Low Country's service, or civil 
The knowledge gotten in the wars between kings and emperors are more worthy than civil wars, and more to be learned.  wars in France, can or may have as before is said by reason of greater armies, of Princes whose subjects were both rich and loyal, upon both the parties, as by many other examples I could prove but for brevities sake. And for any new matters or inventions there is not any worthy of remembrance but the muskets only, the which every good harquebuzier may use as well as his arqebus, presently. And therefore the third time, I wish that contentions and comparisons to any evil end, may be left, and that love and unity may be embraced. And with laudable and sound arguments, matters may be decided to the best effect, that by age or youth can be devised. And so I cease touching the discourse of Sir Roger William's knight.  
And now having set down my opinion as concerning Armours and weapons, and partly the use thereof, so far as I think is requisite, considering that the perfect knowledge thereof cannot be had but by exercising the same. And for the better proof of my said opinions, I have made rehearsal of divers parcels of service, the which have come to my memory at this time, and yet for that I would not seem tedious, I have left divers things untouched both of my own knowledge and of others, the which I do know to be true and to good effect. Neither have I taken occasion herein to show wholly that I could in action perform, if opportunity served: neither do I ever intent to publish the same but by action.  
And whereas some may peradventure imagine that I have written rather to set forth my own vain glory, than for any other just cause herein contained: for answer whereof I do herein protest, that the only cause which moved me to write, is as before in the proheme of this Treatise I have declared, to give my opinion as concerning the force and effect, difference and disability of weapons, as well the one as other, and the use thereof, whereof I could not show my full intent, except I should make rehearsal partly of such matters as I have in times of service had the experience of.  
And notwithstanding that I have not set down things done in France or Burgundy as they were performed one after another, wherein I have rather regarded the effect of the matter, than observing of the time: yet can it not be denied, but all the same is most true.   

The 17. Discourse.  
ANd for that I have read over the most part of the discourses of war lately written by that famous Gentleman and worthy soldier monsieur de la Now. Notwithstanding that I am not worthy to carry his Halberd: yet I will show my opinion touching his rare discourse, and of the setting his two Battelyons, To march three French leagues over plain grounds with four thousand footmen, maugre de 2000 Lances, it is of him excellently handled and especially in the guarding of the flanks of the said two battelyons, it is both new & good, the like I did never see nor hear of before. And although a man may live in wars threescore years, and not see any such thing come to pass, yet the device is very good, nevertheless my opinion is that in two points he hath not set down the best course. The one is in the setting of his two 
Le Now doth mistake two points in his discourse.  Battelyons, and the other is in holding the soldiers pikes: but it is better and easier to amend then to make.  
Now as touching the form of his said Battelyons, I am of that mind, that there is yet a better way, to form the said Battelyons with the same numbers by him set down, and for example I have here set down the manner of his: and how I would do the same, as by these figures may be seen.  
The first is his, the second is mine, and let it be considered, which of our flanks shall be more noisome unto these Lancers, when that they shall charge the footmen, considering upon which side of the Horse the Lance doth give his blow, and withal remember the placing of his shot under the armed pikes and within them also, now to monsieur de la Now, his battalyons.  

THE LORD DE LA NOW his Battalyons.  
Behold if the front, B. may not be charged without the danger of any flank or not, and to come forth at C. and so make room for the next troop to enter.  
And so standeth it with the front 1. and to come forth at the figure of 4. in every point.  
Some may say that being once entered, they may go through, but that is not the way: for if the first troop can take away the corner betwixt 1. and 4. they have done their full part, and the greatest, the next may enter without any great danger.   

And now overlook the two Battles for some effect set down by the Author, who is not to be adjudged by Scots, or our northern Spearmen, for than I should be condemned, but by men at arms, or Lancers such as the Lord la Now doth mean.  
MArk if the front B. can any way be charged, and come forth at C. but to be in danger of the front marked 2. Some will allege that the flank marked D. may be charged and to come forth at B. whereunto I answer, that the flank marked 4. doth secure the same, and so doth the second battle in every point for the first, and the first for the second.  
COnsider that in charging, men must come in by right line, whereas at their coming forth they are to wheel about for their best advantage, having performed their part.    

The 18. Discourse.  
ANd now to the second point, as concerning the Soldiers in holding their Pikes, the Lord de la Now doth with that Soldiers should set their Pikes in the ground, and to hold the same about the middle thereof, to receive the brunt of the charge of Lancers: whereunto I answer, that it is very dangerous for the armed Pikes to give the horseman that advantage, for as the horsmans' intent is to strike the footman upon the breast or faces, so is it for the footman to direct his Pike point, right upon the breast of the horse: now if the Lance be longer before the breast of the horse then half the footman's Pike, then doth the Pike no service at all: for so soon as the Lance doth hit the footman upon the breast or face, and the footman's Pike not entered into the horse, it must of necessity come to pass, that the Soldier giving back, with the violence of the blow of the lance, must either let fall his Pike, or other ways be constrained to pull it up: so that the point of his Pike shall be above the horse, and thereby work no effect, but become unprofitable: I would wish that such armed Pikes should be taught to hold their pikes rather two parts of three before their hands, & to set them in the ground under his right foot, and to hold them low right against the breast of the horse, and not against the head of the horse, nor the breast of the man, for the horse having a chieffront, and also the man well armed, the pike can do no harm at all.  
Some may allege and say, that if the horse be armed upon the front, he is also armed upon the breast, but I say that there is ten to one armed more upon the head, then upon the petron, and if it be that the horse were armed upon the breast, it is nothing so strong as the chieffront is by half.  
And notwithstanding that I have spoken of divers encounters and overthrows, given between the Emperor Charles the fift, and Henry the second French King: yet have I left unremembered the most brave battle offered by the French King unto the Emperor near unto Valentian, where the said King did cause all his footmen to be divided into three battles, and so being aranged and reduced into the form of battles, the Uauntgarde being led by the Duke of Vandosme accompanied with the Count of Ringrave with his Almains for the body of his battle.  
The King himself in the main, being all French, the Front whereof was a hundredth and fifty, ninety in flank besides shot, the form and manner whereof was in other sort, then in Machiavelli or Stuard, or any other Printed battles as yet hath been set forth and published.  
Then was there in the rearguard ten thousand Swisers, conducted by the constable Memorance: the footmen were in number 35000. in horsemen 12000. in pioneers 6000. with 30. pieces of great Ordinance: all which numbers being most perfectly imbattailed in a plain field of three miles at the least in the narrowest place without either hedge or ditch, wood or bushes.  
And being thus placed with the cavalry upon their left hand, and upon the right hand a straight or gill, and between both the armies a fair plain ground: and thus being placed in the face of the enemies, the Canons interchangeably did go and come through both the armies, and yet no great matters performed, by reason that the Emperor's camp was entrenched with huge and high trenches.  
And the King seeing that the Emperor would not come forth of his enclosed camp, caused his numbers to turn their faces, and to march towards his camp again, after divers skirmishes done by the light Horsemen, and after that the King's battles had marched a mile homewards, the Harquebuziers discharged their pieces, one battle after another, in such sort, that with the gallant sounds of the Trumpets and Drums being such, and the voice of the army calling Battailie, Battailie, that if I should here make report what I heard and did see, it would not with the most seem credible, therefore I will omit.  
Some will imagine that the plot that I have herein made, wherein there is placed the figure of twelve field pieces, that it is some sconce or fort, but my meaning is, that the same might be as a trench cast with pioneers for the safety of the five thousand shot, the better to defend them from the danger of the enemy's artillery, the which might otherwise annoy them from their great ships: and also to be near their enemies if any should land, as I trust never any shall do to offend us.  
I have good will to set down the manner of the king's battle above spoken of in form as it was, the which I will omit for this time for some cause: it was the only and most brave thing that ever I did see, although at divers times I have seen as many together and more, and whosoever did not see the same, I dare avouch, that in this age within Europe, the like hath not been seen of any.    

divers and sundry opinions have been delivered about the burning of this Treatise, whereby the Author hath bidden the bitter censures of others only, to his private friends, the truth thereof hath been manifest, but now that it may generally appear that there was no such matter contained in the same as was supposed, nor other then by him set down of duty and love to his Country and Sovereign, to confirm the which, he hath at his own charges, caused the same to be newly Reprinted, before which time, it pleased some of the best calling to carry a more better opinion of the same, then by others is deemed, so that now in conclusion he prayeth of the Marshallest, equal judgement, and of the Learned, pardon.   

Faults escaped.  
Folio 2. line 6. read 40. fol. 5. line 32. read mine own knowledge. in divers places lieutenants, read leutenants. fol. 16. pag. 2. line 9 read Harbebuziers or archers be most readiest.  
FINIS.