A TREATISE OF SPECTRES OR strange Sights, Visions and Apparitions appearing sensibly unto men. Wherein is delivered, the Nature of Spirits, Angels, and Devils: their power and properties: as also of Witches, Sorcerers, Enchanters, and such like. With a Table of the Contents of the several Chapters annexed in the end of the Book. Newly done out of French into English. AT LONDON Printed by Val. S. for Matthew Lownes. 1605. TO The King's most excellent Maieslie, of great Britain, France and Ireland, etc. Most gracious and dread Sovereign; AS it is a duty imposed upon parents by Nature, to provide for the education and maintenance of their infants: so it is a privilege allowed unto the studious, both by reason and custom: to secure the fruits of their studies from the detractions of the envious, by the countenance and patronage of some great personages, either excellent for their virtues, or eminent for their greatness. Upon this ground (as also upon some other special inducements) I have presumed to present unto your Highness this Treatise touching the Apparition of Spirits: and discoursing of the Nature, properties and power, both of Angels, Devils, Sorcerers, Witches, and such like. One of the special reason; inducing me hereunto, is: for that as the first Author thereof, a Frenchman and a Civil Lawyer, did dedicate it to the Queen mother of France Katherine de Medicis, a great Princess: to whom (it seemeth) in regard of his particular preferment he was specially obliged: so myself, his like in profession (though wanting the means of like hope and fortune) had a desire that this French stranger (now made an English Denizen) might sojourn here under the royal protection of your Greatness: whose excellency of puissance, surpassing knowledge, and princely virtues exempted from comparison, have made you observed of the greatest, admired of the wisest, and endeared in the love and hearts of all good men. A second Motive was, the desire of the party by whose Motion I undertook to bring him acquainted with the English: who being a man worthily regarded of the best, and not unknown to your Majestic, did wish to have him presented to your Highness. The third and last (though not the least cause) which drew both our desires to concur in this point, was: that I may use his own words written to a great Peer of this Realm, touching this Treatise: Because your Majesty hath heretofore most religiously and learnedly written of this Argument, and hath concluded, That Witches are the generation of Vipers, and the seed of the wicked Serpent: whose head you have also bruised, both by divine law, and by Act of Parliament. Wherefore seeing this stranger is not only a professed foe to all these damned arts, and diabolical illusions of Witches, Sorcerers, and Conjurers, and to all their favourers and adherents: but like a stout and most worthy Champion, hath also overthrown all their forces, and trodden their defences under foot: All these reasons put together, do yield me a full assurance, that as your Highness is best able, so you will most graciously be pleased to patronize and protect him; and the rather, because he is a stranger. This favour if your most excellent Majesty shall vouchsafe him: for mine own part, as my heart was long since vowed yours in all duty, love, and fidelity; so my soul shall power itself forth in prayers for the blessed preservation of your Majesty in all happiness, both of temporal and eternal felicity. Your majesties Most faithful subject in all humility. The Epistle of the French Author to the Queen Mother of the King. Madam, albeit the first subject moving me to write this Treatise of Spectres, was principally to confute certain ancient Philosophers, Atheists and Libertines, who did hold and maintain this opinion, that there were not any substances in being, but such only as were corporal and having bodies: Yet so it is, that I have not herein employed my pen against those whom both all the Books of the whole world, and venerable antiquity, and even Nature itself have condemned: so much as I have done against certain perverse spirits and brainsick persons of our age, who have invented most strange and variable opinions: as also against some new Dogmatists, who to the intent they might secretly insinuate (as I * This is but a suppose; For it is no consequence, because the souls of dead men appear not, that therefore they are not. suppose) into the minds of men, an error of the Epicures: That the souls of men have no being after death) have altogether denied their apparition. Howbeit, that all the Doctors of the Church do confute them: and Saint Jerome particularly hath written thereof, a certain Book against Vigilantius the Gaul: wherein he showeth by lively reasons, that the souls of the Saints after their dissolution may haunt or frequent these inferior places. Now (Madam, I knowing that you have in detestation all such Dogmatists, and that your desire is above all things, that our France should be purged of such monsters: which (as the same Saint Jerome writeth to Vigilantius) could never endure or suffer such persons: My desire was that this work of mine should come forth under the name of your Highness, to the intent the same might march the more hardily under your favour throughout France, in despite of all detractions, and malignant persons: who will so much the more fear to assail or reprove it, when they shall see that it is under your protection and defence: and that you have with a gracious countenance received it. Madame, I pray God the Creator to give you long life, with increase of greatness and prosperity. From Angiers this 21. of june 1586. Your most humble subject: PETER DE LOIRK. To the learned Reader. MY Masters, the worthiness of this work commended by some of good judgement, and the friendly entertainment which you gave the Epirot Prince Scanderbag (when of French he became English) hath caused this stranger and a Frenchman to be recommended unto me by my friend, with a desire to have him brought acquainted with our English language and fashions. To satisfy his request, I have undergone the pains, and you are now (if you please) to reap the pleasure. For having appareled him (as you may see) in this English habit, I do now send him unto you, trusting you will afford him as friendly a welcome as you did to my French Epirot. It may be he will prove worthy of your liking and good acceptance. For if I be not deceived, in conversing with him, you shall find both delight and profit: delight by the variety of sundry matters, and variable Histories, which he will discover & recount unto you: profit in regard of his sound Arguments, & profound knowledge in all kinds of learning and philosophy, accompanied with great reading and experience in the antiquities of the aucients, both jews, Arabians, Greeks and other nations: besides many things in him of worthy observation. Amongst all which parts, if in some points you find him not so sound a Divine as the excellency of this work would have required: You must bear with one defect: and consider, that being a Civilian by profession, his breeding, bringing up, and practise, was in the Court and constitutions of Rome. From whence what can we expect but Romish Divinity. Herein therefore your discretion must supply the partiality and particularity of his opinion. And for other points in him, I will rather refer him to be commended by your own censure and judgement, than seek by any insinuation of mine, to work him into your good affections. Wherefore recommending this Orphan stranger to that courtesy which gentle spirits do usually yield unto strangers, I leave him to his Fortune; and to you wish all contentment. So far you well. A Catalogue of the Authors alleged in the Treatise of Spectres. A ABdias Babylonian. Abacuc prophet. Abraham the jew. Achilles Statius. Accursius. Acts of the Apostles. Aeschines. Aelianus. Agellius. Agathias Scholasticus. Agrippa. Aimonus Monachus. Alexander Aphrodiseus. Alexan. Doctor of the civillaw. Albertus Magnus. Albert Crantz. Albericus. Alexander Trallianus. Alexander ab Alexandro. Algazell. Alciat. Albumazar. Alpherius. Alliac. Alcoran of Mahomet. Alpetragius. Alpharabius. Alphonso Vlloa. Saint Ambrose. Amatus the Portugal. Ammianus Marcellinus Anastasius Nicaenus. Anastasius Sinaites. Anacreon. Antonius Liberalis. Ancharanus. Angelus. Annals of France. Annals of Anjou. Apollonius Rhodius. Apollonius Historicus. Apollonarius. Appian of Alexandria. Apomazar. Apuleius. Aristophanes. Aristotle. Aretinus the Civilian. Arnobius. Aristenetes. Artemidorus. Archines, or the Records of the Church of Saint Maurice in Angiers. S. Athanasius. Athenagoras. Atheneus. Averrois. Saint Augustine. Avenzoar. Avicen. Avicebron. Avanpares. Aventinus. Ausonius. Authors of Zoar. Authors of Mechitha Authors of Midrashim. B BAldus Bartholus. Baptista Egnatius. Baptista Fulgosius. Baptista Severinus. Balthasar Castilion. Baptista de la porta. Saint Basill. Basiliques. Bartholmeus de fide. Barnaby Brisson. Beatus Rhenanus. Beda. Benedictus a Civilian. Bembus. Belon. Saint Bernard. Boetius. Boccace. Boerius. Bonaventure. Budaeus. Book of the nursing of Mahomet C cabal of the jew. Caelius Rhodignus. Cadamostus. Calendar of the Romans old. Cardan. Cassiodorus. Cato Censor. Catullus. Celsus a Physician. Celsus a Civilian. Cedrenus. Censorin. Chion the Philosopher. Chaldeans. Chrysippus. Christophorus Porrus. Cicero. Saint Cyprian. Saint Cirill. Claudiau. Saint Clement. Clement of Alexandria. Codes of justinian. Codes of Theodosius. Counsels of Nice. Counsels of Elliberum. Counsels of Ancyra. Counsels of Constance, Counsels of Ariminum. Counsels of Carthage. Counsels of Lions. Counsels of Ephesus the second. Copernicus. Constantinus magnus. Constantine Author of the Geoponiques. Contaren. Customs of Anjou old. Crinitus. Cresias. Curtius' Doctor of the civil la. D Dant Alhiger. Daniel. David Prophet. Demosthenes Denis. Decrees of Gratian. Dion. Cassius. Dion Chrisostome. Dionysius Halicarnasseus. Diopenes laertius. Didaccus Covarruvias. E EMpcdocles. Epigrams Greeke. Epictetus. Eron. Erasmus. Eunapius. Euripides. Eusebius. Eustathius. Euthim●ss. Eucherius. Ezechel Prophet. F Felin. Felix Malcol. Fernelius. Ferron a Civilian. Festus Pompeius. Feudes. Fortunatus. Forcatel a Civilian. Francis Picinino of Mirandola. Franciscus Ripa a Civilian. Froissard. Fulgosius' Doctor of the Civil Law. G GAguin. Galen. Galatin. Gemestius. Genesis. Georgius Venetus. Georgius Agricola. Ghirlandus. Gerson. Glossa old. Giovan Baptista Alfaqui, Gregorius Nazianzenus. Gregorius Magnus. Gregorius Nicenus. Gregorius Turonensis. Guido Pape. Guicciardine. Gulielmus Parisiensis. Gulielmus Tirius Archiepise. H HArpocration. Heliodorus. Hector Boetius. Herodian. Herodotus. Heraclides Ponticus. Hesiodus. Hildegardis. Hypocrates. Hippolytus Civilian. Saint Jerome. Hieronimus Mengus. Hieronimus Gagnolus civilian. History of the Indies. Homer. Horace. Hostanes. Hostiensis. Hugo Cardinal. I Jacobus a Clusa, jamblicus. jeber. Saint john Evangelitt. john Chrisostome. john Damascene. john Picinino of Mirandala: john Leon African. jeremy Prophet. Isaias Prophet. jesus sirach. Saint Ignatius. Imola. Inscriptions ancient. jo●l Prophet. job. johannes Tzetzes. johannes Andre●ss Civilian. johannes Nivizanus Civilian. johannes Britto. jornandes Gothus. josephus the jew. joachimus Camerarius. josephus Scaliger. Saint Ireneus. Isocrates. Isaeus. Isaac Syrus. julius Capitolinus. julius Caesar Scaliger. julius Maternus Firmicus. julian the Apostate. julius Pollux. julius Obsequent. justine Martyr. juvenall. L LAbeo. Laonicus Chalcondilas. Lactantius. Lavater. Laudensis Doctor of the Civil law. Langius. Leon Philosophus Emperor. Leo Papa. Levinus Lemnius. Lexicon Greek old. Lysias. Laws of the Lombardes. Laws of the Phrisons. Laws of the Saxons. Laws of the Vandals. Laws of the French. Laws of the Burgonians. Laws of the Ripuarians. Laws of the Salic. Lodovicus Vives. Lodovicus Romanus Doctor of the Civil la. Saint Luke Evangelist. Lucan. Lucian. Lucretius. M MAcrobius. Maccabees. Saint Mark Evangelist. Marcilius Facinus. martial. Martian Civilian. Martirologe ancient. Marianus Doctor of the Civil la. Saint Matthew Evanglist. Mathiolus. Mathias Amichou. Maximus Tirius Philosopher. Melancton. Melchior Flavin. Memnon. Marcurius Trismegistus. Michael Glicas'. Moses. Modestin Civilian. N NAngis. Nazarius. Nemesius. Neron. Nicephorus Calixtus. Nicetas. Nigidius Figulus. Nicholas Lyra. Nicholas Damascenus Philosopher. Nider. Nonnus Monachus. O OLdradus. Olaus Magnus. Ordinances of france. Ordinances of Naples. Oracles. Orpheus. Origen. Pantoquid. P PAedianus. Pamphilus' Physician. Pandectes. Panormitanus Civilian. Pandulphus Collenucius. Parthimus. Paris de Puteo. Saint Paul. Paulus jovius. Paulus Diaconus. Paulus Egineta. Paulus Venetus. Paul Civilian. Pausanias. Petronius Arbitrer. Petrus de Abano. Petrus Comestor. Peucerus. Pherecides. Phavorin. Philostratus. Philip Comines. Phlegon Trallianus. Philo judeus. Philo Christianus. Saint Peter. Pindarus. Picatrix. P●thagoras'. Plato. Paulina. Plautus. Plinius secundus. Plinius Cicilius. Plutarch. Poliaenus. Polemo. Polidor Virgil. Pomponatius. Pomponius Mela. Porphirius. Proclus. Procopius historius. Procopius Theologus. Propertius. Psellus. Ptolomeus. Q. QVintillian. R rabbins. Ahias. rabbins. David Kimhi. rabbins. Eleazar. rabbins. Hacodus, rabbins. jehosuas. rabbins. jonathan. rabbins. joses. rabbins. Levi rabbins. Moses. rabbins. Rechanati. rabbins. Selomo jarry. rabbins. Simeon. rabbins. Seadias'. rabbins. Tanhuma. rabbins. Isaac. Raymundus Lullius. Rasis. Rebuffius. Reuchlin. Roger Bacon. Ruffinus Aquileiens. S Sabellicus. Solomon. Sappho. Saxon Grammaticus. Scholiasts Greek of Homer. Scholiasts Greek of Pindarus. Scholiasts Greek of Hesiodus. Scholiasts Greek of Sophocles. Scholiasts Greek of Apollonius Rhodius. Scholiasts Greek of Eutipides. Scholiasts Greek of Aristophanes. Sebastian Physician. Servius Maurus. Seneca. Sextus Philosophus. Sleidan. Simplicius. Silius Italicus. Sigebert. Silvester Prieras. Sibyl's. Cumana. Sibyl's. Erithrea. Sibyl's. Erophila. Symmachus. Sinesius. Socrates Ecclesiasticus. Sozomen. Solion. Socin Civilian Spartian. Spranger. Stobeus. Strabo. Suidas. Sulpitius Severus T TAcitus. Talmud. Tarantasia. Tarrutius Firmanus Tatianus. Tertullian. Theophrastus. Themistius. Themison. Theophilact. Theon. Theodorus. Theodoret. Theodorus Gaza. Thodorus Lector. Thocritus. Thomas Brabantius. Thomas de Ʋio Caietanus. Thomas Aquinas. Thucydides. Tibullus. Titus Livius. Timaeus Tiraquellus. Tobiah. Twelve Tables. V VAlerius Maximus. Valerius Antias. Varro. Vincentius Historicus. Vitae Patrum. Virgil. Ulpian. Vopiscus. X XEnophon. Z ZAbarella Doctor of the Civil la. Zonara. Zofimus. Zoroastres. FINIS. A TREATISE OF Spectres, strange Sights, or Apparitions. CAP. I. The Definition of a Spectre, or Apparition, and of the Imagination: togetherwith the several kinds thereof. BEfore we make an entry into this our matter, whereof we purpose to entreat, touching strange Sights, Spectres, or Apparitions, it will be requisite, that we define what a Spectre is. A Spectre, or Apparition, Definition of a Spectre. In Latin it is called Spectrum a spectando, of seeing. is an Imagination of a substance wihout a Body, the which presenteth itself sensibly unto men, against the order and course of nature, and maketh them afraid. And notwithout great reason do I make the Imagination to be the Genus unto a Spectre: because the Imagination (according to the judgement of Themistius) is no other thing, but a motion of the soul, which the sense (being set in action) doth create and engender. And forasmuch, as the sight is of all other senses the most excellent, lively, and active: therefore is it, that the Imagination hath sometimes taken the name of a Spectre, or strange sight: of a Phantosme, & of a vision. And the Fantasy also, which is form in the spirit or understanding, hath been called by the name of light: or rather of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which cometh of the eyes, and of the light, without which nothing can be seen or discerned. So that the several and special kinds of the Imagination are, the Spectre or strange sight, the Phantosme, the vision & the fantasy, which the Greeks' severally call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And first of all Suydas saith, De placitis philosophorum Definition of a phantosme, what it is. That a Phantosme (which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) is an imagination of things which are not indeed, and doth proceed of the senses being corrupted: which Plutarch also doth seem to confirm: Howbeit that some modern Physicians do go further, and do confound a Spectre and a Phantosme together, taking both the one and the other for a false vision. The which opinion for my part I cannot allow: because in very truth the Spectre is that which our Civil Lawyers have called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: L. ostentum D de verb. signiff. Glossar. and the Phantosme, which cometh of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for a false imagination, by which we do persuade ourselves (be it in sleeping or waking) that some object doth present itself unto us. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mostellum. Math. 14. Mark. 6. The difference between a Phantosme & a Spectre. And albeit many Authors, and namely the holy Scriptures, do take a Phantosme for a Spectre, truly appearing unto the sense not corrupted nor deceived: yet, if we will sound interpret them, we must say, that they must be understood to speak according to the vulgar and common opinion, which doth confound the Spectre and the Phantosme together: or else that they regarded the property of Spirits, the which do use to take a fantastic or imaginative body to appear unto us. And to show yet further, what difference there is between than both: Certain it is, that a Phantosme is a thing without life, and without substance: And the Spectre hath a substance hidden and concealed, which seemeth to move the fantastic body, the which it hath taken. Moreover, the Phantosme (being as it is) a thing without life, hath not any will: whereas the Spectre, if it will, doth appear unto us: if it will not, it doth not appear. And as Saint Ambrose saith, Huius naturae est non videri, voluntatis videri: Li, I. in Lucam ca I. de Angel. apparit. The nature thereof is not to be seen: but the will of it is to be seen. Of Visions and their general kinds. After the Phantosme and the Spectre, cometh the vision to be considered, of which Saint Augustine maketh three sorts, one which is done by the eyes of the body: as that of the three men, who appeared unto Abraham: Lib contra Adimantum. Gen. 18. Exod. 3 Math. 17. Mar. 9 Luk. 9 and that of Moses, who saw the bush to burn: and that also of the Apostles, who saw Moses and Elias, when Christ was transfigured in the mountain before them. Another sort of visions, is by Imagination, which is done when our thought is ravished unto heaven, and we see nothing by the exterior senses: but we imagine only by some divine and heavenly inspiration: as was that of Saint Peter, Acts. 10. when he was ravished in an ecstasy, he saw all sorts of unclean creatures, and heard a voice, which bade him eat of that he saw. The third sort may be said Intellectual: because it is done only in the understanding, Daniel. 5. as when Balthasar saw a hand writing upon the wall. To these three sorts of visions, we may well add a fourth and fifth, which happen in dreaming, and do present themselves only either in full sleep, or between sleeping and waking, when we neither sleep nor wake, which the Hebrews call Thardema. And first for that in our sleep, when one dreameth, or seemeth to behold any thing, which shall betide and happen in very deed according as was dreamt. And thus doth Macrobius define a vision, in his Commentary upon the dream of Scipio, where he discourseth of all dreams in general: and he produceth these examples. One dreameth (saith he) that his friend (whom he thinketh to be away in a far country) is returned, and the next day he seethe him, and findeth that his dream falleth out to be true. Or he dreameth, that his friend hath left certain money with him: and the next day he seethe his friend repair unto him accordingly, & to commit a sum of money unto his trust and fidelity. And as touching that which is between sleeping and waking, (which some call, To be in a trance) It is when partly in sleeping, and partly with the bodily eyes waking, one seethe any thing to appear before him. Such was that vision of the Domestical or household gods of the Phrygians, which Aeneas perceived between sleeping and waking, when he was in Candye. For after that Virgil had said a little before, That those gods which Aeneas had saved, and taken out of the midst of the fire, at the burning of Troy, had appeared to him sleeping: he addeth in the end; Yet sure this was no sleep, nor dream: me thought their faces bright, Their hair wrapped up in folds I saw: I knew them well by sight. A cold sweat trickling down my limbs then did me sore affright. All these sorts of visions have their name amongst the Hebrews: The one they call, The Daughter of the voice: another, The clear mirror: another, The ravishment of kissing: and the last (as we said) is called Thardema: of all which we shall speak more amply in the Treatise of Angels, and especially of that vision of the Face (which Moses only enjoyed) and which properly is not to be called a vision, whatsoever the Rabbins do dream thereof. For, the word of God in the holy scriptures doth plainly express, That the vision of face to face, Numb. 12. ver. 6. 7. 8. is far divers and different from the other visions above specified. For when Aaron murmured against Moses, in that he did so manifestly and apparently enjoy this privilege, to see God face to face: he heard how God said unto him, That his servant Moses might see him with out any impediment; but that other Prophets should see him only by vision. The Hebrew Text is Bammarâ Elau ethuadaa: That is to say, I will manifest myself to them in vision. Definition of a Fantasy, what it is. It resteth now that we speak of the Fantasy, which is no other thing, but an Imagination and impression of the Soul, of such forms and shapes as are known: or of such as shall be imagined, without any sight had of them: Or which shall be received and understood of others, to be such by reasons and arguments. This definition giveth S. Augustine, writing to Nebridius. And first, as touching the imagination of things known: Episto: 72 It is most plain and evident, that whensoever we dream of them, presently there cometh into our thought the Phantosme and Image of them. As if we dream of our friend: Immediately he presenteth himself to our minds and imagination, in the same stature, face, habit, person, and a thousand other such particularities, which are notable in him. So if we dream of our Country: It seemeth unto us that we see the very ways before us, whereby we travel: our houses, our lands, and our friends: which Apollonius the Rhodian very well expresseth in these verses; As when it chanceth: In Argonauto. (a thing to men oft chancing) That one in foreign soil far off goes wandering: Yet finds no place so far (though farthest off) But when he lists can see the same: and through The high ways of his Country sometimes erreth, Sometimes his house, his goods, his lands beholdeth: Now here, now there, his curious thoughts oft turning, He leads them through a thousand places running. This sort of Fantasy, Cattius, a famous Epicure of his time, (of whom Horace maketh mention in one of his satires) doth call a Spectre. But Cicero writing to Cassius jesteth at him, & that not without cause. The difference between a Spectre and a Fantasy. A vision or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a sensible apprehension: & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a motion of the heavenly spirits, as saith S. Ba. upon Esay For there is a very great difference between the one & the other: for that the one is a simple imagination of the spirit or mind, and the other is a sensible vision: The one is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a thinking, or imagination (as Homer calleth it. The other (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) is plainly and manifestly seen, and the same Poet in another place calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now as touching things not known nor seen, but imagined in the mind, they are for the most part spiritual, and without corporal substance, or they are conceived and understood by human reason, and gathered by demonstrations: as, to believe that there is a God which governeth the world, and hath a care and oversight of mankind. Now these Fantasies (which may be named also Intellectual) are comprised (as the Stoics say) partly by similitude: as Socrates by his Image: and partly by the proportion or Analogy of one thing to another, and that is either by way of increase or diminution: by increase as Cyclops and Titius, Giants: by diminution as a pygmy and a Dwarf: and partly by translation, as (we say) the eyes of the breast: and by composition, as an Hippocentaure, a Tragelaphe, and others such like monsters composed of two several kinds of creatures: and by the contrary of a thing, as death, by life. And generally those things which are incorporal, and universal, are comprehended by the means of such things as are corporal, according to the saying of the Civilians. For by the ground (say they) which oweth servitude, and yieldeth benefit, a man may comprehend the service and benefit belonging thereunto, which are things merely incorporal. Now of all these kinds of Imagination (which we have so amply and at large described) It may be gathered, that there are two sorts of Imagination, Two kinds of Imagination. namely, one Intellectual, and without corporal substance: The other sensible and corporal. Intellectual Incorporal. Sensible and Corporal. Imagination Intellectual what it is. The Intellectual is the Fantasy, of which is bred and engendered in us a memory or remembrance (as the Peripatetics speak) and the discourse of the reasonable soul: I mean that discourse which is proper only unto man: by the which he balanceth and weigheth the things present, by those which are past, & foreseeth by things past, those which are to come after. For albeit the unreasonable creatures do sometimes seem to have a kind of discourse, or dreaming in them, (as is to be seen in Horses and Dogs) yet this dreaming or discourse in them, is no other, then merely bestial and brutish: which doth not accommodate nor apply itself, but only to things present, by an unreasonable appetite & desire unto those things which they love, and by eschewing and abhorring to their utmost powers, that which may be fearful or contrary unto them. And therefore Epictetus, speaking of those fantasies, Theocritus. which are suddenly carried by the outward senses into the inward powers of the soul, and do carry fear and terror with them (as namely, Thunders, Earthquakes, fearful sights, & terrors, and other such like things, He said very well, that they are common to us with the brute beasts which are guided only by their brutish senses. But that the resolution (which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is proper and peculiar unto man: And for as much as it happeneth, that such fantasies are out of the power, will, Terrors bred in the mind by the sense, common to men with with brute beasts. and election of the soul: It followeth, that they proceed of the senses, which being no longer held under the rule and government of the reason, they do more savour of the brutal then the reasonable part of the soul. And if peradventure it shall be objected, that often times even wise men themselves are not exempted from these fears and apprehensions: To this I answer: that it is not possible but the body of man should tremble and start at those things, as being framed and compounded of Spirits apprehensive, subtle, and sensible: but it is soon quieted, and (as it were) brought in temper again by the soul, which doth reassure, and restore courage unto it: As when one casteth a stone into the water, he shall see the water for a while to bubble up, and be troubled; but soon after it returneth to it former estate. Imagination sensitive twofold, and whence it cometh. The definition of a Spectre opened and confirmed in the several parts thereof. Now touching that Imagination which is sensitive: either it is false and cometh either of the imaginative power corrupted, or of the senses hurt and altered: or else it is true; and than it is that which we call a Spectre: which we defined to be a substance without a body, presenting itself sensibly unto men. I say a substance without a body: because that every body must of necessity have longitude, latitude, and profundity, which otherwise we call thickness; and ought therefore by consequence to be palpable and subject to handling, which in Spirits is not possible, who clothing themselves with an airy body, and being of themselves substances without bodies, are not palpable, neither can be touched with the hand. But of this we will entreat hereafter more at large; and of this point especially, Lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. whether the devils have a body of air, as Origen maintained; or whether they be pure and simple Spirits, and may enter into a dead body and move the same as if it had sense and feeling! which is a thing that happeneth very seldom, and is against the nature of Spirits and Apparitions. It followeth in our definition, (which presenteth itself, and appeareth unto men sensibly:) I say to men; because Spectres do never appear to any other creatures, but unto those which are reasonable. Numeri. 22. Homil. 13. in Numer. sub finem. And although we read in the Bible, that the Ass of Balaam saw the Angel: yet (as Origen writeth) That was contrary to his own proper nature, not only that it perceived, and saw the Angel, but also that God opened his mouth, and made him to speak. So that both the one & the other of these points, is (in very truth) an impossibility to all beasts, and unreasonable creatures: aswell for that they want the Organ or instrument of man's voice; as also for that they neither have reason whereby to discern Spectres & Phantosmes from true bodies: nor yet understanding, whereby to be illuminated with the bright beams of discerning superior things: which do only enter into the consideration of the soul, and into the discourse & judgement of human understanding. The consideration whereof having with some prevailed more than was fit; who being not able to conceive in their thoughts how an Ass should be able to see an Angel, or to speak, they were persuaded (moved thereunto peradventure with the authority of some Rabbins) that the Ass was a Devil disguised, which Balaam by force of his magic Charms had conjured to carry him toward Balaac. But in my opinion, there is neither reason nor any appearance of truth in their saying. But we ought rather to take the very literal sense and meaning of the Scripture, and to think that it was a very natural Ass, and not forged and framed by enchantments. Moreover, it is added in the definition of a Spectre, that it presenteth itself against Nature: (That is to say) against that common order of things, which naturally is established in the world since the creation thereof. So that all Apparitions aswell of Angels as of devils, may be accounted as miracles: and do never show themselves but that they presage and foreshew something. Besides, this word (against Nature) doth put a difference between the name of a Spectre or Apparition, and those which the Latynes call Prodigium, and Portentum. The former of which, the Hebrews name Mopheth, & we not having any apt term for it may call it a Prodigy: and the latter, (for that we cannot otherwise name it in our language) we may likewise call a Portent. Lavater saith, Portentum is a betokening of strange things to come in time. Now the Prodigy doth differ from a Spectre, in that it cometh naturally, & happeneth often: & yet notwithstanding doth always presage some evil or strange thing to come. And the Portent is, when certain Celestial bodies unusual and unaccustomed (of which notwithstanding a natural reason may be rendered) do appear in the aure: as Comets, or Blazing-starres, Flashing of fire, Lightnings in a clear and fair weather, and others of this kind; which do always presage some evil to ensue after a certain season. For so doth Fostus Pompeius define Portentum, and all the Grammarians after him. Some may say unto me, That a Monster is also against nature, and that therefore my difference is of no strength nor certainty. But the answer is easy: because I said before, That a Spectre is a substance without a body, which putteth a notable and plain difference between a monster and a Spectre. For a monster is a living creature: and by consequence a corporal substance, which is borne or brought forth, having strange members: or is of another kind then that whereof it is engendered. This therefore shall suffice for the definition of a Spectre, or strange Sight, and Apparition. CAP. II. Of the divers Names, and terms which are often used in the matter of Spectres. IT will not be amiss, if now in the Discourse following, we deliver and explain all those terms and ancient Names, by which both the Hebrews, Greeks', and Latynes have used to express, and name all kinds of Spectres, both good and bad: to the which we will also adjoin those of the Arabians, and of other modern and later Authors, both French and Italian: to the intent that nothing may be wanting, whereby this our Discourse may be beautified and enriched. Of the several names of good Angels. The good Angels do always take their Names, their virtues, and their properties of God: as Michael, Gabriel, Raphael: and by the two principal Languages (to wit) the Hebrew and Greek, they are named by the Name of Messengers. For, Malach, in the Hebrew, signifieth a Messenger: and cometh of the unusual word Luach, which signifieth to declare, or denounce. And αγγελειν and αγγελος in the Greek, do denotate as much. The Arabians do a little change the Hebrew word, and do call an Angel, Melech: as is often read in the Alcoran of Mahomet. Moreover, in the same signification of a Messenger, or Celestial Ambassador, is taken also the Hebrew word, Chasmal: whereof as I think, was derived the ancient name of Chasmillus by which both the Tuscans and Latins, in former times, did name and design Mercury, the Messenger of the Gods. For (as we shall show in another place) the greatest part of the names of the Paynim Gods, both those which they placed in the Heavens, as also their home-born or country Gods, and their Infernal Gods likewise, were drawn from the Hebrews. The which if Chrysippus had understood, he would not have laboured and toiled himself so much, to find out the Etymology of their Names, In lib de. natura Deorum. as he did, as Cicero witnesseth of him. Moreover, the Angels are called Ruhhoth: that is to say, Spirits which David also testifieth, saying: Roh, in the Arabian tongue is an Angel; & cometh of Ruach, a Spirit. Osè malachau ruhhoth: Who maketh his Angels, his Spirits: placing Ruhhoth in the plural number; as if he would have us to understand, that Intellectual and Spiritual things, such as are pure, subtle, and separated from all confused, gross and airy matter were made Angels, by God the Creator. And so doth S. Lib. 15. cap. 23. de civitate Des. Augustine interpret that place. And forasmuch as the Angels were created by God, strong and puissant, and are ordained as judges of the world, having the Regiment and government thereof in divers charges, degrees, and authorities: For this cause the Hebrews call them also Abirim, which signifieth strong; and Elobim, Gods or judges. And because they have their understanding sharp, quick, and subtle, therefore they call them also Shanim; which ought to be understood both actively and passively. For besides that, of themselves they have their understanding quick and subtle, they do also sharpen and open the understanding, and Intellectual powers of men whom they visit. Of the several names of Devils or evil Angels amongst the Hebrews, Greeks and Arabians. Now the evil Angels, & devils, are also named (like as the good Angels are) Malachim, by the name of messengers: yet so, as they have an addition of an Epithet, sit and answerable to their wicked & evil nature: which is Raaim. The which (some being deceived by the affinity of the Letters) have turned into Rashim which signifieth Heads, Chiefs, or Colonels. But I do not know that I did ever read the word Rashim simply for Devils: And if it be in any place used for the same, it is rather by way of an Allegory then otherwise: as I am not ignorant that the Hebrews allegorically do call the Devils, The devils in the ancient French were called Guelsers: of the Almanie word Vaguerant. id est, Vagabond which cometh of the Hebrew word Gala. Rashe-galijoth; That is, Heads or Chiefs of Captivity: and Chiefs of mishap, and of encumbrance. Moreover, the devils are called also as the angels Ruhhoth, Spirits: and in Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Spirits deceivers, and wicked and evil spirits. They are also termed by the Greeks', Daemons and Diaboli: Daemons, because they bring fear unto men, and Diaboli, because they are detractors, Liars, & slanderers; which the Hebrews do express also in their Language, by the Name of Satanim: which in the vulgar Translation, is translated, Devils, Calumniators, and enemies. And the Arabians, even to this day, do retain this name. For they call the devils Satainim: as is to be seen in divers places of the Alcoran. Besides, they are called of the Hebrews, Elilim, as authors of all Idolatry, and of the Idols of the Paynims. And of this name (in my opinion) is derived the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which (as writeth Macrobius) The ancient Greeks' did use to call both Apollo and Bacchus: which in very truth, were two Devils, that had more Images erected in their names then any other of the Heathen Gods: and did longest of all abuse and seduce the Greeks', the inventors of all Idolatry. The several names of devils amongst the Latynes. The Latynes also for their parts are not unfurnished, nor unprovided of fit Names, proper and significative touching Devils. For they used by divers and several Names to call them: Lares, Laruae, Lemures, Genij, Manes. And that those which they termed Lar, were Devils: It appeareth, in that Cicero translating Plato his Timeus, calleth that Lar, which the Philosopher named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Devils. The Grammarian Festus (agreeing with Cicero) saith also, that they are Infernal gods, or the souls of men. And as touching the regard of the souls: It is no strange matter to find in S. Augustine, and other ancient Authors, That our forefathers, being Gentiles, did think, That the souls of men after their dissolution from the bodies, did become Daemons or Devils. Of Lares, or Domestical gods or devils In lib. 6. Acneidos in the expheation of the ver. Sedibus huncrefer ance suis. Now these Lares were domestical or household gods: because (as Servius said) in old times the dead bodies were usually interred and buried in their houses: And therefore those Lares (that is to say) the souls of the dead, were adored and worshipped every one particularly in that house, where their bodies were interred. Of the name of Lar, was derived that of Laruae, which were Shadows or Ghosts tormenting the domestical and particular inhabitants of private houses: And certain it is, that even in the time of our fathers, the Polapians, being a certain Northern people, before they were reduced to the Christian faith, did bury the bodies of their parents in the harthes' of their Chimneys: and for default thereof, they were vexed and tormented with Spirits, that appeared unto them. The Philosopher Plutarch likewise doth affirm, that these Lar have the oversight of houses, In Problem. Rō and that they are most severe and cruel exactors and punishers of faults committed, and searchers or Inquisitors of the life and actions of those persons which are within their jurisdiction or precincts. And he saith, that they are clothed with Dogge-skinnes, because as the Dog is a beast, that excelleth in sent and smelling: so do they (as it were) smell out, a far off, the sins and misdeeds of men: to the intent they may sharply punish and chastise them for the same. But he might have added this rather (if he had been a Christian) That as Dogs are naturally envious: So these Lares, or Devils of this kind, do bear envy and malice to mankind. Notwithstanding Festus (whom we do gladly allege) seemeth to affirm, That these Lar are sometime good: for he names them sometime Praestites, because they were thought to make all things safe, and to keep and preserve all things carefully: and sometimes Hostilios: for that they were supposed to drive away enemies. But howsoever it be, certain it is they were no other than very Devils; who if they seemed sometimes to aid and help men, and to do them some good: yet the same was to the intent they might afterwards work them the more and greater harm and damage, aswell inwardly in their Souls and consciences, as outwardly in their bodies and goods. Touching those Spirits which they call Lemures: they are reckoned amongst the Laruae or hurtful Spirits, Of the Spirits called Lemures and are indeed Devils, which do appear in the night, in the form of divers Beasts: but most commonly in the shape and figure of dead men. And Parphirus the Interpreter of Horace, calleth them the Shadows or wandering souls of men, that die before their time (which is but an error of the Pagans): and he addeth, That the name of Lemures, cometh of Romus, the brother of Romulus (by the changing of one letter into another) because the Ghost or shadow of that Prince, did pursue Romulus his murderer: who, to the intent he might pacify it, instituted a feast, which (as the ancient Roman Calendar and Ovid do set it down) was solemnized on the ninth day of the month of May: Li. 5. Fastorum and by the Romans was called Lemuria, which is (as a man should say) The feast of the Hobgoblins, Gli Farfarelli Maz zaruoli, or Mazzapengoli. Warrewolues, or Night Spirits: or as the Italians use to term them,) Gli Farfarrelis, etc. That is, Spirits that use to walk only in the night times. Of the Spirits called Genti. De Demonio Oratisin Apologetico. Those Spirits which the Latins call Genii, are devils also (as both Apuleius and Tertullian do witness) and the like affirmeth the Greek Comic, who saith, That; To every man on earth, a Daemon is ordained, The which his life to rule and govern is enjoined. According to the tradition of the Church of Rome. For certain it is, that these Genii and no other have charge to keep and protect every man that is borne into the world. And they are named Genii, (as Censorm saith) because to them is committed the care of our generation: or because they are borne with us: or for that they do receive and guard us, after we are engendered. And these Genii have not only the oversight and charge of every particular person: but every kind of people also have their proper and peculiar Genius: according as Symmachus, a very famous Author hath written: Saying, Lib. 10. Epist. That as the souls of men are given unto them, with which they are borne: So are the Genii attributed unto several peoples and Nations. So likewise every particular Town had his Genius, to the which it offered Sacrifices. And there have been found many Titles and Inscriptions, in the old ruins of ancient Towns; in the which hath been written, Genio Civitatis: To the Genius of the City. So likewise there was not any troup of men at Arms amongst the Romans, nor the Senate of Rome, but had their particular Genius. But above all, the Genius of the Roman Emperor was had in great honour, and it was a common thing to swear by it; and to invocate and call upon it, in testimony of that Obeisance and subjection which they ought unto the Prince, whom that Genius had in protection. And this superstition did endure and continue even to the time of Tertullian: In Apologetics. (who reproving the same, did will and enjoin the Christians not to invocate or call upon the Genius of their Prince) and from him, even to the time of justinian, at the least: as is to be seen by a Law of Ulpian; which was never changed nor refined by Trebonian, L. si due patroni. § Gli. D. de lure lur. as others were, that had less superstition in them. This law did defend and prohibit any to swear falsely by the Genius of the Prince: and enacted, that those which did so offend, should suffer the Bastonado, whereby they might be admonished not to swear again, so rashly and unadvisedly. And we may not forget, That these Genii were sometimes painted by the Paynims, in the form and shape of men, having a horn, betokening plenty or abundance, in their hand: as is yet to be seen in many old and ancient stamps or coins: and sometimes in the form of Serpents: which may well serve to understand that verse of Perseus, where he writeth; Pinge duos angues, Satir. 1. pueri sacer est locus: extra meïte. And this did not Servius forget, In lib. 5. Eneidos in explicatione versus, Cum lubricus anguis ab imis septem ingens gyros. speaking of that Serpent which Aeneas (in his Anniverssaries, or yearly sacrifices, celebrated to the name of his father Anchises) did see to creep upon his Tom be: Touching the which (as Virgil saith) Aeneas was uncertain, whether it were the Genius of his father, or of the place. And this may also help to the interpretation of another place in Theocritus, in his Book of Characters (which I have also corrected from the vulgar and common reading) where he saith: That a superstitious person, seeing by chance a Serpent in his house, did consecrate unto it a little chapel in the same place. But my meaning is not here to speak of Serpents, which (as Plutarch saith) were consecrated unto Noble and Heroical persons, In vita Cleomedis. and which after their deaths, did appear near to their corpses: for this is not any part of our matter; albeit a man may very well fit, unto the Genii, that same which he hath delivered, touching this point. Of the spirits called Manes. Glossaer. manes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To proceed therefore with our purposed Discourse, let us now enter to entreat of those Spirits which the Latins call Manes: which also are no other than very Devils: and are therefore of Festus called also by the former name of Laruae. Also the manner was to paint them black and hideous, as we use to paint Devils and hellish Ghosts or shadows. And to this purpose there is a very pleasant and merry History, in Dion, in the life of Domitian: Xiphilin. the abbreviator of Dion. the which I think will not be unpleasing, if I decipher it here at large. After the victory had & gotten against the Gethes, the Emperor Domitian caused many shows and triumphs to be made, in sign and token of joy: and amongst others, he invited publicly to dine with him, all sorts of persons, both noble, and unnoble, but especially the Senators and knights of Rome, to whom he made a feast in this fashion. He had caused a certain house, of all sides to be painted black, the pavement thereof was black, so likewise were the hangings, or ceilings, the roof and the walls also black; and within it, he had prepared a very low roomth, not unlike a hollow vault or cell, full of empty sieges or seats. Into this place he caused the Senators & knights, his guests, to be brought, without suffering any of their Pages or attendants to enter in with them. And first of all, he caused a little square pillar to be set near to every one of them, upon the which was written the party's name sitting next it: by which there hanged also a lamp burning before each seat, in such sort, as is used in sepulchres. After this, there comes into this melancholic and dark place, a number of young Pages, with great joy and merriment, stark naked, and spotted or painted all over with a die or colour, as black as Ink: who resembling these Spirits, called Manes, and such like Idols, did leap & skip round about those Senators and Knights; who at this unexpected accident, were not a little frighted and afraid. After which, those Pages sat them down at their feet, against each of them one, and there stayed, whilst certain other persons (ordained there of purpose) did execute with great solemnity, all those ceremonies that were usually fit and requisite at the Funerals, and exequys of the dead. This done, there came in others, who brought and served in, in black dishes and platters, divers meats and viands, all coloured black; in such sort, that there was not any one in the place, but was in great doubt what would become of him, and thought himself utterly undone, supposing that he should have his throat cut, only to give pleasure and content to the Emperor. Besides there was kept the greatest silence that could be imagined. And Domitian himself, being present, did nothing else but (without ceasing) speak and talk unto them of murders, death, and Tragedies. In the end the Emperor having taken his pleasure of them at the full, he caused their Pages and Lackeys, which attended them without the gates, to come in unto them, & so sent them away home to their own houses, some in coaches, others in Horselitters, guided & conducted by strange & unknown people: which gave them as great cause of fear, as their former entertainment. And they were no sooner arrived every one to his own house, & had scant taken breath from the fear they had conceived: but that one of their servants, came to tell them, that there were at the gates, certain which came to speak with them, from the Emperor. God knows how this message made them stir: what excessive lamentations they made, and with how exceeding fears they were perplexed in their minds: there was not any, no not the hardiest of them all, but thought, that he was sent for, to be put to death. But to make short, In the end, those which were to speak with them from the Emperor, came to no other purpose, but to bring them either a little pillar of Silver, or some such like vessel or piece of Plate, (which had been set before them, at the time of their entertainment: after which, every one of them had also sent unto him, for a present from the Emperor, one of those Pages that had counterfeited those Manes or Spirits at the banquet; they being first washed and cleansed, before they were presented unto them. This History putteth me in remembrance of a gentle frump, given by Plancus, unto Pollio: who (as Plancus was informed) having made a book against him, and being not purposed to publish it, till after his death, he said very well, & merrily, that with dead men none did contend, but the Laruae, that is Ghosts and shadows. But to our purpose: it is evident, that the ancients did confound together all those Spirits, which they called Laruae, Manes, and Daemons. And Festus saith, that the Manes were called Daemons, or Devils: by contrariety of speech, as not being good. For Manuus, in the ancient verses of the Gentiles, which they sang unto their Gods in dancing, did signify, Good. And those Manes were ever numbered amongst unlucky spirits: for Virgil calleth them, Numina Leva: Sinister, or unlucky Powers, such as they used to appease by Sacrifices; to the intent they should not annoy nor endamage them. The Paynims also did imagine and believe, that these kind of Spirits, Manes, did send ill and unlucky dreams to these that contemned them. Which the Poet Tibullus confirmeth, saying; Lib. 2. Elege. Ne tibi neglectimittant insomnia Manes. The like also is affirmed by Virgil, in this verse; Lib. 6. Eneid. Et falsa ad coelum mittunt insomnia Manes. And I am of opinion, that these are the same sort of Spirits, Lib. 1. adversus haereses. cap. 20 which (as Irenaeus writeth) the followers of Simon Magus, called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, Devils which sent dreams unto such men, as had contracted a league of alliance with them: as did the Simonians. Some learned men do confound also the Manes, and Genii together: and they say, that those which were our Genii during our lives, do not leave us after our deaths, but dwell and inhabit with us in our graves and sepulchres. And therefore those men that did destroy and deface the sepulchres of the dead, or did (as the Civilians speak) offer violence unto those monuments: They were punished as troublers of the rest and ease of the God's Manes: and especially if they did transport or carry away the bones of the dead out of their sepulchres. And it was always the manner to set upon their Tombs or sepulchres, an Inscription to the God's Manes; which was expressed in these two letters, D. M. that is, Diis Manibus: And there was nothing more common, throughout all the ancient Marbles, and Monuments, both of Rome and other places: which maketh me in a manner to believe, that the name of Manes may well be drawn and derived of the Hebrew word Manuach, which signifieth rest: as if a man would say, The Gods of rest, or The Gods of the dead which are at rest. I know well, that the Soothsayers of the Romans, did hold this opinion, That they were called Manes, because that of them they thought to proceed and spring forth all things whatsoever in the whole world. And for this cause they made and reckoned them both for supreme or celestial, and infernal Gods also. And others likewise have derived their name of Manando, a Latin word, which signifieth to spring forth, or to issue from: and they say, that those places which are between the circle of the Moon and the earth, are full of these spirits, Manes; the which the Poet Lucan seemeth to allude unto, and to affirm in these verses; That which appears a void and empty space, Lib. 9 de Bello. Pharsalico. Between the Moon and this our earthly Base, The Manes Demie Gods do it inhabit: Whose chiefest care was (whilst they lived in it) To lead their lives in honesty and goodness: Whose holy virtues, shining with beams of brightness, Did give them strength themselves aloft to rear Between the fiery Region and the air, There to live ever: their blessed souls arranging, In circles round, and Globes of fire flaming. Wherein we are to observe, that Lucan held opinion, That the souls of such as lived well in this world, were, after their departure, changed into these Manes; that is, into Spirits or Devils: which confirmeth what we have before said: namely, That the paynim did believe, that the souls of men departed were transformed into spirits, of an airy Diabolical nature. But of this we shall speak more another time, when we shall handle the question of the souls of men. We will now proceed to speak of other kinds of Spirits or Devils, which the Ancients had, and observed with names more special and particular. Of particular Devils, and their names, used amongst the ancients, Of Hecate. The most famous and notable Devil, which first cometh to be considered in particular, is that hellish, and infernal Hag, which the Ancients called Hecate: and as the Greeks' affirmed, did use to send Dogs unto men to fear and terrify them. And Lucan affirmeth: that these Dogs were held to be excessive great as Elephants, & exceeding black and hairy. These Dogs may well be compared to Arthur's Chase, which many do believe to be in France, Arthur's chase: in France. saying; That it is a kennel of black Dogs followed by unknown Huntsmen, with an exceeding great sound of Horns, as if it were a very hunting of some wild beast. But Nonnius a Greekish Monk, in a Book not yet Imprinted (wherein he interpreteth the Fables and Histories, which Gregory Nazianzene hath set down, in his Prayers against julian the Apostata;) saith, that these Monsters of Hecate, (which she maketh to appear unto them, that invocate and call upon her by way of Conjuration) are not Dogs, but unmeasurable great Dragons, with heads so fearful and hideous that they which see them, do rest so amazed & confounded as they become for the time, like dead men. And therefore it is feigned of Ulysses, Odisse. ● that in his going down to hell, to see and question with the soul of Tiresias, after he had spoken to the souls of many dead men, he would not stay (saith Homer) the coming of Hecate, for fear lest she should present, unto him, the head of some hideous Monster. The custom of Hecate was to howl in the night about the streets and turnings of Cities and Towns, Lib. 4. Aeneid. (as Virgil recounteth): which is the cause that some have thought why the Greeks' did call her Brimo. Howbeit, that the Scholiast of Apollonius the Rhodian reciteth, that she was so called, because that Mercury being willing to ravish her by force, she growing enraged, made so filthy a noise, and gruntled so horribly against him, that the God for fear left her, and fled from her. The husband of this Infernal Goddess, was Pluto, of Pluto, alias Dis. or Dis; so called of the name of Riches: as we know that amongst the Hebrews likewise, the Devil for the same reason is called Mammona. Mammon. He was called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not for that he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, in Darkness and Invisible: But because he was the Cause, and Author of the death, destruction, and desolation of mankind by his temptation. And for this cause, he is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Hebrew word Ed; and is the very Ophioneus or Serpent, the sworn enemy of God; which as Pherecides said, did contend and fight with Saturn: and is the same Ate, which jupiter chased from Heaven, which at this day doth range up & down marching & wandering in the Heads of men: That is to say, doth ordinarily and continually tempt them: and cannot be chased nor driven away, but by Prayers, which are said to be the Daughters of jupiter. The Egyptians did by another name call this Prince of devils, Serapis the God of the Egyptians, and the derivation thereof. Charon, whence deved. Serapis; which cometh of Saraph, that is, to burn. And in the same sort may the name of Charon the Ferrieman of Hell, be derived of the Hebrew: For Charon, is as if one should say, Fury, Wrath, or Rage: But in the creak it signifieth not any thing. Howbeit, it is not to be thought that the Paynims would have given him that name without some reason. Gods of the Paynims. Their names derived from the Hebrew. And I am persuaded, that they retained this name (as also many others of their Ancient Gods) by tradition from japhet and javan, and Dodanim, and their children, who did yet speak the Hebrew tongue. Of the self same Original came Cerberus, Cerberus, whence derived. the tryple-headed Dog of Hell: which the Greeks' did strive to interpret; but in vain: and which I cannot think to come of any other, then of Celeb baarets, (which is to say,) Dog of the Earth, or Devil Infernal. For by the name, Dog, the Devils were sometimes signified and designed: and namely, in the Magic of Zoroastres they are called Dogs of the earth, And certain Cabalists interpreting that which is written in their Cabal; How the people of Israel coming out of Egypt, no Dog did bark against them: They say, that by Dog, is to be understood, the horrible and hideous face of the Devils: whom Moses did so well bridle by the Divine Power, that they could not work any let nor hindrance to the Israelites in passing on dry foot through the red Sea. Of the names of Devils appearing in the shape of men. But let us pass on to other Devils: and first of all, let us entreat of those that use to show themselves, in the Masculine form, and shape of Men: and afterwards we will speak of those Spectres, that usually appear in the shape of women. There was amongst the Greeks, Of wrestling spirits or Devils. a Devil which was named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the wrestling Devil: And thereof cometh the name of Lutin, or Luitton: which is very usual and common in France. For Lutin cometh of Luitte, which signifieth to wrestle: & I remember to this purpose, that there was one of those wrestling devils, of which Strabo speaketh, who wrestled against all Strangers that happened to come into Temesa, a Town of the Brutians in Italy, & was called the Temescan Devil, or Wrestler. He was in times past, a man named Polites, one of the Companions of Ulysses: And having been slain of the Brutians by treason, he enforced himself after his death, to torment as well Strangers as those who had been the authors of his death. Of the spirit or devil Alastor, or the destroyer. Besides, there was the Devil Alastor, the avenger or punisher of misdeeds: which the Scholiast of Euripides writeth to be so called, because nothing was hidden from him: In Medea. and (as it is in the Greek) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And it may be that this is the Devil, called the Destroyer: which the holy Scriptures and Origen do call Azazel: and which Zoroastres allegorically nameth the Hangman, Contra Celsum or Executioner; saying that it is not good to stir abroad, or to issue forth when the Hangman is walking in the Country: that is, when the Devil the Destroyer, doth execute the vengeance of God. The Onosceles are also men Devils, having legs like unto Asses (so saith Psellus) and the satires likewise, Of spirits or devils called Onoscels. & of satires. which are Demy Goats; which the holy Scripture calleth Hairy Devils, or Sairim, inhabiting desert places, and far off from the frequency of men. Of these satires, Faunus' prince of the Satyrs. Faunus was the chief or Prince, to whom the Romans did attribute all kinds of fearful sights, or terrors, & those Spectres that presented themselves to be seen in divers forms: and they named him, jupiter Faunus. And whensoever they heard any horrible or devilish voice, they appeased him by Sacrifices: yea, they raised an Altar unto him in the Mount Aventine, Lib. 6. Rom. hist.. Of Pan the God of shepherds. as witnesseth Dionysius Halicarnasseus. The God Pan was not much unlike in shape to Faunus. For he was as the other, a Demy Goat, from the navel downwards: and as it is well known to all men generally, he was chief of Shepherds; of whom Virgil writeth; Of Sheep and Shepherds too, God Pan he hath the care. He was called of the Latynes, Inuus, so saith Macrobius, in his Saturnals; A name, that in my opinion cometh of Aeanas, which signifieth to afflict and torment. Idilio prime. And it seemeth that Theocritus did esteem him the devil of the Midday: saying, That he was very terrible and to be feared when he presented himself that hour. Theocritus doth place the choler in the end of the n●st●lss. So in the Hebrewe, Ap doth express both the one and the other. And he bringeth in the shepherds conferring, and one of them speaking thus; No, 'tis not good nor safe to sing at Noon, I'll fear God Pan, who then to wrath is prone: Redoubted Pan whom cruel fierceness haunteth, When that has choler at his nostrils hangeth. And in very truth, it is not without reason to think, That Pan is the Devil of the Midday, because that all Devils, that are in any sort terrestrial and material as Pan, do love the Sun (as Psellus affirmeth) and the greatest force which the sun hath is at Midday. And this may very well serve to interpret that Fable, which recounteth how Pan loved Echo: which Macrohuis interpreteth to be the Sun: which, being as the harmony of the world, Pan loveth and followeth perpetually. Of the devil of Midday, what it meaneth. But seeing we are now entreating of the Spirit or Devil of the Midday, It is to be understood, that the same is a certain diabolical and pestilential blast or puff of wind, the most dangerous that may be. I say a blast or Spirit that cometh from the Desert (as is written in job,) and destroyeth, overturneth, job. 1.19. and breaketh down, all that it encountereth or meeteth withal. Likewise David nameth it, Cetch, Psal. 9.5.6. jashud tsahorim: That is to say, The Devil that spoileth and destroyeth at noon day, For, Iashud signifieth the Devil and is derived of Shad, having the same signification. And it is to be marked, That David there setteth down three sorts of devils, very horrible and fearful; The Arrow that flieth by day: that is to wit; the secret temptation of the Devil, made under some fair pretence, which is so dangerous that it sooner striketh and hurteth, then can be perceived whence the blow cometh. Secondly, the Plunge, or trouble, that is the Devil (For the Hebrew hath Deber:) which walketh in the darkness, or during a dark and obscure tempest or storm: for the word Ophe, doth import both the one and the other. And certain it is that in the night, and during any strong and violent tempest, the Devil hath great power and puissance either to tempt men, or to afflict and torment them both visibly and unuisibly, as we shall have occasion to show in another place. The third and last is, The Plague that destroyeth at Noonday; or, the Devil of the Midday; In lib. job. which Origen writeth to be more violent in his tempations at that hour, then at any other time or hour of the day: and if he do then appear, he is more furious, and abounding in rage and fury. This sort of Devils the Hebrews do name Meririm, and Reshaphim; That is, Devils raging in fury at Noontide, Pestilential Devils, Burning Devils: that with their breath or touching only, do kill and destroy: as appeareth by that Devil of the midday, the which (as Procopius maketh mention) showed himself in his time: Lib. 2. de bello Persico. Of the Devil or Spirit, called Empusa. the history we shall take occasion to recite in another place. The Greeks gave it the name of Empuse; which both Suydas, & the Scholiast of Apollonius have noted; interpreting it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Aristophanes doth very prettily describe it, where he bringeth in Dionysius & his servant Xanthias, going down into hell, to bring Euripides from thence back again into the world: where, as they were arrived, Xanthias crieth out unto him, in this manner; X. Oh I perceive a beast most horrible and strange. D. What beast? tel me. X. I know not. It doth change Her form into a thousand shapes: for sometime It's like an Ox, and strait it is a mountain: Sometimes it seems a woman of great beauty. D. Oh, where is she? where is she? show her to me: I'll go and give her battle presently. X. But O good Gods, what strange sight do I see! Even in an instant she her shape hath altered, And from a woman, is to a dog transformed. D. Oh then 'tis an Empusa. X. A sparkling flame Shines brightly glistering round about her face: Her eye through piercing, her look is inhuman, A log of brass supports her in her pace. Of the Spirits called Familiars. But this shall suffice touching the Devil of the midday: after which, next cometh to be considered those Spirits, which the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & are those that the Magicians do use to shut up in a vial or box, or in some character, or cipher, or in a ring, which they carry about them. Lib. lection. antiqua. And it seemeth that Celius did not understand this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when he undertook to interpret Eusebius, whom he did rather make more dark and obscure, then give any light unto him: as it was ever his custom so to do with all good Authors. But if we will rightly interpret it, word for word, it may be termed a Devil giving Counsel, or a Familiar Devil; giving his advice unto such as have made a compact & convention with him. Of Devils that speak out of the bodies of persons. De defect. Oracul. Next to these Spirits, there are others not much differing from them; & are those that entering into bodies do speak through the bellies of the parties possessed with them. The Greeks called them Python's, Engastrimythes, or Euriclees, as Plutarch affirmeth. And the Hebrews named them O bim. Of the Spirits called Incubi, in English, the Nightmare. The old Greeke lexicon turneth παν Incubus, & the Glosse, Incubus παν. Lib. 15. de civitate Dei. There be also a kind of Devils, or Spirits, in the form of men, whose delight is in lasciviousness, & are as wanton & lecherous as Goats: of whom (as I suppose) amongst the Greeks Pan was esteemed the chief commander: howbeit the Latins do term him Incubus. I have read in some Hebrew Doctors, that the Prince of these Devils is called Haza: we in France do call them Coquemarres, and Folletts: and the ancient Gauls, (as S. Augustine affirmeth) named them ●r●s●ess, or Devils of the Forests. And their nature is,) as the same Doctor saith) to desire to ravish and force women, Lib. eodem & 4. quaest. in Genesim. & in the night time to go into their beds & to oppress them, striving to have carnal company with them. O the spirits called Succubuses. The like do those Spirits which are called Succubuses, which are devils passive, as the former active, & taking the form of women, do seek to enjoy their pleasure of men. Of which Succubuses, the chief Princess or Commandress is called by the Rabbins, Liluh: That is to say, An Apparition of the Night, The jew in their prayers at evening, do yet at this day pray God to keep them from Lileth In Phocaicis. of the name Laïla, which signifieth Night. For such devils do not use nor exercise their force against men, but in the Nighttime. But to conclude this Part of our Discourse touching devils, showing themselves in the form of men, I may not forget that devil, which the Greeks' called Eurynomus, so famously reported of by Pausanias, who writeth; Of the Spirit called by the Greeks Eurynomus. That it eateth & feedeth only on the carcases and bodies of the dead: in so much as it leaveth not any part of them but the bare bones: that it hath teeth of an exceeding great length, and sticking far without his mouth: that the flesh thereof, was of a leaden, pale and wan colour, such as our Muscles are when they are separated from the other flesh: and that it showeth itself continually clothed in a Foxe-skin. Which description of it, maketh me to think, that the Ancients did signify and denotate by this Devil no other thing but death: which, after the decease of men, doth consume their bodies, leaving nothing but their bones, which cannot wax rotten in the earth, and hath long teeth because it devoureth all: & is clad in a Foxe-skin; that is to say, taketh men at unaways and unprovided, using subtlety and cunning as doth the Fox. Now that we have sufficiently entreated of men devils, we will come to those that have the form of women. Of spirits appearing in the shape of women. Of the Gorgon. Of which kind were those Gorgon's, which the Antiquity feigned to be ravenous & gluttonous. Of this number also are Acco, & Alphito, monstrous women; by naming of whom Nurses did use to fear their little children from crying, and from running forth of doors. In like sort Mormo (of which is derived the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Mormo. and the first word Marmot) was one of those with which they terrified little children: of which Theocritus maketh mention in one of his books; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he bringeth in a woman, speaking & threatening her Infant with the Marmot. And Nicephorus, in his Ecclesiastical History, writeth of a woman Spectre, which used to appear in the night, and was named Gilo. Gilo. Erynnes', or the three Fury's of hell. Allecto, Smyrna, Tisiphone. Likewise those which the Greeks' called Erynnes', or Eumenideses, were evil Spirits, which, having the figure of a woman, were thought to appear unto those, which had their hands defiled with murder. And to every one of them was given a proper name: for the one was called Allecto: that is Uncessantly tormenting. Another was named Megaera: which signifieth Enraged. And the third Tisiphone, which is as much, as to say, The avenger of murder. These Furies, or Spirits (as old fables tell us) did appear unto Alemeon, and Orestes, after that the one had killed his mother Eriphile: & the latter his mother Clytaemnestra: and they did so torment them, that both the one, and the other, became mad and furious. But Orestes to appease them as saith the Greek Interpreter of Sophocles) did dedicate a Temple unto them, and named it the Temple of the Eumenideses; that is, In Aia. Masti goph. of the peaceable and gracious Goddesses. The Poet Euripides doth very lively, and naturally, represent the fear which Orestes conccived, seeing these Infernal Furies to approach near unto him. For he maketh him to pray & entreat his mothet Clytaemnestra, not to send, after him, these Furies, which (saith he) have their eyes so bloody, and more horrible than Dragons. Of the Spirits called Lamiaes. The Lamiaes were likewise Spirits and Spectres of the female kind: Howbeit Dion chrusostom saith, that these are certain living creatures, or wild beasts, inhabiting the utmost and desert places of Afrike, which, from the face to the navel downwards, were so excellently well and perfectly form and proportioned in beauty, throughout all those parts and members of their bodies, as the most exquisite Painter could not with his Pencil so well express them. And their fashion was to lay open & discover their Alabaster necks, their breasts, and their fair paps, to the eyes and sight of men; that so they might allure and draw them near unto them, & then would they forthwith eat & devour them. And to this purpose the Prophet jeremy saith; The Lamiaes have discovered, Lament. 4. and drawn forth their breasts, & have showed their dugs. The Hebrew word of Lamiaes, in that place of the Prophet, is Thanin: which signifieth a Dragon, and a Whale: which shows that these Lamiaes, besides the face of a woman, had some monstrous (I know not what) thing in them. Also Dion (whom I before alleged) writeth, that in stead of feet, they had the heads of Dragons. But howsoever it be, that some say they are living creatures, yet the Hebrew Doctors do interpret them Devils of the Desert; in expounding that word of Esay Tsiiim, Esay. 13. In vita Apollo. nii. that it should signify Lamiaes. And Philostratus is of the same opinion, and confoundeth the Empusae, the Lamiaes, & the Laruae, all which he calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and saith, that these women after they have alured unto them, by their deceitful enticements, such as are fair and beautiful, they do fat them up, & being fat, they kill them, that they may suck their blood, of the which they are wonderfully desirous; holding it to be most delicious and delicate. And to this purpose he reciteth a most memorable History (or rather a Fable) of one Menippus, a young and beautiful Philosopher. A History of one Menippus beloved of a Devil. This Menippus had been beloved of one of these Lamiaes, which did entertain and dandle him with all manner of delights and pleasant allurements, that it could possibly devise: to the intent she might afterwards execute her will upon him, as she had formerly done to others, whom she had bewitched and enchanted with her love. It chanced that one day Menippus invited the Philosopher Apollonius, borne in Thyana, to dine with him. The Tables were very curiously dressed and furnished with all kind of exquisite and delicious dainties: The Court Cupboard well garnished with great store of Plate, both gold and silver: The Hall hanged with rich tapistry: and nothing was wanting, that could possibly be prepared. But Apollonius having discoursed and made known unto Menippus, that the Mistress of this goodly feast was a Lamia; in continently all vanished away, both the woman, the Table, the Cupboard, the Plate, and the tapistry: yea, and the very lodging itself (which before seemed to be mounted aloft, in a most proud and stately building, and the goodly high hall, the roof where of hanged full of lamps) became suddenly to be a little poor cottage, or cabin: wherein nothing remained after the departure of the Lamia, but darkness, horror, and a filthy stinking savour. I am not ignorant, that Sorcerers are termed by Apuleius, Lamiaes. In Asino aureo Glossarium. Strigae. Lastrygones. And they of the country of Auvergne in France, do call them Fascignaires: that is, Witches, or Enchanters, of enchanting or bewitching men with their looks. And the Italians call them Fatechiare, or Streghe, of the Latin name Strix: which is a bird, reported to suck the blood of little children, lying in the cradle; of which the Lamiaes are also very greedy and desirous: the reason whereof is yielded both by Suydas, and the Philosopher Favorin, born at Arles in Province: The which they ground upon a certain old stolen fable, which is this; That jupiter falling in love with a beautiful Nymph, named Lamia, did beget on her a child, which juno of a jealousy caused to be strangled: whereupon the said Lamia, of pure despite, did never cease from that time forwards, to work mischief to other folk's children. Howsoever it be, so is the report, that Sorcerers do likewise use to strangle little infants. And because they haunt and frequent the graves and sepulchres of the dead, and use to be abroad in the night time, as do the Strigae; It is not without reason, that they are called Lamiaes, and Struiae, and birds that fly and frequent the graves. The which was not unknown unto Lacian, and Apuleius: who in their Metamorphoses, have feigned, that a Witch or Sorcerer, by means of a certain Ointment, did change himself into a Bird, and so flew unto one, of whom he was enamoured. But as touching that Bird, which of the Latins is named Strix, and of the Greeks' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: In French it may be called Frezaie, Of the Screech-owl. Lib. 11. cap. 39 Natur. Histor. (that is in English) a Screech-owl. Howbeit, that Pliny knew not what bird it was rightly, and nevertheless, he placed it amongst the Injuries of the Ancients. And by certain Greek Verses, which Festus allegeth, one may soon see, that it was held a Bird full of unluckinesse and misfortune: the sum of which verses, is thus; Drive hence (O powerful Gods) this hateful Screech-owl That thus by night doth fright us in our bed. Dislodge (O Gods) this most unlucky Fowl: Send him to sea, on shipboard to be lodged. Next after the Lamiaes, we may reckon, in the number of women Devils, Of the Harpies the Harpies, which the Greeks' called the Dogs of Pluto, and the executioners of his vengeance: of whom Virgil writeth, that they spoke unto Aeneas, Lib. 3. Eneid. and foreprophecied, what should betide and happen unto him, after his arrival into Italy. The Sphinx also was a woman, as touching her head, and for the rest of her body like unto a bird, Of the Monster, or Devil called Sphinx. having her wings of so variable and changeable colours, that (as Plutarch writeth) turning them towards the beams of the Sun, they had the colour of Gold: and casting them towards the clouds, they were of an azure, and like unto the sky, or the Rainbow. Those that have read the fabulous History of the Thebans, do know what notable mischief was wrought unto them, by this monster (which either was a Devil, or possessed with a Devil) till such time as Oedipus had resolved and expounded his Riddle. But I will not speak any further hereof: for that the fable is sufficiently known to most men. I will now come to entreat of the Nymphs of the ancients, Of Spirits called the Nymphs in English the Fairies. which are those whom we at this day do call Fees, and the Italians Fate, in English the Fairies. And that these Nymphs were of the nature and number of devils: It appeareth by this; that in former times they which were possessed with Devils, were called, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, Ravished and taken by the Nymphs: whose manner was to run up and down, as furious and mad persons distracted, and did foretell, to men, things to come. Now there were Three sorts of Nymphs. One sort was of the Air: as that Sibylla, Three sorts of Nymphs: of the Aure, the Earth, the Water. which Plutarch affirmeth to wanderround about the Globe, or Circle of the Moon, & there to chant what things should afterwards ensue. Others were of the Earth: as the Oreades, dryads, Amadryades, Carmenta, Fatua, Marica, Egeria, & other such like Nymphs. De sera numivindict. And the last were of the Water: as the Naiades, the Sirens, the Nereids: which we may derive of the Hebrew word Nahar, which signifieth a 'slud, Of Nahar a River is derived Nar a river in Italy, and another Nar in Dalmatia, and like Nereus is the father of Rivers. or a River: for that these Nereids are no other, than the Rivers, Daughters of Nereus, or of the Ocean, father of the Sea, and of Tethis, who is called Tit, that is, the Earth: within the caverns and pores whereof (being first engendered of the salt seed of the Ocean) they do for a time abide and remain; till such time, as being sweetened, they do issue out, by their fountains and springs, and (as good and obedient daughters) do go to yield tribute to their father and their mother, that engendered them: and with whom they do perpetually remain and continue, being still new bred or engendered, with a new birth or generation still continuing. And seeing we are now gotten into this Allegory of the Nereids: Of the Muses and the Sirens and the Allego ricall meaning of them both. It seemeth good unto me, to touch also that of the Nymphs, under whom I will purposely confound, or join in one, both the Muses and the Sirens. For like as we have said there be three sorts of Nymphs; Of the Air, of the Water, and of the Earth: Three sorts of Muses. so Varro maketh Three sorts of Muses: One that taketh their original of the moving and stirring of the Water. Another that is made by the agitation of the Air: and engendereth sounds. And the third, which consisteth only in the Voice, and is earthly. Three sorts of Sirens. The like may we affirm of the Sirens: because Parthenope (which hath a feminine face and countenance) noteth the Voice; which, being of the Earth, is as the most grave and weighty. And Lygia, being full of sweet and pleasant Harmony, designeth the sounds of the Air. And Leucosia, termed the White Goddess, designeth the motion of the Water, whereof is engendered the white froth, or foam of the Sea. So that we see, that by the Allegory both of the Muses, Nymphs, and Sirens, is nothing signified or comprehended, but the whole Art of Music: which consisteth in three things; Harmony, rhythm or Number, Music consisteth in three things; Harmony, rhythm or Number, the Voice. and the Voice, which the Greeks' call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Harmony is of the Air. The Number is of the Sea: which passeth not beyond the bounds that GOD hath set and limited it: and goeth continually to and fro in his course of ebbing and flowing, according to the increase and decrease of the Moon, which serveth it in manner (a man may say) as a Minstrel, by which it measureth his pace. And last of all the Voice, (which the Ancient French Romants do call Dictier) is of the Earth: To Harmony are proper all Sounds: To Number Daunses: To the Voice Poems. because it is the most weighty & peasant, by reason of the Accent of Verses which go solemnly, and slowly. To Harmony are properly appertaining the Sounds: To Number or rhythm, Daunses: And to the Voice, all kinds of Verse and Poetry. Sometimes Harmony and Number are mingled together: as in the Violins, and in playing with the Flute, Cornet, and such like Instruments. And sometimes also all three are mingled in one; both Harmony, Number, and the Voice: as in Tragedies and Comedies, in the Poems called Dithirambiques: and in the Airs of Music, of the Greeks' named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which are sung upon the Viols, the Lute, or the Harp: and then is the Music perfect, and accomplished in all points. And all this may in the like sense, Of the nine Muses, Urania the mistress of Harmony alone. in an Allegory, be applied to the nine Muses. For in regard of Harmony alone, it is certain that the Muse Urania is chief and Mistress thereof: whom the Poets do affirm to have first taught the motion of the Heavens. Of Numbers, Polymnia is Mistress: as having first invented the Art of Rhetoric, and Histrionicke, or Acting by Gestures: both which do consist in Numbers and gestures, well ordered and measured. Calliope and Clio mistresses of the Voice alone. And the Voice, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is under the power of Calliope and Clio: one of the which found out the making of the Verses, called Heroykes: and the other first invented Histories, and the Art of Divination. Euterpe and Terpsichore mistresses of Harmony, & Numbers conjoined. Over Harmony and rhythm conjoined, Euterpe and Terpsichore are the chief Precedents: Of the which, the one is reported to be the Inventress of the Pipe: and the other of the Harp. Over Harmony, Numbers and the Voice jointly, Melpomene, Thalia, & Erato, have the command: Melpomene, Thalia, and Erato, mistresses of Harmony, Numbers and the Voice conjoined. to the first of whom is attributed the Tragedy: to the second the Comedy: and to the third, the Lute and Viol, with the which she mingleth and conjoineth the Voice. The like may be said of the Sirens, which being Three in number, do also make the Music in all points perfect, and fully accomplished, both with Harmony, with Number, and with the Voice: which is manifest by that which Homer allegeth of them, Odiss. ♩. where he maketh them to mingle in their Enchanting songs (consisting of numbers) both the voice and verses together: to the intent, that by this musical perfection, they might the more easily allure Ulysses and his companions unto them. And this is the reason, Siren's called Enchantresses, and why? why they are called Inchauntresses, of the excellency of their singing. Of which name, if we will have the translation word for word, it cometh of the Hebrew word Shir: that is to say, a Song, and not (as Macrobius saith) because they enchant the gods: Lib. 2. in somnium Scipionis cap. 3. but of this Etymology, we will hereafter entreat more to the purpose. This nevertheless we may not forget by the way, that, in the Arabian tongue, Sair signifieth a Poet: because it is he that furnisheth men with Songs and Sonnets, and with Airs of Music. And for this cause a Poet is of the Greeks' called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a Singer. But to continue on with that which we began, touching the discourse of the Nymphs: we shall easily see, that the same may be said of them, as hath been spoken of the Muses, and the Sirens: And that each of them, according to the distinction and diversity of the Elements, in which they are abiding, have a quality and property, answerable and agreeable to the same: the which they never change nor alter. The Nymphs of the Air, Of the Nymphs of the Air, & that harmony is proper to them. Of the Nymph Mellusina. have the Harmony, (which the Greeks' call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) proper unto them. And thereof do I think that the Nymph Mellusine took her name: as if one would say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The French (who do tell great wonders of her, and have full stuffed their Romaunts with such meruels) do feign her to be a Devil, that hath her abiding in the Air, and fortelleth things to come. But touching that which they talk, how she was Countess of Melle, and of Lusignan, whereof she should be called Mellusine; and that she was married to Raymond, Earl of Poitiers, by whom she had goodly children: seemeth in my opinion, a mere fable, like unto that we lately repeated, of Lamia, and that of Egeria, who was said to be conversant with Numa. And I can no more believe it, than those old wives Tales, and idle toys and fictions of the Fairy Pedoqua, & of the Fairy Morgua, and Alcina the Lady of the lake of Aualon, and other such like Fairies, so famously talked of, by the French, and English. For my part, I should rather think, that that which the French have reported of Mellusine, they learned of the jews (who for a long time were abiding in France) and out of their Cabal. For the jews do say that there is an Helias, which wandereth up and down in the Air, and foretelleth things to come: And that it is that voice of the Bird, or Col hatsipor, Eccles. 12.4. which Solomon speaketh of: whereof we will speak somewhat hereafter, in the Discourse of Souls. The like do the Greeks affirm of their Empedocles; supposing that he wandereth, flying up and down the Air: and of that Sibylla, of whom we spoke before: who (as they say) maketh verses, which are yet extant, and are inserted in the works of Phlegon Trallian: by the which also, (as a Goddess of the Air) she ruleth and commandeth over all such voices and ominous speeches as are uttered of men at unawares or by happe-hazard, and causeth the same to succeed and to fall out accordingly: notwithstanding that the parties who speak them, do think neither well, nor ill; neither happily, nor unhappily, at the time that they do utter and pronounce them. The Greek and Latin Poets have feigned likewise, Iris or the Rainbow, feigned by the Poets to be a Nymph of the Air. Of the water Nymphs, and that numbers are proper unto them. that Iris was a Nymph of the Air, and the handmaid of juno, who had the command of the Air, calling it her messenger, as the Etymology thereof (being a Greek name) doth also denotate. Next after these Nymphs of the Air, do follow those of the water, which have the Numbers, and the Cadence or fall of Numbers proper only unto them. And true it is, that the Poets did feign the Naiads, and Nereids to lead a perpetual dance upon the waters: and that in dancing and leaping, they approach and come near to Mariners, or Sea passengers, and so to guide and conduct them to their desired Haven. Now daunses, or leaping and vaulting in measures, have need of nothing (as saith Aristotle) but only of Number, measure and true cadence. Finally, the Nymphs of the Land, have the Voice, Of the land-Nymphes, and that the Voice is proper to them. Fatum, or Fate whence derived. That the Nymphs are no other than Devils. proper unto them. And for the most part, they are feigned to be Diviners, Prophets, and Poets: as Egeria, Hersilia, Carmenta, the Camenae, and the Goddess Fatua, the wife of Faunus: of whom I may derive the name of Phataa: that is to say, Destinye, and where of is come the Latin word Fatum. Now for a conclusion of all this Discourse: certainly if all these Nymphs (of which I have spoken) have at any time appeared unto men: It can not be imagined, but that they must needs be Spirits and Devils. And the truth is, that even at this day, it is thought, that in some of the Northern Regions, they do yet appear to divers persons. And the report is, that they have a care, and do diligently attend about little Infants lying in the cradle: that they do dress and undress them in their swaddling clothes, and do perform all that which careful Nurses can do unto their Nurse children. And surely the Ancients had the same opinion of them: For the Poets say, that jupiter was kept in his Infancy of the Nymph or Fairy Melissa: and that Bacchus, as soon as he was borne, was carried away by the Nymphs or Fairies, Nysa was said to be nurse of Bacchus, and of her he is call led Nyseus. to be nourished by them in the Den or Cave of Nysa: and that by them Hylas, a young lad, was ravished and carried away, Antinous taken, and Adonis pulled away from the Bark of the Myrrh tree, which was his mother, transformed and Metamorphosed. To be short, if I should recite all the Fables which are written of them, I should never make an end: Only this I will add, that those Fairies or Nymphs, which I said did attend about little Infants to dress them as Nurses, may well be those Devils or ancient Goddesses, which were said to have the charge of the birth of Children: and for that cause were named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But I would gladly know and learn, who did put it in the heads of old folks, and other simple persons and Idiots, that the Arcades, the theatres, the old Fountains, or Water Conduits, the Baths, and Great stones pitched up aloft, Of divers old famous works and buildings, supposed to be the works and dwellings of the Nymphs were the works of the Nymphs or Fairies. Was it, trow ye, because it hath been continually held, and commonly thought, that the Spirits, and Nymphs, or Fairies, have loved ruinous places: and that for this cause the old ruins of great, proud, & admirable buildings decayed, have been said to be the houses & dwelling places, or the works of the Nymphs? Surely as touching their inhabiting in ruinous places; Esay witnesseth it, where he saith, Esay. 13. That the Sirens or Nymphs shall possess their houses, and there make their retreat & abiding. The dwellings of the Nymphs described in Homer, and Virgil, are sufficiently well known: that they were in dens or caves, far removed and concealed from the sight & company of men: builded & wrought by themselves in the natural rocks & hard stone. And Homer for his part hath so well and perfectly described the Cave of Ithaca, where these Fairies did abide, that Porphyrius hath taken the pains to interpret and explain, at large, the ingenious order of their building, and Arctitecture. At this day is to be seen the Cave of Sibylla Cumana, near to Naples: of which also justin Martyr doth partly make mention; and sayeth, that the report went, how in that Cell she wrote her Prophecies. Besides the Temples of the Nymphs (called by the Greeks' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and of the Latins Lymphaea) were always situated without the Cities and Towns, in solitary places, and far removed from any dwellings: as appeareth by the Lymphaeum of Rome, which was on the other side of Tiber, and stood alone, and aside fró the Suburbs. And so did the other Téples & caves of the Nymphs, whereof Strabo, and other Authors have written. But seeing we have sufficiently discoursed of the names of Angels, Spirits, and Devils: It is requisite, that we now set down the reasons, and arguments of those men, that deny their Apparition: to the end we may, to the utmost of our power, confute and refel them. CAP. III. Of the Opinions and Arguments of the Saducees, and Epicures: by which they would prove, that the Angels and Devils do not appear unto men. MAny there have been at all times, and in all ages, which have impugned, & stiffly denied the Apparitions of Devils, Angels, and Spirits: But some have done it in one sort, and some in another. For there be some, who (to rid themselves altogether from the question and disputation, that might be made concerning particular and special matters, which are often alleged, in regard of the Apparition of Spectres) do bend themselves against them all in general: That so by cutting of the root, and undermining the foundation of a Principle well grounded, they may the more easily cause the overthrow and downfall of all that which dependeth upon the same. They deny therefore, Of the several opinions of sundry sorts of persons, that de denied the being of spirits, etc. & their Apparitions. that there are any Angels, or Devils at all: or any Spirits severed and abstracted from a corporal substance or body: to the end that by consequence they may infer and conclude, that there are not likewise any Spectres, nor Apparitions of Spirits. Such were the Saducees, as we may read in the Acts of the Apostles: and the Epicures, Acts. 23. The first opini on of the Saducees, Epicures, & other Atheists. and the greatest part of the Peripatetics, and all sorts of Atheists whatsoever. Of which last, there are at this day more huge numbers abounding within this our Realm of France, then would be tolerated. These men would not stick to affirm (if they durst, and were it not for fear of the Magistrate) that it is free for men to abandon themselves to all kind of iniquity, impiety, and dissolute living: for so do they murmur, and mumble, when they are alone and by themselves; that there is not either God, or any Spirits at all, good, or evil: nor yet any hell, where the souls of men should suffer any pains or punishment; but that they die together with the body: And that all whatsoever is said or alleged, touching hell torments, is nothing but a vain and superstitious toy, and fable; only to make babes and children afraid: and to wrap and tie the greatest persons of the world in certain bonds of a religious superstition: for so are the words of Lucrece, in this behalf. And I do believe, that they do often say in their hearts, that which Pythagoras, the Samian, is alleged in Ovid to have said to the inhabitants of Crotona in Italy; Why stand you thus in fear of Styx, and such vain dream Of Manes, and of Spirits, which are nought else but leasings? Certainly he that should take upon him, to instruct these Atheists, should but lose his time: because they will admit of no reasons, no not of those that are merely natural. For seeing they do not believe him which hath the command and rule of nature, how can they yield any credit or beleese unto those reasons that are drawn from nature itself? Other persons there are, who, The second opinion. being more religious and honester men than those former, yet have no less denied, the essence of Angels, Devils, and Spirits: Howbeit they have been of this opinion: that by reason both of the distance between them and us, and of the difficulty of appearing in a human body: they cannot possibly present themselves unto us, Others also there have been, who have referred all that which is spoken of the vision of Spirits, The third opinion or the Skeptics and other followers of the Philosopher Pirrhon. unto the natural and perpetual depravation of the human senses. Such were the Sceptikes, and the Aporreticks, who were the followers of the Philosopher Pirrhon: as also the second and third Academy, who held, That the senses, were they never so sound, could not imagine any thing, but falsely and untruly. Again, The fourth opinion. some others, with more appearance of reason then the Sceptics, have affirmed, that abundance of Melacholy, & Choler adust, frenzy, fevers, & the debility or corruptió of the senses (be it naturally, or by accidét) in any body, may make the to imagine many things which are not. And they do infer, that such as happen to be attainted with these maladies, do think that they have seen Devils, and other such like Spectres. They add moreover, that the fear, superstition, and credulity of many, is such, that they will most commonly suffer themselves to be drawn into a belief and persuasion of that, which is quite contrary to truth. To make short: The fist opinion of Lucian and others. Others there be, wise enough and fine conceited: yet nevertheless (being great mockers, and incredulous, because they themselves did never happen to see any vision, nor have ever heard or touched any supernatural thing) they have been of this opinion; that nothing could appear unto men, that exceeded or went beyond the course of nature. Lucian an Infidel, Atheist, and Scoffer. And of this number Lucian was one: who (being also as great an Infidel as any could be) said: I believe no part of all these Apparitions: because I only amongst you all did never see any of them. And if I had seen of them, assure yourselves, I would believe them, as you do. Notwithstading for all this, he opposed himself against all the famous and renowned Philosophers of his time, and held argument against them, though (as himself confessed) they were the chiefest and most excellent in all kind of knowledge and learning. And he was not ashamed to stand only upon his own bare conceit and opinion: impudently maintaining, without any reason at all, against them that were as wise, if not more wise than himself, and more in number: that forsooth nothing at all, whatsoever was said or alleged touching Spectres, aught to be admitted or believed. But what reasons I pray you doth he bring, to confirm his saying? Truly none all: but that only of his own absolute and uncontrowled authority, he will draw to his incredulity, all others, whom he seethe to be assured and settled in their opinion: Notwithstanding, that they are certainly resolved of the truth, by the exterior senses, with which they have perceived and known that to be true, which so constantly they do maintain and defend. But how can it possibly be, that a man should think, without any show of reason, by incredulity and mockery only, to confute and overthrow that, which hath been ever of all men, and in all ages, received and admitted? Certainly, this is the fashion and guise of mockers, and scorners, that that which they cannot deny, nor yet have a will to confess, they will find the means to put it off with a jest and laughter: and so think secretly to insinuate themselves into the minds and conceits of their hearers; especially, such as look not, nor have a regard to the truth and substance of a thing, but only to the outward shadow, and grace of words and glorious speeches. Such a scorner needeth not any great knowledge: because it is sufficient for him to be superficially skilful in any thing; so that he can with a kind of grave & smiling grace, shift off the reasons and arguments of those, whose knowledge, and learning, is so exceeding far beyond his, as during his whole life, he will never attain unto the like. Thus did Machiavelli carry himself: who amongst the learned, Machiavelli a Scoffer, and an Atheist. and men of skill and judgement, knew well how to make his profit of his scoffs, and pleasant grace in jesting; whereby he would many times strike them out of countenance, in the sight of them that heard him: whereas, if he had come to dispute with them, by lively reasons, and solid Arguments, he would at the very first blow have been overthrown and confounded. But in the end he discovered himself sufficiently, and was reputed of all men, no other than a Scoffer, and an Atheist, In Musas. as Paulus iovius testifieth of him. But we will cease to speak any further of him, of Lucian, and of those of their humour, and will return to our matter, touching Spectres: the which, that we may the better explain (now that we have briefly declared the diversity of opinions, of those that insist upon the contrary) we will answer unto each of them in order, as they have been propounded. And first, as touching the Sadduces, the Epicures, the Peripatetics, we will severally answer their Arguments which they object against us: Next, we will remove those difficulties, which are objected, and show how the Angels, and Devils, may take upon them a body. Afterwards, we will show and discover unto the Skeptics, that the human senses are not so faulty and uncertain, as they would make men believe. And last of all, (to the intent we may leave nothing behind) we will not forget to show, by what maladies and infirmities the senses may be hurt and troubled: and the Imaginative power of man wounded and changed: so as all that which is supposed to be seen, is merely false and untrue. To come first of all to the Sadduces: It is most certain, The opinion of the Sadduces. that of all men they were the most gross and carnal: and did not believe that any thing was spiritual: but they did imagine all to be corporal: because they said, that the human understanding doth always work with the Phantosme, and with the thing Imagined. And it appeareth, that in dreaming of any thing whatsoever, we do always imagine it to be corporal: whereupon they conclude, that all things are corporal: & therefore that even God also is a corporal Substance, which is the greatest absurdity and blasphemy, that can be imagined in the world. For if we should restrain God into a body, we must also make him subject to a body (so saith Saint john Damascen) which, in a word, is to restrain and shorten the power and omnipotency of God: the which being infinitely above all substances, both corporal and incorporal, is not subject to their Category. Exod 33. Homil. 22. in March. The reason that moved them to believe that God was corporal: was a place of Moses (for they did not receive nor admit of any Scriptures but the five Books of Moses, as saith Origen) wherein it is written, That God made Moses to stay in the Cave of a rock or mountain: & putting his hand upon him, did show him his hinder parts, not suffering him to see his face. And therefore, in regard, that Moses attributeth unto God a face, a hand, and other parts, they conclude, that God hath a body. Of the same opinion also was Tertullian (as witnesseth Saint Augustine, De Origius Animaium. Volume. 2. Tit. 23. writing to Optatus) and the Bogomilles, being certain Heretics of Bulgarie: who thought that God was, as we are (so writeth Enthymus): and that from his two eyes, out of his brain did issue two beams; the one called the Sun, and the other, the Holy Spirit: which is a most blasphemous and intolerable error. Now the occasion, why the Sadduces did so eagerly defend and maintain, that God had a body; was, because they would deny all incorporal substances: to which effect they thus argued. The argument of the Sadduces. If God (say they) have created any substances, he created them to his own Image and likeness: and therefore when he made man he said, That he made him according to his own Image; showing thereby, that he was of a corporal substance: because that man, whom he form to the pattern of his own face, is corporal. And if God have made nothing, but what is corporal: It followeth, that the Angels and Devils which are said to be Spirits, are nothing but mere fables: & that there be not any souls, or spirits separated from a corporal substance: and by consequence, that the soul of man is mortal, as the body: and hath no need to be reunited thereunto by the general resurrection. But it is easy to answer them; by denying plainly, that God is corporal, The argument of the Saducees answered. or hath any body. For albeit, the holy Scripture doth attribute, unto God, hands, feet, face, eyes and other parts of a body: yet this must be understood spiritually; and by those corporal and bodily members, we must imagine the spiritual▪ virtues of God (according as saith S. Gregory): In Moralibus. as, by his eyes, we must understand his foresight and his knowledge; to the which all things are open, and from which nothing is hidden and concealed: By his hand, is meant, his Almighty power and puissance: By his face, the plenitude and fullness of his glory. By his hinder parts, his glory is shadowed, as under the veil of some certain form and similitude. And whereas they say, that the understanding doth work with the Imagination: and that we do imagine God to be a corporal Substance: This hath no reason, nor any appearance of truth at all; but is an error, common to them, with the Epicures: to the which we will answer anon. And as touching the Angels: I do greatly marvel how the Saducees can deny the being of them; seeing that Moses in many places doth make mention of them, and of their Apparition. We may therefore very well say of them, that they use the Books of Moses, as men use their Stirroppes, in lengthening, and shortening them, at their pleasures. This is the reason, Contra Tryph. why justine Martyr did not reckon them in the number of the jews (and that worthily) but reputed them as Heretics: not allowing them any place in the jewish Church, by reason of the fond and absurd opinions which they held, not only of God, but also of the Angels, Devils, and souls of men, which they affirmed to be mortal. But as concerning this latter point, we shall speak more hereafter. Let us now consider the Arguments of the Epicures. The first error of the Epicures is, The opinion of the Epicures that God hath a body: as the Saducees did believe likewise. And their first Argument was, That nature itself (forsooth) did teach and admonish us, to believe, The first argument and reasons of the Epicures. that both God and all Celestial essences were corporal; for two reasons: The former was, because the Gods are not figured in any other, then in a human form. And the second, because, whether it be in sleeping, or in waking, when we dream or imagine of the Gods, no other form doth present itself unto our imaginations, but a human shape: And therefore they conclude, that the Gods are in figure like unto men. But unto this argument, Cicero answereth sufficiently; Lib. de natura Deorum. That such human shape, and form, is attributed unto the Gods, Answer to the first argument of the Epicures by the invention of men: and that either it proceedeth from the wisdom of the Ancients; who thought thereby they should the more easily draw the spirits and minds of the ignorant, to the knowledge of spiritual, and supernatural things: and that they should the sooner bring and reduce them into the way to live well and virtuously: Or else that the same had it beginning and first footing from a blind superstition: which doth most easily allure men to adore those gods which are portrayed and carved in a form most pleasing, and agreeable unto men: Or else that it is but a fiction of Poets and Painters; who have always been audacious to feign and devise any thing, rather than that which should be according to truth & verity. And this last point may well serve to answer that, which the Epicures say: that be it in sleeping, or in waking the gods do not presét themselves unto us, in any other, than a human form: For this is certain, that by the portraiture and pictures which we see of the Gods, in those forms which are common and familiar unto us; we do imagine (though falsely) that which may resemble unto us, the same which we have seen to be painted. Insomuch, that jupiter seemeth unto us, to have a face and countenance terrible, with his hair black, and hanging backward, as Phidias did grave him. And Minerva had her eyes blue, or of an azure colour: as Homer describeth her. Mercury was painted like a young man, having his eyes always open, as one that was ever waking: with bright yellow hair, and a yellow down upon his chin and cheeks, as if it did but newly begin to frizzle or to curl. Venus had her eyes delicate and wanton, and her locks of gold yellow. juno had gross and thick eyes, rising up towards her head, like unto the eyes of an Ox. And so generally were the rest of the Gods painted by the Gentiles, in divers forms and fashions. Notwithstanding, all this proceeded of nothing else, but from the error of our Imagination, which suffereth itself to be deceived and seduced, by the painting, which imprinted in it a kind of false notion. I say a notion: because the ignorant common sort of people, is persuaded of the same, and suffereth it to take place in their mind, or understanding: which is as easy also to be deceived, as is their Imagination. But a man of wisdom and judgement, (who hath his understanding more clear and open) is not easily therewithal seduced: but notwithstanding all paintings and fictions, his Intellect or understanding power pierceth through the Imagination (as the Sun pierceth or shineth through the clouds): and spreading itself, with her light, doth easily believe in a spiritual manner, that God and the Angels are Spiritual. The second Argument of the Epicures. The second Argument of the Epicures, touching the human body of God; was, that God took upon him that form, which was, or could be imagined, to be the most beautiful in the whole world. And they say, that the human form, or shape, is of all others, the most goodly and excellent: And therefore we ought to think, that God is carnal and corporal, as men are. Hereunto needeth no answer to be made: because the consequence of their argument is not good: Answer to the 2. Argument. viz. That God should retain unto himself the Figure of a man, because the same is the most excellent of all other creatures in the world. For the Divinity of God, neither is, nor can be, in any corporal substance: But it is an Incorporal and spiritual essence, which hath nothing common with that substance which is proper unto these earthly creatures. The 3. Argument of the Epicures. The third & last argument of these Philosophers, is a Gradation or heaping up of Syllogisms: which kind of argument, the Greeks' call a Sorites: and they frame it in this sort; It is held and confessed of all, that God, & all other celestial powers, are exceedingly happy: But no person can be happy, without virtue: And virtue cannot be present in any, without reason: and reason can be in none, but in the figure and shape of man. Therefore it must be granted, that the Gods, which have the use of reason, have the form of man also. But the whole frame of this Argument, Answer to the 3. Argument. may soon and easily be dissolved, by denying, that reason can be in no other, then in a human shape: For both God and the Angels, who have a divine and spiritual understanding, have the use of reason, notwithstanding, that they be not of a corporal substance. And reason in man, cometh not of the human body: but from the soul of man, which is Spiritual & Divine, made unto the likeness of God, and capable of reason, of prudence; and of wisdom. Now, whereas it might be objected to the Epicures; That in making their Gods to have a human body, they do therein make them subject to death and dissipation. To avoid this absurdity, Absurdities in the opinion of the Epicures. they do tumble into a greater; affirming, that their body is as a body; and their blood, as blood; not having any thing, but the lineaments & proportion of a man, & being exempted from all crassitude & thickness: which, in a word, is as much as to say, that their Gods were rather Idols of men, than very men; and rather framed by the pattern of men, them as men in truth & substance: which is a thing the most ridiculous that can be imagined. But will some say, To what purpose serveth all this, touching our matter of Spectres? I have said before, that the Saducees did maintain God to have a body, to the end they might the better deny the appearing of Spectres; which are substances without a body. Also the Epicures made their Gods to have bodies; that so they might hold them in the heavens idle and doing nothing: and by consequence might deny their Apparition upon Earth. Of the opinion of the Epicures who thought there were no Devils nor Spirits. In vita Bruti. For as touching Devils or Spirits, they believed there were not any: but did confound them all in the number of their Gods. And that they did but make a jest of Spectres, appeareth by the speech of Cassius in Plutarch: and in that that Celsus (half an Epicure) writing against the Christians, Lib. 2.6. & 8. contra Celsum did deny them flatly and absolutely, (as is to be seen in Origen, who hath answered him) and did reprove the Christians, in that they would allow of any powers, or Spirits, contrary to the Gods: supposing (according to his own saying, and opinion) that there were no Devils. Besides that, he made a mock and a jest of Angels, and of the Resurrection of the body: and generally of all those Apparitions, which were made, both in the old and new Testament. And now that we speak of contrary powers, Contra St●iceses it putteth me in remembrance of a speech of Plutarch, who reproveth Chrysippus, for that in this universal body of the world, so well ordained and framed, he should grant so great an inconvenience, (to wit) that there should be a kind of Devils afflicting and tormenting men, to the disturbance of the concord and harmony of the world: Which being well ordained by the Author and maker thereof, ought not to be thought to bear or sustain any thing which should be incommodious to itself, and by lapse, and continuance of time, should work the confusion and destruction of the same. But it seemeth, that Plutarch reprehended Chrysippus, upon a desire and humour of contradiction, rather than moved upon any just cause, or matter of truth. For the devils do not work any damage or inconvenience to the world, being bridled & restrained by the hand and power of God. And if they do torment men or tempt them, it is to exercise them, or to manifest the glory and justice of God, of the which they are sometimes made the executioners. S. Bernard. in Sermone 1. de transla. S. Malach. Diabolus, inquit, malleus calest is opificis, factus est malleus universa terra. And as in each Commonwealth, well instituted, there be executioners ordained, for the punishment of Malefactors, and such as trouble and disturb the public peace, and good of the commonweal: and yet the universal body of the commonweal, is not thereby offended, or endamaged: but to the contrary rather it receiveth much more profit and commodity. Even so God hath placed, and left here below in this world, Devils and wicked Spirits, to be as torments and executioners to wicked men: that so his justice might shine the more glorious, to the comfort of the godly, and of his elect, that live in the love and fear of him. But to come again unto the Epicures: It is most certain, that they were no other, than the followers of nature: and that only so far as things did fall under their outward senses. Of the Arguments of the Epicures mad. against Spectres, and Apparitions. And if one should allege unto them, that any Spectres, Images, and Visions, had presented them elves: they would refer the same, for the most part, to the concourse & perpetual flux of their Atoms: or to some other like reasons: the which we hold it not amiss to discover and decipher at large, as we have drawn them out of Ciccro, Lib. de nature. Dcorum. Lib. 4. or of Lucrece. All Images (say they,) which do externally present themselves unto our senses, either they are visible, or invisible: If they be Invisible, The 1. Argument. either they are created in the Air, or in our own minds and conceits. As touching those made in the Air: It is not any strange thing, or abhorring from reason, that in the same should be engendered certain voices: like as we see it is natural, that cold cometh from the Rivers: ebbing and flowing, from the Sea: and heat, from the Sun. And it may be, that some voice, being spread abroad within the valleys, doth not only rebound back again, to the place from whence it came; but doth dilate and scatter itself here and there, throughout the Air, as do the sparks that mount up from the fire. So that for one voice there are many engendered: which running through the empty Air, do enter within the ears of those, that knew nothing of the natural voice: and do put them into a misconceit, and fond opinion, that they have heard either some of the Fairies, or satires, or Nymphs, playing and sporting amidst the woods. As concerning those, Their 2. Argument. that are bred in the mind; They say, Atoms signis fie motes in the Sun, or things so small as cannot be divided. that for the innumerable course of Atoms: all whatsoever we do dream, or think of, cometh incontinently into the spirit or mind, and sometimes passeth by visions and Images into the bodily eyes. But if the Images be visible: either they are reverberated and beaten back, from the Crystal and transparent Air, exceeding clear in her superficies: or they come of the Spoils and Scales of natural things. Their 3. Argument. Touching the Air: That it may of itself cast some kind of Image, having power to appear, they prove it in this, sort; All Air that is Crystalline, or transparent, hath a kind of refraction, as appeareth by the mirror (whereof looking Glasses are made and polished) and by the water, and by a thick and darkened Air. And this do the Catoptickes themselves teach in their principles: Catoptikes are professors of the Optikes or Art Speculative. Now (by the comparison and similitude of the mirror, and the water) all Air which hath a refraction, doth of itself yield some certain form. And therefore it is not any thing strange, if in an Air a man may see certain forms and Images. And they do bring also this comparison. Even as the tapistry hangings in a Theatre, or a large wide hall, do cast abroad round about, their natural colour, where they find an Air opposed against them: and the more that the beams of the Sun do beat or shine upon them, the more bright and shining lustre they carry with them; & seem to have cast off and left their colour, in the same place, which is directly in opposition against them: So is it most certain, that the Air may of itself cast abroad certain forms and figures: the which, look by how much the more they be made clear, by the light which doth bring and tie them to our object, so much the more comprehensible shall they be unto our sight. In brief, concerning the spoils and scales cast from natural things, of which, in their opinion, Their 4. Argument. Images should be engendered: They do make this Argument; The Caterpillars (say they) do leave their spoils in the hedges or bushes, like unto themselves: so do the Serpents among the thorns or stones: and the little creatures, at the time of their birth, do leave behind them their after burden: which is a little thin and slender skin, which they bring with them, from their dams belly: Why therefore may there not be left or cast from the bodies of natural things, certain thin & subtle forms, or Images, proceeding from them aswell, as a little skin and the after burden doth remain of the superfluity of little creatures? But all these Arguments may very easily be dissolved. Answer to their. 1. argument. The voice defined what it is And first, as touching the voices, which they say, may simply be created of the Air: I will not deny that: For it is most certain, that the voice, is a certain beating and concussion of the Air, which falleth under the sense of hearing, (as is affirmed by the Grammarians.) And the matter of the voice (as saith Galen) is the breath, Lib. de Voce. and respiration of the Lungs: but the form thereof is the Air, without the which, neither can it be understood, nor can it be called a voice. Besides I will not deny, but that the sounds are raised within the empty Air, be it either by the winds, or by some other external cause. But to say, that the voices, and the sounds are natural and adherent to the Air, as the Tide to the Sea; and coldness to the Rivers; and heat to the Sun: It would then; follow, that without any external cause at all, both the voice, and the senses should be created in the Air, & should perpetually adhere unto the Air, as the Tide doth to the Sea; and cold to the waters; and heat unto the Sun. But so it is, that the winds are not always in the Air: and the sounds and voices are external things, coming into the Air, by the means of some other subject: the which is nothing so, neither in the Sea, nor in the Rivers, nor in the Sun: because that in the Seas the Tide; and cold in the waters; and heat in the Sun, are unseparably and continually. And there is great difference between Accidents that are Separable, and those that are Inseparable. For the separable Accident as the Voices and the Sounds in the Air, may be abstracted and drawn from the substance of the Air, and yet the Air shall neither perish, nor be the sooner altered thereby: But ebbing and flowing cannot be taken from the Sea, but the nature thereof must needs be changed: Nor can the heat be separated from the Sun, but that he must then lose his light: Neither can the cold be severed from the Rivers, but that the quality and nature of the water must be changed: which cannot possibly be, because naturally water is cold. And these three Accidents, are inseparably knit to those three substances, no less, than blackness is to the Raven, and whiteness to the Swan. Moreover, it is a far greater foolery, to say, that of voices articulated and knit together, the voices themselves should be bred and engendered in the air: For that is not only against the nature of the Air, but against all order established in the world. Neither is it to any purpose, to allege for an instance, the voice of an Echo: the which being carried in the Air, doth spread itself, and scattereth (as a spark from the fire) here and there, not only towards the party that made and dispersed the sound, The Echo, whereof it cometh. but to some other places likewise. For the voice of the Echo, is engendered of the voice of the party, and not of the air, and is dispersed (as themselves confess) by the speech of the man, from whom it took it original and first beginning. Neither will I easily grant unto them, that the voice of the Echo doth disperse itself on all sides, without losing itself, or being extinguished. For it is a thing very notorious, and sufficiently proved, that if the Echo be dispersed into another place, then that from whence it first received her voice, she is no more discerned or understood as the voice of a man, but only as a confused & uncertain sound; which ranging through the valleys, cannot be discerned, but only for a resounding noise, & not otherwise. Now as concerning those Images, Answer to their 2. argument. or similitudes, which the Epicures allege to be created in the thought, or conceit: saying, that the mind of man doth refer unto the eyes, whatsoever it dreameth, or thinketh on: & that by means of the abundance or concourse of the Atoms; I do make them the same answer, which Cicero yielded them: That if the mind & the eyes do so sym bolize & agree together in operations, that whatsoever the mind shall imagine & conceive, the eye may presently see: It must needs then follow, that some things shall present themselves to our eyes and sight, which never were in being, nor ever can be. For I may dream, or think of a Scylla, a Chimaera, a Hippocentaure, & such like conceited fictions, which never were, nor can be. And I may feign unto myself, in my mind, strange Monsters, and Antiques; such as Painters do many times make, which neither are things, nor can possibly be. To be short, If this argument of the Epicures were true; it must needs be, that all things whatsoever the mind presenteth, should be of a certainty: and they should fall so subject to our sight as we might plainly and sensibly see them: the which is the greatest folly, that can possibly be imagined. Neither can they defend themselves with the continual concourse of their Atoms, which (they say) do uncessantly bring certain Images into the mind, and into the eyes of men. For be it, that we should confess, that their Atoms do slide into the mind of man: how can they conclude thereof, that they descend into the sight: nay, how can they descend; but that even by their own reasons, their ignorance and sottishness may be discovered. For, if their Atoms do enter into the mind, it must needs be then by that means, that they be Invisible: and that they do fly up and down very closely, and subtly (as the very word doth also import.) Now if they fly invisibly in the mind: how can they of themselves so readily make any thing visible and apt to be seen? Certainly, to make their Atoms visible and corporal, there must be of necessity, before hand, a great concurrence and huge heap of them drawn together; which cannot be suddenly done, but will require a great time. Now in the mean while that these invisible Atoms shall be a gathering and getting together into the mind, they will be flitting and flying away some other where, as soon as the mind (which never retaineth one thing very long) hath put them out of remembrance. So that by this means they have not any leisure to form themselves visible to the eyes of the body: but they return back again, even as they came at first, invisible. Now let us proceed, and pass on to those Images, which (say the Epicures) are river berated from the Air, Answer to the 3. argument of the Epicures. being clear and transparent in her supersicies. I do agree with them, that the Catoptike, that is to say, the Speculative, (being one of the kinds of the Art Optic) doth hold, that the refraction, which is made of forms, (be it either in a mirror, in the Air, or in the water) cometh either of the densitie and thickness of the mirror, polished and made bright, the which keepeth sight, that it doth not disperse and scatter itself: whereas otherwise, if the mirror were transparent, or had any pores, whereby one might see through it, the sight would disperse and scatter itself abroad: Or else it cometh of the thickness of the Air next adjoining: or of the humid and moist concretion of the Water, which stayeth and limiteth the beams of the eyesight. And that is the reason, why one may aswell see his visage in the water, as in a mirror or looking Glass: and so also in the water of the Sea, when it is not troubled not tossed with the winds, but resteth calm and quiet: which Virgil testifieth in these Verses: In Bucolicis. Of late (upon the shore) I stood, myself beholding In waters of the Sea, no stormy winds then stirring. But what will they infer of this, which every man will confess to be true and infallible? So it is, (say they) that the Air being clear in her Superficies (like as doth the mirror or looking Glass): so will it yield of itself, some form or figure. Let this also be granted them: And what of that? For sooth they conclude, that therefore in the Air, The Schoolmen call this a Fallacy, A dictosecundum quid ad id quod est sim pliciter dictum a man may see figures and Images. But who seethe not, that this conclusion is ridiculous, and Sophistical: For it doth not answer to the terms of their proposition: but simply carrieth away the Subject, without speaking of that, which is thereunto attributed, and which is the knot of the whole question. But I would know of the Epicures, how they can prove unto us, that by their Atoms the Air may naturally engender forms and Images of themselves, which should be visible: and, which should be moving and living, as the Spectres are. I do assure me self, that they have not any arguments so good, but they may as easily be dissolved & avoided, as was the former. But they will say, perhaps; that we see often in the Air Comets, Fiery Flames, and other Prodigies. True: this I will not deny: but these things (which they say are seen in the Air) do not take their original neither of their Atoms, nor of the Air: but are engendered of the vapours dried up from the earth: as it is well known by the writings of good Philosophers. And the Air is susceptible & capable of them, by reason of some emptiness in it, which doth easily yield and give place, and receiveth that which is sent unto it from below. Besides it is very evident, that such figures and Images as are seen in the Air, have not any life in them, as have the true Spectres: the which also (the Epicures ought to show by good reasons) to be carried to and fro, and to move themselves in the Air. For if they had attributed motion and stirring unto Spectres: and had proved, that naturally, without having any soul or life, they might notwithstanding be seen wandering, and running hither and thither, in our form, or in any other: and that they are not only to be seen in all parts of the air, but in all other places whatsoever: then this might have stood them in great stead, to have impugned the Apparition of Spectres, supernaturally, or against nature. Moreover, if they will affirm, that the transparent and thick Air, receiving our figure by refraction, doth move itself as we do: and doth live and change from place to place, as we do: then must they also prove unto us, that the same should be a Spectre: and not the Image of the object opposed thereunto, the which vanisheth away as soon as the same doth absent itself from it. Of the Apparition of Images form in the Air, by way of reflection. And seeing we are now in the Discourse of Images, form in a thick Air: It is to be understood, that their nature is to appear either by the refraction of our own natural and proper form, or by reflection. As touching their appearance by refraction, we have already spoken sufficiently: Of Images appearing in the Air by reflection, and how it is done. But as concerning those which are by reflection; It is most certain, that their property is to appear by another form than ours: namely, of some lightsome body, which groweth into the thick and gross Air, in the humid and moist concretion of the same: or into the Glass of a mirror, making a reflection of that thing which is reverberated and beaten back again into our sight. Thus by way of reflection may a man see within a looking Glass, those men which are walking and marching in the streets. And sometimes a man shall think that men are walking near the walls of his chamber; which notwithstanding is nothing so: but that only there is a reflection of those persons whom we see aloof, walking and going up and down. So likewise by way of reflection, may a man see in the heavens sometimes a second Sun, the Image of the true Sun: and so likewise of the Rainbow. Howbeit that this latter (as Aristotle would have it) is not any reflection, but a relation of the Aspect unto our eyesight. But under his correction, that is not so: For if the Rainbow in the heavens do not yield a reflection to our sight, it would not be seen in the water, or in a looking Glass, as it is, and as daily experience showeth us. And this also may serve for a solution to that Argument of the Epicures, who by comparison of the clothes of tapistry, that imprint their colours in the wall opposed, would prove, that the Air may also cast any form or Image of itself. For the colours of the Rainbow, and of Tapestry Hang are for the most part lively colours, as Azure or sky colour, red, carnation, and green: all which do naturally cast a great lustre, which may easily yield an impression upon any solid thing, & may reflect unto our eyes. And yet nevertheless, I see not how this can be a good argument, to show that the Air can engender forms or figures: which may refer themselves to the eyes, as Spectres, and not rather, as colours. Answer to the 4. argument of the Epicures. Last of all, touching that which the Epicures affirm: how, of the bodies of things do issue and remain certain Spoils: The same hath not any foundation upon natural reason, or upon any appearance of truth. For, is there any likelihood, or probability, that if the creatures do leave behind them their after burdens, or other such spoils, bereaved from them, in the places where they have been: That therefore the bodies (be they dead, or be they alive) do leave an Image, or impression of themselves, in their absence, after they are departed from those places? It is most certain, that the bodies of any creatures, have not any thing in them, which either in their life time, or after that their substance is perished, can be abstracted or separated from them. For otherwise, of one body there should be two made: which were a strange thing, and altogether abhorring from nature. And were not much different, either from the Fables of the Poets, who of a dead body, made the abstraction of a shadow, In lib. 4. Eneid. In his Dialogues of the dead, where he bringeth in Diogenes and Hercules speaking. which they called the Image and I doll thereof, (as is affirmed, both by Sergius, and Lucian, and the Commentator upon Homer) or else from those fabulous and idle dreams of the Rabbins, and Talmudistes, which had their Nephes, as saith the Author of Zoar. But the truth is, that those creatures which do use to cast their spoils from them, do leave no other than a thin slender skin, Iliad. λ. which being superfluous, is no more remaining or abiding with the body: Howbeit, that it cometh from the body: as appeareth both by the after-burthens of all creatures, wherein the young ones being wrapped and enfolded in the bellies of their dams, yet in coming from thence, do easily and naturally cast them off) as also by the spoils of the Serpent, or Snake, and by the skins of the Silkworms, and the Caterpillars: the which superfluities, are drawn and cast off particularly from these beasts or creatures, as a mark to the one, to wit, the Silkworms, and Caterpillars, that they do change from their former state, and to the other, namely the Serpents, to show the poisons and ill herbs and seeds, which they have eaten all the Winter, according as Virgil writeth of them. Lib. 2. Eneid. The opinion and Argument of the Epicures touching the cause, why men do conceive fear at the sight of strange forms and figures. These Arguments being thus finished: let us now come to that which the Epicures affirm to be the cause why any should be touched and attainted with fear: when they see such Images and figures, which they affirm naturally to flit and fly up and down. We (say they) are affected and altered, according to the things which we see, and which are next unto us. As for example; we perceive (I know not) what salt humour being near the Sea: and in touching of Worm wood, and of Rue, we find a kind of bitterness: and when we are near a Smith, we feel our teeth to gnash, and to be set on edge, at the noise of his File, or Saw, wherewith he worketh. So likewise, when these Images and figures do present themselves unto us, we cannot possibly abide nor suffer them: but we find ourselves altered & changed in our understanding: howbeit some more than other some. For like as there be certain seeds within the eyes of Cocks, which shining and shooting into the eyes of the Lions, do so strike and pierce their eye-lids, and do inflict upon them such pain and grief, that they are constrained to fly from them, being not able to abide or endure the sight of the Cock: So are there some men, who have their senses so apprehensive and subtle, that they cannot hold from being afraid when they see such vain Images and figures before them. Answer to the argument of Epicures, touching the cause of fear at the sight of strange Spectres. But hereunto we must give them this answer: that the fear which men have by the sight of Spectres or Spirits, cometh in regard that the things are unaccustomed and admirable to the bodily senses: & not from any secret seeds, which are contrary to our nature, and much less from any natural passion: such as that, is that wherewith men are touched, that abide near the Sea, or those that see Rue or Wormwood, or do hear the noise of a Smiths file or saw. For if it were of any natural passion that this fear proceeded: then would not the party terrified, That the fear bred by the sight of Spectres, is because they are supernatural and unusual. be so confounded & astonished even in the very powers of the soul, as it is commonly seen that men are, at the sight of Spectres or Spirits: but rather he should be only moved by a certain Antipathy or abomination (as Pomponatius calleth it) and would only abhor and fly from that which he so feareth. Besides, things that are supernatural, do much more touch the senses of man, than those things do, That Antipathies, & things which are naturally abhorring to men: are by a secret cause in nature concealed and unknown. In Problemat. proanno. which are natural. Neither are they to be compared with such things, as having a natural cause (howbeit secret) do happen to be seen daily and ordinarily. Now I say, that the cause of these things (though natural) is secret: For Alexander Aphrodiseus, speaking of the noise of the File, and how it setteth the teeth on edge, with other things of like nature, saith, that Nature hath reserved the reason thereof unto her own secret knowledge, not being willing toimpart the cause thereof unto men. The like may be affirmed of the greatest part of those Antipathies, which being concealed from men, yet cannot come of any secret seeds, that are contrary or enemies to nature (as the Epicures dote) but are hidden in the secret Magazine or Storehouse of Nature, which hath not revealed or laid the same open unto any person. Who can tell the reason why the Conciliatour, otherwise called Peter de Albano, did abhor milk? Why Horace, and jaques de Furly could not abide garlic? nor Cardan could away with Eggs. And why that Gentleman of Gascoigne (of whom julius Caesar Scaliger speaketh) could not abide the sound of a Viol? And of this latter in Cardan you may read the History. The Physician Scaliger writeth, how he himself knew a Gentleman, his neighbour, which had in him such an Antipathy at the sound of a Viol, that as soon as ever he heard it (were he in any company, Another Gen. of this quality lived of late in Devon near Excester, who could not endure the playing on a Bagpipe. even of the best fort, and that either at table, or elsewhere) he was constrained to forsake the place, and to go away to make water. Now it happened, that certain Gentlemen having of a long time perceived and known this strange nature and disposition in him, did one day invite this Gent. to dine with them: and having provided and suborned a certain Minstrel of purpose, they caused him to be kept close till the appointed dinner time, when being set at Table, they had so placed the Gent. in the midst of them, as it was not possible for him to get forth. Now as they were in the midst of their dinner, in came the Fiddler, and began to strike up his Viol near unto the Gent. he that never heard the sound of that Instrument, but was presently taken with an extreme desire to piss, grew into an exceeding great pain: for being not able to get from the table, nor daring to lay open his imperfection to the whole company; the poor man showed by the often change of his countenance, in what pitiful case and pain he was. But in the end he was constrained to yield to the present mischief, and to reveal his imperfection. He that should undertake to search and find out the cause of this so admirable an Antipathy, I assure myself he should be as long a time about it, as was Aristotle in seeking out the cause of the Flowing and Ebbing of the Seas, (whereof have written Gregory Nazianzon, justine Martyr, Eusebius, and others) and yet he could never learn the certain cause thereof. But as touching the reason why the Lion doth fly from the Cock: It cometh not from any seeds that lie hidden within the eyes of the Cock, & which from thence, should strike into the eyes, and hurt the sight of the Lion: The reason why the Lion flieth from the Cock. but it is by a kind of Antipathy, whereof we have formerly spoken. By which also the Elephant doth fly from the Hog, and the Horse from the Stone Taraxippe: Or else it is for that the Cock and the Lion, partaking both of them of the nature of the Sun (but the Cock more than the Lion:) It happeneth that the Lion perceiving it, doth presently fly from him; as the valiant Hector is said to fly before Achilles, who was more brave and more warlike than he. Or else it is because the Cock, being a celestial fowl, and the Lion a terrestrial creature, and of a grosser matter (having the Spirits more sensitive and brutal then the other) doth therefore by nature yield and give place, to that which is more excellent. And this reason seemeth unto me in some sort allowable: the rather, for that those Devils which are of a more material and terrestrial nature, and be called Devils of the Sun, do fly the voice of the Cock, aswell as the Lion (as Psellus teacheth us). And thus, in my opinion, you see sufficiently how all the Arguments and foolish dreams and fancies of the Epicures, may be soon answered, and easily dissolved. We will now therefore consider what the Peripatetics, both ancient and modern, do allege to impugn all Apparitions against nature. CAP. FOUR Of the Opinions and Arguments of the Peripatetikes, by which they would impugn the Apparitions of Spirits. THe first of the Peripatetikes, that I will have to deal withal, The opinion and arguments of Al. Aphrodiseus, that denied the essence of Spirits. shall be Alexander Aphrodiseus, who contrary to the opinion of all others, even of his own Sect that went before him, doth altogether and absolutely deny the essence and being of Spirits: therein contradicting even Aristotle himself, the Prince of that Sect: to whom also he endeavoured to ascribe that error of his, by interpreting him after his own fancy, in those places where he writeth of Devils and Spirits: as amongst others, in that of the Metaphisikes', where he saith; That the Earth, Li. 4. Metaphi. the Fire, and the Water, are Substances: as also all those bodies that come and are engendered of them: as the Devils, and all living creatures and their parties. This place of Aristotle, is the most clear and manifest that may be: And yet nevertheless Alexander Aphrodiseus expounding it, saith; That either Aristotle did follow the common opinion of the vulgar sort, who falsely and erroneously maintained the being of Spirits and Devils: or did understand here by Devils, the Divine bodies, and the Stars. But both the one and the other Interpretation is of no value. For first Aristotle speaking of the first principles, Answer to the argument of A. Aphiodiseus and of the being of each kind of Substance, did intend to verify and affirm the whole by demonstrations and reasons, even from nature itself. And it is not credible, that he would strengthen and confirm some of them by true and infallible Axioms of nature, as The Fire, the Water, the Earth, & other living creatures: and that other some of them he should ground & maintain upon the common opinion: as namely, The being of Devils and Spirits. Howbeit he was deceived in saying that they were engendered of the Elements. But this is no place to reprehend him for that opinion. Again who told Aphrodiseus, that Aristotle by Devils should understand the Stars, or the divine bodies? Is not this to belie the Author who me he interpreteth, in making him to say that which he never meant? For if Aristotle did understand the Stars, by the word Devils, then must it needs follow by his speech, that the Stars should be engendered of the Elements: But the Stars in the Firmament above, cannot be engendered of the Elements beneath: either therefore must Aristotle be deceived, or (which is more likely) he meant not the stars (as Aphrodiseus would make us believe): but by the word Demons, he understood simply and plainly the Devils. But come we to Auerrois, Of the opinion of Auerrois the Peripatetic, touching Spirits. who being as notorious an Atheist as any of them: yet was a little more scrupulous in the expounding of Aristotle, then was Aphrodiseus: For though he believed no more than the former, that there were any Spirits: yet when he came to explain that place of Aristotle, he thought it his best part, to be altogether silent, because he would not bewray his ignorance, by saying nothing that should be repugnant to the Doctrine of his Author, whom he interpreted. And yet for all that, how did he interpret (or rather pervert) the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is in the Text of Aristotle? That which all the Ancients took & interpreted for spirits, he turned & termed Idols: whereas it is to be seen in Homer, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth Spirits, and a Spectre. But the truth is, he was nor, ignorant of Aristotle his meaning, which ought to have made him ashamed, and did indeed secretly reprove him, as one that was a bad observer of his own Religion: for by profession he was a Mahumetist, and the Mahometistes do confess and believe that there are both Devils and Spirits. The same Auerrois, to rid himself altogether from all arguments that might be made against him, touching the Apparition of spirits: forasmuch as he knew well, that few doubted of their essence and being, and that many testimonies of men worthy of credit, did acknowledge no less, he would not directly deny them, knowing full well that he should fall into a most gross error in Philosophy, which doth always presume, that after the question 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: That a thing is: It necessarily followeth to be inquired 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; What it is: and in vain should any one demand what a Spectre is, if it be not first presupposed that there are Spectres. He confessed therefore that Spectres do appear: but he denied that they were a Substance: and said; Auerrois did confess the Apparition of Spirits, but denied them to be Substances. That a Spectre was only a Phantosme imagined in the mind, and thence carried to the outward Senses, by the great contemplation of men that were Melancholic, and given to Speculation: whose understanding he affirmed to be sound and entire: but only the operation thereof was wounded and offended for a season. But it shall not be amiss to set down somewhat at large, that which he saith touching this matter. The Argument of Auerrois, to prove that Spectres are not a Substancer, but an imagined phantasm. When the mind (sayeth he) which is always attending on the Imagination) doth receive in imagining any forms of devils or dead men, either in sound or in quality, in odour, or in touching. And that this Imagination is transferred unto the Sense, correspondent to his proper action: (as the odours do refer themselves to the particular Instrument of smelling: and that which is heard, to the Ears; and the Spectres, to the Eyes:) then shall any man think that he seethe, heareth, or smelleth something, without that any object doth truly present itself to the sight, to the hearing or smelling. And as touching the sense of seeing, although it be so, that the vision be no other thing then a perceiving of some shape which is made within the lively crystal of the eyes; which we call the Ball or Apple of the eye. Certainly whether it be so, that some object doth present itself to the sight, or not, but is only imagined, yet it appeareth, that the party doth perfectly and assuredly see something. And so likewise even in wakening, it happeneth that some see Devils and dead men: and sometimes they suppose that they hear the voice of them whom they once knew: and that they smell certain scents and perfumes: yea, more than that, that many times they do feel and touch such things, as appeareth by those which are troubled with the Inoubae and Succubae, or the Nightmare. How beit these imagined forms are more seldom and rarely seen, than they are either heard, smelled, or touched, because that in all the other senses, save in the sight only, it is not needful to observe any more than one only difference. And therefore one only Spirit transferred unto the sense, together with the thing that is imagined, will very easily represent the same. But to the eyes there are many differences necessary, as the greatness, the form, the colour: and therefore it must be of necessity, that many Spirits be transferred thereunto. Besides those Sinews that appertain to the eyes, nature hath made them hollow: And they only of all the other senses are so, because they have need of many spirits in their operations. And it happeneth, that we are sooner wearied in looking and beholding attentively upon any thing, than we are in the using and exercising of any other of the bodily senses whatsoever. Thus you see the very words and reasons which Auerrois useth, Answer to the Argument of Auerrois. in confirmation of his opinion: To the which it is easy to answer, by saying, that the great Imagination of men, being bend and set upon any thing by earnest speculation, may well alter and hurt a little the operation and force of the mind and understanding. But that the same can make or cause a man to see any Spectres of a moving and a living nature: and (more than so) to touch, to hear, or to smell any thing of a vain and phantasmaticall nature, unless the same happen by the operation of the Devil, and that also very extraordinarily: This shall not Auerrois make me to believe. For it was never yet seen, heard, nor approved, that such a thing could befall in the course of nature, except it were only to such men, as had their senses so decayed and perished, & their imaginative powers so weakened and corrupted, as the understanding did thereby rest not only hindered in his operation, but altogether dulled and darkened. In Libro. de Somno & Vigilia. And well saith Aristotle, that it must of necessity be a great and strange passion, when in waking the sense is so perverted, that it suffereth itself to be guided and moved by the same: Nay, let it be, that this melancholy (where of Auerrois speaketh) be not a passion, but a very natural and sound imagination (whereunto they which be of a melancholic humour, and the wise Philosophers are subject): who (as Aristophanes in one of his Comedies writeth of them) do scale or climb the heavens, and do fly above the Sun by their lively contemplation: yet nevertheless for all that, they do not any thing the sooner either see, or hear, smell, or touch, any Spectres: Howsoever sometimes they may have their minds so subject to the Imagination, that they remain as men astonished and unmovable. But it is not necessary, that all whatsoever one imagineth by the senses, should incontinently fall into them sensibly. And there is a very great difference in the Imagination which is internal, and the Action of the senses which are external. And yet I will easily agree to that saying of Aristotle: That naturally, De Somno et Vigilia. even in the soundest men, when they sleep, the senses do seem to move themselves by a local motion of the humours, and of the blood that descendeth even to the Organs, which are sensitive and apprehensive: in such sort, that being wakened, they think they see those very forms and Images which they dreamt of. And this happeneth often to young persons, who of a sudden are so frighted, that they think they see many vain Images and figures, that for very fear they hide themselves under the coverings of their beds. But such fears do not last nor continue long, but as soon as the party is thoroughly and well wakened, they do vanish away from the fantasy, which had before apprehended and received them vainly and falsely. The opinion & reasons of Cassius the Epicure, touching Spirits and Spectres, that they are but an Imagination proceeding of me lancholy, or of the senses deceived. And this may serve very well to refute that discourse of Cassius the Epicure, who would needs persuade Brutus his Companion (as Plutareh writeth) that the Spectre which he saw with his bodily eyes, not in sleeping, but in waking) was but a false Imagination. The reasons by which he went about to persuade Brutus hereunto, were these; Our opinion (quoth he, O Brutus) is, that we do not endure passively, all things that seem so, neither do we in truth and verity see them, Plu. in Vit. Bru. but only by a false persuasion of our senses, which are mutable and deceivable. Moreover, our Imagination is sharp, prompt, and of a lively disposition to move our senses, and to make or build any form upon a subject, which in truth shall be none at all. For the Imagination is like unto wax, and is very facile & ready to the mind of man, which doth feign unto itself all things, and doth vary and compose in itself one and the same thing diversly: as is evident by the often changes of Dreams, which in a very short moment the fantasy doth turn and alter into divers kinds of forms and shapes. To be in continual motion, is a thing not abhorring from the nature of the mind of man: now the motion thereof is but a certain fantasy or a kind of intelligence. And as touching thyself (O Brutus) thou art of a Melancholic nature: which is the cause that thy understanding is always diverted and lifted up to contemplation. And as concerning the Devils or Spirits, it is very credible that there are at all, or if there be any, they have not any human form, neither have they avoyce, nor any such power as may pierce and come near unto us. Thus you see what was the opinion of Cassius, touching Spectres, and how in the end of his discourse he setteth it down very doubtfully whether there were any Spirits and Devils, or not. And yet he is more Religious than are either the Epicures or the Peripatetikes, who deny them altogether. But as concerning that which he saith of the Imagination, and of the false persuasion of the senses, he declareth sufficiently, that he would not that a man should believe himself: seeing ee will not believe that which he seethe certainly with his eyes: howbeit the sight be one of the most certain senses that a man hath, & which of all the others is least deceived. And hereby showeth plainly, that he was of the opinion of the Sceptikes, who affirmed that the senses were false and deceivable. But leaving Cassius and Auerrois, The opinion of Galen touching Spectres let us next come to Galen, who was of another opinion, and different from them: for he did not refer Spectres to the falsity & deceivablenes of the senses and Imagination, or to melancholy, as did Cassius and Auerrois: but rather to the subtlety of the sight, the smelling, and the hearing: by the which (he said) that men did persuade themselves of many vain forms and Images. And to this purpose I have read in Cardan, Lib. 2. contrad. medic. how in the City of Milan divers did persuade themselves that on a time they saw an Angel in the clouds: whereat the Citizens growing to be exceedingly abashed: there was a certain Civil Lawyer, who showed them that it was not a true Spectre, or Apparition of an Angel, which they saw: but that the same proceeded from a certain Statue or Image of an Angel, which being set aloft upon the top of the Steeple of S. Goddard, and giving an impression into the clouds, did yield a reflection to the eyes of such as had their sight more sharp and subtle than the rest. The like did I myself see at Tholouse, when I was there a Student: For me thought I saw in the Air, the Image of Saint Francis, which was there made of lead, and stood fixed upon the top of the Church of the Franciscanes of Tholouse: whereas in truth it was nothing but a thick cloud, which made the Image give a reflex unto my sight. And of this a man may yield a natural reason, drawn from the Art Optic. And it doth happen very often, that if a man do behold near at hand any Image in a thick and gross Air, in casting aside his eyes, or turning them awry of another side, (yet so as he lose not out of his sight notwithstanding the object of the Image which he beholdeth:) he shall see the same to reverberate and cast back a representation of itself, as if it were in a mirror or Steel Glass, and yet not perfectly and exactly, for it will seem as if it were vanishing away, and departing out of sight: The opinion of Galen disproved. Nevertheless this cometh not, nor is caused by reason of the subtlety of the sight, but of the thick and gross Air, the which (as we have before at large declared) is susceptible of any forms opposed against it, making them to yield a reflection towards us. But what shall we say touching the opinion of Pomponatius? Of the opinion of Pomponat. who affirmeth, that they which have their sight very subtle, quick, and lively, do see many times in the Sun and Moon, the Images and Figures of things that are inferior and below? Certainly, we cannot give any natural reason for this: but the same which both he and Cardan do allege touching the blood of a Goat, and of two Steel Glasses opposed together against the brightness of the Sun, or of the Moon, which in my conceit is done only by Negromancie and Art Magic: And yet it doth serve as a proof rather to confirm, then to disprove the Apparition of Spectres. And to show that the same is but a kind of magical work, and done by the cooperation of the Devil: I hold it not amiss to set down that which I have read in the Interpreter of Aristophanes, touching a kind of marvel imagined in the Moon; almost like unto those which Pomponatius speaketh of, and which as he saith, are to be seen in the heavens. And this is in that Comedy entitled, Of the Clouds. Upon that speech of Stepsiades, who being desirous to defraud his Creditors, demanded counsel of Socrates, and speaketh thus unto him; I will go get some witch of Thessaly, That can by Magic spell draw from on high, The Silver Moon, and in some place can shut her, As in a shining plain bosse-bellied mirroer. In which place, the Interpreter discoursing upon that which is said their of a great or bosse-bellied mirror (which the Greeks' call Catoptron stroggulon, he setteth down this report following. Pythagoras (quoth he) that most famous & learned Philosopher did write with man's blood upon a mirror or Steele-glasse (which was made with a great boss or compass belly) certain words which himself thought good. And afterwards) setting and opposing the face of the Glass, and the letters therein written, against the face of the Moon which was then in the full, and he standing behind the Glass, and not looking into it, did see the same letters written in the Moon. Now I leave it to the consideration of Pomponatius, and his sect, whether that this mirror of Pythagoras, and the letters therein written with man's blood, were not like unto their goats blood, and the two mirrors whereof wespake before: both which no doubt came by the Art of the Devil, and no otherwise. And as touching Pythagoras, he was the greatest Magician that was in his time: and that he had very great familiarity, and near acquaintance with the Devil, we need no other witnesses then those false miracles and impostures which are recorded of him, and are worthy and befitting such a one as he was. The common opinion of the Peripatetics touching spectres. That they proceed from the Celestial influences. Of that Argument of Pomponatius, touching the subtlety of the sense piercing even to the celestial bodies, ariseth another opinion commonly held by the Peripatetics: who do affirm, that all whatsoever is said and reported of Spectres, and of their apparition, doth altogether proceed from the virtue of the celestial bodies and influences, or some other things natural In confirmation whereof, they thus argue. Every body is apt to receyve the Celestial influence: because there is not any body so thick and massive, The first argument of the peripatetics for proof of their opinion. which hath not some pores and perspicuities (if I may so speak) by the which it receyveth the celestial light, and by the same, the virtues also of the Heavens, which being clear and lightsome do work upon it: now it is most certain (say they) That the Spectres are celestial virtues, and therefore the bodies of men may receive them. And to prove that the Spectres are celestial influences, Lib. 3. de Ci. Dei. they bring the authority of Porphirius who (as writeth Saint Augustine) maintained, that by the means of certain herbs, stones, minerals, creatures, voices, sounds, figures and Characters, which might be used in observing the conversion of the Heavens, and the motion of the Planets: One might produce in nature many things strange and marvelous, which might be referred to the puissance of these Stars, under the which a man had enterprised and begun his work. And thereof they conclude, that the Spectres which are said to appear and present themselves to Magicians, do come and proceed only of the secret causes of the Stars, and of the Revolutions; and the Magicians do observe, when they will make and produce any thing that is strange and admirable. Answer to their first argument. But all this is soon and easily overthrown: for that there are seen many sorts of operations, both of Angels and Devils, which cannot in any wise proceed of natural causes, according as saith Thomas Aquinas. And as touching minerals, herbs, Characters, Rings, and such like drugs and toys, In Questione An Demons habeant corpora naturaliter sibi 0 unita. Li. 1. Perplexorum cap. 72. Alber. Magn. lib. 2. Mineralium trac. 3. ca 1. & 3. which are said to have so much power and puissance to work miracles: Rabbi Moses Egyptian mocketh and scoffeth at them that believe it: and calleth them deceyvers and liars that go about to persuade the simple & credulous people to believe such fooleries. And it had been well done of Albertus Magnus if he had held his tongue, and been silent, when he wrote of the confection of those Rings and Characters which he referred to the stars. But that such kind of Rings and Characters are merely superstitious and Diabolical: And that the Devil doth sometime enter into them, and enclose himself within them: I will cite no other proves unto you, than Andreas, and Pamphilus, two Physicians, Lib. 6. Desimplicibus medicine. and the Horoscopes or casters & calculators of Nativities, and such like Starre-gazers, all which do gather their herbs at a certain set hour: observing very curiously both the course of the stars, and the very hour wherein the Devil hath chiefest power and command over the herbs, which they preserve and keep. And the same Andrea's and Phamphilus did write certain Books, which (as Galen writeth) they entitled, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: That is to say: The charms and changes of herbs consecrated to the Devils. And more than that: Pamphilus doth teach and set down what ceremonies, words, and enchantments ought to be used in pulling and gathering of the herbs and roots: to the intent (saith he) That the Devil who hath rule and command over the herbs that are gathered, may not do any hurt or annoyance to them that gather them. You may see therefore, how that such superstitions ought not to be referred to the celestial virtues or influences, but unto the power of the Devil, which worketh upon them supernaturally, to deceive and seduce those that are given to be so superstitious. The second argument of the Peripatetics. The Peripatetics do yet insist further upon the Puissance of the Heavens: And they say; That every natural Agent working upon diverse objects, doth continually produce diverse Actions: as if wax, mortar, & would be put near to the fire, the wax will melt, the mortar will grow harder, and the wood will either burn, or bend: And yet notwithstanding all these operations have a certain similitude from the part of the Agent: for if one being a far off do see the wax to melt, he may judge that there is some fire near: the which upon occasion, can as well harden the mortar, and burn the wood likewise. Wherefore the heaven being a natural Agent, and having many things near adjoining unto it: It must needs be, that it must work many effects: Of the which, the one is particularly the certain sign of the other; albeit many of them do never take effect, nor can be known what they be. And forasmuch as of great events, it must needs be that the causes be strong and forcible, so contrariwise, where the causes are powerful & puissant, the effects also must of necessity be admirable; because in nature the causes are ever answerable to the effects. It is therefore no marvel if the heaven do produce Spectres, and such like micaculous effects, it having such power over the inferior Bodies. Answer to their second Argument. But this argument may be soon answered in two words: That the influence of the heavens doth work by the will of God, many things that are strange and admirable; and yet such nevertheless as are natural: But that the heavens have the power to work above nature, and so to produce Spectres, that can in no wise be granted nor admitted; because Nature itself is contrary thereunto: the which ought first to be regarded and considered as the cause, before we can admit or allow of her effects. Thus you see how easily all the reasons of the Peripatetics are refuted and overthrown, how strong soever they seem to be made, to prove such power in the heavens. Let us now therefore see what they allege to deny the essence and being of Devils. The first Argument of the peripatetikes, to pro, that there are no devils. Their first argument is, that the Art Magic, is nothing but merely vain and false. But the intention of Magic, is held to be principally of and by the Devils. Therefore the Devils are not at all, but are a vain and false thing. To this argument I answer: That true it is that Magic is a vain Science and prohibited; Answer to their first Argnment. that the effects thereof are full of abuse and scandalous. But that the Art Magic is nothing, and that the devils can not work by it, by the means of Magicians and Sorcerers, is no consequent. Their second Argument. Their second argument is, that if there be devils, than they have a soul and members necessary to execute and perform the functions of the soul, as we see in living creatures. And to the end that such things should consist and be, the devils must of necessity have a more solid and firm element than the air, to wit, the water or the earth, where it behoveth them to abide and remain. Answer to their second Argument. But this argument is of no source: for I deny that it is necessary the devils should have a body; and admit they do make a show of one when they appear unto us: yet that followeth not that they have such a one of their own nature; but they do fit and accommodate themselves to our senses, taking unto them a body of an airy subtle and thin substance. Their third Argument. Their third argument is, that if it be granted there be Divelles, it is principally in respect of Spectres: But the Spectres are vain, or come, for the most part, of the secret causes of the Heavens, or of Nature: and therefore all that which is said of devils is merely false and untrue. Answer to their third Argument. To this argument we need not make any answer, seeing we have before sufficiently satisfied them in this point. Their fourth Argument is, that it is not probable there should be any devils in that spacious emiptie circuit of the air, or in the earth: because, Their fourth Argument. if they be in so great a number as it is affirmed that they are, they might be then as thick, and in as great a multitude, as the birds of the air: and so every place would be full of Spectres, spirits, devils: which would yield diverse fears and terrors unto men. But that is not so: For hardly shall a man see in the space of twenty years, that in any Province any Spectres do appear and present themselves: and when they do at any time show themselves, it may be attributed unto Nature. Again they add this reason, that if there be devils, they should be either friends or enemies unto men: if enemies, than some should be hurt and offended by them, especially such as make a mock and jest at them and their essence: as namely the Epicures, the Sadduces, and the Peripatetics: But we never heard that any of all these (for contemning of them) have been any thing the more vexed or tormented. And in very deed they are of so thin and subtle a substance, as they can not huit them. And yet this is nothing to the purpose. For what should hinder them but that they may cast and hurl about tiles and bricks, and so hurt men down from aloft, or from the tops of mountains: or that they should not, like a Gad-bee or Horse-fly light upon the tails of men's horses, and so to cause them to be cast off, & to tumble to the ground, seeing we do believe that they have the power even to tempt men in their souls? Answer to their fourth argument. But this Argument is ridiculous, and it is needless to make answer there unto: save that a man may pay the Peripatetics with the same money, in telling them: That the devils are in a region of the air, separated from this of ours. from whence they cannot issue forth, either to harm us, or to appear unto us: no more than an infinite number of Sea-monsters, the which do but very seldom show themselves unto us. And if peradventure they do sometimes hurt and annoy us: it is no otherwise then as we do endamage the fishes of the sea, which are in another Element than this that we are in. For as among a thousand sorts of fishes that swim in the plains of the Ocean, we can take but some few of them: so may the Devils well work harm and mischief unto some men, but not unto all. Thus I say, might a man answer them in natural reason: But to answer them according to divinity, (at least if they do admit of divinity) It is sufficiently known that the Devils have no further power to hurt or annoy men, than God doth permit and suffer them. Their fift argument. Their fift and last Argument doth in some sort depend of that which went before, and is thus. If there be Devils, either they are inferior or equal unto the Angels: If they be inferior, then should they be both mortal, and immortal together, as participating of the nature angelical (to whom they are inferior) and of human nature also, (to whom they are superior) by reason they are placed and put in the air between men and Angels. But it is not to be believed that the spirits should be both mortal and immortal together. Again, if they be equal unto the Angels; what should let and hinder them that they should not destroy mankind, they being invisible, and not being under the command and government of the Angels? Answer to their fift argument. Hereunto I answer, That the Angels and Devils are indeed equal as touching their spiritual nature, but in regard of grace and puissance, there is great difference between them. For the Devils are perpetually and for ever exiled and banished from heaven, by reason of their transgression: and they are subject to the scourge and vengeance of God, as themselves have sometimes confessed by their Oracles. And as touching their power and puissance, albeit the same be very great: and that no earthly puissance may be compared to that Leviathan, (as is written in the book of job:) yet so it is, that the Angels do rule and bridle them, and do restrain and hinder them from exercising their rage and fury, as being their superiors, and having power of rule and command over them. Derarieta. rer. The opinion and reason of Cardan, tonguing Spectres, end appearing about the sepulchres of the dead. But to finish this Discourse now in question, to wit, whether there be any Devils, or not, let us come to examine certain reasons alleged by Jerome Cardan, by which he assayeth to prove, that those Spectres that do usually appear either about the tombs and sepulchres of the dead, or in certain Countries of the Occident and Western parts of the world, be no other than things merely natural. As concerning those of sepulchres, he saith; That naturally a man may see out of them certain shadows, which by way of impression, do refer and make show of the visage, the port, and the greatness of those that have been there buried and interred in no great depth within the ground: And his words are these; That the carcases being yet moist and fresh, may send forth of the earth a kind of shadow which shall represent their shape and likeness. Whereunto I say, that the corpse or bodies which are newly dead, have their pores stopped and shut up: so as they cannot yield any exhalation from them, but only when they come to putrefaction: I do not say but that they may cast from them by the natural conduits a certain putrefied humour. But that cannot make any entire shadow, much less may a man affirm, that when they are putrefied, they can evaporate any thing which may resemble their form and shape. For from an entire and whole body, an entire and whole shadow ought to be made. But the bodies which are putrefied are not entire, but begin to dissolve and to be reduced into dust or ashes. Yet will i easily agree to that he aledgeth in an other place, touching the sepulchre of Alexander de Medicis, which is to beseen at Florence: and that is, that the fat of his corpses had so pierced clean through his Sepulchre, which was of fair white Marble, that the same was therewithal wholly spotted and blemished. And there is some more appearance of reason in this, then to say that the vapour of a dead body, evaporated out from the same, can express the stature & form of the body. But indeed it was the custom of Cardan to be opinionative and obstinate, as well in things natural as supernatural: and he would seem both of the one and the other, to yield some reason which should many times serve to carry a great show and appearance, though most commonly they were very simple, and of small strength and substance. Opinion of Cardan touching Spectres appearing in the western countries of the world, as Iseland, etc. And as touching the Occidental & western Countries, as the Isle of Iseland, where the inhabitants do usually see their friends and acquaintance after their decease and burial to appear unto them, to embrace them, and in the midst of their embracings, after they have spoken and talked unto them, so dainly to vanish away and be no more seen, He sayeth, That such Spectres are not seen indeed, but only imaginatively, and he giveth a reason for it: the which it shall not be amiss to set down word for word as he hath alleged it, to the intent it may be known upon what foundation he buildeth his opinion. The Isle of Iseland (saith he) is full of a kind of pitch, or clay, partaking of the nature of Sulphur or Brimstone, and the inhabitants thereof live for the most part of the year upon Apples and roots, and upon bread made with meal of the bones of fishes, and of pure water: because the Island is so barren that it beareth neither corn nor wine. By reason whereof, the spirits of the people do become very gross & dull, partly in regard of their manner of living, and of the air, and partly in respect of the nature of the soil, and by means of the extreme cold that there exceedeth. And thereof it proceedeth that for the thickness of the air, & for the vapours which are engendered by reason of the cold, many images and forms are seen wandering and straying here and there: the which the fear, and imagination, & the weakness of the brain in the inhabitants, doth conceive and retain even so long till they come to fall under the sense of the sight, which suffereth itself to be persuaded, that they are true forms and shapes in very deed. And when the sight (which is the most sharp and quickest of all the senses) is once offended and abused; then do those Islanders think and believe, that they see, touch, and embrace the Spectres and vain Images of such men as are dead, and were known, unto them in their life time: for that the mind doth always ways persuade itself of things known unto them, & conceyved in their fantasy. And he addeth: But this may be thought very strange, how these vain visions of spirits should seem in the end, to speak and talk unto them, and when they are vanishing away from them, to tell the inhabitants that they go thence into the Mountain Heclae. Nevertheless, we must know thus much, that this Mountain is like that of Mongibell in Sicily, which at times doth vomit out flames of fire: which is the cause, that through a long and inveterated persuasion, the inhabitants of this Isle have been of opinion, that within the hollow places and Caverns of this Mountain, the souls of the dead do endure their purgatory: like as many also are persuaded, that the souls did suffer in Mongibell, which in times past was held to be the Forge and furnace of Vulcan, and of late hath been callet Aetna, a name which in mine opinion cometh of Athuna; that signifieth an Oven. Thus you see what Cardan saith concerning those spirits, that do sometimes show themselves and appear in Island: whereunto answer may be made: That the Isle of Thule now called Iseland, Answer to the latter reason of Cardan. is not so barren and unfruitful as he reporteth it: neither are the inhabitants so poor and miserable, as that they do live of nothing but of meal of fishbones, in stead of bread. Those that have been in this Isle, do report no such matter. And as touching the nature of this soil, being full of a kind of pitch of the nature of Sulphur, or Brimstone: I believe Cardan in that point: but yet that the bad and corrupt feeding, and nurture of unwholesome & gross nutriments, or that this pitch itself can so thicken the air, & the sensitive spirits in such sort, as a man should imagine himself to see, touch, & embrace spirits & spectres: that is beyond my knowledge. I make no doubt but that herbs and roots being taken without any other nutritive substance: and those meats that are of evil digestion to the stomach, or do carry a strong savour in the mouth, as Onions, Garlic, and such like things do thicken and corrupt the air, so as it may cause infection: And thereof cometh the Proverb; That after a Famine, cometh the Pestilence. For the poor people not having bread to feed upon, do sustain and nourish themselves with such infectious victuals: And then when the Sun hath heated the air, and being at the height, doth shoot and pierce into the bowels of the earth, (as Homer termeth it,) and doth make us to feel the force of her scorching beams and parching heat. Then incontinently doth the Pestilence also begin to grow hot by the infection of the air, which is before infected by the corrupt feeding of the people. Moreover I know well that Brimstone and Sulphur do thicken the air; insomuch as the birds sometimes flying over it, do suddenly fall down dead. Nevertheless (as I have already said,) I cannot conceive, that by reason of bread and ill feeding, or by virtue of the soil partaking of sulphur, a man should see any Spectres, and those false and imaginative only: For the land of jewry (where the like kind of pitch or sulphur groweth in the lake Asphaltites, doth not complain of seeing any Spectes, as the Islanders do. And if such pitch or sulphurous soil, should cause the generation of Spectres, assuredly they would appear and show themselves more easily in the land of jewry, then in Island: because in jewry the air is more warm and of much more heat than in Iseland, where the winds do carry a great sway: The which will soon dissipate and scatter all figures created in a gross and thick air, so as they shall not have any leisure to form and shape themselves. For there must of necessity be such an air as may be warm and mild, without any winds, that should cause them to stay and abide so long, that a man may exactly discern them as Spectres. And this is a thing most clear and manifest, that the winter and the cold are so far from making the air warm or thick, that they do rather make it clear, pure, and subtle. Last of all, I will say this more, that if the Spectres do proceed in Iseland, by reason of the air which is perpetually thick and gross there in that Country. We must conclude also, that the Spectres there, should be perpetual likewise. But the Iselanders do not see any but very seldom, and that but once only in their whole life time: How then is it possible that the air should be the cause of their generation? But let us admit all these reasons of Cardan together with their absurdities, and let us see what answer he will make to his own objection; in that he affirmeth how these Spectres do speak and talk unto men, saying; That they go to the mountain Herlu. Is the pitch or sulphur in that soil the cause thereof; or is it caused by the thick and gross air, or by the nuriture and feeding of the inhabitants? Can the sense of hearing be offended and abused as well as the sight, by means of the air, that it should enter within the cartilege or gristle of the care, and that it should carry by the empty passage thereof even into the brain, distinct and plain sounding voices, and yet such as should notwithstanding be false and imagined? Truly these reasons are far unworthy and unbeseeming a man any thing (though never so little) seen or exercised in Philosophy: much more so great a Philosopher and Physician as Cardan was. Nevertheless I am of the opinion that Cardan did not err in Philosophy through ignorance, but having a desire continually to appear more learned, he did ever bend himself to impugn that which he knew the soundest and best part of men did hold and maintain. And amongst other things he did ever show a mind and disposition in the greatest part of his books, to call in doubt and question the apparition of Spectres: In the which notwithstanding he doth mervelously repugn and contrary himself, not knowing if there were any spectres, or if there were none; sometimes alleging the authority of Psellus, & sometimes that of Facius Cardanus, his own father: (Both which did constantly maintain the Spectres and Apparitions of devils, and especially Facius Cardanus, who had not only one spirit and familiar, but seven, all at one time, which did reveal unto him and acquaint him plainly with many strange and goodly marvels:) and sometimes affirming that all whatsoever was spoken and reported of the Apparition of spirits and Spectres, was nothing else but jests, tales, and leasings. But this shall suffice for the discussing of Cardan, his reasons and opinions. Let us now therefore proceed to refute the opinion of those which affirm: that the Angels and devils cannot take upon them a body like unto this of ours. CHAP. V. Of the Arguments of those which deny that the Angels and Devils can take unto them a Body. THey which do deny that the Angels and devils can take unto them a body, do not aim at the mark to deny their essence, (as do the Saducees:) but they do it only to disprove and impugn their Apparition. For it is a good consequent; If the Angels and devils take not upon them any body, then can they not appear: And if one should reply unto them and say; That in our spirit and understanding the Angels and devils may give some show and token of their presence. To this they have their exception ready: That things spiritual and intelligible, and all sorts of intelligences, do represent themselves by things that are sensible. We will see therefore by what reasons they endeavour to prove, First objection to prove that Angels and devils cannot take unto them a body. that an Angel or a devil cannot take a body unto them? No body (say they,) can be united to an incorporal substance, but only that it may have an essence and a motion by the means of that substance. But the Angels and devils cannot have a body united in regard of any essence: for in so doing we must conclude, that their bodies should be naturally united unto them, which is altogether untrue: and therefore it remaineth that they cannot be united unto a body, but only in regard of the motion: which is a reason of no sufficiency for the approving of their opinion. For thereof would follow an absurdity in regard of the Angels: to wit, That they might take all those bodies that are moved by them, which is a very great and gross error. For the Angel did move the tongue of Balaams' Ass: and yet he entered not in his tongue. And therefore it cannot be said that an Angel, or a Devil, can take a body unto them. Answer to the first Argument, or objection. To this Argument I answer, That true it is, that an Angel and a Devil, cannot (to speak properly) take unto them every body that is moved: For to take a body signifieth to adhere unto the body. Now the Angels and the Devils do take unto them a body, not to unite it to their nature, and to incorporate it together with their essence: as he that taketh any kind of meat for sustenance: much less to unite the same to their person: as the son of God took upon him the human nature: But they do it only, that they may visibly represent themselves unto the sight of men. And in this sort the Angels & Devils are said to take a body, such as is apt & fit for their apparition, Cap. 15. calest. Hierachiae. as appeareth by the authority of Denys Ariopagyte, who writeth, that by the corporal forms the properties of Angels are known and discerned. The second Argument. Again they say, That if the Angels and Devils do take a body, it is not for any necessity that they have, but only to instruct and exhort us to live well, as do the Angels; or to deceive and destroy us, as do the Devils. Now both to the one and the other, the imaginary vision, or the tentation is sufficient: and therefore it seemeth, that it is not needful they should take veto them any body. Answer to the second Argument. I answer: that not only the imaginary vision of Angels is necessary for our instruction, but that also which is corporal and bodily, as we shall show anon, when we entreat of the Apparition of Angels. And as concerning the Devils, God doth permit them both visibly and invisibly to tempt us, some to their salvation, and some to their damnation. Moreover they thus argue: The third Argument. Li. 3. ca 11. & 12. That God appeared unto the Patriarches, (as is to be seen in the old Testament, and the good Angels likewise,) as Saint Augustine proveth in his Books of the Trimitie. Now we may not say, that God took upon him any body, except only in that mystery of his Incarnation. And therefore it is needless to affirm, that the Angels which appear unto men, may take upon them a body. Answer to their third Argument. I answer, (as doth Saint Augustine) who saith: That all the apparitions which were in the old Testament, were made by the ministery of Angels, who form and shaped unto themselves certain shapes and figures imaginary and corporal, by which they might reduce and draw unto God, the soul and spirit of him that saw them: as it is possible; that by figures which are sensible, men may be drawn and lifted up in spirit and contemplation unto God. And therefore we may well say, that the Angels did take unto them a body, when they appeared in such apparitions. But now God is said to have appeared; because God was the butt and mark, whereunto by vision of those bodies, the Angels did endeavour and seek to lift up unto God the souls of men. And this is the cause that the Scripture saith, That in these Apparitions sometimes God appeared, and sometimes the Angels. Their fourth Argument. Furthermore, they make this objection: Like as it is agreeing naturally to the soul to be united to the body: so, not to be united unto a body, is proper and natural unto the Angels and Devils. Now the soul cannot be separated from the body when it will: Therefore the Angels and Devils also cannot take unto them a body when they will. For answer whereof, I confess that every thing borne and engendered hath not any power over his being: Answer to their fourth Argument. for all the power of any thing floweth from the essence thereof, or presupposeth an essence: And because the soul by reason of her being, is united unto the body, as the form thereof: it is not in her puissance to deliver herself from the union of the body. And so in like manner it is not in the power of any Angel or devil to unite themselves to any body as the form thereof: but they may well take a body whereof they may be the moving cause, and (if a man may so speak,) as the figure of the figure. Their fift Argument. They affirm moreover, that between the body assumed, (if I may use this word,) and the party assuming, there ought to be some proportion and similitude: But between an Angel or devil, and a body, there is not any proportion; for both the one and the other are of diverse kinds, and by consequent both of them are incompatible together. Answer to their fift Argument. To this I answer, That if the proportion be taken according to the quantity, greatness, & measure, there is no proportion between the Angels or devils, & a body; because their greatness is not of one and the same kind, nor of one and the same consideration. Notwithstanding nothing can let but that there may be a certain habitude of an Angel to a body: as of a thing that moveth to the motion, and of a thing figured to the figure, the which may be termed a proportion. The sixth Argument. Another Argument they make which is this: No substance finite (whatsoever it be) can have many operations together: An Angel is a substance finite; and therefore it cannot both minister unto us, and take to itself a body together. Answer to their fixed Argument. But this is easily dissolved, for I say, that these two operations: To take a body, and to serve in their ministery are ordained mutually to the Angels: And therefore nothing hindereth them, but that the Angels may use both of them at once, Their seventh Argument. and together. Again they infer, that if Angels and devils do take a body, either it is a Celestial Body, or some other having the nature of some of the four Elements. Now the Angels cannot take a Celestial Body, for that the Body of the heaven cannot divide itself, nor cannot make any abstraction from itself: much less can the devils have that power, seeing the Angels have it not. Besides, they cannot take unto them a body of Fire, for than they should consume and burn the body, near to which they do approach: much less can they take a body of the Air, for that is not figurable: neither can they take any body that is a movable Element, and retaineth no form; nor yet by the same mean, can they have a Terrestrial body; for we see it written how the Angels do very soon & suddenly vanish away out of sight, as it appeared by that angel which came to Tobias. And the devils also when they show themselves in any aparition, can in a moment withdraw themselves from the sight of men. And therefore being unable and unapt to take upon them any body, either Elementary or Celestial: It must needs follow that they appear not at all. Answer to their seventh Argument. To this I answer, That the Angels and devils may take a body of any Element whatsoever, and which themselves will; yea, and of many Elements mixed together. Nevertheless it is most likely to be true, and the common opinion is; What kind of body Angels & devils take unto them when they appear. that they do soon of all take unto them a body of the air, by thickening the same and forming it of vapours, that mount and arise from the earth, and in turning and moving it at their pleasure, as the wind moveth the clouds, being able to make the same to disappear and vanish away again whensoever they will, by reason that it is nothing but a vapour. Their eight Argument. But yet this will not satisfy them, but they go further saying; That every assumption of a body, is limited and bounded with some Union: But of an Angel and of a body, there cannot be made any of those Three means of unity, of which Aristotle speaketh: For they cannot be made one by Continuation, by Inseparabilitie, Lib. 1. Phisico. nor by Reason. To this a man may answer as before, That there is not any union in the assumption of a body by an Angel. For if there were a union, then in truth that which Aristotle speaketh, should be requisite between the Angel and the body which it assumeth. But there is not between them any union, save only that which is of a thing moving to the thing moved, as we have before affirmed. Again, the good Angels (say they) in appearing unto us, either do take True Figures visible and palpable, or such as are altogether False. Their ninth Argument. If they have such as be True, it should then follow, that if they appear in a human body, than they do assume a True human body: But this is impossible, unless we should say; That an Angel may enter into the body of a man, which is a thing not convenient nor agreeable unto the Angelical Nature. And if they have False Figures, this would be much more unfitting and unbeseeming them, for that all feigning and dissembling, or any kind of fiction is very unseemly in the Angels of Truth. And therefore in what sort and fashion it be, the Angels cannot take any Body upon them. Answer to their ninth Argument. To this objection I answer, That the bodies which the Angels do take, have True and unfeigned forms so far forth, as they may be seen and perceived by the senses, be it in their colour or their Figure, but not according to the nature of their kind: For that cannot become sensible but by accident. That therefore is no cause why a man should say, that there is any fiction and feigning in the Angels: for they do not oppose & set before our eyes human shapes and forms, because thereby they would be thought and esteemed to be men: but to the end that by their human properties, we should know the virtues of the Angels. And like as Metaphorras speeches are not therefore any whit the sooner to be reputed false, in which by the similitude of things, other significations are comprehended: So the figures and forms of Angels are not false, because they are taken and assumed to the similitude and semblance of men. More than so (they reply) that the Angels and devils by the virtue of their Nature, Their tenth Argument. cannot work or create any effects within human bodies, save only by the means of their natural virtues. But their natural virtues cannot be in things corporal to form any Figure of a human body, but only by the usual and determined mean of generation, to wit, by the seed naturally ordained to that effect: in which sort the Angels and devils cannot take a body upon them. And the same reason and consideration is there of other figures, of earthly bodies also which they take unto them. But hereunto this answer may be made them, That albeit the natural virtues of a body, Answer to their tenth Argument. do not suffice to produce a true shape of a human body, but only by the due and ordinary mean of generation: Nevertheless so it is, that the Angels and devils are capable to cloth themselves, and to put on a certain similitude of human body, as touching the colour and figure, and other such exterior Accidents, and that especially at such a time, as when it may suffice them by a local motion, to move any such bodies; by means whereof, both the vapours are thickened, and again purefied and made thin; as also the clouds are diversely painted and figured. But they object again, that this is not sufficient: But (they say) that it behoveth the cause, A reply to the former answer. moving to infuse some virtue into the body moved, but cannot infuse any virtue, except it touch it. And if it be so that the Angels have not any touching nor feeling with the body, it seemeth that then they cannot move it. And therefore it must needs be, that they cannot take upon them any body. Answer to the reply. But it may be said, that the Angels by their commandment only, may move the body with a motion local, which they give unto it in touching of it, not with a corporal kind of touching, but a spiritual. A surreply to the former answer. Against this solution, they dispute further saying; It behoveth the mover, and the thing moved, to be connexed and united together, as appeareth by Aristotle. But in saying that an Angel doth command any thing of his own will, Li. 7. Phisee. it is to be presupposed that then he is not together with the body, which is said to be governed by him: and therefore he cannot move the body only by his commandment. Hereunto I answer, That the commandment of the Angel doth demand an execution of his virtue and puissance: and therefore it must of necessity be, that there be some spiritual touching of that body by which it is moved. The eleventh Argument. They insist yet further, and say: That the Angels cannot move bodies with any local motion: and that therefore in vain should the bodies be obedient unto them, seeing they should still remain immovable. And to prove this they bring divers arguments, 8. Phisicorum. Arguments urging that angels cannot move bodies with a local motion. Their first Argument is taken from the authority of Aristotle, who saith: That the local motion is the principal, and most perfect of all other motions. Now the Angels (if it be granted that they take a body) cannot use any lesser or inferior motions: It followeth therefore by a more forcible reason, that they can much less use any local motion, which is the greatest, and the most excellent of all others. Answer to the first reason. But the answer is easy, and we say: That the Angels moving themselves with a local motion by the phantasmaticall body which they take, may also cause the other lasser motions, by using some corporal agents for the producing of those effects which they purpose: like as the Smith useth fire to soften the iron, and to reduce it to that which they have an intention to make of it. And as touching that saying of Aristotle, That the local motion is the chiefest of all motions: the reason thereof is, because every corporal nature having life, as apt to move itself locally by the means of the soul, be it either reasonable or sensitive, which giveth life unto it. The second reason. Their second Argument is; That the local motion of natural bodies doth follow their forms: But the Angels are not causes of the forms of natural bodies, and therefore they cannot be a mean to give them any local motion. Answer to the second reason. Nevertheless, answer may be made them, That in bodies there be other local motions then those that do adhere unto the forms: as the flowing and ebbing of the Sea, do not follow the substantial form of the water, but the influence of the Moon: with much greater reason therefore may other local motions (than such as adhere to the forms, follow spiritual and incorporal substances. The third reason. Their third Argument is: That the corporal members do obey to the conception of the soul in a local motion, in as much as they have from her the beginning of life: now the bodies which the Angels take unto them, have not from them the beginning of life: for than it would behove that the bodies and the Angels should be united together. And therefore it followeth, that the bodies by them assumed, cannot be obedient to any local motion. Answer to the third reason. I answer, That the Angels have their virtue less restrained or hindered then the souls, insomuch that being separated from all corporal massiness, they may nevertheless take an airy body, the which they can move locally at their will and pleasure. Their twelfth Argument. Besides all the former Arguments, they reply yet further, and say: That every corporal motion doth not obey to the command of the Angels, as touching the forming and fashioning thereof: now the figure which the angels take, is as a kind of form. And therefore by the only commandment of the angels, cannot any body take any form or figure whatsoever, be it either of man, or of any other divers kind comprised under one gender. To this the answer is, That the figure which the Angels take, Answer to their twelfth Argument. is in very truth a form which is made by the abscision and dismembering (as a man may say) of the thickening of the air, or by the purefaction of it, or by the similitude and motion which may be taken of the same matter. But there is a very great difference between the form & Figure that is made so accidentally, and that which is natural and according to the true substance of a thing, the which cannot possibly be confounded with this accidental Figure. Their thirteenth Argument, that devils cannot take a body. This is not all which they object: for they say further touching the Devils; That if they do invest themselves with a body, than they ought to be within the body which they have taken. Now S. Jerome interpreting that place of the Psalmist; The Lord in his holy Temple: and the Gloss do say, that the devils do command and rule over images and idols externally, and cannot be in them internally: and the idols are bodies as every man knoweth. And therefore it cannot be said, that the devils can take upon them any bodies. Answer to their thirteenth Argument. I answer, That to be in or within a body of some substance, hath a double and twofold entendment or understanding. In the first sort it is understood under the terms of Divinity. And in this manner, nothing letteth but that the Devil may be in a body. In the second sort it is meant according To the essence, as in giving a being to the thing, and in working man in it, which is proper unto God only: Howbeit that God doth not make a part in the essence of any thing: For God is a substance separated and abstracted solely and only in itself. And for the further interpretation of Saint Jerome and the Gloze, which say, That the devil is not in images: we may affirm, that they do privily and closely reprehend the false opinion of the Paynims and Idolaters, who made but one thing of the Idol (were it of wood, brass, or stone,) and of the unclean spirit that remained within it: and by that means would have made a living substance of that which in it own nature was senseless and without life, not having either hands to touch withal, or feet to go on, or tongue to speak with; except such only as the devil did seem to give unto it by his deceitful illusions. Their fourteenth Argument. To make short, they object this argument also: If the Angels and devils do take to them any body, either they are united unto The whole body, or to some Part thereof: If they be united only to a Part thereof, then can they not move the other part, but only by the means of that part which they do move. But this cannot possibly be; for otherwise the body assumed, should have such parts as should have the Organs determined to the motion, which is proper to none but living bodies. But if the Angels and devils be United immediately to the whole body, it behoveth them then also to possess every part of that body which they have taken to them: and so by that means they should be in many places, which is proper and appertaining to God only: And therefore the Angels and devils cannot take any body unto them. Answer to their fourteenth Argument. To this argument answer may be made in this manner; That the Angel or devil so taking any body upon him, is wholly in the whole body which it assumeth, or else in a part thereof, as the soul is in the body. For albeit he be not the form of the body which it assumeth, as is the soul; yet so it is, that he is the mover thereof. Now it behoveth that the mover and the thing moved, should be together: And it is nothing to the purpose to say, that an Angel or devil, filling a body whole and entire of substance, can be in diverse places: for the whole body assumed by an Angel or devil, is not but in one place only, albeit the same be admitted to have many members and many parts. Thus far have I done my best, both to set down and to refute all the reasons and arguments objected by those who deny that Angels and devils can assume and take unto them a body: to the intent that from hence forth their mouths might be stopped, and that they may not esteem as fables the histories of Spectres, and of the Apparitions of spirits. Of the opinion of the jewish Rabbins, touching the Apparitions mentioned in the old Testament. But before I come to conclude this discourse, I may not forget to tell you how that many of the Rabbins and jews which have taken upon them to interpret the holy Scriptures, have held opinion and been of the belief, that those Angels which appeared to the patriarchs and Prophets, did not appear in any body, nor did assume unto them any body to make themselves visible. And of this opinion amongst others was Rabbi Moses, one of the most learned Rabbins of the jews, who said; That all that which is read and recorded in the old Testament of the Apparition of Angels, did come by an imaginary vision: that is to say, sometimes in sleeping, and sometimes in waking. But this position (as Saint Thomas of Aquin calleth it, The: Aquin quest: de Miracalis Arti. 7. ) cannot prevail against the truth of the Scriptures: for by the phrase and manner of speeches which are usual in the books of the old Testament, it is easy to know and discern a difference that which is signified and declared to have Appeared purely and simply to our eyes, from that which is said to be done by the means of a Prophetical vision. For when it ought to be understood, that any Apparition was made by way of vision, there are some words put down and insert, which do properly appertain to the vision, such as the Scriptures do intend; as in Ezechiel, Ezechiel ce. 8. the spirit of the Lord (saith he) lifted me up between the heaven, and the earth, & led me into jerusalem, by the visions of the lord I say therefore, that when it appeareth that things are said to be done simply, we ought to understand them as done simply and truly. Now we read in the old Testament, that many Apparitions have been made in body: And therefore we ought to grant, that the Angels do sometimes assume and take unto them a body, in forming such a body as is sensible and subject to the external and corporal vision, as well as some kind of shapes do form themselves in our imagination, which do produce an imaginative vision when we are sleeping. But this shall suffice touching this matter. Let us come therefore to the Sceptiques, whose manner is to doubt of all things, and do make a question whether our senses be true or not. CHAP. VI Of the opinions of the followers of Pirrhon, Sceptiques, and Aporretiques, and what they allege, to show, that the human senses and the imaginative power of man are false. HAving fully and amply satisfied those that deny the being of Angels and devils, and the Apparitions of Spectres: Now remaineth to be handled the last point that we promised to speak of, to wit, Whether that which we do perceive by our external and outward senses, sound and not corrupted, or, that which our imaginative faculty apprehendeth in working, be false and not considerable. And although this point doth not almost deserve to have any place in this Discourse, by reason that the opinion of all men, hath in all ages condemned such as have held nothing to be true and certain of that which cometh and falleth under the senses: Yet, that we may make them to see at this day the error and incredulity of some madheaded and brainsick Philosophers of former times, (like unto our Atheists and Libertines at this day,) I was the more willing to set down thereasons which moved them to think, That the truth of each thing was hidden from us, and that nothing could be comprehended, but that which is false and untrue. But you must understand that the source and first original of this error, came from Socrates, who said; That he knew not any thing save this one thing only: The opinion and saying of Socrates. to wit, that he knew nothing. But therein he was repugnant to himself: for seeing that he knew some thing, he showed, that he had at the least a certain science and knowledge of that one thing. And in saying that he knew nought, but only this, that he knew nothing, he showed; That he had the science and knowledge of that whereof he was ignorant. Before him Heraclitus had said, Opinion of Heraclitus. That the truth was hidden in the bottom of a pit, from whence it never returned back again, but there remained buried and overwhelmed out of the knowledge of men. And if we have any knowledge at all, it is not but in a shadow, and by some other mean then by our senses, or by our imaginative faculty, both which are easy to be seduced and deceived. After Heraclitus and Socrates came the first Academye, instituted by Plato, Opinion of Plato and Xenocrates. and by Xenocrates his disciple, which held, that the senses erred, but that by the intelligence the truth might be discovered: like as when we set sail to the seas in passing along the coast, we suppose that the land, the Isle, and the haven, do move and retire away from us, and we think that an Oar is broken when we see it in the water, howbeit that we do in very deed soon conceive and understand the contrary; to wit, that it is we ourselves that move and departed away from the port and the shore; and that the Oar is sound and whole. But the other Academye went much farther, Opinion of some other Philosophers of the second Academye. and maintained, That the intellectual part was also deceived: for if we had the same, sound and entire, we should not be deceived and abused as we commonly are. Besides it, denied, that we had any certain science or knowledge of any thing; and affirmed that both the senses and the opinion, as also the imagination, were all of them things false and deceitful: and peradventure they were thereunto moved, by reason of that contrariety which it saw the Philosophers held amongst themselves, upon the difference of the Opinion, the Sense, The contrariety of opinions amongst the Philosophers, touching the difference of imagination, the opinion, the sense, and intelligence. the Imagination, and the Intelligence. For Plato doth confound the Imagination and Opinion together: And Aristotle did not always join the Imagination with Opinion, because (said he) The Imagination is as an Impression, and (as it were) the track and footstep of the Sense, and not a determinate sentence or resolution of the Opinion and of the Sense. For if you plunge or dip an oar into the water, it seems to be broken: and this doth the Sense of the Sight show unto us: And after cometh the Imagination, the which by the Opinion that resisteth the error of the Sight, is made to vanish and pass away again as soon. So that we may see, that Aristotle esteemed the Opinion and Intelligence to be but one thing, which notwithstanding is altogether false and untrue. And in my conceit the Epicures seem to give a very good resolution upon this point, in that they confound in one the Opinion, and the Imagination, & affirm that both the one and the other may be true or false: But, that our Persevering Opinion (which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:) is not deceived: as when one approacheth near unto a Tower, and beholdeth it as it is indeed. And surely Saint Bernard (according to the saying of the Epicures) showeth that the Opinion taken simply in itself, may be false, and maketh it greatly to differ from the Intellect where he writeth in this manner: Multi suam opinionem Intellectum putaverunt & erraverunt. Et quidem opinio potest putari intellectus: Intellectus opinio non potest. Lib. 5. de Consideracione. unde ho accidit? Profecto quia haec falli potest, ille non potest. Aut si falli potuit, intellectus non fuit sed opinio. verus nempe intellectus, certam habet non modo veritatem, sed & notitiam veritatis. That is to say; many have deemed that their Opinion was an Intellect, and they were deceived. And in truth the Opinion may well be called the Intellect, or Understanding: but the Intellect cannot be termed an Opinion: Whereof cometh this? truly the cause is, for that the Opinion may be deceived, but the Intelligence cannot, or if it can be deceived, it was not an Intelligence, but an Opinion. For the true Intellect hath in itself, not only a certain truth, but also a knowledge of the truth. And a little after he defineth the Intellect, and the Opinion, saying; Intellectus est rei cuinsque invisibilis certa & manifesta notitia. Opinio est quasi pro vero habere aliquid quod falsum esse nescias: That is; the Intellect, Opinion defined, what it is. or Understanding, is a certain & manifest knowledge of a thing that is Invisible: But the Opinion is when a man holdeth that for true, which he knoweth not to be false. This definition of Opinion is agreeable to that which the Civillians make saying; Aanrsius in § responsa prudentum. Theophil: ibid.: Just: de Iur: nat. Gent: & civili apud justinia. That the Opinion is a kind of tymorous and doubtful answer, as, I think that this thing ought to be done, and I think that it ought not to be done. Now these Differences and Contrarieties of the Philosophers being full of exceeding great curiosity and subtlety of Arguments and Reasons, have been the cause, that not only the Academiques were deceived, but after them also Pirrhon the Elean Philosopher, who hath congested into one, The opinion of Phirrhon the Philosopher and others, viz. that all things, and particularly senses, are uncertain and deceived. and made, as it were, an heap of idle Dreams and Fooleries from all the Philosophers his predecessors. For with Heraclitus and Democritus he held, that the truth was hidden from men: and that he knew nothing of those things which he saw: and that indeed he saw many things which in truth were not. Of the which opinion also were Xenophanes, Zenon: Eleutes, and Parmenides. Of whom the former held this heresy, That no man knew any thing perfectly. And the second said, That all things were indeed nothing, or none at all. And the last said, That all those things which seemed to be seen, were merely false. So in like case Pirrhon, whatsoever argument or discourse were urged or made unto him, his answer always was, That he doubted of it: and by such ambiguous and uncertain answers he held in suspense all those that argued and disputed with him. For this cause he was called the Aporrhetique or Sceptic, Phirrhon called the Aporretique or Sceptic, and why? because that to every thing which was propounded unto him, he never gave other answer then this, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is, I doubt of that. And there is in the Greek Epigrams a very pleasant Epitaph composed by julian the apostata touching Pirrhon, Lib. 3. Epigr. the which in our language may not unfitly be thus translated. Ap. O Pirrhon, art thou dead? P. Nay soft, I doubt of that, Ap. What? after death still doubt? P. Yea much more, I now rest doubtful than I did before. Ap. Poor man: 'tis time thou now leave off thy doubting, And let thy Tomb so ponderous and heavy, Henceforth make cease all doubtfulness within thee. Lucian also scoffing at him and his followers, saith, That they aid themselves of their senses, as if they had none at all: in not believing that they do see, that which they have seen, or to hear that which they have heard, as being altogether senseless, and not assuring any thing for certain which may come into the understanding by the senses. Sextus the Philosopher who was one of this Sect, hath written a very large volume, wherein he assayeth to maintain the opinion of Pirrhon by the authority of many ancient Philosophers and Poets: and to show by lively demonstrations and arguments, That the sight, the hearing, the smelling, and other the human senses are subject to be deceived, be they never so sound: and that we do neither imagine nor take an opinion of any thing, but falsely and inconsiderately. But it is more than time that we do set down with as great brevity as may be, what should move Pirrhon and his disciples to be so obstinate to deny all things though never so manifest, and to impugn the verity of the senses. It is not without cause that I should touch this point: for it followeth with good reason, That if the Sonse, the Imagination, and the Intellect be false: then that also which we comprehend by them (as the Spectres) must needs be false and deceitful likewise. The Arguments of the Sceptiques against Spectres. And as touching Spectres: Behold what the Sceptiques do allege to refute them. First they say, That of things incomprehensible no demonstration can be made, and by consequence no judgement. And as it is most sure and certain that the Spectres are incomprehensible in nature: so is not possible for any man to give any demonstration or judgement of them. For those things of which demonstration may be made, have a substance, certain, comprehensible and assured to be such; which cannot be said of Spectres. The which even amongst the dogmatical Philosophers (who were most earnest maintainers of that opinion is certain) were called in doubt: as namely by the Peripatetics, who of all other Philosophers being the most dogmatical and opinionative, did wholly impugn and deny the being of any Spectres. Answer to the first argument of the Sceptiques. But to this argument I answer, That albeit the Spectres be incomprehensible in their own nature: yet when they appear unto us, they are comprehensible by the senses, which do carry them to the Intellect or understanding: and the same doth then give such demonstration and judgement of them, according as is the subject thereof; and that is, it judgeth of them supernaturally, as of a thing supernatural. The second argument of the Sceptikes. That the senses are uncertain and deceived in regard of the uncertainetie, and variety of the accidents in man, which being known by the senses do cause in them divers and different imaginations and effects. But (will the Sceptiques now say) The senses can not see or discern any thing in truth: and how is it then possible, that upon an object falsely conceived, a man may ground his judgement and maintain the essence thereof; But now let us see what they allege for the regard of the senses. It is most certain (say they) that the senses do not comprehend any thing but by th'accidents; Of the which the essence is uncertain and variable according unto the subjects wherein they offer themselves to be seen: For we see that in following the uncertainty of the accidents, there are to be marked and observed diverse imaginations fantasies and natures in creatures, of which the senses do ' comprehend and perceive some things either more or less in them: as the Eagle hath her sight more clear than all other birds: and the dog hath his nosthrilles more subtle to smell, and to take the sent of any thing, far more excellent than any other beast whatsoever. Contrariwise the Owl seethe not at all, but only in the night: and there are many creatures which can smell little or nothing at all. And this proceedeth not of any other thing than of the accidents, which being diverse and different in creatures, doth make their imaginative powers to be as diverse and different likewise. That this is so, and that the accidents do present themselves in creatures according to the diversity of their condition or disposition. It appeareth even amongst men, who according as they shall find themselves disposed, so will they always imagine the things that are present. As those that have a fever, do judge all things to be hot: and to them that have their tongue or taste distempered by means of any fever wherewith they are aggreeved: all meats do seem to be exceeding bitter: and so is it likewise of all other accidents wherewith men are touched, and whereof they have an imagination by their senses. Insomuch that there are found some men who in their sleep walk & go up and down, and (which is almost incredible) do execute all such actions as they use to do when they are waking. With such a malady or infirmity were stricken, Theon, Tithoreus the Stoic, and the servant of Pericles, of whom we read, That the one used to walk in his sleep: and the other did usually in his sleep creep up to the top of the house, as is reported by Diogenes Laertius. Lib. 9 de vita Philosophorum. Lib. examine is doctrine. Gent. And Francis Picus of Mirandola writeth, that himself knew many in his time to whom the like had happened. Besides, Aristotle in his book of Auscultations writeth, That in the City of Tarentum, there was a Taverner, which in the day time did use to sell wine, and in the night would run up and down through the Town in his sleep, as if he had been mad or frantic, and yet would so well look to the keeping of the keys of his Tavern or Wine-cellar, which he carried hanging at his girdle, that a many of gallants having plotted & made a match to get it from him, yet lost their labour, and were disappointed of their purpose. Bartholus also telleth how there was a certain man in Pisa, In lib. ut vim D. de just. & jur. which in his sleep would use to arise and arm himself, and to run up and down wandering through the town, still talking and singing as he went. And Marian a Doctor of the Civil Law writeth that there was a neighbour of his a young woman, Cap. ad studientium. that in her sleep would arise out of her bed, and bake her bread sleeping. In like sort Laudensis writeth how he had a companion his fellow student at Paris, In Clem. 1. de homicide. an Englishman borne, who without awaking, went in the night not far from the Church of Saint Benet near the river of Seyne where on a time he slew a little child, and returned thence into his lodging, and so laid him down again into his bed. For my own part I have heard from Mesieur Chalvest Precedent at Tholousa, a man of great learning, how himself had sometimes a servant that would arise in his sleep, and would answer very directly to any question that was demanded of him, and after he had clothed himself and put on his apparel still sleeping, he would not awaken for a quarter of an hour after. The Philosopher Apuleius writeth, Libello de Betonica. that Betonie is good to cure this malady, and to hinder these walking by night. All this I have alleged thus diffusedly, as being still in discourse of the opinion of the Pirrhonians, who affirm, That the accidents are nothing of themselves: and that whatsoever doth happen to man accidentally, is not to be considered nor regarded, to the intent they may hereby infer, That the senses can not comprehend any thing in truth, because the accidents are uncertain. They add moreover, that by the particular nature of each singular individual under the species of man is manifestly to be discerned the incertainty of the accidents, and of the qualities, yea and in some sort of the human senses also. For this they urge Demophon one of the Squires that was Carver to Alexander the great. How that contrary to the nature of all other men, he would grow hot and warm in the shadow, and would shake and quiver for cold in the Sun. And Andron the Argyve would travel throughout the most dry and barren sandy places of the deserts of Libya, without enduring of any thirstinesse. Others there have been who only by seeing, yea and by smelling of a Colewort, have fallen in a swoon. And Mathiolus doth assure us, that he himself knew a man in whom this was natural. Comment. in Dioscor. And albeit it be most certain that the Hemlock be a strong poison, and that Socrates was poisoned therewith in the City of Athens: yet doth Galen assure us, that there was an old woman in that same Town, Galenus 3. Simplic. Cent. 2. cura. 36. which did feed and live upon the same herb: what flower is more pleasant & odoriferous than the Rose in the sight of all men? And yet Amatus the Porting all telleth us, how he knew a man who by the only sight of a Rose, Of this nature was the late L. Heneage would fall into a swooning. Some there be that do not love flesh, others cannot away with Fish, some do abhor Cheese: and there be some men to whom fruit is so hateful, that if they do but see any to eat thereof, they will be enforced to fall on vomiting. Some again have an excellent quick and sharp sight in the night, and in the dark, as had Tiberius Caesar, and Cardan, and they can see but very little or badly in the day. Others there be that will swallow glass, metal, wool, bricks, and other such like things; and (which is almost incredible) by the heat of their stomach will be able to digest them. Answer to the former argument, & sundry examples of the Pirrhoneans, touching the variety and uncertainty of Accidents known by the senses. But unto all this that they allege, the answer is soon and easily made; that for one particular a universal ought not to be infringed or destroyed: neither ought we to judge according to one only particular individual alone, but according to that which happeneth most usually and commonly to the nature of man. For as one only Swallow maketh not summer; so upon one only and particular property or quality natural, in any singular individual, we cannot judge properly of the nature of the Species, or of the whole kind universally. This disputation thus finished, touching the Accidents known and discerned by the Senses: The Pirrhonians do come next to the other part of their argument, to show how easy the senses are to be deceived. Objections of the Pirrhonians, to show how easy the senses are to be deceived. And first of all they bring in the sight as the principal of all the senses, which nevertheless is the most easy to be deceived. For first, if we will look unto the Sun, which is the most noble Planet of all those that are called wandering Planets: it is not esteemed by our sight, to be any more than one only foot in breadth and length: howbeit that in truth it be ten times more great than the whole earth. And who would be persuaded that the Sun did move, if he knew not the distance of the Orient from the South and the Occident? Examples to prove that the Sight is deceived, and by how many and sundry means. Yea, some there have been, (as Copernicus) who have made a doubt whether the earth did move or no, and whether the heavens were not fixed and abiding in one certain place. This then showeth evidently, that the sight cannot plainly and manifestly judge of things; for if the sight could discern the swift motion of the Heavens, from the weightiness and unmoveablenesse of the earth, in vain were it for the Philosophers to endeavour to bring in and allege their reasons and arguments, and they would sooner be refuted, than they could devise how to make them good. And what made Aristotle (that great seacher of nature) to give us so poor and simple a reason of the distance of the fixed stars, but only the uncertainty of the sight? was that demonstration of his good, whereby he would show, that the Planets were nearest unto us by comparison of the candle, the which being near unto us doth not sparkle, but being a far off, doth seem to sparkle and twinkle? Do we not commonly see the contrary to happen? But wherefore by that reason of Aristotle, should not the Planets of Saturn, of jupiter, and of Mars, (which are so far distant from us) as well twinkle as do the stars? It behoveth therefore that we seek out some other reason thereof, then by the sight. And what maketh us to imagine, that there is a round crown or circle about the Moon, which notwithstanding is nothing else but a little cloud or mist? Is it not because our eyesight is uncertain and cannot discern it? Howbeit by the way, to this a man may say according to the Art Optic: That many right and perpendicular lines coming from diverse parts, as well from the eye on the one side, as from the beams of the sun on the oath side, (which is round and circular) if they do come to encounter together and fall equally upon one and the same point: This point must needs be the centre of a circle. And therefore for the same reason, if any thing be beheld and contemplated perpendicularly (as the crown or circle of the Moon,) it is not to be thought any thing strange if the same seem to be round, although it be nothing so; neither ought any man therefore to say, that the sight is deceived. The Pirrhonians do further allege, that our sight is deceived, when we think that an oar is broken in the water: when in riding we suppose that the hills and mountains do move: when a shrub, or the trunk and stub of a tree, broken and dissevered from the boughs and branches, doth seem to us a far off to be some man or some other quick creature: and when a Tower of a square form doth seem to be round: and that the highest mountains a far off from us, do seem to be no other than clouds, and near at hand, to be rough and craggy places with steep downfalls. Reason's out of the Art Perspective, to prove the sight to be deceived. Besides if we should come to the very reasons of the Art Perspective; the great towers and high steeples, the stately, high, and proud Castles, palaces and houses, are seen better a far off, then near at hand: And this happeneth (say the Optics) by reason that all high buildings and colosses being a far off, do oppose themselves equally against all the parts of the eye in a right line: but being near at hand, they do not oppose themselves to all parts, but to some only. In brief, it is most certain according to the same Art Prospective, that the things which are seen by the greater Angle of the eye. appear much the greater; because that by the same, we do cast and send forth our light more lively; and those which were beheld by the lesser Angle, are lesser, and by the equal, are equal, by the high are high, and by the lowest, are low and humble. Moreover, if bodies of one and the same greatness, and the self same magnitudes be placed by spaces and distances interposed: those which shall be nearest unto us, will be seen to our seeming according to the very truth of them: and those which shall be farther off, will be discerned not according to the truth, but in a true semblance. And Plato saith, that the Painters and Carvers do observe this; that making a plain and broad picture, or cutting a statue or image in boss or compassewise; if the same be for to serve near at hand they will make it according to the very true proportion of the members thereof, and will give it his draughts, his lineaments, his back-draughts, & his colours so proper and natural, as may best represent it to the very truth and life of it. And if the same be to be set aloft upon the top of some Temple, far from the sight of men, (as was the Minerva of Phidias, upon the Acropolis of Athens:) then will they make it very great, not regarding so much the making of it perfect, as to accommodate it to the eyes of men, who will judge thereof, not according to the truth, but according to their sight: which being uncertain and doubtful, doth not judge of things being far from it, but only in a semblance of the truth. And Plato addeth, that such a picture and carved image, may be said a Phantosme: for that it appeareth to the eyes perfect and accomplished, according to the Art of painting, and notwithstanding it is not. Wherefore even by his authority, it may be inferred, that the sight most commonly may be deceived, and hath not any certainty and assurance. Reasons to prove that the sight is deceived by mistaking things seen waking, as well as sleeping. Besides, we do see many things waking, which we know not if we have seen sleeping or waking But the reason hereof cometh not of the uncertainty of the sight; but it proceedeth of this, that as soon as one hath seen a thing, he suddenly and immediately falleth asleep, or else being drawn away with some other more great and serious thought, he dreams nor thinks any more of that which was first of all presented before his eyes. And I remember that I have read in a certain Book of Belon the Physician this history, which he recounteth to have happened unto himself: How that being in Corsa on a time he arose suddenly out of his bed early in the morning, and hearing a certain noise of women weeping, he put his head out at the window, and saw certain women that ran throughout the Town, with their hair hanging and scattered about their shoulders, with their naked breasts laid open, crying and lamenting most bitterly: And returning unto his bed, he soon fell into a sleep again. Afterwards, when it was full day, and being risen up and ready appareled, he recounted unto his host that which he thought he had seen, not in truth but (as he was persuaded) in his sleep. But the host assured him of the contrary, that he had truly and indeed seen, and not in a dream, those women in the same sort as he had related it. And for my own part, I can witness thus much: that not once, but often, I have seen those things which I could not assure myself whether I did imagine them in dreaming, or had seen them with mine eyes. Which also I think to be natural to the most part of those men, who have their spirits and mind withdrawn, either by earnest study, or by the weighty affairs which they have in hand: in such sort, that things of little reckoning, and matters of small consequence which they have seen, shall be esteemed as dreams or foolish fancies conceived in their sleep. Furthermore, when a man riseth early, by day break, and goeth abroad, he shall sometimes be deceived in his sight. And this may happen, not only to one person alone, Lib. vlt. Regum cap. 3. but even to a whole army. In the Books of the Kings we may read, That the Moabites after the death of Achab their Prince did revolt and withdraw themselves from the subjection of joram his son king of Israel, who being advertised of their Rebellion, prayed jehosaphat King of juda, to give him his aid and succours against them. The which jehosaphat did, and joining their forces together; they went against this rebellious people, with a purpose to reduce them to their obeisance. Whereof the Moabites having intelligence, they slept not, but enrolling and mustering up all such as were fit to bear arms, they put themselves in a preparation to go against their enemies, rather than they would suffer them in their presence to spoil and harry all their Territories. Wherefore taking the field early in the morning, and approaching near these waters, which God had miraculously caused newly to spring up, at the prayer of Elizeus, and seeing them to show red, by reason of the rising of the Sun, which usually rising red, by her reverberation did give them that colour, they began to say amongst themselves: Lo, the kings our enemies have fought together within themselves, and have made a great slaughter each of other as these waters do testify. Whereupon running forward pell-mell, without all order, to the intent they might have the sacking and pillage of the baggage and tents of the Israelites and jews their enemies, they encountered them in the face well ordered and arraunged in battle array, and were thereupon soon defeated, and put to flight. By this it is to be seen how a whole camp thought those waters to have been bloody: and that this opinion and conceit only did cause their ruin and overthrow. That the sight may be deceived in dark and misty close wether. The like also may very well be, that the sight shall be abused at any time when the air shall be misty and overcast, or troubled with thick storms and tempests, or with dark clouds, full of moisture. Philip of Comines (whom I dare match, for the truth of his history, Lib. 1. of the acts of king jews the 11 with all the Historiographers as well greeks as latins, he they never so famous) writeth, how at the same time that the brother of K. jews the II. Charles Duke of Berry, and Charles count of Charolois, & the Earl of S. Paul, with many other Princes, & great lords were joined together in a league under the pretence of the weal and common good, and had besieged Paris: they were advertised one day above the rest, that the King had determined the next morning with all his forces to give them battle. The morrow being come, the Count Charolois and the Princes commanded certain of their troup to go and to espy the countenance of their enemies, and to bring them back certain report what they could discover of them. Those that were chosen to be the Avantcurrers, did obey this their command accordingly: And the air being at that time very dark and cloudy, they discovered a far off (at least it seemed so unto them) a great squadron of footmen making a stand with their pikes: But passing on further (as the heavens began to clear up, and to wax more fair) they perceived, that in the place where they had thought the King and his men at Arms were to have been encamped, there was nothing save only a number of great thorns or thistles, which a far off did show unto them as if they had been pikes. Therefore, seeing that a whole troup hath been thus deceived, by reason of the cloudy and misty season, why should we marvel or think it strange, That as we travel on the way in the day time, the trees, the stones, briers and thorns, roots and stumps of trees do seem unto us to be phantosmes of men or some other creatures. That the sight may be deceived, by the darkness of the night by fear and and errors, etc. But what shall we say then to the darkness & obscurity of the night, wherein, both fear, & the deception, and dimness of the sight, and the obtusion of the other senses meeting and mingled together do cause marvelous effects of false visions, of phantosmes, and of fearful terrors? But as touching false visions which the night may engender, I reserve the speech thereof to an other place. Nevertheless they are not of such prejudice as are those Terrors, which being caused in the night by a false imagination intermingled with Fear, have made even a whole Camp to betake them to flight, and have been the mean of their defeat and overthrow: which may be proved by an infinite number of Histories taken either from Polienus, or out of Frontinus. But I will content me with this one only, In their books of Stratagems which in my judgement seemeth to be the most memorable of all others. For thereby may be known, how that two mighty armies encamped as enemies each against other upon an imagination, that some came to give a charge upon them, did both at one time betake themselves to flight, the one flying one way, and the other an other way. Diodorus the Sicilian tells how Agathocles the tyrant of Syracuse and of Sicily, Lib. 20. Bibliothec. being encamped in a certain place not far from the Camp of the Carthaginians his enemies (against whom he held wars and had passed the Seas, with purpose to assail them in their own Country.) It happened on a night, that as the Carthaginians were sacrificing to their gods; the fire, by ill fortune, took from the Altar (where the sacrifice was made) and lighted on their Tents next unto it; and from that Tent passing on to another, it held so onwardly till at length it got to the lodging of the Colonel, and that with such rage and fury, and making such waste and spoil throughout all the Camp, that many lost their lives being scorched and burned to death. Whilst the fire was thus furious and raging; It fortuned that certain Fugitives Libyans (who served Agathocles rather by constraint than for love, because he had put to death their captain Opheltes) leaving his camp with an intent to run over to the Carthaginians, came thither in great haste, riding post upon the spur as fast as they could gallop. The Sentinel of the Carthaginians having discovered them, gave a hot alarm to the whole Camp, who thinking that it had been Agathocles, and that he had assembled all his Greek forces to assail and break in upon them, whilst they were in this terror: The imagination thereof, (besides the misfortune of the fire not yet quenched) made them leave their tents: and abandoning both their baggage and all their engines for the war, they fell immediately into a plain flight, with such a confusion, that they were scattered on all sides, hither and thither, each man making away for his own safety. The Libyans perceiving by the brightness of the fire in their tents, the disorder and flight of the enemy, turned bridle and returned towards the Greeks', to advertise them of this accident. They seeing them to come thus galopping in great haste, were presently persuaded that they were the Carthaginians, which came thus by night to give them the Canvazado: And for that they had not long before received certain losses in the war, and their forces had been much weakened, it caused them, without any further stay, to fall on flying: and as they fled, the Libyans fell in amongst them: By means whereof, their fear so increased, that forcing themselves in their flight, as fast as their horses could carry them, they lost in this tumult more than four thousand of their people that were slain amongst themselves. Thus we see what effects are wrought by the false imaginations of the sight, not corrupted, but only deceived and dimmed by the darkness of the night: in the which, it is impossible for us to discern exactly the colours and qualities of things: and therefore it is very easy for us to be seduced as having lost our proper and natural functions. That the sight may be deceived in the day even of itself, and in it own nature. Now the Phirrhonians go yet farther and say; that not only in the night a man may be deceived in the colours of things, but in the day likewise: and that therefore by that reason, the sight in every thing and on all sides is uncertain. And as it is most sure, that a man cannot judge of substances, but by the colours, and that the colours are not permanent in things, but are variable and changeable according to the light. So it followeth by consequence, that the sight which would judge of them, doth in very truth deceive and abuse itself. And first of all the colours may vary themselves, according to the voluntary motion and situation of the sight; as if I cast down mine eyes upon a candle, it will seem unto me, that I see many beams coming from the candle, the which according to the motion of the sight, do change and turn themselves: and if I do hold my eyes wide open, I shall think it strange how those beams do retire away and disappear from my sight. And this may suffice for an example as touching the eyes, that they do wittingly as it were deceive themselves. That the sight may be deceived by accident. In a thick and obscure air, all things do appear dark and obscure; in a green meadow all things seem green; and near unto a scarlet, of a quick and lively colour, all things do show to be red of colour. The bodies of any creatures being in a wood, doth seem to be of another sort, than they do being in the open and plain champaign. The Sun being in the East, and in the West, is different from that which is seen being in the South, and the clouds (which are concrete and bred of moisture) at the rising and setting of the Sun, do show red unto our eyes, and we do oftentimes see a great part of the heavens to be of a red and fiery colour. The colours of the Rainbow likewise are false, as are those of the Peacock and of the Dove, which we see about their necks when they move and stir themselves: And that the colours of the Dove, are not natural in her, but do appear to be such only by the agitation and stirring of her body; the verse of the Emperor Nero may witness the same, which saith; Colla Citheriacae splendent agitata Columbae. By the same reason also we may say, that the colours which pass through a glass full of water set against the Sun, are not true colours, and that the sight is deceived in them. And how many things may a man form by the Art Optic, with Mirrors, or Steele-glasses, That the sight may be deceived by artificial means of mirrors & looking glasses either compassed, hollow, or plain: and make them to represent faces & figures, quite in an other form than the Mirror doth receive them? I will not here speak touching such Mirrors. To discuss, whether the Figures of our bodies be sent into them, as separated from our bodies, or rather, whether it be a certain repercussion of our bodies, yielding a reflection to ourselves. Lib. 1. Naturalium question. ca 5. de sequen. I will leave this to be disputed by Seneca, who hath at large entreated of that matter. But this is certain, that there be some glasses which will represent seven or eight faces, Of the sundry sorts of mirrors, and how the sight is deceived by them. of which some will seem dead, and others will show as if they were going out of the glass, not without great wonder. And I am not ignorant, that there may be alleged many other marvels that are to be seen by such mirrors. For besides that, they will represent (as I have said) to one only object, many faces; some of a dead man, others of a person seeming to go out of the glass: a man may also make them with such Art and cunning, that one would think he saw in them, images flying in the air. And this doth Cardan put amongst his experiments, speaking of Artificial Spectres: And what? In Libr. de Subtilitate That glass or mirror which hath many squares, cannot it vary and change the forms by the same reason of the Art Optic, according to the diversity of the squares which it shall have? Sometimes a man shall see therein, a face reversed or turned upside down, especially if it be a hollow glass: sometimes two figures, the one created by the refraction of the thing opposite; the other by the figure itself, by means of the Angle, which in the extreme or outmost parts thereof, being near unto it, on that part of the glass and mirror which is plain, receiveth the figure of the figure natural. Sometimes the same mirror shall represent but a half or demi face, if a man oppose his face to the end of the Angle, which being (as it were) kerbed and straightened, cannot receive all the face. And it is not (as were the Tables of Moses) in the which (after they were broken) a man might see the one half of the letter Samech, in the extremity or utmost part of the edge of the margin, and the other half might have been seen in the air. Those mirrors which are long and strait, do make the face strait and round, and those which belong, in a round form, do show the face long. To make short, those which have little round marks in them like bubbles, will show as many faces, as there be rundles in them, and for one man, will represent a troup of persons, and (as it were) a number of people. Moreover, a man may besides these, make other mirrors, by the which, (not without great admiration) a man may discover any thing a far off, and in the which a man may represent sundry figures, beyond their natural form. Hostius, (as Seneca reporteth) had certain looking-glasses which showed the figure of any thing far greater than the same received it. Lib. 1. Natur. quest. cap. 16. This man was so wanton and voluptuous, that he placed such glasses in his chamber, to the intent he might delight himself with a false greatness of his secret parts, a thing not to be written without horror. But can I let pass, without wrong unto myself that glass, which being set against the Sun, did burn and set on fire, all things that were presented unto it of a dry and combustible nature, In Nubibus. the which Aristophanes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Or should I omit in silence, those mirrors or glasses which Archemedis invented, and by means whereof, he burned the ships of the enemies, as Plutarch reporteth? And what shall I say beside, In Marc ello. touching other stones that are as splendent & shine as bright as glass? That stone which by the Greeks is called Phengites, & by the Latins Specularis, and which the French call Talc, is naturally so bright-shining, that the very glass doth not give that reverberation by the clearness thereof, as it doth. And that made Nero, when he builded the temple to the goddess Fortune, to cause the same to be paved with this stone: the which did yield such a reverberation round about the Temple, (as Pliny writeth) that a man might have seen it to shine and glister as if it had had many windows, Lib. 36. cap. 22. natural. histor. and as if the clearness of the light had been enclosed and shut up within the walls thereof, notwithstanding that the day light never pierced into it. A certain Author writeth, In vita Horatij. that the Poet Horace was so lascivious and luxurious, that he caused this stone of Talc, to be placed in his chamber, to the intent it might represent unto him his strumpets in the very action of dishonesty. But this was not a thing peculiar unto Horace alone, but it was common unto him, with many Emperors that did the like. And in truth this Poet was worthy to be the friend and favourite of Maecenas, who was not only defamed to be wanton and effeminate in his speech, in his habit, and in his going, but was a man of most corrupt manners, and extremely addicted to lust and licensiousnes, in such sort, that by the excessive riot of his youth, he became in his later years, to be full of maladies and diseases, in so much, as be could not sleep nor take his rest scarce a moment of an hour. How the sight is deceived by many particular objects. But to return to our purpose, it is well known, that ordinarily the spectacles or sight-glasses, do make letters to seem more great than they are indeed. And those things which a man beholdeth within the water, do seem also far bigger than they be by nature: And let any letters be never so small and little, yet are they very easy to be read through a vial filled with water. Apples also. if they swim within a glass, do seem much fairer than they are. The stars likewise are far greater to the sight, if a man behold them through a cloud: And the like is to be seen of the Sun also. If a man cast a ring into a cup or bowl, though the ring be in the bottom, yet will it appear as if it were in the superficies and top of the water. The sea seemeth to be of an Azure colour, and notwithstanding it hath not any colour certain. In a bright and clear air, by an artificial fire, are to be seen many colours and many figures which are false, by reason of the variety of the matter of the fire. And sometimes a man would even swear that those that are sitting at a table together, should be without heads, or should seem to be dead men; or should have the heads of some other creatures. And the chamber where men are supping together, will sometimes seem to be full of serpents: and there will seem a Vine to spread and scatter abroad her boughs and branches; though indeed it be a mere illusion. There be some men who in this our age have stuffed their Books with such devises, as amongst others Cardan and Baptista de la Porta a Neapolitan. De subtilitat. Imagine. natura. Tho. Aquin. 1. part q. 11.4. art. 4. And there is not so much as Saint Thomas of Aquine but hath written of an herb, the which being set on fire will make the rafters or beams of the chamber seem to be Serpents. What should I say more? The clouds sometimes will seem to be Monsters, Lions, Bulls & wolves painted and figured: albeit in truth the same be nothing but a moist humour mounted in the air, and drawn up from the earth, not having any figure or colour, but such as the air is able to give unto it. The which is subject to a thousand impressions and changes. Of the uncertainty of the other senses, & of the difference and discord of them together. Now after that we have so largely discoursed of the sight, if we should come to the other senses; by what means can we better argue their uncertainty according to the opinion of the Sceptiques, than to show the difference that they have together? which is in such manner, that they do not in any fort accord and agree: neither have they any Sympathy, any colligence, or any proportion one to another. And first of all, if we will compare the senses of Smelling, Of the differense and discord betwixt the other senses and that of the sight. the Touching, and the Taste, with that of the Sight, what better example can we have than the Apple, the which in sight will be pale, and yet in taste will be sweet, in handling will be light, and in smell will be of a good and pleasant odour? Hereby than it is manifest, that the senses are not of any good accord together amongst themselves. And beside, what can better demonstrate this, than the colours whereof we have erst spoken? the which as they are unknown to the sight, so do they engender a great discord amongst the senses. If a man should say, that every thing which is white in colour doth proceed of a hot quality, the contrary will appear evidently by the Snow, and by the Ice. And if a man would say, it were long of a cold quality; The Ashes, the Lime, and the Plaster do sufficiently show that he were deceived. The like may a man affirm of other colours, aswell black, as those that participate both of white and black. And how often is it seen that the Physicians are deceived in judging of the temperature of their Simples, by the sight only, and not by the other senses? I have seen a Practitioner in Physic at Paris, who did brag in the open Parliament (in the hearing of myself, and an infinite number of people that can testify the same likewise) That by the simple sight alone he would know all the qualities, and temperatures of herbs that any should show unto him: yea though they were come from America, and such as the virtues of them were scarce yet known of Physicians. But this Paracelsian was rejected and confuted with his Paracelsus, and his ignorance was sufficiently discovered by such as had commission to question with him. But what is the cause, That being in a hot Bath we do think that our urine is cold? Is it not because our Touching or Feeling is uncertain, and doth not well accord and agree with the other senses. In the winter, by reason that we are cold, all other external things do seem unto us to be hot by the same reason that we alleged before of the Bath. Of the differense and discord of the senses of hearing and the sight. And to come from the difference of the Feeling to that which the Hearing hath with the Sight: Is it not most certain, that the Eye seethe sooner than the Hearing can understand or discern a thing? The experience of this may be seen in the lightning: the brightness, and shining whereof is seen sooner than we can hear the thunder. And sometimes the Hearing will judge that it hath heard two blows given at the striking of a thing which it hath seen to strike no more than once. And hereof a man may have the experience, by that which we see daily to happen, as namely, when one striketh or beateth with a rammer or beetle any great stroke upon the water side, or near unto some river: For one blow that shall be seen to be given, a man shall hear two, yea sometimes three strokes afar off. Which cometh of nothing else than of the resounding of the Echo, which maketh the sound of the rammer or beetle to resound upon the river, the same being carried through the air, and redoubling itself to the ears of him that shall hear it. In Colliget. li. 1. That the sense of hearing, be it never so sound will be deceived. And Averrois citeth also another example of Laundresses, who washing their linen at the river's side, do make their strokes to be heard redoubled two or three times, howbeit that the sight doth perceive the stroke sooner than the hearing can discern or understand it: More than so, is not the hearing notably deceived, be it never so sound and whole? Is it not an ordinary thing, That in hollow places a man may hear a small gentle sound issuing forth of some hole or chink, which we would take to be a kind of Music, though indeed it be nothing else but a soft whistling wind that bloweth? And in those banks of rivers, which are indifferently or but meanly crooked, is to be perceived the like sound and harmony as the natural Philosophers do affirm. And it is a thing most assured, that a man may falsely hear a certain noise and shaking of the walls, the windows, and the roofs of houses, which notwithstanding is but a sign of some storm or tempest at hand, as of hail, or of thunder. Our hearing will be deceived also when we think that we hear thunder, and notwithstanding it is but some Coach or Chariot that passeth by the streets. Now, after that the Sceptiques have sufficiently (to their thinking) proved that the senses are false and easy to be deceived: The reason of the Sceptikes, that the intellect and the imagination are deceived. they come afterwards to infer that the Intellect, and the Imaginative power can comprehend nothing in certainty. For if it be so, that all things, which may be said to have essence, do never enter into the Intellect, or into the imagination, but by the senses which are their Organ: and that the senses are faulty. Then it must needs follow with good reason, that the Intellect and the Imagination do fail and are deceived, so that in truth all things are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, They have not any certainty, or true essence of themselves, but they do refer themselves to the senses, which do deceive and delude themselves. After this the Sceptiques do come also to the signs of things; the which they maintain to be neither sensible, nor intelligible: and by consequence, that they are none at all, as not being able to appear either sensibly, or in the understanding. And thus do they take away the causes, and the definitions of things, and generally all kind of learning and discipline, as that famous learned man Frances Picus de Mirandola hath notably and at large discovered, In lib. Exam. doctr. Gentil. who doth as lively and learnedly confute the Sceptiques, as before him john Picus his uncle had confuted the judicial Astrologers. An answer to all the former Inductions & examples alleged by the Sceptiques. But I will now content myself, in a word, to answer to the followers of Pirrhon: letting them to know, that all their Inductions which they bring in and allege, and all their Arguments heaped up with such a multitude of examples, are not of any strength or validity to prove the uncertainty of the senses, and especially of the sight: The which that grand workmaster hath placed in the head, to the intent the same might discover all things afar off, as a Pharos, or Lantern set aloft upon a Tower. Besides, the Eye is of a round and Spherical figure, to the intent (as the Mathematicians affirm) it may be capable to receive by the sight, the quantity and magnitude of things: For if the ball or apple of the eye, (by which the fight is turned) were not round, it could not cause it to discern or to perceive any thing but that which should be equal unto it: which appeareth in this, That the sight doth perfect itself by right lines which do concur, (as it were) in a heap to the centre of the eye, and do there make their impression perpendicularly. So that the Eye is certain without being deceived as touching the beholding of the quantities of things next unto it: The sight is certain in be holding the quantities of things, though it may be sometimes deceived in qualities. and if it be sometimes deceived in the qualities of things: yet doth it not thereof follow, that the Intellect or Understanding faculty in man which receiveth them, should therefore be deceived. For, albeit the sense do see a cloth or garment to be green, by reason of some green meadow that doth scatter or display it verdure upon it: yet so is it, that the Intellect and Understanding of a man in itself will always take the garment to be according as it is indeed, and will never be deceived. And as concerning the senses of Feeling, Smelling, Tasting and Hearing: A man may say also to the Sceptiques, That they are not altered nor changed by maladies or sickness; or that by any other accident they are not easy to be seduced: and namely and especially the Touching: the which being dispersed, and (as it were) spread abroad throughout all the members, is esteemed to be more certain than the sight. But as concerning the senses depraved and corrupted, we shall entreat hereafter. And therefore we will first of all proceed in holding on our purpose, as concerning the senses: how they being sound and entire, may nevertheless be deceived: & we will discourse of such things as (being either natural or artificial) yet for their strangeness are esteemed prodigious, and approaching near to the nature of Spectres: and both the Sight and the Hearing at the first view doth receive them as things supernatural; by reason that they are ignorant of the causes of them. And first of all we will speak of such things as are Natural. CHAP. VII. That many things being merely Natural are taken by the Sight or Hearing being deceived, for Spectres and things prodigious. IT is a thing most certain and assured, and it hath oftentimes happened, Of natural earthly things that seem prodigious Phantosmes and Spectres by which the sight is deceived. That many natural things (because they be a little beyond natural reason) do put us in so great a fear and terror, as if we had seen before us some Spirits or Phantosmes. And especially, if fear or superstition be added thereunto, and that withal they happen in the darkness of the night: It is then a most clear case, that they do work and produce wonderful effects in the senses, and in the mind of man. Pliny reciteth, that a little above the country of Zealand, Lib. 16. cap. 1. there are certain forests full of huge, great, and high Oaks, the which being rooted up by the tempestuousnesse of winds, or storms, or by the waves and billows of the sea, do carry with their roots a great mass of earth which doth counterpoise them in such fort, as a man shall see those great oaks to swim up and down the sea, with their huge boughs and branches. Certainly, if they should be seen in that manner in the night time, and that therewithal any fear or superstition did surprise men upon the sight of them: It is not to be doubted, but they would be thought to be devils and ill spirits. Now if the fear alone of seeing such things have caused the fantasy of those that have sailed on that coast, so far to err, as they have imagined them to be armies by sea. And if the Romans themselves when they saw (as Pliny writeth) these trees to come directly upon them, have prepared themselves to battle, and have set in a readiness all their warlike engines, and disposed their fights and their grapples, supposing that the same had been their enemies: What shall we then think of such as should have been superstitiously affected in seeing them? Would not they (trow you) have been terrified beyond all comparison, when they should imagine them to be, not enemies, but even. Divelles let lose? So likewise, if they should see the Lakes of Cecubo, Lib. 8. epist. 10 and of Reate, and that same (whereof Pliny the younger maketh so much ado in his Epistles, calling it Lacus Vadimonis,) and which the Italians at this day name the Lake of Bassanello: what would they think or imagine of it? These lakes have many Islands that sloate and move up and down with the wind, no otherwise than as a ship tosled too and fro by the waves and surges of the sea: And the same Pliny doth so far advance this lake of Bassanello, as he dareth to compare it with all the miracles of Achaia, Egypt, or Asia, that have been so famously reported and spread abroad of them in all parts of the world. And the truth is, That Pliny the elder, Lib. 2. Natur. hist. cap. 95. Lib. 3. Nat. qu. Lib. natural. auscult. Lib. 9 Decad. 1 Seneca, Aristotle, and Titus Livius, do make notable reports of this Lake, as being such, wherein a thing so marvelous in nature doth happen usually and commononly. Nevertheless, they which should see those Isles thus to move in this manner, not knowing before that the same were natural: they would entertain many and divers apprehensions in their fantasy, & would imagine that they saw a thing very strange and prodigious, Of natural fiery islands that seem prodigious Phantosmes and Spectres by which the sight is deceived. and such as did very near approach to the nature of some Spectre and vision. But what shall we say to those Sight & fiery Flames, which appearing in the night, do seem to wander from place to place? A man cannot better compare these fires, then to Torches which young men use in Masks, to carry by night in diverse troops and companies, in the time of their Shroving or Carnevall feasts. For as a man shall sometimes see their lights joined all together, and sometimes separated and divided far asunder, according as they do either conjoin or separate themselves in sundry bands: so is it with these lights and fiery flames appearing by night: that sometimes they will seem to gather together in a heap, and make show as if there were but one bright shining light: and suddenly again, they will be dispersed and divided asunder each from other, making diverse and sundry lights, and as if they were vanishing away in several fires, beginning to grow dim more and more and less lightsome. Of the cause of fiery flames appearing from th'earth in the night time. These fiery flames (as I have said) so wandering and running up and down, are not without a certain fear and terror unto passengers: howbeit a man may assign unto them a natural cause why they be so. For the natural Philosophers do hold, that from the earth there do proceed certain thick and gross exhalations, the which are soon and easily kindled and set on fire. That matter which is of a sulphureous and hot nature, and lieth hidden in the veins and secret corners of the earth: if a little air do pierce through and come near unto it, on a sudden it cometh to be set on fire, seeking means to issue out, and to break forth of the earth. And do we not see in certain places of some countries, that the fire doth arise and issue forth of the earth in exceeding height, like unto a great tree, and as suddenly again, to be extinct and consumed? But this is natural, and aught to be referred unto the Gummy and fat matter, which being fired, doth issue out of the veins of the earth, seeking to evaporate itself in some one place or other. In those places where there is store of Sulphur or Brimstone (which is a kind of hot matter in the nature of metal:) The reason that the fire doth not so soon die and extinguish itself, is, because it hath a nourishment that doth hold on and endure with a longer continuance. Those that sail by the coasts of Sicily and of Malta, can report yet at this day, how that the Isle Abrocan, Of diverse hills that burn with fire. (which doth a far off discover itself to the Sailors) is continually in a fire and smoke. And histories are full every where, that in times past, the Hill Mongibel did burn night and day. And Pindarus affirmeth, that by night the fire of this mountain was very clear and bright-shining, and in the day, was cloudy and dim, as is also at this day, the Isle Abrocan. The mountain Vesuvius, not far distant from Naples, in the time of Titus Vespasian, did cast up fire and flames in such abundance, that all the country and the inhabitants round about were destroyed by it, their Towns and Villages being left desolate and burned, and those fields that were from thence somewhat farther off, were all covered and filled with dust and ashes. And this is testified by Saint Jerome, Pliny the younger, and Dion the Historiographer. And it is not unknown, how that Pliny the second, being desirous to understand and to search out the cause of the burning of this mountain, as he approached near unto it, being by nature fat and corpulent, he was suddenly smothered, or (as I rather believe) he fell into an Apoplexye, to the which gross and fat men most commonly are subject, especially when they use not any exercise as Pliny did not, being a man wholly addicted to study and learning. And to return to those two mountains, Mongibel did burn in the year 1537. it is very certain that even of late, in the time of our fathers, they did still continue burning; and especially Mongibel, the which occasioned and wrought infinite damages to the lands niece, adjoining unto it. For the report is, that the fire of Mongibel did range and spread itself so far, that the greatest part of Calabria was filled with the dust of the ashes and cinders thereof; and two Villages, Montpilero and Licolosi, were quite burned and consumed And not these mountains alone are only subject to fire and continual burning: Of the cause that the mountains do burn. but Olans the Great writeth, that in Iseland there is a mountain which burneth continually, the fire & flame whereof, doth never fail no more than that of Mongibel, in the time of Pliny; who writeth, that the flame thereof did never cease. The cause of these fires, Lib. 2. not hist. doth Aristotle well set down, and that in few words in his books of Meteors. For as there be many places of the earth, Lib. 2. Meteor. that have store of matter combustible, there needeth no more but a trembling and shaking of the earth; which being stirred up by an air, that hath entered in by some chinks and empty poares of the earth, & striving to issue forth, doth in an instant and at once, move and shake the mountain; and so by the stirring and agitation thereof, doth set it on a fire; the which doth subtly evaporate itself, and taketh it nourishment of the air so moved and stirred. And like as after great store of winds, it often happeneth that a trembling or quaking of the earth doth succeed: so, after a long trembling and moving of the earth, it must needs happen that these mountains must of necessity fall on burning. Now if it be so, that the mountains for the reasons before alleged, may cast and vomit up flames of fire, why should there be any difficulty, but that those other fiery flames appearing in the night, should by the same mean, be evaporated out of the earth? Certain it is, that Aristotle writeth, how in some places the earth in the concavities thereof, Lib. de Mendo. is no less replenished with fires and with winds, than it is with water. And therefore as there are springs of water hidden in the earth, which may even suddenly and at once, spring up and cast forth water in abundance out of the earth: so it is not to be doubted, but that the fires, which have been long hidden in the caverns and hollow places under the ground, may sometimes issue forth and having found a clear and free passage, may leap up and down and walk at some times through the region of the air, neither more not less than doth the fire of Mongibel, of Vesuvius, and of Iseland: Which easting up through the air, great globes of fire flaming, And mounting to the heavens, do shine most clearly blazing. Lib. Aeneid. That I may speak as doth the Poet Vergil, Lib. 3. Aeneid. who being profoundly seen and exercised both in Philosophy and in all kind of learning, was not ignorant, that these fires were of such a nature, as being cast out of the caverns of the earth, The difference between the fires appearing in the night, & those of mountains continually burning. they be carried for a time through the air, and yet some of them more forcibly and violently then the other. For those fires which are stirred up within the mountains, as they have more spirits that do animate and give life unto them: (if I may so speak) so do they issue forth more suddenly, and wanderlesse in the air, then do those night-flames that do strike up gently from the earth. How men are deceived and led to drown themselves by night-flames appearing unto them. But (will some say) we see that these night-fiers do oftentimes deceive men, and will lead them to some river, pond, or other water, where they do cause them sometimes to be drowned. To this I answer; that they which follow such night-fiers appearing unto them, either they do it voluntary, or by constraint: If by constraint, then without doubt they are no night-fiers which they do so follow after; but they are some devils, or ill spirits metamorphosed into the forms of fires. But if they do willingly and voluntarily follow them, they cannot excuse themselves of folly and of ignorance: for it is the nature of such fires, continually to seek after water, being their contrary element. And this is evident by those flames of Mongibel, which do draw themselves rather towards the sea, than any other place, as testifieth Pindarus in these words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is to say, That the flame of Mongibel, Od. 1. Olimp. is carried rolling and tumbling even into the main and deep sea. And in that this Poet affirmeth, that the flame roleth and so is carried to the sea. This may lead us as it were by the hand, to know the nature of those night-fiers, which (as they that have seen them do say) are round, and do go rolling continually till they come near some river or pond, in the which they do suddaintly disappear and vanish away. Of Night-fires seen & frequenting about gallows, and the cause thereof. But before I leave this discourse of these night-fiers, I will speak of that which the dommon opinion holdeth touching them: and that is, how that sometimes they do appear unmovable, near unto gallows and such like places of execution. If this be true, (as we must needs give credit thereunto, seeing so many persons do with one consent report it) we may yield yet a farther natural cause of such Night-flames; and that is, that they are bred and concreated of the fat and dry exhalation of the bodies there hanged, which coming to evaporate and strike up into the air, doth grow to be inflamed by the same reason, as the vapours & exhalations dried from the earth, and being in the middle region of the air, do change themselves into fire, and so do cause the thunder. Of flames of fire issuing out of trees and other things, beating one against another. But to continue on our purpose touching natural fires, do we not see (and that without mervailing) that the tops of trees blustering or beating one against another, do strike out flames of fire, and that not without fear unto such as travel by night? Certain it is, that Thucydides doth esteem this to be natural; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Lucretius speaketh thereof, as of a thing which happeneth usually, and is done by the same reason: as two stones stricken together each against other, do cause fire, and as two tables of Laurel or any other hard wood, being rubbed together for a long time one against the other, will likewise strike out sparkles of fire. Homer writeth, that Mercury was the first that taught this usage of making fire to come forth by the striking together of two staves or sticks of Laurel wood. In hymn Mercurii. And truly it is not unlike, that he learned it by seeing how the woods by beating each against other through the continual motion and agitation of the winds, do sparkle out from them flames of fire. Again, be there not also some precious stones, as the Cornaline, the Ruby, the Carbuncle, the Carchedonie, or the Garnet, Of stones and other things shining like flames of fire in the night. and other such like precious stones, that do shine in the night like fire. In Scotland there is a kind of rotten wood, which in the night shineth very clear and bright: and the like do woods that are worm eaten. There be some creatures, as wolves and Cats, which have their eyes so fire it and flaming in the night, that they will make even the most hardy to be afraid. I have heard of Monsieur de Laundy Gaultier, a Councillor in the Court of Parliament of Britain, that near unto one of his manors, he had a country house or farm, within the which, there haunted a Cat so terrible and frightful, that such as saw her by night, did fall in a swoon for very fear: & some would have been of opinion, that it was some Sorcerer metamorphosed, or some wicked spirit: if the said Lord of Launay (being a gentleman of good spirit, and one that could not be made believe that it was any other than a natural Cat) had not found the mean to cause the same Cat to betaken by a gin: and being so slain, it was then apparent that the fear conceived thereof, was but merely vain and without cause. There be certain worms that use to appear in Autumn, which the Greeks' call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Latins Cicindelas, which do shine so clearly in the night, that those which know not that there be such creatures, would be very doubtful what to think, if they should happen to see them. But these worms are nothing to speak of, in comparison of that little Fly which is bred in the new world, within the Island of Hispaniola, appertaining to the Span●ards'. This creature is of the bigness of a Beetle or Horseflie, and they which have seen of them, do esteem it to be indeed a kind of Horseflie. But upon the matter, it doth shine by night very clearly in all parts of her body, but principally in the eyes; the which in regard of the smallness of her body, are very exceeding great: & those her eyes are so bright-shining, that a man may write and read by their light. The report is, that the Indians do banquet in the night time by the light thereof: a thing so strange and admirable, that if the Spanish Historiographers did not report the same with one general consent, a man would scarcely credit it. Of natural airy things and vapours that seem Phantosmes, or Spectere, and deceive the sight. But to come from fiery things, to other natural vapours that come from the earth: it is very certain that the air doth sometimes create those of vapours forms so marvelous, that any man would take them for Prodigies or Spectres. When Silla entered into Italy with his armed forces, there were seen two clouds or vapours having the form of Goats fight one against another, near unto the Mount Epheum in Campania, Of a strange cloud or vapour appearing to Silla & the Romans. the which afterwards mounting aloft from the earth, did spread and scatter themselves into diverse parts, and in the end vanished quite away, not without the great wonder and astonishment of Silla and all his Armie. And yet Plutarch saith, that this was but a thing merely natural: In vita Sillae. because that after it became to be scattered abroad in the air, it presently lost that imaginary form which it before represented. And what shall we say to those vapours which do naturally happen in the deserts of Libya, Of strange vapours usual in Barbary & their causes. near unto one of those great Sands of Barbary, called Syrtis Magna: Those vapours do make an impression in the air of sundry bodies and forms of many creatures, which sometimes will seem not to stir a foot from the place where they are: and sometimes again, will move themselves very strangely, as if they were either flying from, or pursuing of some persons. Diodorus Siculus saith; that these impressions of forms are of an infinite greatness, Lib. 3. Biblioth. and extending in great length, and that they do bring great fear and perturbation of mind, to such as are not used to the sight of them. For they pursue men (saith he) and after that they have gotten to them, they do disperse themselves over all their bodies in an extreme cold, which is the cause that Merchants, strangers, passing by that coast, one in great fear of them, whereas on the contrary, the h●bitantss of that Country, (who do often see such things) do make small account, or do rather laugh at them. Some have studied to render a reason of this so strange a marvel, though it have seemed to be held almost in manner as a fable. And they say, That in this Region there are stirring few or no winds at all, or if there be any, that they be very weak and warm: and that the air there is very calm and quiet, because there are no woods nor shady valleys round about, nor any hills distant and separated one from another, nor yet any Rivers great or small, wherewith the plain should be watered and refreshed: nor any fertile lands nor exhalations nor odours, from all which the winds do take their beginning and original. So that this whole Country being round about on all sides very hot and warm: It happeneth (like as we see it fall out in the hot summer days, when the warm south wind most reigneth,) That in every place there are bred and created little clouds, which do take divers forms, according to the different Impressions the fire receiveth. And these clouds being carried by those slow and weak warm winds do sometimes mount aloft, and sometimes leap up and down, & sometimes do move themselves by other such like motions & agitations. When they are not born up by any wind, they do stay near to the earth, thick, and form as they were aloft: And having nothing that is able to scatter and dissolve them, They do of themselves approach and draw nigh to such persons as they first happen to encounter. Not that I infer hereby, That the air hath any election of motion in itself: for that is impossible in nature; That any thing without a soul should voluntarily, and of itself, be driven to move itself: or that it should either pursue or shun itself; but it is rather the persons that do cause the same to move. And so is it of those clouds form in the air, which do make a show and countenance as if they did follow or give place to those persons that do come against them, who do scatter and chase them on all sides with the violence and motion of their bodies. And on the contrary, they do pursue such as recoil and go from them: And by conversion of the cause, it happeneth, that being drawn by the rarity and vacuity of the precedent motion: They do seem to run after such as go from them, who staying or returning are incontinently abashed: when they see themselves touched with the same, and that these clouds (before they light or fall upon the ground,) do spread themselves very cold over all their bodies. Of the Eclipses of the Sun & the Moon and the causes thereof. But to leave these airy vapours, and to go a little higher, even to the body of the Moon: what shall we say to the superstition of the ancient Romans, who were so abashed and astonished at the eclipse thereof; That we read how sometimes an whole army was stricken into fear and amazement by the sight of the same: insomuch as they used to call and ring her with the sound of abason, until such time as she were returned to her former shape and form, as witnesseth Plutarch, In vita parili Amily. Corneous Tacitus, and Ovid. And the same Tacitus recounteth, That in the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, In lib. 1. Amia. certain garrisons of Roman Soldiers upon the Frontiers of Germany, being revolted; The thing that did most terrify and astonish them, and reduced them to their former duty & obedience, was an eclipse of the moon, which put them in a fancy and conceit, that the gods were angry and displeased with them for that their enterprise. And yet nevertheless, the cause of the moons eclipse is known to be mecrely natural, without any prodigiousnes at all in it. For it is most certain, That the shadow of the earth being opposed against the moon makes the eclipse thereof, like as the moon being opposed against the sun, doth make the eclipse of the sun. It is not therefore to be thought any strange matter, if at this day there be many men that take all things unknown unto them, to be Spectres and Prodigies, and if they be afraid of them, without day just occasion Of strange sights happening in the seas, yet natural. Psal. 106. But what will such men say, if they should sail on the seas, where the wonderful works of God (as David saith) are more common and manifest than on the earth; They would imagine themselves to be in another world, and to hear and see other things than they are accustomed to do in the earth. Sometimes they shall see the fire (which the Sailors call Saint Hermes,) to fly upon their ship, and to alight upon the top of the mast; And sometimes they shall perceive a wind that stirreth up such storms, The wind called Ecnephia. as will run round about their ship, and play about it in such sort, as by the hurling and beating of the clouds will raise up a fire that will burn up the yards, the sails, and the tackle of the ship: And of these wind's Saint Luke speaketh in the Acts of the Apostles: Acts 27. Sometimes the billows of the sea will raise them even to the clouds, and in a moment east them down again to the bottom of the sea: sometimes they shall hear the roaring of the waves beating against the rocks, the banks, and the cliffs upon the sea shore; so as they shall be heard far off, not without great fear and astonishment: as is to be seen by Charybdis and Silla, on the coast of Sicily: and by that great and terrible noise of the sea-waves, which beats on a rock lying in the sea a seventeen or eighteens leagues from Bordeaux: and by the Frenchmen is called, Les Asues de Bordeaux. And if a man should fail into the sea of Amorica: how many sorts of whales shall he see far differing from those which are in our Ocean? sometimes they will be seen like unto a round wheel, and fodainely like unto a sharp cutting saw: And others again may be seen to pursue and follow after a ship, without leaving or forsaking it for a long time. And in the sea of Norway, how many whales be there, and monstrous fishes which may even astonish those that see them? To be short, There is nothing but will minister unto them occasion, either of fear, or of admiration, as by seeing maiters strange and unusual to their sight: so that a man may say of them as Sinesius said of the Labians, In Epistolis. that wondered at the small breasts of the women which were with him in his ship, whom they never desisted from gazing and looking upon, by way of admiration. The reason whereof the same Author yieldeth to be this: because the Libyan women have their breasts so huge and great, that they use to give suck unto their infants over their shoulders: The like would happen, no doubt, unto these men that do so superstitiously admire and stand in fear of all things that are strange and unusual unto them: and to whom nothing is natural, but that which they see to happen and fall out daily, and accustomably in their sight. Of natural things that deceive the sense of hearing. But to come from the sense of seeing, to that of the hearing: how often is that also deceived in taking things natural for other than they be indeed? The Echo is a sound proceeding from the voice, rebounding and striking back again, either in forests, and woods, or valleys, or hollow places, of the sound of the Echo. or else by reason of the extreme heat in time of summer: and yet nevertheless how often, and especially in the night season, hath it deceived such persons as have thought it to be some other thing, rather than an Echo? The history recorded by Cardan of a friend of his a Counsellor of Come, who thought he should have been drowned, by mistaking on Echo in steed of a man, is sufficiently well known. Lib. 18. de subtilitate. Howbeit Cardan had reason to esteem that his friend for a very simple and senseless man: for if he had considered never so little with advisement the voice of the Echo, he might easily have discovered that which deceived him. And that it was no difficult matter to be discovered, it is manifest in this, That the Echo answered him in the same terms, and in the same accent that he demanded, namely, by way of Interrogation and Demand, saying, Shall I pass here! Whereas if it had been a man, he would have answered without demanding, Pass here. Now upon this discourse of that Echo. Cardan telleth how in the great church of Pavis there is an Echo that yieldeth divers voices, ever decreasing and lessening till that the last voice thereof shall be heard without being distinctly and certainly discerned: being much like unto the voice or groaning of one that is a dying: in such sort (saith Cardan) as a man would scarce believe that it were an Echo. In li. de varieta. rerum. But if he that hath traveled throughout all France (as himself writeth) would have taken the pains as to have gone to see the Echo of Charenton near Paris. I do assure myself he would have esteemed that Echo as admirable as that of Pavy. For it doth very perfectly resound the voice that it hath received, and doth go continually falling lower and lower, not seven times only (as did the Heptaphon of Greece) but eight, and most commonly ten times, not without the great wonder and admiration of them that hear it. Near to Puzzoli there is an Echo called Virgil's Echo at this day, and is very much admired and held to be supernatural by those that are near dwellers and inhabitants of that Country. I have heard another Echo at Tholousa in the suburbs of Saint Roche, which in my conceit is very strange and worthy to be marveled at: for that in calm and fair weather, it will repeat a whole verse entirely and distinctly, as it hath been uttered and pronounced. And I have made experience thereof for my own recreation in this full verse of Homer: In odiss. hundred. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in this common verse of Virgil: Arma virumque cano. The which it resounded after me, without leaving out any one syllable. Of diverse things which do naturally yield strange sounds. At Spiga in Natolia, of the Ancients called Cyzicum, there were seven Towers which did redouble seven times any voice that was pronounced near unto them. And Pliny writeth, that this was more by fortune and casualty, then by any natural or artificial occasion. But (whatsoever Pliny saith) there was. Art and artificial workmanship in those Towers, besides that they were near neighbouring and adjoining one to the other, as may be gathered out of his own writing. So likewise was that statue or image of Memnon artificial; the which having the face thereof turned towards the Sun, did yield a resounding noise: and (as Pausanias said) the sound that it gave, was like unto the strings of a Lute when they break asunder. And what shall we say to that stone which was in the Tower of Megara, the which being strucken on with a little stone or flint, did give a sound no otherwise, then if it had been an Harp or a Lute. The same Pausanias (who had travailed throughout all Greece) and had curiously observed all the singularities that were there worth the seeing: did mark this amongst the rest: and notwithstanding he could not find out the reason thereof, but only that it had his ground from a certain fable, which is: that when Alcathous, king of the Megarians, was purposed to build the walls of Megara, he had the aid and help of Apollo, who to set forward the work, and labouring at it, as did other workmen, laid by his Harp upon a stone, the which ever after did retain the sound of an Harp. Lib. 8. Metamo, But Ovid writeth, that not one stone only did yield such a sound, but that all the other stones and walls near unto a certain Tower, did the like, And these are his verses: There stands a Tower with haughty walls enclosed, Within the which, god Phoebus (so 'tis noised,) Did one day lay his Harp, and ever after, That Harp sweet sound, even in the stones did enter. But though Pausanias, with Ovid likewise, do take the reason of this marvel from an old mouldy fable, yet so it is, that (if you take away the fable,) all the rest is very true and certain. And we may not think, that Pausanias would have spoken any thing of it, if himself had not seen the proof and trial of it: For all the ancient Authors are of accord, that he is a very true and sound Historiographer. And what shall we say of those hollow caves and caverns of th'earth, wherein are heard so many fearful sounds & noises, that yield fear and astonishment to the hearers; albeit the same be nothing else but very nature itself that worketh them? I say Nature: which I cannot better compare then unto a rich Merchant, who hath in his open shop or warehouse, such wares and merchandises, as are common and usual: and in his Magazine or Inner storehouse, doth keep and lay up his most rare and richest commodities to make sale of the same to such Merchants as are most precise and curious. Even so nature doth lay open to the world, and set forth many things upon the earth; whereof she is willing that every man should have the knowledge: But in her secret and inmost places, she hath laid up and hidden so many rare and strange things, that no person can come to have the knowledge of them, unless he have diligently seen and observed many and several countries: and except he have nearly and curiously sounded the secrets of the same. I have heard, and am in a manner persuaded to believe it, that in the Mounts Pireney, there is a certain mountain, wherein if one cast a stone, he shall incontinently hear diverse tremble and quake of the earth, and within a while after, he shall hear thunder sounding add breaking out in claps, within the lowest and deepest caverns thereof, not without great fear and terror to sundry persons. This I will not assure to be true, because I have not seen it: but certainly I have heard the same credibly avowed and assured by an infinite number of those mountainers there inhabiting, at such time as I traveled that Country, near the mountains of Tarbes. Those that have been in Italy, do observe for one notable thing, a certain hole or cave, the which casteth out by diverse and sundry vents or chink-holes, great store of winds, that are there within hidden and shut up. And a man may not unproperly say; that this was the Cave wherein Aeolus is said to hold his winds enclosed and shut up, and to let them forth at his pleasure (as Virgil reporteth of him.) And yet this cave may very well be artificial and made by Art, as was that Echo of Spiga, and the Statue or Image of Memnon: and therefore it is the less admirable. I remember that in Clement of Alexandria, (who is held to be a very good Author,) I have read how in the Isle of Great Britain, called England, there is a great Cave, seated at the foot of a huge mountain, (peradventure it is Saint Patrick's hole, This is said to be in the Peake-hills in Darbie-shire. whereof are reported such marvells) within the which, when the wind entereth and is once entonneled, a man shall think that he heareth a sound of Bells and Cimballs, the which do sound with often and reiterated strokes in a kind of measure. Besides, the same Author writrth, how in Persia, near the Region of the Magis, there are to be seen three mountains orderly distant one from another, and as if they had been there planted of purpose, in the midst of a large Champain. Such as are passengers that way, when they are beside the first mountain, they hear a confused voice of many thousands of persons, (as it were of soldiers) giving a charge or onset in battle: And when they are at the second, they hear yet a far greater noise: And being at the last, than they hear (as it were) a great rejoicing and shouting of men triumphing, as if the victory had been gotten. This, albeit it be very admirable, yet nevertheless it is natural And Clement Alexandrine himself doth esteem the cause thereof, to be by reason of the concavitie of the places, which maketh such a noise to be heard. But we do dwell over long upon these things which be natural, and in some sort miraculous and admirable, of which, if we should pursue the particularities such as Pliny, Pausanias, Strabo, Seneca; Elian, Aristotle, and others, (admirers of the works of Nature) have described and numbered them: we might make ahuge volume, and yet digress nothing at all from the scope of our intended purpose. But our intent was only to touch that, which in Nature is most rare and marvelous, and might be an occasion of fear and terror; and not that which is usual and commonly known unto the most part of men; or such as the cause thereof is in itself evident and apparent. We will therefore now descend unto such things, as being merely artificial, yet do no less than those which are natural, fear and terrify men, if they be never so little ignorant of the causes of them. CHAP. VIII. That things Artificial, as well as things Natural, may sometimes deceive the Senses of the Sight, and of the Hearing, and drive men into a passion of fear and terror. HAving sufficiently entreated of those things that are bred and produced most singular in Nature, and such as do in some sort draw near unto a kind of divinity; It now followeth, that we show what the hand, industry, and spirit of men, doth work and effect: and that so ingeniously and subtly, as many times a man would take it for as great a marvel, as if it were some divine thing and supernatural. Now as there are manifold and sundry wits and spirits of men, so do there proceed from them, many and diverse kinds of cunning and artificial devises. Some have aided themselves only with their own invention, without any Art at all: Of artificial works done by the Art Antomatique or having motion in themselves. & others with their natural invention have joined Art in all perfection. But what Art is there that doth more instruct and teach ingenious and artificial experiments than doth the Mathematics: of the which both the Antomates, and the Hydrauliques have drawn their original? And as touching the Antomates, that is to say, such works as have a motion of themselves: A man may well say, That this is an Art and Science of excellent and divine effects. Libr. 1. Polity. Truly Aristotle doth make great esteem and reckoning of the Antomates wrought by Dedalus, and of the Tripodes of Vulcan: The which (as the Poet said, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is to say, Did enter by their own proper motion into the assembly of the gods. The Scholiast of Euripides testifieth the like: In Hecubam. and so doth Plato the Philosopher. And Aristotle saith moreover in another place, citing the authority of Philippe a Comical Author, Li. x. de Anim. That Dedalus did make a statue or Image of Venus, the which by the means of quickesilver artificially enclosed within it) did move and stir of itself. The Philosopher Architas borne at Tarentum in Italy made an artificial Dove, which did fly in the air as if it had been alive. And Archimedes composed a Sphere of glass, of such excellent workmanship, that a man might therein perceive and comprehend the moving of the Heavens, and of the wandering planets (as is reported by Claudian, In Epigram. de sphaera Archi. who was in an extreme admiration of that piece of work.) And certainly Cassiodorus writeth, Aemula natura parva reperta manus. In lib. varior. that Boetius (of whose writing we have certain books of the Mathematics) was so excellently skilful in the working of these Automates: as he had not the like in his time. Tibi (saith he) ardua cognoscere & miracula monstrare propositum est: tuae artis ingenio metalla mugiunt, Diomedes in are gravius buccinatur. Aevens anguis insibilat: Aves simulatae sunt: & quae vocom propriam nesciunt habere: duicedinem cantilenae probantur emittere. Parva de illo referimus cui coelim imitari farest est. That is, Thy profession is to know things of an high and profound nature, and even to work miracles. For by the ingeniousnes of thy Art, the dead metals do bellow and mow like lowing beasts: Diomedes is made in brass to sound a Trumpet: A brazen Serpent is taught to hiss, and Birds are form and resembled, as if all of them were made naturally: And such things as have not any proper voice are proved by Art to send forth a most sweet and pleasing Music. And yet all these things whereof we speak, are little or nothing unto him, to whom it is given to imitate even the very Heavens. But what need we insist upon the examples of the Ancients: our own Age is not unfurnished of such excellent spirits comparable to that of Boetius. For in the time of our Fathers every man knoweth, that Charles the fift Emperor of Almain had an Eagle presented unto him that was in nothing inferior to Architas his Dove; nor to those Serpents, Birds and Diomedes of Boetius: for this Eagle being made of nothing else but of metal, had diverse little resorts, which playing within it, did make the same for a certain time to fly of itself in the air. A thing without doubt very strange and marvelous: and which (being seen by those that knew not the cunning workmanship contrived within it) made them believe, That there was some diabolical thing in it, and that it was nothing but mere Magic, and a bewitching and enchanting of the eyes. In Paris there was a certain Goldsmith borne in Anjou, who died but very lately, to whom I will give this honour, That there was not, either in Almanie, Italy, or any other country, any man that was able to surmount and excel him in regard of these Amomatique works. I myself saw a Gailie of silver of his making in such an artificial fashion, that it would of itself move and go upon a Table: and a man might see how the motions within the same, which rowed it up & down when they came to the table's end, would turn about the Galley, as if they had had life and understanding. And the same Goldsmith, before that time, had made a certain Triton or Seaman, which (when the resorts & motions thereof were bend or wownd up, & set on going,) would show himself so furious, That any who had seen it upon the land, how it tormented and vexed itself, durst not have touched nor handled it. Of th' artificial works done by the Art Hydraulique. Next to the Antomatiques do come those which are called Hydrauliques, which are works, that do make any engine or instrument, either of music or of any other sort to play and move by the means and help of the water. At Tivoly (which is the ancient Tibur of the Romans, and is now a place of pleasance belonging to the Cardinal of Ferrara:) It is well known unto many men, that there be certain Organs, which do go and play alone of themselves, only by means of the water: not without the great admiration of such as be ignorant in the Arte Mydraulique. We read in Suetonius, In Nerone c. 41. that Nero caused certain Hydraulique instruments which were of a new invention, and never before had been seen at Rome to be showed publicly unto the Romans. And yet Nero lived in a time wherein there were great store of excellent wits and good Spirits: And before him also there were others as notable, and skilful in such ingenious inventions, as namely that man which lived in the time of Tiberius Caesar, and was so excellently ingenious, that he offered unto the said Emperor to make any glass so malleable, as it should endure and abide the hammer, which is a kind of cunning, to us altogether unknown, and is far more difficult than those works that are done by Hydraulique instruments. Servius, who lived in the time of Vulentiman and Theodosius was not ignorant of these instruments wrought by the Art Hydraulique. For in expounding one place of Virgil, he saith, that the Organs were blown, and had wind put into them by means of them. And he rendereth the reason thereof, which (as he saith) is, that by the moving of the water there riseth a wind, which entering by the hollow pipes of the Organs doth disperse itself within them; and there remaineth no more but the fingers of the Organist to make them sound. But that which maketh me most to wonder, is: That those Organs of Tyvoly have not need of any fingering by the cunning and industry of any man, but they do found alone of themselves, and have within them something (I know not what) of the Art Antomatique. For a man needs do nothing, but only set down certain numbers upon their keys: and they will suddenly sound any song that a man would have them. And such also is that Antomatique horologe or clock which the Rochelers did present unto the French king Henry the third of that name: The which being mounted up, and set upon a frame did the like as that Hydraulique of Tivoli. Clandian (who was near about one and the same time with Servius) in a certain learned Poem which he dedicated to Manlius, speaking of these Hydrauliques, saith very well: That by opening the Sluices of water the Organs are made to blow: But heerewithall (saith he) there needed both hands, & an engine of wood, which with the help of the feet at each stroke might lift up the waters as we see is usual in Pumps that draw up water: But that you may the better perceive the meaning of Clandian I will set down his two last verses touching this matter: the same being corrected by me otherwise than they were heretofore; Intonat erranti digito pedibusque trabali, Vecte, laborantes in Carmina concitat undas. Those learned Authors which heretofore corrected this Poet, after the manner of the ancient reading, did let still remain the word penitùs, instead whereof I do read pedibus. For Clandianus meaning was to say, That the Organist played with his fingers upon the Organs, and with his feet moved a flat beam or plank, by the means whereof, as by a Pump, he lifted and drew up the waters. This correction, whether it be well or ill done, I refer to the judgement of the learned. But in my conceit, that seemeth to be the true and proper sense of the Poet. But touching the Art Antomatique and Hydraulique Eron hath made two Treatises thereof, not yet Imprinted, which I have seen in the Library of the most high and worthy Queen and Princess Katherine de Medicis the Queen mother: and they do well deserve to be brought to light, or to be translated either into our common & vulgar language, or into the Latin tongue: Howbeit that some of my friends have assured me: That that learned man Adrian Turnebus hath translated certain pages thereof before his death: of the which his heirs made no reckoning, because they were imperfect, and not well reviewed. But over and above the Arts of the Mathematics, men of themselves may find out and invent a thousand subtle devises far estranged and removed from the common invention of man. Of artificial Spectres. Cardan (whom we have so often alleged,) telleth how it is possible by subtlety and artificial skill, to make that a man shall walk in the midst of the water upon the very top thereof without sinking to the bottom, by means of cork tied to the soles of his feet. For my part I think well, That Cardan would not have delivered this subtlety, except he had seen the proof and trial thereof. But if it be so, that this befeisible: then I may say, that those men whom any shall see to walk upon the water in that manner, will strike no less fear and terror into the Beholders, than Lucian and his companions did conceive (as himself writeth) by the sight of those Phellopodes or Corke-footed persons that walked upon the waves of the sea, Libr. 2. verar. narrat. ubi nihil vericontin. without sinking, having their feet of Cork. The same Cardan doth furthermore set down & teach, In lib. de varietat. rerum. how a man may feign artificially false Spectres, & he giveth many instances & experiments thereof, needles here to express. But to continue on our purposed Discourse: There are some of these Tumblers and Vawters so expert in their art, Of acts done by Tumblers. V wters, and jugglers. that partly by the subtlety and nimbleness of their hands, and partly by the agility, strength and dexterity of their body, and the quickness and vivacity of their spirit, they will do things passing admirable. And as touching the fine conveying and nimbleness of the hands, can we give any better example than some jugglers, who in playing their tricks only by mere industry, and without any Magic, will so charm and blind the eyes of the beholders, that they will make them believe even what they list. And as for the agility of the body, I will allege no other than those Tumblers of Italy: whose perilous leaps and vawtings (which they call the Forces of Hercules) do make the simple and ignorant people to be of an opinion, that they do them by Art Magic and Enchantment: although it be verìe evident that there is no such matter. But on the contrary rather, there is nothing strange nor admirable in those their actions, if a man do consider how even from their youth and tender years, they do continually exercise themselves in such leaping and vawting. The report is, that the Turkish Tumblers are far more subtle and artificial therein then the Italians. For be it either to tumble, to dance upon a cord, or by force and strength of the arms, to bear and lift up things of huge weight, such as the Italians are not able so much as to lift from the ground, they are held to be most expert and excellent. And I have read, that in Turkey there are Tumblers which will enclose and bury themselves in the ground, and have nothing but a little tunnel or pipe of wood, by which they will breath and speak out of the earth. Assuredly these men may very well by this devise deceive many persons, and especially if they should be heard speak in the night time, from under the ground. For what other thing could any man conjecture of them, but that they should be spirits? It is a thing sufficiently known, that the ancient Greeks', and after them the Romans, had amongst them such kind of Tumblers: and especially, the rich men of Greece did use seldom or never to make any solemn banquet: but they had of these Tumblers, who after their feasts, might recreate their guests with their vaulting and tumbling. And this doth Xenophon testify, and after him Atheneus, In Simpesio. In Dypnosoph. who maketh special recital of many such Vawters that were so excellent in that Art, that men were of opinion, they used Ligierdemaine, or Art Magic. And that those of that age were more excellent than ours, it appeareth in this: that by their vaults and devises in leaping, they would express even the veric passions of men, as is most largely recounted by Lucian. Sometimes they will leap like Hercules, when he was furious: sometimes as an Orestes, as an Alemeon, an Athamas, a Poliphemus, a Silenus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sometimes they would act their tricks more temperately and moderately, as if they did represent upon a Stage, some Agamemnon in a Dream, or a Menelaus, or some Sage Ulysses. Sometimes again, they would express the rages and extreme passions of love, in some Dido, in a Medea, in a Phillis, and a thousand others. And amongst the Romans, for this Art were most famous, Esope, Pylades, Hylas, Pantonimus, Mnestor, & he whom for his excellency in that skill, Nero the Emperor gave unto Tiridates, king of Armenia: who is reported to have expressed by his skilful feats in vaulting, and by the motion and nimble turning of his body and of his members. all things that were possible to be expressed by the speech. Of illusions offered unto men by feigned voices. But what shall we say of those men, who without any skill in the Art of Tumbling, are notwithstanding even by natural disposition so subtle and ingenious, as they will be able to delude and deceive even the best advised? There be some men who have their voice so subtle and so diverse, that they will imitate all sorts of birds so naturally, that if a man did not see them, he would constantly affirm, that he heard the true melody of birds singing naturally. Others again have the Organ of their voice and their throat, sometimes so fine and small, that being very near unto a man, they will call him, and yet it will seem to the party called, that he should be far off from them. To this purpose, I will recount unto you, a thing as strange and admirable, as I ever read in any history whatsoever: and it was told me by a Precedent, at such time as I was a Student in Tholousa. And I do assure myself, that if the same had not been very true, that learned and grave parsonage (who was a man very wary of believing such strange things reported unto him) would never have told it me in such sort as he did: for he named unto me the man that was so deceived: And that was a certain Merchant of Lions, whose name for this time I will conceal, who being exceeding rich both in banque and in other goods and possessions, and being above all noted for a great and notable usurer: he went one day walking into the Country, accompanied only with one man that was his servant. And as both of them together, were entering into a great land, or an open and large Champion, behold the servant began to speak unto him and to tell him; That he was an Angel which came unto him purposely as a messenger sent to tell him by commandment from God, that he should give and distribute part of his goods ill gotten, unto the poor, and that he should liberally recompense his servant that had of a long time served him, without any reward or preferment at all received from him. The Merchant being abashed and astonished at the voice, demanded of his servant if he heard nothing, and repeated unto him what himself had heard. The servant counterfeiting a kind of wonder and astonishment, did deny that he heard any thing: and immediately with a voice far more strange and subtle than the former, he repeated the same words again, and that with such admiration of the Merchant, that he was brought into a full belief, that it was an Angel from heaven that spoke unto him: Insomuch, as being arrived into his lodging, he gave unto his servant a good and large recompense. As touching his life afterwards, whether he amended it or no, I know not: But his servant (who within a small time after lest his service,) did noise abroad and make known, by what a wile and devise he had served his turn of his Master, to wring money from him. The same Precedent did furthermore show unto me, that himself was once bidden to a banquet, whereunto the late deceased Monsieur de la Cazedien had invited many learned men, the most excellent spirits that were then living in Paris. During this banquet, it happened that a merry companion, (whom the said Signior had caused to be present of purpose, for the more pleasure and variety of mirth at his banquet, in imitation of that of Xenophon, In Simposio. or of the Emperor julian: wherein there was a Silenus that kept company with the gods, In convivi. Caes. and broke a jest upon every one of the Caesars,) called one of the company by name: a man well known for his doctrine and eloquence, whom I will not now name, because he is living. This party hearing himself called, arose immediately from the Table, supposing that some one without the doors had called him: albeit in very deed, it was no other than that same pleasant companion that was set at table with him. You may see then, how that they that have their voice fine and subtle, may easily deceive men of the best spirit and understanding. Hereunto we may also add and refer in a sort, the subtlety and fraud of some men, who heretofore (aiding themselves with the benefit of the night and darkness) by means of a voice entonneled in a long cane or reed, have deceived and seduced such as have been scant well advised: insomuch, as they have caused them to do things they would never have done, if it had not been by means of such abuse and illusion. It is reported, that Boniface the eight did use this subtlety as a mean to climb unto the Papacy: and feigning himself to be an Angel, he extorted the dignity of the sovereign Bishopric out of the hands of Celestine a simple holy man, and more worthy to live in an Hermitage, than to have that charge wherein he had been placed and invested. It is a matter also very famous and notorious, how that in times passed there was in the Town of Angiers, one that was servant unto a rich and wealthy widow, who to come to the top of his desires, (which was to get his mistress in marriage by any practice whatsoever,) and that by means thereof he might get an interest in the great wealth and goods which she possessed: he feigned himself to be the spirit of her late deceased husband. And breaking a wall or terrace that was near adjoining to his mistress bed side: he put a reed thorough the same, through the which speaking in the night season, so as his Mistress might hear him, he oftentimes repeated these or the like words in effect: My sweet love, I am the soul of thy deceased husband, who do counsel thee for thy profit, that thou take such a one thy servant in marriage. This deceitful illusion was of that force and efficacy, that it fell out according as her servant had fore thought. And indeed it was not ill for her: for he became so good a husband, that he died one of the richest and wealthiest persons of the town: insomuch as his riches is grown into a Proverb at this day throughout all Anjou. Now there be some some persons, Of diverse artificial devises used to make a show of Spirits and Spectres. that together with some artificial and coined voice do also join things natural, which at the first show do seem very strange unto the eyes of the Beholders. As for example, They do cloth themselves in the skins of Sea-calves, or Seals, which naturally are of a glistering and shining colour: and so do they present themselves unto those whom they have a purpose to deceive, persuading them with a faint and feigned voice whatsoever they do think good. Sometimes they take a winding sheet, or some white linen clothes, and do affirm themselves to be the souls and spirits of the dead. And of these we can yield? plentiful examples. First of all here we may allege an history recited by Hector Boetius in his Annals of Scotland. A certain Scottish King, having lost the battle against the Pictes, found his people so discouraged, that they were all out of love with the wars. The King being much aggreeved therewithal, did suborn certain persons, who being appareled with bright shining scales, and having in their hands, truncheons of rotten wood (which in Scotland is very common, and doth shine by night, as we have before said) did appear unto the Princes and Chieftains of the Scottish army being in their dead sleep: and awaking them, did admonish them to fight afresh against the Pictes, the ancient enemies of the Scots: And that they should not be afraid to assail and set upon them, for that they were sent from God, to tell them. that they should undoubtedly obtain the victory. This devise wrought so well and effectually, that the Princes and Chieftains (being of opinion that they had seen the Angels of heaven in their dream,) did believe that God would fight for them: and in this conceit and imagination they charged upon the Pictes so lively and courageously, as they both defeated and utterly rooted them out of their country. Thus did these truncheons of rotten wood, and these scales of fishes, or rather, Seale-skins, give a notable occasion to this king of Scots to add an artificial devise of man's invention to the presence of men, whose lively voice joined to a thing merely natural (yet strange at the first show) did cause them that they which could not discern neither the Nature of the one, nor the Art of the other, did take both the one and the other to be a very vision and true Spectre. That which maketh me most to marvel at these Princes and Chieftains, is: That though each of them severally and asunder by his own bed side, did see this natural and artificial vision: none of them nevertheless could discover this deceit: but that all in general did believe, that what was presented unto them, was surpassing and beyond nature. But howsoever, this was well carried without being discovered, I suppose at this present the like would hardly and ill be done: but that it would rather fall out contrary to the intention and meaning of the Deceiver, so as himself would be deceived. Erasmus in one of his Epistles which he wrote unto a certain Bishop, showing: That it is not always sure nor expedient to give faith and credit unto Spectres, the which are said, by some, to appear unto them: amongst other Histories doth bring in this that happened in his time. There was, (saith he,) a certain person with whom a niece of his did dwell and sojourned, being a woman rich, and well moneyed, and withal, very covetous. He counterfeiting himself to be a Ghost and a Spirit, did often use to come in the night time into the chamber of his said niece: and being covered with a white sheet, did feign himself to be a soul departed. He would use also to utter some doubtful and ambiguous words, and would make certain rumbling and noises in the air, hoping that she would have sent for some Exorcist, to come unto her, or that she herself would have conjured it. But as she had the courage more than of a woman, so did she advise herself accordingly: and caused a certain friend of hers to come secretly into her chamber, that should entertain the spirit: And having made him to drink well (because he should stand the less in fear of the Spirit) and arming him with a good great cudgel, as much as he could well gripe in his hand, that he might therewithal serve himself; in steed of exorcisms, she caused him to be hidden in a corner by her bed side till such time as the supposed spirit should make his repair thither; who at his accustomed hour failed not to come, and to make his wont stirs and noises, bellowing and crying (I know not in what) sad and sorrowful sort. Upon the heating of these stirs the good drunkard that was to play the conjuror, began to rouse himself half overcome as he was with wine and sleep. The spirit seeing him draw towards him, endeavoured with more strange voices and gestures as well as he could to repulse and terrify him. But this gallant (who by reason of his wine, that had warmed his brains, was the more hardy and adventurous) began to rush upon Monsieur the spirit, saying unto him: Sir, if you be the Devil, I am his dam: And therewithal he curried him so lustily with sound blows of his cudgel, that the spirit (which was of no other substance than flesh and bone) did so well feel his Bastanadoes as he cried out for pardon: and said he was Master john. At this word his niece leapt out of her bed, and stayed her friend from dealing with him any further. And this shall suffice to speak of artificial devises which do in a sort seem very cunning and subtle, and do pass withal so cunningly, as the most crafty are overtaken and abused by them. We will now proceed to speak of other artificial pranks more gross and not so fine: and such as are played and used upon sottish and simple witted persons. Of jests where by simple persons are deceved and deluded. lib. 2. of the Courtier. It is a thing very ordinary and usual with common jesters, to be always deluding of simple and credulous folks: And you may well think how easy a matter it was to make that man believe any thing whatsoever (of whom Balthasar Castilion speaketh,) who was easily persuaded and drawn to believe, that he was stark blind. The history is thus. Two Bouffons or pleasant companions, after they had long played and jested with a poor simple fellow, made him in the end to lay him down: And within a while after, they having put out the candle, made a show as if they had been still playing at the cards, and did persuade him who was laid, that there was light still burning in the chamber, and that they did still hold on play: Insomuch as at last this poor man began to cry out unto them, saying, Oh sirs, I am blinds. The others replying unto him, and making show as if they did come near him with the candle, said that he was deceived, and that it was nothing but a fantasy that was come into his head: for that his eyes were still very fair and goodly to look unto: Aim (quoth he) this is no fantasy, nor I see no more, than as if I never had had eyes in my head. This poor sot (say I) would have easily been made believe all manner of false visions that any man could have presented unto his sight: And if his companions had withal made a noise and rumbling in the Chamber, it had been enough to have scared and frayed him, as if the Fairies and Spirits had already taken him by the shins. Besides, it is a common trick of unhappy boys to make especial choice of Churchyards, there to terrify others: Churchyards places most suspected for spirits to walk in. because those are held to be places most suspected for Ghosts and Spirits to haunt in and inhabit. In those places they will sometimes set Crevices alive or Tortoises, and put a burning candle on their backs: and after will let them to go, to the intent those that shall see them slowly marching or creeping near about the sepulchres, may suppose them to be the souls of dead men. In himno Mercurii. And truly Homer saith, That the Tortoise is armed with deceit and imposture: or that I may use his own word) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Meaning in my conceit, That by her, simple persons are deceived in the night season. More than that, there be of those Streete-walkers and idle companions which will apparel themselves like warre-woolves, and take unto them the habit of some supposed spirit or Devil: and so keeping near unto the sepulchres of the dead, they will counterfeit themselves all the night to be ghosts and spirits. Lavater recounteth how it happened one day in a Town of Switzerland named Zurich, Libr. 1. de Spectris. that certain young lusty Gallants and careless youths having changed their apparel, did dance all night long, and within a certain churchyard: and it happened that one of them more pleasantly disposed than she rest, taking up the bone of a dead man, did play therewithal upon a beer of wood that was near, by, and was used for the carriage of the dead corpses: and he made it to sound as if he had been playing on a Tabor. Some there were that happened to perceive it, who (as it seemeth) being none of the wisest, did presently spread abroad throughout all the town, and reported, that they had seen a dance of dead men: and that it was greatly to be doubted, that some plague and mortality would follow after it. Certain it is, that it is much the worse when as such fools do find others as very fools as themselves. For else it might happen, that their trumperies and deceitful illusions which they prepare to abuse others, would fall upon their own heads; and they might chance, at some time or other, to be so well marked for their labour, as they would remember it all their lives after. But if these master fools do gain little or nothing in playing the divelles towards such as are more divelles than themselves: So do they as little advantage themselves when they think to terrify and make afraid such men as are wise, and of a mind settled and assured, and who do not easily, or without good proof and trial, believe all things to be Spirits, which do appear hideous and strange unto them. To this purpose there is a very notable Historic recited by Lucian of Democritus an excellent Philosopher in his time. In Dialogo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Democritus being willing to withdraw himself into a solitary place, that he might the more at his ease intend the study of Philosophy without being troubled by any body, made choice of a sepulchre that was large and deep in the ground and seated without the city of Abdera; within the which enclosing and shutting himself up, he began to write and compose many things containing matter of notable and great learning: The young youths of Abdera (who esteemed him little better than a fool,) being advertised hereof, appareled themselves in the habit and show of spirits: and taking unto them blackeroabes, and certain hideous visardes made like in shape unto dead men, having their skulls bare and naked: they did environ the sepulchre round about, dancing, leaping, & fetching their gambols in a round, never ceasing still to intermingle strange cries and voices in their dancing. Democritus for all this mummery, would not so much as lift up his eyes from his Book, but continued still writing of something all that time. But in the end, being weary of their cries and noise, he said unto them, Cease, cease, my friends to play the fools thus as you do, and use your fooleries to some others, for I know you well enough. Nevertheless, Guido Cavalcanti did in another fort answer certain young Gentlemen of Florence that came to fear and terrify him within a Churchyard, where he was very busy and intentive in coutemplating certain auntiént Tombs and Sepulchres: For (as Boccace affirmeth) having of a long time forborne them, and endured all the bravadoes and inventions that they could devise; when at the last they used unto him this speech, Guido tu rifiuti desser di nostra brigata, ma eccò quando in aurai trouvato que Iddio non sia, che aurai fatto. Whereupon, he retiring himself from them, made them this answer: Signori: voi mipotete potete dire à casa vostra, cio che vi piace: that is, my Masters, you may say unto me being at your own home, what you please: meaning by that gentle frump, that the sepulchres and churchyards, were the dwelling houses of such as they who molested him: that is, that they were little better than as dead men, because they were ignorant and enemies to the learned. Such an answer as this you shall hardly find amongst all the Greeks': and Democritus might well have spoken it to them that went about to make him afraid. Notwithstanding, the answer that he gave them did so touch them, that knowing thereby his great constancy and assurance, they left him in his sepulchre without counterfeiting themselves any more for spirits to molest or trouble him. Common places of execution suspected for spirits to walk in. Next after Sepulchres and Churchyards, the Gibbets or common places of executions, are greatly feared of the vulgar sort, who do think, that spirits do haunt and frequent there also. And for that cause, such fools do never cease haunting those places, of purpose to fear and terrify such as pass near unto the same. To make short, those places are so frightful in the night time, to some fearful and timorous persons, that if they hear the voice of any person near the place where any be hanging, they will think it is their spirits or ghosts that do walk thereabouts, I remember me of a good jest which was once told me; how in the Country of Mayne, there was a fellow, a notorious thief and murderer, well known unto all his neighbours, who by the sentence of the Lieutenant for criminal causes he committed in Mauns, was condemned to be hanged and strangled, and was sent from thence back to his own Village wherein he dwelled to be executed, and there to be set on a Gibbet, standing upon the high way from Mauns. Some few days after his execution, a certain man traveling that way, where his body hanged, found himself very sore wearied, and laid him down to rest under a tree not far from the Gibbet. But he was scarce well settled to his ease, when suddenly behold there cometh by, another passenger that was going towards Mauns, and as he was right over against the gallows where the dead body hanged, (whom the party knew well when he was alive,) he called him by his name, and demanded of him, with an high and loud voice, (as jesting at him) if he would go with him to Mauns. The man that lay under the tree to rest himself, being to go to Mauns likewise, was very glad that he had found company, and said unto the other; Stay for me a little, and I will go with you. The other to whom he spoke, thinking it was the thief that spoke unto him, hasted him away as fast as he could possible. The man under the tree arising up, ran after him as fast, with a desire to overtake him, and still he cried, Stay for me, stay for me: but the other had not the leisure. For his fear had set him in such a heat, thinking still that the dead thief, followed him at the heels, that he never left posting, till he was quite out of breath. Then was he forced to stay whether he would or no, and to abide till the other that followed did overtake him, who by his presence, brought him to be again of good courage, when he saw that his fear was merely vain and senseless. Now although (as I have said) Churchyards Sepulchres and Gibbets, be common and usual places where unhappy youths do make their resort to play the spirits: yet so it is, that sometimes their audaciousness passeth further, Of counterfeit spirits that use to haunt men's houses for good cheer or lasciviousness. even to the dwellings and houses of men, where they have a hope, either to carouse the good wine, or to enjoy their lascivious loves. And thereof cometh the old French proverb: on. sont filettes et bon vin Cest la où haute le lutin. That is, Where pretty wenches be, and store of good wine, There do the night-sprights haunt from time to time. The tales of the Queen of Navarre, and of Boccace, are full of these dissembled spirits, such as in the end have been discovered, not without receiving the due chastisement of their deserts. And it is not to be doubted, that if the true meaning of our laws were pursued and duly followed: Directarios qui in aliena caenacula furandi animo se conferunt. Li. Sacularis D. de extraord: crimimbus. such lewd persons should be as grievously punished; yea, and more severely then simple thieves. For I know not better how to term them, than plain & manifest Burglarers, who do enter violently into other men's dwelling houses, with an intent of stealing, little other then felonious: to whom our Civil Lawyers have appointed this punishment, that either they should be sent to dig in the Ours of metals, or at least to suffer the Bastinado. But that pain is too easy and gentle for them; and I may well say, that their behaviour doth deserve to be punished with death, as all privy and secret thieves are, according to the quantity of the sum, the quality of the persons, and the circumstances of the places. For their Act is far more heinous than simple theft or fellow: Forasmuch as besides that they go with an intent to rob and spoil, they do endeavour also to solicit and overthrow the honour and honest reputation of women: of the which, both the one and the other is punishable, and especially, if there happen any adultery, for that alone deserveth pains of death. It is not once, nor seldom that such sort of spirits have been discovered by the Magistrate, and sharply punished according to the exigence of the cause, either with death or perpetual infamy. But it is not in our age and days only, that these pranks have been used, but even almost two thousand years ago, or thereabouts. Plautus in his Comedy entitled Mostelaria, feigneth, how by a cunning sleight and devise of a servant, an old man his master, was made believe, as he came home from out of the Country, that the spirits did haunt his house: and that therefore, both his son and he had forsaken and abandoned the same in his absence. And this the servant did, that he might the better cover and conceal the lose and dissolute behaviour of the son from the father, and the better to colour the sale which Bee had made of the house. Of counterfeit spirits affrighting folks, causing the death of persons by their illusions. And what shall we say of those, who counterfeiting themselves to be spirits in an house (where themselves are domestically dwelling,) do thereby cause the death of some other, by their lascivious and lewd behaviour. For my own part I do hold, that they ought worthily to be punished with some arbitrary pains & torments. And I can give you an argument or experiment of the like deed in a manner, whereof our Civillians do make mention. Licinius Ruffinus incomparatione legum Mosis & jurisconsult. Certain foolish young men did so rudely cast or tosle up one of their companions, that being thrown somewhat higher into the air than was reasonable, he fell down so unhappily, as his whole body was bruised and crushed together, in such sort, that he died very shortly after. Vlplanus li. 4. § cum quidam D. ad leg: Cornel: de sicar. jurisconsult. A. in Furti § cum eo D. de furtis. Lusus pernitiosus imprimitus esse non debei. Glos. in l. si quis aliquid D. de poenis. Arg. l. penult. § vlt. D de extraordin. criminib. & l. vlt. D. eodem in verbo. pro mode admissi actio dabitur & ibi Paulus de Circ: latoribus qui serpents circumf erunt: loquitur. The Lawyer Ulpian saith in this case, that those gallants which thus caused the death of this their companion by their foolish wantonness, were punishable as homicides and murderers by the law Cornelia. As also they in like case, which do engender such fear in the hearts of men, being given to be superstitious and fearful, so as they die thereof, aught to be punished by the same reason. And Accursius saith, that they which do in this manner fear and fright folks, ought (according to the laws) to be exiled and banished, although the death of the parties do not happen thereupon. But if so be any do die thereof, he gathereth by diverse laws, that then they which were the causers of such death, should be punished extraordinarily. But all this Discourse of Accursius, is upon the exposition of a certain law of Paulus the Civilian, who saith: Whosoever shall do any thing whereby the simple spirits and minds of men shall be frighted & terrified through over great superstition: The Emperor Marcus willed and ordained, that such a one should be banished into some Island. And yet for all that, did not Accursius either more or less, understand the meaning of the law which he took upon him to expound. The French word is, Sarlatans', whereby is meant a kind of men, who in Arabia, Syria, and other th'East countries do usually, by a kind of charm, take vipers, scorpions, and other serpents in their bare hands, & so carrying them about, do sell them. For even those very laws which he alleged by way of argument: to what purpose do they serve, as touching his explication? Their scope is not to entreat of any other thing, then of the Arrabian Scopelisme, or of those mountybanckes the which did use to carry about Serpents: and not of any manner of fear conceived or apprehended through superstition. But this is in some sort pardonable in Accursius, who had not thoroughly searched nor turned over the good books of the ancient Writers. And therefore he could not so well expound any of those laws that were drawn from the ancient histories. For the truth is; that the ordinance of Mark Antonyne the Emperor, specified and declared in this law, doth lead us as it were by the hand, to the interpretation and understanding thereof; if we regard by the history itself, the true motive that caused that Emperor to make this Ordinance. Now the history may well be gathered out of julius Capitolinus, who saith; that a certain Impostor or cozening Deceiver, making a speech in the field of Mars, In vita Marci Anto-philoso. upon a wild Figtree, took upon him to foretell and prophecy, that the end of the world would be very shortly after, if that he at such time as he came down out of that tree, were changed into a Stork. And within a while after, he descending them, let fly from his girdle, a Stork that he had hanging thereat, thinking by that devise, to have deluded and blinded the people: but he did it not so secretly, but he was discovered and apprehended and led before the Emperor Mark, who pardoned him: Howbeit he made an ordinance, by the which he defended all men, of what condition and quality soever, not to fear and terrify any man through superstition, and under pretence of religion, upon pain to be banished, as we have said before. So that you may see the true sense of the law, drawn from this history: albeit the punishment which Antonyne ordained, were less rigorous than it ought to be. For considering the greevousnes of the offence, (namely, to engender and breed a fear in a whole people, under pretence of a false miracle:) death itself was but a just and due reward for the same. Of Impostors and deceivers taking upon them to be adored as gods or deceiving men under a colour of religion. Under the like pains also ought they to pass, who do give themselves out to the simple and credulous people, to be adored and worshipped as gods, and under the veil and colour of religion, do deceive and delude men: feigning themselves to be the souls of holy persons, or such like spirits, with an intent to cause themselves to be respected and honoured, and that thereby they may attain to the top of their desires, be they good or bad. Hanno the Carthaginian and Psappho, did nourish birds in a cage, learning them this lesson to say; That Hanno and Psappho were gods. Lucian recounteth a notable Imposture of one Alexander, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. who nourishing in private a certain gentle Serpent, (whereof there are many the like in Macedon,) made the people of Pontus, (inhabiting about the Euxine Sea, men of a gross & sensual understanding) to believe that it was the god Esculapius. And by that means he plumed and fleeced them of their money, giving them nothing but fables and false oracles in payment. This false Prophet lived even in that very time wherein Lucian and Athenagoras lived, who made mention of him in some of their works: And these two persons were living under the reign of Antonyne the Philosopher, and before him, under Antonius Pius. Before their time lived Simon Magus, who did so cunningly charm and enchant the eyes of Nero, by his false miracles, and did so feign himself to be a god, that Nero instead of punishing him severely, (as he ought) was persuaded to erect an Image unto him, set aloft on an high pillar, whereupon was written; a) The writing was in Latin Simoni Deo sancto: But the Ecclesiastical Historians, who have written this history of Simon, have been deceived in the name of Semo Fidius sanctus: a god which the romans' worshipped, whom they took for Simon. To Simon the holy god. That great and notable Magician Empedocles; and before him Pythagoras, by their impostures, would have made the world believe, that there was in them a kind of divinity, I know not what. For the same Pythagoras feigned, that he had been in hell, and was come from thence: and he took upon him to recite unto the people of Crotona, all whatsoever had happened unto any of them particularly: so that he was generally esteemed for ever after, as a man highly beloved of the gods, as b) Li. 5. de vita philosophorum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diogenes reporteth of him. And as touching Empedocles, we have yet extant certain verses of his, which he made before his death: and by them he chanted and gave it forth unto the people of Agrigentum, his fellow Citizens, that he was no mortal man, but a god immortal: and a benign and favourable god that sojourned at that present amongst them, to the intent he might aid and secure them that did invocate and call upon him. And in truth, after he had made those verses, a humour took him to cast himself into the midst of the flaming fire of Mount Mongibel, to the end, (that disappearing on a sudden from the sight of men, and so being no more seen,) it might have been imagined, that he was flown into heaven. But the flame more just than he, discovered his imposture; for it cast up again from below, one of his slippers or pantofles: and so it was known, that this poor and wretched brain sick Philosopher, was there burnt and consumed to ashes. Nevertheless, such impostures and illusions as these, have gone farther than to mean and small persons: For even the greatest have sometimes helped themselves by them, to insinuate themselves by little and little, into the minds and affections of men under the covert and colour of religion. The king Minos, the lawmaker of Candye, at such time as he had a purpose to bring in, and establish laws in his realm, feigned, that jupiter did daily speak unto him face to face: and that he was (as Homer saith) his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is, his familiar: and one with whom, he had private and special conference. The which got him such favour with the people: that his name growing thereupon to be famous, and of great credit, he gave such a countenance and authority to his laws, that they were kept and observed longer than were any other amongst the Greeks. In Politicis. And Lycurgus also (as Aristotle writeth) did serve himself of this devise, for the establishing of those laws which he instituted and made in his Commonwealth. Numa Pompilius, king of the Romans, did likewise feign, that the Nymph Egeria, had familiarity and acquaintance with him, and did inform him of those laws which he prescribed unto the people of Rome; a nation at that time very unapt to be taught and instructed, and which could very hardly (by reason of their fierceness and martial courage) be tamed and brought to civiline, had it not been by the only means and colour of religion. The Roman Chieftain Sertorius, did help himself by the means of a white Hind, to stay his soldiers from revolting: whereas otherwise, they being weary of the wars, had a determination to yield or reconcile themselves to their adversaries. And Mahomet, his Dove (which he had taught to take corn out of his ear) was a principal help and instrument unto him to make the Ismaclites or Arabians believe, that it was the holy-ghost, that came to inspire him with that pernicious and detestable law, which he invented and instituted by the aid; not of the holy-ghost (as he vannted) but of the jew Abdala, and of Sergius an Apostata, & monk renied. To be short, even in the time of our fathers, the Cheriffe and the Sophy of Persia, two notable hypocrites, insinuating themselves by degrees into the hearts of the people, under a pretence of religion, have gained so great authority and pre-eminence, that either of them seizing of that province where they inhabited, have dispossessed the rightful and ancient possessors of the same, and have set their crowns upon their own heads. And why should we forget that superstition, which was observed at the enterrement of the Roman Emperors; which was as plain an imposture, and full of deceit and illusion as was any of those whereof we have before spoken? Every man knoweth, that when the dead bodies of these Roman Emperors were to be burned, there was a living Eagle set upon an engine made of purpose: And assoon as the fire was kindled, the Eagle was suffered to fly away: and thereupon the common saying was: That it was the soul of the deceased Emperor which mounted from thence up into Heaven (as Herodian witnesseth. Libr. 4. histor. Caesarum. In Apollogia ad Divesfrat. ) And justine Martyr affirmeth, that there was always one deputed and ordained by the successor of the dead emperor, who should upon his oath aver, That he had seen the soul of the emperor (which was said to be deified) to issue out from the pile of fire and to fly directly up into heaven. The words of justine are these; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In vita Aug. sub finem. The same also doth Dion write, who saith, that Livia the wife of Augustus did give ten thousand crowns unto Numerus Atticus Praetor to have an Affidavit made, that he saw Caesar Augustus mount up into heaven. In lud. de morte Claud. Neronis. And Seneca reciteth how Drusilla being deified by Caligula (who was both her brother, and her husband) he found out a fellow that swore he had seen Drusilla mount up into heaven: whereat when all men mocked and jested at him in good earnest, every body on all sides hissing at him, he protested in the open Senate; That if from thenceforth he should at any time after in the open street, and at midday see any man slain whomsoever, he would never more be drawn to bear witness of it. But before we give over this our Discourse of impostures and delusions: I hold it not amiss to set down three Histories of this subject the most notable and famous, that were ever read or observed in any Authors whatsoever. For by the same it is to be scene, how three several lewd and ungracious youths for the enjoying of their amorous and lustful desires, have aided themselves with the cloak of religion, and have feigned themselves to be gods. Eschines that great and famous Orator writing to a friend of his touching the variable and sundry traverses, Epist. 10. troubles, and dangers which he had passed in the time of his travels and voyages abroad during his exile: amongst many others recounteth how he came to lie at road in the haven of Troada, before that great and famous town of Troy, where he went ashore, to the intent he might refresh himself and his company from the travel of the Sea: and that he might the more at his pleasure contemplate and satisfy himself with the Spectacle and fight of the Antiquities of Pergamus: and in reading the verses of Homer's Iliads, he might mark out (as it were) by the finger, and with the eye, these famous places and the rivers, and the situation of the camp of the Greeks' and other ancient monuments: and so confer them with the Text of the Poet. Now in his company there was one named Cimon a young man light headed, lascivious, and wonderfully addicted to his pleasures, and to the haunting and courting of women. It so happened that there was a great and solemn feast day to be celebrated, wherein all the Virgins of the country were to be espoused; such as by law, and for their age were fit to be married. The number of these Damsels was very great: and such was the use and custom in Treada, that they which were then to be married, must first go unto the river of Scamandra, there to wash themselves. And having bathed themselves therein, they must by an ancient sacred ceremony pronounce these words: Take O Scamandra my maidenhead. Amongst all these young spouses there was one young maiden named Callirhoe, a very fair and beautiful Virgin, and of a goodly tall and comely stature, and descended of noble and worthy parents, and she came to the river to wash herself. We (saith Eschines) who were strangers stood afar off, beholding all this mystery of their bathing, as much as we might be suffered, and we were mighled amongst a great troup of people being cousins and kinsfolks to the espouses. In this mean time Cimon had closely withdrawn himself out of the press, and was gotten to hide himself within a little bushy place or thicket near to the river, and had gotten upon his head a garland of Roses. Now so it was, that before that day he had laid a plot to play an unhappy prank with Callirhoe, such as we will presently show you. For the Maiden had no sooner done washing of herself, and had scarcely made an end of pronouncing these words; Take O Scamandra my maidenhead: but instantly Cimon issued forth out of the brake or thicket where he was hidden, and be gan to say: Yea with all my heart, I will receive thy maidenhead: I am the river Scamandra. If I do enjoy thy love, I will make thee happy during all thy life after. Having so said, he soon embraced the Maiden about the midst of her body, and so taking her up he carried her to the place where he lay hidden, and there took his pleasure of her. But nevertheless this act could not long be concealed: for the fourth day after, at a certain Procession that was to be celebrated in the honour of Venus, and whereat all the new married folks must be present: Cimon would needs be there with Eschines, as having quite forgotten the lewd part he had played with Callirhoe? the which in reason ought to have restrained him from being seen to be there. The young married wife Callirhoe having gotten a sight of Cimon, did show him great courtefie and reverence; and withal, said unto her Nurse, (pointing at him, and showing him unto her with her finger;) See, yonder is the river Scamandra to whom I gave my maidenhead. The Nurse hearing her say so, could not forbear from making a sudden and great exclamation; and she sharply began to reprove Callirhoe: which was the occasion, that it was soon divulged and published abroad: and it bred such a general offence, as both Eschines and all his company, for fear of being punished for the fault of one only man, were constrained to get them away, and to set sail: and Cimon hied him away with them. And albeit he for his part was not punished as he did well deserve: yet those others of whom we are next to speak, were rigorously and severely chastised for the like. joseph. libr. 18. cap. 4. Antiquitat. judaie. josephus the Historiographer writeth how in the time of Tiberius the Emperor such an other scandalous act happened at Rome, under the veil and coverture of the Sacrifices made to the goddess Isis: There was at that time in Rome a noble woman named Paulina, no less famous renowned for her honesty and good behaviour, than notable for the nobility of her birth and parentage. This Lady was married unto a Roman Gentleman called Saturnine, a man well worthy of a wife so sage and honest. With her there fell enamoured one Decius Mondus a young Gentleman that was of good rank and reckoning, amongst those whom they called the Roman Knights. Now although it were so, that this Lady was of so honourable an house, and so rich withal, that to imagine to be able to corrupt her, there was neither course nor mean to be hoped for: yet was this poor and wretched lover so besotted and bewitched with his love, that he would needs offer to give her two hundred thousand Drachmas (which by our estimate may amount to five thousand two hundredth pounds Turnois) upon this condition, that he might enjoy her company, but one night, and no more. But she flatly refusing and denying him: and the young man seeing that he could not by any manner of means nor devise win her to his desire, he resolved with himself to famish himself to death, and so to end both his love and his life together. His determination was not so secret, but a freewoman of his fathers, (who had to name Ida) did discover it: and as she was a woman naturally wicked and evil disposed, and withal, of a quick invention, and one that was expert in a thousand subtleties and cunning sleights, none of the best: so did she cheer him up, and willed him to be of good hope, for the attaining of his love: And that she would so work the matter by her plots and devises, as she would bring his beloved Paulina to cast herself into his arms. These speeches awakened the young man, as if he had been drawn out of a long and deep trance; and he prayed Ida to bestir herself, and to put in execution what she had promised: protesting that he would be so much, and so everlastingly beholding unto her, that she should for ever after dispose both of him and of all his goods at her own discretion. Ida yielded him many thanks, only she demanded of him fifty thousand drachmas, wherewith to perform her enterprise, and to make a conquest of the chastity of Paulina: Mondus being no niggard of his money, but like a right amorous man, (who is always ready to open his purse strings which are never tied (as the Greek Proverb is) but with a string of rush, did presently furnish Ida with this silver, who having received it, began to fall to her work: And knowing that it was but lost labour to seek by gifts and presents to allure Paulina to any folly; she bethought herself of a most cunning and subtle policy. Paulina was much addicted to the superstitions and idolatries of the goddess Isis: Ida therefore found the means to become familiar with certain of the Priests that used to offer the sacrifices to this goddess: And having first taken an oath of them, to keep secret that which she should impart unto them, she presently presented them with five and twenty thousand drachmas, promising them as much more, on condition they would so handle the matter as Mondus might attain to enjoy his desire of his love Paulina. These Priests being glad to see themselves possessed of so great a sum of money, and being as greedy to be fingering of the rest, if the business might be brought to good success, did promise, that for their parts, they would so indevoure and ply themselves, that Mondus should be well and fully satisfied and contented. Heereuppon one of the eldest Priests amongst them (who, for his age, had gotten the reputation of a sage and devout person with all the people) went forthwith towards Paulina, and having obtained liberty of access to her presence, so as he might freely impart his mind unto her all alone, without any Arbitrers: he told her, that he was come unto her by the express commandment of the God Anubis (which was a god, having the face of a dog, and was adored and worshipped together with the goddess Isis) to let her understand, that the god ravished and surprised with the love of her beauty, did both pity and command her to repair unto him in his Temple. Gousanghina received this message very gladdely, and did afterwards make her vaunts and brags amongst other Ladies her friends and familiars, how much she was honoured and esteemed by the god Anubis, as to be his love and favourite: And she revealed it also unto her husband, how Anubis had invited her to sup and lie with him: the which her husband (being no less superstitious than she) did soon and easily believe: Besides that on the other side, he knew his wife to be so sage and so chaste, that hardly would she be drawn to embrace the love of any other mortal creature, but of her husband. She went therefore to the Temple, and after supper (which was prepared for her with the Idol Anubis) she was led unto a bed by the great or chief Priest of the goddess Isis, where Mondus did now attend her disguised like unto Anubis: And you may imagine whether that he (having her now laid by his side) did not attempt more than once to reap that pleasure which had been so long denied unto him. On the other side she that believed it was the god Anubis that embraced her, did entertain him with all the pleasure and delights that she could devise, supposing that she did gratify a god. Before the dawning of the day Mondus arose and gate him home to his own house. Paulina on the other port returned very well apaid and contented unto her husband, recounting unto him what acquaintance she had had with the god Anubis, and did not only impart the same her contentment unto her husband, but (as the fashion of women is, not to conceal that which they have in their hearts) she began to make known unto her friends and familiars (not without some touch of proud speeches, and arguing a kind of divinity, which she presumed to be in her). How her beauty was so excellent, as even the god Anubis had loved and desired it, and not only desired it, but that it had pleased him to enjoy and take the possession of it. The which they could hardly be brought to believe, considering with themselves what a strange kind of acquaintance and familiarity that was: And yet on the other side, they knew not what to think of it, seeing they were so well assured of this Lady's chastity. Now the third day after the adultery committed, Mondus meeting, by chance, with Paulina in the open street, said unto her: O Madam Paulina, what a goodly thing was it of you to spare and save me two hundredth thousand drachmas, which you might have put into your coffers, and have increased your revenues therewith all? and yet nevertheless you have yielded unto my amorous desires and affection. It cannot but grieve me, that thou shouldest despise thine own Mondus, and yet after, under the mask and vail of a God he should have his pleasure of thy beauty, having more justly deserved it than any other whosoever. And when he had thus spoken unto her, he passed on to the other side of the street, and so went on his way. Paulina suddenly became pale and red, still changing her countenance, according as shame and despite did diversely transport her; and in an extreme rage and anger she began to tear and rend her garments, and to pluck her fair hairs, and to wring her hands most piteously. And being come to her own house, she discovered unto her husband particularly, the villainous and dissolute part that Mondus had played her, entreating him, of all love, and by the affection of an husband which he bore unto her, that he would not permit the same to remain unpunished. Her husband incensed with wrath and choler beyond all measure, complained him of this villainous abuse unto the Emperor Tiberius, who commanded that informations should be preferred of this crime and offence: by means whereof the whole practice was discovered, as we have described it. For amends and recompense whereof Tiberius condemned the Priests of Isis and Ida the freewoman (who had been Mondus his bawd) to be crucified to death: And for a more notable token of his indignation he commanded the Temple of Isis to be overthrown and destroyed, and both her image, as also that of Anubis to bedrowned in the river Tiber. And as for Mondus, he was contented that he should only be banished into perpetual exile, in regard of the ardent love and affection wherewith he was transported and carried beyond the bounds of reason, which did in some fort excuse him: Howbeit notwithstanding that he deserved some civil death for the just punishment of his lewdness. For howsoever Oldradus one of our doctors of the Civil Law doth in his Counsels excuse a certain amorous person, who was accused, for that in the rage and fury of his love he had used Images of wax made by Art Magic, Oldrad. consil. 101. col. 2. vers. tertia consideratio. and (that which is more abominable) had invocated the Divelles: yet Oldradus (by his leave, saving his better judgement) had no occasion so far forth to excuse his amorous Client, but that he deserved some severe punishment: were it only but for this, because he had used Sorcery, which is forbidden, both by the Civil and Cannon Laws. And be it that the rage of love is as great as he would seem to make it: L. multi. C. de venef. & mathem. cap. 2. de Sortileg. yet so it is, that Sorcery is an Election and voluntary Deliberation of the mind: and therefore in the will of him that useth it; the which can not be so excused, but that it is an act and crime punishable and worthy of death. So that it is not the love that is to be punished as a passion of rage and fury, but it is the Sorcery that is to be chastised as a crime most heinous. But let us now come to the third and last imposture, being far more hateful and detestable than any of the two former. It is recounted by Ruffian a Priest of Aquileia in his Ecclesiastical History: Lib. 11. cap. 25. and thus it is. There was (saith he) in Alexandria a City of Egypt, a certain Priest a Pagan, one of them that used to offer sacrifices unto Saturn. This Priest was named both by his deeds and by his proper name, Tyrannus. Whensoever he fell to beinamored of any woman, either simple, Citizen's wife, or any noble Lady, and that he had a desire to have his pleasure of her: for the satisfying of his disordinate and luxurious appetites, he would not stick to come unto their husbands, how great and noble soever they were, (who came usually to present their vows and orisons within the Temple of Saturn) and would tell them freely, that the god Saturn was enamoured of their wives; and that they must not fail to send them in the evening to lie with him. Then he (whosoever it was that receved this commandment) became wonderfully glad and jocund, that his wife should be held worthy of the love of the greatest of the gods that were in heaven, and was reputed to be father of all the other gods. Wherefore, having trimmed and adorned her to the utmost of his power, with the best vestments, jewels, and trinkets that she had, he would also give her many goodly presents to bestow upon the god; to the intent she might not be rejected and refused if she should come empty handed. This done, he sent her away to the Temple, where Tyrannus received and welcomed her in the name of Saturn, and in the presence of an infinite number of persons there assembled. And then shutting her up within the Temple, he gave the keys to a third person to be kept, and within a while after himself departed and went away. Thus, when every body was gone and withdrawn to their own home, and that the night was shut in, he would then hide himself (I know not how) in some hollow place made in the wall of the Temple, and there would enter into the image or idol of Saturn, which was made in that fashion, that behind it there was a great cleft or opening, by the which a man might well enter at his full length: and yet in all other parts it was so cemented & joined close to the wall, that no man could perceive the cleft opening on the other side. On all sides of the Temple, were lamps and tapers burning: and whilst the dame was busy praying unto Saturn, presently would Tyrannus sound forth a voice out of the concavitie and hollowness of this idol, (being made of brass) and so would speak unto the dame, who it is not to be doubted, whether she were not at the instant surprised both with fear & joy: with fear in hearing, (as she imagined) a god speak unto her: & with joy, because a god would vouchsafe to speak unto her so familiarly, & to court her. So (not knowing or conceiving any thing of the fraud that was in the mean while intended to her dishonour) she would with great ardour and attention, give ear unto that which Tyrannus (hidden within the image of Saturn) did speak unto her: which was, to incite and allure her to the mutual pleasures of love, and to bring her into a passion of amorous desires. After he had thus preached unto her sufficiently in his own fancy: suddenly (I know not by what Art) he would make the l●mpss and tapers throughout all the Temple, to be extinguished; and then emboldening himself upon the darkness of the night, he would descend from the idol, and so fall to accomplish with the woman his accursed and abominable villainy. Having by this means and devise, abused many chaste and honest women. It happened that one Lady of rare chastity and pudicitie, was to follow the same dance and being shut up within the Temple as she was one that did abhor the crime of adultery, (with whatsoever title it were covered or coloured) so did she begin to give attentive ear to the voice that sounded from the idol: and having at length conceived and observed that it should be the voice of Tyrannus, she arose much troubled and disquieted out of bed where she lay, and repelled Tyrannus from her, to the uttermost of her power: Afterwards, the day light appearing, she returned exceeding angry to her house, where she recounted to her husband, the wickedness of the adulterer. The husband incensed with the indignity of the injury offered unto his wife, (which he held as being done to himself) did not fail to frame an accusation against Tyrannus, and followed the same so roundly against him, pressing him so hard with the lewdness of the deed, that in the end, he confessed all the good pranks and pageants which he had played, in violating and abusing the honour of the best and fairest women of the Town: Whereof, being duly attained and convicted, he was condemned to suffer a shameful and deserved death. The paynim that dwelled in the city, being a great number, seeing the crime so manifestly discovered, as there was not almost any house amongst them, that had not received some scorn of indignity; and where this public plague of Tyrannus had not given some mortal attaint touching the honour of the husbands, in the reputation of their wives, whom they saw to be made adulteresses, and their daughters ravished and deflowered, and their children basterdized: All of them incensed with an extreme rage and choler, rushed violently to assail the Temple of Saturn, and breaking his idol in pieces, they peeled and spoiled the gifts and offerings that had been presented unto him: and pulling down the Temple, they utterly razed it and laid it even with the ground. This history is not mentioned by Ruffin only: Lib. 7. cont. Inlianu. but I remember that Saint Cirill, writing against julian the Apostata; doth set it down in this sort. In the Temples of Saturn (saith he) the Ministers and Priests themselves, have been discovered to be thieves and vio●●●terss of holy marriage, aiding themselves therein with their idol, to whom they sacrificed day by day. Oh how many and how great were the lamentations of those that found themselves abused? A certain grave Matron of honest birth and education, was called from the bed of her husband, to enter into the open house of whoredom, under the pretence that it was for the use and service of god: whose name they abused to cover their adulteries. And (that which was most untolerable, and of all other villainies, the greatest;) by long custom & continuance, the crime of these priests had taken on such sooting, that it was reputed an happy deed: and by an unbridled lycenceit came to be set to sale for gain and profit: And even those which had been drawn to commit adultery, could not conceal their voluptuous and unlawful copulations. In his Deca. I could add unto those three Impostures, that same whereof Boccace maketh mention, of the Monk. Albert, who counterfeited himself to be the Angel Gabriel; to the intent he might enjoy his lascivious desires of a certain Lady in Venice. Lib. 1. Titide Simul: Relligi. And Baptista Eguatius delivereth it for a true history: and he maintaineth, that it happened in the city of Venice, and that the Monk was punished. For my part, I will not assure the same to be true, no more than I will assure many things to this purpose, which Sleydan, Lavater, and other Protestants have set down in their writings; the which ought so much the more to be suspected, because their intention is always to oppose themselves against the honour of the Clergy, Pardon him in saying this, for ill will, never said well. and to spare nothing, (be it by right, or by wrong) that they think may bring them into the scandal and dislike of the world. But this shall suffice to be spoken touching things both natural and artificial, by which the senses of the fight and of the hearing, may be deceived, be they never so found and entire. It is now meet and necessary that we come to the Senses, and to the Fantasy, the which being corrupted, either accidentally or naturally, it is not to be doubted but they may be deceived and abused in mistaking one thing for another. CHAP. IX. That the Senses being altered and corrupted, may easily be deceived. IT the Sceptics had not so earnestly defended and maintained the falseness and uncertainie of out knowledge, by mean of the senses. Which they affirmed to be deceivable: their opinion had not bin hissed at, and rejected by all learned men, as it hath been: neither had they been so hardy as to conclude, that nothing could be comprehended or known in certain. For howsoever the senses may sometimes be deceived, (as we must needs confess) yet ought not therefore to be inferred any general conclusion; that our senses being sound and entire, may be deceived; or if the senses be deceived, That therefore the fantasy of a wise man being sound and entire, should be violated and corrupted. And as touching the Fantasy of one that is wise and discreet, Spherus, the disciple of Lenon, How the Fantasy & Senses may be deceived, and how not. doth seem (in my judgement) very aptly and properly to distinguish between that which in the Fantasy, is probable, or seeming to be true; and that which is comprehensible in very deed, certainly and truly. For one day, being invited by the king of Egypt Ptolomeus Philopater to a banquet; and a disputation being begun at his table, touching the opinion of a wise man, Spherus denied that a wise man did hold any opinion. The king purposing presently to disprove his saying, and to argue it to be false, caused certain fishes made of wax and cunningly painted, (as if they had been lively and natural fishes,) to be brought and set upon the table before him. And Spherus being deceived in them, the king began to tell him out aloud, that he had consented to a false opinion. Whereunto, Spherus gave a prompt and ready answer, saying; That in a probable kind of conjecture he did take them to be fishes, but that his fantasy did not therefore consent unto it. For there is (quoth he) a great difference between the fantasy that judgeth of a thing probably, and that which comprehendeth or knoweth it in certainty. So then, if a man be sometimes deceived, as touching things natural or artificial, (of which, we have formerly spoken and entreated at large) in taking them at the first sight for things supernatural and predigious: or if one do mistake things artificial instead of natural, yet nevertheless that maketh not, that his fantasy should therefore be deceived, or that his senses must needs be troubled and altered. That artificial Cow which Miron made, was so cunningly wrought, that money men seeing it afar off, did take the same to be a natural Cow. In Eliacis. The Grapes painted by Zeuxis; and that Mare which was at Elide, (of both which, Pausanias speaketh) were so well and artificially made, that the very birds and horses were deceived in them. Of this veil, and of the grapes, Pliny speaketh in his 30. book and 10. chap. of his natural hist. and Seneca in his 10. book of Contro: in the 5. controversy. I could speak also of that painted Veil, and of the Prometheus, of Parrhasius, and of the Venus of Praxiteles, or of Apelles, all which, were pieces of excellent workmanship, and did so well represent the lively natural, as they were taken by many for true and natural. And yet nevertheless, according to the speech of the Philosopher Spharus, albeit a man might say, that the eyes being abused in them, did create a false fantasy: yet was it but a probable fantasy which would soon vanish away, by the contradiction which the true and entire fantasy of a wise and discreet man would conceive thereof, and yield unto in himself. How, and in what case the Senses & the fantasy may be held to be indeed corrupted, both jointly und severally. But what shall we say when the Senses and the Fantasy be indeed corrupted and altered? Herein it is needful to consider, whether both of them together be corrupted; or whether the senses only be so. For if the Senses and the Fantasy be both violated and wounded, it is to be taken for an infallible truth, that then there is some Madness or Frenzy: and such a man can comprehend nor understand nothing sound and truly. And if the senses only be altered; it followeth not that the fancy (which remaineth sound) should (after Spherus opinion) imagine things otherwise then according to the truth of them: And if it do sometime imagine them, according as the senses deceived will make it to believe; yet so it is, that either by considering thereof in and of itself, or by the help of such discourses and reasons, is it shall receive from others: it will in the end come to raise and revive itself, and to take a full and certain notice of that which the senses wandering and straying, had in some sort taken & detained from it. Sometimes also (I will not deny) that the senses offended and corrupted, may draw the fantasy, (though sound and entire) to their false persuasion: But when the fantasy is thus deceived, it is by reason, that the senses are for a season so obfuscated or envenomed with certain vapours arising into the brain, that the contagion passeth from thence into the fantasy, and maketh it to imagine all things false and absurd, as long as those vaporous fumes do continue turning within the brain: but afterwards, they being extinct or vanished, it will come again unto itself, & will soon discern, that that which it erst saw, was merely false and untrue. Of false visions seen by drunkards, and the cause thereof. Hereof we may have a lively example in common drunkards, who having drunk wine immoderately, by means of the fumes mounting up into their brains in great abundance, do see and imagine a thousand things, all of them merely false and untrue. They do think that they see mountains move, and trees walk: and (that I may speak as doth the Satirist:) Invenal in satire. Cum bibitur Concha: hinc iam vertigine Coelum. Ambulat, & geminis exurgit mensalucernis. i They suppose the heavens to run round; and that there is two candles at the table when there is but one. And the reason is, because their spirits being stirred by the force of the heat, do move and run round about within their heads, and so doc make things to appear unto them moving or double. But Saint Ambrose, in my judgement, Lib. d. Helia & Ieiunioc. 16 doth most lively and naturally express drunkenness, and the effects which it engendereth, and especially those false visions which it persuadeth. For having largely inveighed against it, he thus speaketh; Hinc clium vanae imagines chrijs, incerti visus, instabilis greffus vmbras transilium sape sicut foveas. Nutat his cum facie terra subito erigi & inclimari videtur & quasi vertatur. Tu●enteses in famem ruunt, & solum manibus apprehendunt: aut concurrentibus montibus sibi videntur includi. Murmur in auribus tanquam maris flustuantis Frugor & resonantia fluctu littora. Canes sividerent leones arbitrantur & fugiunt. Alij risu solvuntur incondito: Alij in consolabilt moerore deplorant: Alij cernunt irrationabiles pavores, vigilantes somniunt, Dormientes litigant, that is, Of drunkenness cometh false imagnations, uncertain sights, and unstedie steps. Drunken men do use to start and leap at shadows, as if it were over ditches. They imagine, that as their faces, so the earth doth move and reel under them; that it stirreth now up, now down, and that it rolesh and turneth round about. Fear causeth them to tumble to the ground, and to clasp the earth with their hands: and they think themselves on all sides environed and shut up within mountains. They have a noise sounding in their ears, as if it were the waves of the sea beating and rebounding against the shore. If they see dogs, they suppose them to be Lions, and she from them. Some of them do even burst with immoderote laughter: others do weep without admitting of any consolation or comfort: others do see fearful sights, and are wonderfully astonished at them: and to make short, they dream waking, and wrangle sleeping. The like did Plenie write before, that to the same purpose; to wit. Lib. 14. cap. 21. that drunken men are frighted with such horrible and featefull visions, that the same are unto them, as a beginning of hell torments, for so are his proper words. Lavater, in expounding a place of Solomon touching drunkenness, where he saith; Oculi ebriorum videbunt extraneas: Prover: 23. understanded by the word Straungors, strange visions and mervellous apparitions, whereof drunken men are falsely persuaded. But under his correction, I say that this place ought to be understood otherwise: Your eyes shall see strangers: that is, Strange women, or women of a strange nation: of whom you shall desire to have the company: which by the law of Moses, was expressly forbidden: lest that the Israelites falling to commit who ordome with strange women, should worship also their strange gods, and so become idolaters. In the Hebrew text of Solomon, there is plainly in the Feminine Gender, Zaroth, which is ever taken throughout all the Bible, for strange women, and not for strange things. And truly experience teacheth us, that drunken men do licentiously run on to all kind of looseness, whoring and riotousness: And (that I may speak as Seneca doth) Libidinosus chrius ne cubiculum quidem expectat: Li. 12. epi. sam. Epist. 84. sed cupiditatibus suis quantum petierint sine dilatione permittit tunc impudicus morbum profitetur & publicat. i. The lustful Drunkard never stayeth for a Chamber to satisfy his luxurious desires, but yieldeth unto his lusts whatsoever they covet, without any delay: And then, shameless as he is, he both boasteth and publisheth his corruption and lewdness. In brief, wine taken without measure, is the firebrand and bait, not only of licentiousness and whoredom, but of all crucltie, as appeared in Antony: who as Pliny saith, Ebrius ad evert evertendam rempublicam accessit: So is it also of temerity and audacity, as may be seen in Tullius Cimber, who (as Seneca writeth) being demanded, wherefore he became one of the murderers of julius Caesar, answered, Ego quenquam feram qui vinum far non possum? That is, Should I bear or suffer any man, that cannot bear or carry wine? Surely, a proper reason of a murderer, to say, That he could not endure with patience the power and greatness of a man, seeing he could not carry the wine that he had drunken. But this shall suffice to be spoken of drunkenness: of the vices and effects whereof, both the Poets, Philosophers, and Orators are full; whom we need not here to allege, much less to seen down particularly, that which might be written thereof; seeing the scope of this Treatise is not to speak of any other thing than of false visions. We will now come to the Senses, which being altered and offended, Of divers means whereby the senses are corrupted and deceived, and first of the sight. do not for all that darken nor wound the fantasy and mind of man, but that the same doth always take their impressions for vain and false, as knowing well, that they do proceed of the alteration and malady of them, Of suffusions or running of the eyes, and other maladies whereby the sight is deceived. either natural or accidental. And first of all we will set down the suffusions of the eyes which do possess the organ or instrument of the sight. They which are seized with this malady, do sometimes (to their thinking) see flying before them little gnats: and sometimes little atoms, both blue, green, yellow, and of divers other colours: and sometimes a kind of darksome and obscure things (I know not what:) and sometimes little buttons of wool, and of a spider's web: and if they be near unto a candle burning, they will imagine that they see a circle round about it. Jerome Cardan writeth thus, in his youth and tender years, he had a custom every morning to see before him a thousand figures that leapt and danced round about his bed: and he held, that they were properly Spectres: at least, we may conjecture so much, by the discourse which he maketh of them. But (good man) he did not consider first of all, that he was then in the age of infancy: The which (by the authority of Aristotle, and daily experience) is most subject to perceive false visions: Besides, he did not remember, that he had (perhaps) some suffusion of the eyes, or some mist and dimness that remained in his sight after sleep, at such time as he supposed himself to see so many figure's. And I marvel much how such a dream or error could continue and dwell with him, even in his riper years: And that his judgement and fantasy being made sage by continuance of time, had not persuaded him the company of that which his senses seemed to have received. But seeing it was his custom to make men believe whatsoever came of his own faucie, and to mock at that which others affirmed: we will leaved him to his own humour's and complexions, and proceed on to other maladies, wherewith the sight being touched, is commonly deceived and abused. It is a thing very sure and certain, Of a disease causing darkness or dimness of the sight, and making it to see two things for one. that when any thick and gross matter is fastened or gathered to the fleshy sinew of the eye; and that the patiented is of a gross, fat, and corpulent complexion, there engendereth a disease of the sight which the Arabians do call Halahol, a name, in my opinion, that cometh (as do most of the Arabian words) of the Hebrew, Halaila: which signifieth Night and Darkness: for they which are taken with this infirmity, have their sight, in some sort, darkened and obscured, and they do see (as Abenzoar saith) two things for one. Lib. 1. cap. 1. Tractat. 8. Those also which be goggle eyed, which do cast and roll their eyes overthwait or across, do endure the like, so as for one head of a man they do imagine they see two at once; Of swellings in the eyes. when there is any swelling in the eyes, all things do appear and seem to be red: And when a man is sick of the yellow jaundice, whatsoever he seethe about him on every side, will appear to be yellow, and of the colour of saffron: Of the yellow jaundice. by reason of the choleric humour which lieth like saffron in the eyes. And to make short, Aristotle telleth us, that there be some men, who by some accident have their eyes so depressed and darkened, that they do imagine themselves to see in the air neereunto them as in aglasse, their own proper and bodily figures, which doth astonish and amaze them so much, or more, then as if they had seen their own proper shadows, or their spirits abstracted from their bodies. Next to these are such as are squint or bleere-eied: Of squint eyes or blear eyes. for they have their sight very weak; and they can not well see or discern any thing, except it be near at hand: or else they must help to strengthen their sight with spectacles. The Latins (as Festus writeth) did name them Lusciosos, and the Greeks' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if a man should say, The eyes of a fly. And this malady or infirmity may very well come by accident: And it is principally incident to them that do use night and day to handle Books, and such as be studious. For these persons afar off will take many times, white for black, and black for white: And they will be sometimes so deceived, that themselves will be ashamed to tell what they imagined themselves to have seen. And what shall we say to those men, who casting their eyes a long time upon some sensible things that are excellent, will have their sense so dimmed and confounded, Of the senses hurt by the excellency of the subject. Sensibile excellens laedit sensum. as they will see nothing truly. It is a thing most certain, and a maxim in natural philosophy, That any sensible object which is exceedingly excellent, doth destroy, dull, and hurt the sense being less excellent. And for experience touching the sense of Hearing. Those which do inhabit at the Head or Saults of the river Nilus, do become deaf, by reason of the great noise which the water maketh in descending from the steep rocks and high mountains: Of the hearing. so the music of the Lute is less understood and perceived by the ear, when the strings are stricken with a rude, rather than with a tender and gentle stroke. The sound of a Bell, or some other such violent and loud sound carried through the concavitie and hollowness of the ear, destroyeth the melodious sound of the Lute or of the Harp, so as it shall be less discerned and understood. The like may we say of the Touch and of the sight; the which if they be opposed and presented to any sensible object that excelleth, will lose their proper and natural functions. And as concerning the sense of Touching. Of the touching. Haemodia Torpor sluper, tactui of ficiunt quiae excellunt Galeunus libr. 1. de sumptorum causis. It is soon hurt and corrupted, either by an outward and external stupidity and senselessness of the members, or by some great and extreme benumbing, or by exceeding distemperature of heat or cold. Thence it proceedeth, that those which be very hot will esteem cold things to be hot: And they which are attainted with the cold, will deem all things to be cold, for that generally throughout all the parts of their body their Feeling is corrupted by a more strong and violent object: And so for the sight; Of the sight. It is manifest, that long looking upon a white, or a bright green shining colour, we will imagine afterwards, that all we see is white, or green. And the white hath this property, that it scattereth and dissipateth the sight: insomuch, that those who travel over the high mountains, will perceive their sight to be dimmed and weakened by reason of the snow which they see continually before them. Moreover, Aristotle saith, that they which do look steadfastly upon the sun, De somno & vigil. or any other clear thing that is lively and bright-shining, and do afterwards turn their eyes apart to any other thing, they will think all things which do first present themselves before their eyes, to be yellow: and those which they see next after them they think to be red: And last of all, others they deem to be of a black and dark colour, till such time as they be vanished quite out of their sight. And if they have continued any long time opposed against the Sun, so much the longer will the dimness and darkness of their sight continue; because the same hath been touched more lively and forcibly with the brightness of the Sunbeams, than otherwise it would have been. And there have been many, who by holding their eyes too too ardently fixed upon the Sun in his brightness, have had their sight exceedingly seattered and troubled. To some also it hath been enjoined for a punishment and torment (as namely to Regulus the Roman) to gaze upon the glorious light of the Sun, Baptista Egnatius. Contarenus, Sabellicus, Bembus de hist. Venetorum. without being suffered to wink and shut his eyes. And we read moreover in the history of the Greek Emperors, that the cruel and inhuman Emperor Frank, did cause the Venetian ambassador Henry Dandolo, to lose the use of his sight by setting near unto his eyes, a brazen basin burning hot and sparkling with fire: the which did so darken and blind his sight, that he could never after see clearly, but became squint eyed, & to look clean away. Of the natural causes corrupting the hearing, and causing deafness. And to come from the sight to the sense of hearing: It is most sure, that besides that, the excellency of the object may impair and hurt it: it may also be corrupted and altered by sickness, when the Cartilege (which is very tender, and whereof the principal cause of the hearing doth depend) shall be hindered and stopped with any slimy and thick clammy humour; the which doth sometimes so stick and cleave together therein, and that in such abundance, as it bringeth and causeth an entire and absolute deafness. And sometimes, when this humour doth not so exceedingly abound, than it maketh men deaf, only so as they cannot understand, except a man do speak unto them with a very loud and high voice, with his mouth put close unto their ears. And such may (by reason of their hearing violated and corrupted) oftentimes think, that they hear a buzzing or whistling wind, a trembling and shaking of flaming fire, a trilling noise of some running fountains, and the roaring of some violent watercourse: At other times they suppose that they hear the sound of some melodious instruments of music; and at other times the sound and ringing of bells, although indeed they hear no such matter. So likewise, when the exterior object of the sense of hearing doth excel, then also without all doubt, for the reasons afore alleged, is the hearing thereby offended no less than is the sight by any exceeding lively and bright shining clearness. Whereof we have before yielded an example in those that inhabit at the head or saults of Nilus; who became deaf by hearing continually and without ceasing, the noise of the water falling from the mountains. And this is yet more manifest, in that if a man do cause any violent or cracking noise to found near unto ones ears: Or if we do go into a Steeple or Tower to hear the sounding and ringing of any great bells, our ear will have a kind of tingling or ringing in it a long time after, and the hearing for a time, will thereby become as if it were deaf. Of the tingling and ringing in the ears, and the causes thereof. But as touching the tingling of the ears; it is oftentimes caused without any exterior found offending the hearing: For sometimes it proceedeth of a certain boiling up, or overflowing of the blood, which striketh & riseth up into the face, and by an excessive shamefastness seizing on the party, doth empurpure, and die, or colour the face blood red. The which thing the learned Sapph, did not forget in saying; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, Suddenly a subtle fire did mount and run round about my flesh. And afterwards he addeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is, I see nothing with my eyes, and yet mine ears do tingle. And Catullus hath the same in these verses of his: Lingua sed Torpet: tenues sub artus, Flamma Demanat, sonito suopte Tiniunt aures, gemina & teguntur Lumina nocte. And it seemeth in my opinion (saving the better judgement of men more learned than myself) that this Poet did not well understand the meaning of Sapph, who did not intend any amorous flame, but the subtle and warm blood that doth die the countenance and maketh it so red, that the sight hath thereby a suffusion for a while, and the ears do tingle with it. And this is very ordinary and natural in shame-facde persons, and to such, as being in the presence of their mistresses, dare not speak unto them; but do stand as having lost their senses, and do blush all over as red as fire. There is also another tingling of the ear, whereof because there can be no reason yielded, (as there is of the former,) it is therefore esteemed to be ominous. And the Ancients did imagine (as we do yet at this day) that when the ear tingleth or burneth, and no natural cause appeareth why it should so do, that then some body is talking of us in our absence. In Cata: Lect: Virgil. And so much testifieth that Epiramme whichg the learned joseph Scaliger hath taken out of the ancient Relques, and old handwritten books. Garrula quid totis resonas mihi noctibus Auris? Neseio quem dicis, nunc meminisse mei. Now as the Hearing and the Sight may be corrupted and depraved, Of the Taste corrupted by sundry infirmities. so may the Tastebe also. For as we see, that there be in the tongue two veins, which do continually engender and beget a kind of humidity and moisture, whereof proceedeth the taste: So, when this moisture is corrupted in the mouth of such as labour or be sick of a Fover, or any other disease, the savour and taste of their meats will never taste aright unto them. For if you should give unto some sick persons, the most pleasant and sweetest wine that a man could choose; yet it would be as bitter and unsavoury unto them as Rhubarb. And let them sup or take a taste of an excellent Cullis or of a Jelly, or of any good broth; it will seem unto them to be very unpleasing and unsavoury. Nevertheless, that proceedeth either of the wine, or of the default of the Cook, in not well feasoning and preparing the Cullis, the Gelloy, or the broth; but only it cometh of the palate and taste alrered by reason of the sickness. And whereof (now ye) doth it come that the taste hath of itself sometimes a feeling of a favour which is not, but only by means of the evil complexion of the sick party, who savoureth things like unto the sickness wherewith he is possessed? If it be a choleric humour that aboundeth and over ruleth in him, he will feelenothing but bitterness in his palace: if it be any sharp humour, all things will taste in his mouth sharp and biting: if the humour be sweet, his taste will relish all things sweet: and so of all other savours it will be the like And if it happen that this evil complexion in the diseased, do grow to be any thing strong upon him; then, whatsoever he shall eat and take into his mouth, will be like in taste, to the savour that is inwards and within him. And we see, that the. Physicians do sometimes judge of the ●●aladiess to come, by the savours which they do smell to proceed from the interior or inward parts unto the palate of such persons as are full and replete with evil and undigested humours: And according to these savours, they will know what humour doth most offend and abound; and thereafter will they ordain and compound their medicines, to take away that humour which is disposed & ready prepared (as it were) to show forth it malicious effects outwardly. Of the Smell corrupted by diverse maladies. To make short, the smell is also corrupted when any rheum distilling from the brain, doth stop and stuff up the nose; so as both the mouth and the nose, are sometimes therewithal infected: and the two Almonds within the mouth, and the uvula are altered. The English, the heaviness of the head. This malady the Greeks' call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Latins Gravedo. And they which are attainted therewithal, have not their smelling sound nor perfect, no more then as if they had the disease in the nostrils called Polipe, The Poets do many times take the disease Polipus, for the stench or corruption of the nostrils, as Horace in many places. by which the smelling is altogether hindered. For it is most certain, that let any man present unto them the best odours and perfumes that may be; yet will they never pierce sensibly into the inner part of the brain: neither do they take any more pleasure in them, then as if they smelled nothing at all: And (which is more) all things seem to scent i l unto them, both external and internally, albeit no sensible object be presented unto them. Of the disease called Coqueluche or the Hicke-uppe. To this Heaviness, or Stuffing in the Head, (for so is this disease called) I will add the Hick-uppe, a kind of disease that reigned not long since, not only in this realm of France, but almost throughout all Europe, as in Italy, in Flaunders, in Almaigne, and other Country's farther off. For the Hickeuppe hath in a manner all the effects that the former disease hath which we called the Heaviness or Siuffing of the head: And the Symptoms there of are so strange and wonderful, that Fernelius a most excellent Physician (who saw this malady to reign in his time,) hath put it amongst those diseases that have their causes secret and concealed, and which God hath sent for a mark and token of his wrath and indignation. Howbeit that very few have died of this malady, notwithstanding that it was infectious. But that which did most manifestly discover the malignity thereof, was, that there was no part of the body whereinto it pierced not: nor no sense which it did not possess: insomuch that the sight, the hearing, the taste, and the smelling did feel the force thereof. The eyes and the hearing, by means of the rheum that distilled upon their Organs: And the smelling and taste, for that the Hickeuppe, participating of the nature of the heaviness or stuffing of the head, did infect the tongue, and the Almonds and stopped the nosthrilles. And because this malady did reach unto the throat also, and did make the voice hoarse and distempered, I do imagine that the name thereof was not newly given it, but was invented long before the same came to be so evidently seen and tried both in Fernetius his time, as also in ours. For I suppose the name thereof to be derived from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The word Coqueluche whence derived. that is, The fear of the Wolf. The common opinion is, that when a Wolf first seethe a man, before the man see him, he doth draw from him such an exhalation, and sendeth forth, I know not what, infection from his eyes that pierceth even to the throat of the man, and doth make him hoarse in such sort, that the voice cannot issue from him, but with an exceeding, shortness of wind, as if the fear and terror of the Wolf had been the cause thereof And hereof doth Theocritus speak, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is to say, Hast thou seen the Wolf that thou speakest not? And Virgil saith, Lupi Moerim vidêre priores. Of diseases in servants or flaves bought & sold, which shall make the sale void, and which not. But to draw to an end of this discourse of the senses corrupted. I may not by the way let pass that which the Civilians have affirmed upon this subject touching the corporal maladies of servants and slaves which are redhibitory by the Edict of the Roman Magistrates called Aediles Curules. And first of all concerning the sight; They say, that he which seethe more, L. Idem Officilius D. de Edilibus Edict. or better in the night than in the open daylight (whom the Greeks' call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and whereof we have before spoken) is to be reputed maladiffe and diseased, and may therefore be rendered and restored back again to the seller, and that the contract or sale of him formerly made shall remain void, disannulled and annihilated. And he also which is squint eyed or blear eyed, and such a one as seethe little or nothing, the light being set before him; or he which cannot see perfectly and clearly, as well in the evening as in the plain and open daylight (which malady the Greeks call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) is within the compass of the same consideration. As concerning the sense of hearing there is no redhibition: but a man may have his remedy according to the authority of the same Civilians, by an Action of Achest or Sale, which they call Actione empti. Libr. 3: & 4. D. eodem. But touching the sense of smelling, the case is otherwise. For if within the nose there do grow any carnositie or lump of flesh, which the Greeks' do call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Li. quiclavum habet D. eodem. whereby the functions and actions of the sense of smelling shallbe hindered and impeached, they hold for a most certain ground in Law, that this is a corporal malady, which may break off and annihilate the contract of the sale afore concluded. And that this is a very disease and malady Cornelius Celsus doth show most plainly by the description thereof in this manner. The description of the disease Polipus. In libr. de Medicinis. The disease Polipus (saith he) is a carnositie, sometimes white, sometimes red, the which sticketh unto the nosthrilles, and doth sometimes hang upon the upper lip, and both filleth and stoppeth the nose, and sometimes it doth fall down by the passages where a man hath his breathing & respiration: sometimes it doth grow and increase in such sort as it breedeth and engendereth a great bunch or lump of flesh, which doth strangle and choke the party: especially when the Southern and Eastern winds do reign: And such a lump of flesh is most commonly sofie and tender, but very rarely and seldom is it hard. But I may not forget this one thing, The sense of smelling corrupted and destroyed by the stuffing of the head. The sense of touching corrupted & destroyed by the Palsy. that the sense of smelling is sometimes corrupted and perished by an extreme Stuffing of the Heart; like as the sense of touching is corrupted by the Palsy. The which doth make a kind of insensibility in the sinews, and in the other members, wherein the touching consisteth, and doth disperse and intermingle it throughout all the parts of the body. But we will now proceed to speak of the fantasy corrupted by diverse Accidents both of severs and other diseases, as also by melancholy and other kinds of frenzy. That the fantasy corrupted doth receive many false Impressious and Spectres, aswell as the senses. Chap. 10. LIke as the fantasy being sound and entire doth voluntarily fit and accommodate herself, in following her own natural, to work and imprint in the mind of man by way of impression a thousand cogitations of divers and sundry sorts, and to tickle and delight itself with such idle conceits as shall be most pleasing and agreeable unto itself. So likewise doth it imprint in itself many things by reason of Maladies, Fevers, Melancholies, Dote, and Frenzies, and then it communicateth them unto the mind, though they be nothing else but mecrely false imaginations, and foolish and unne apprehensions of sickly, Of the sundry sorts of distractions of the mind. Lib. 3. cap. 18. melancholic and frantic persons. That this may the better be perceived, it is to be noted, that them be three sorts of distractions of the mind according to Celsus. The first cometh of the phlegm or Inflammation of the brain, having a great & strong sever always joined with it, & is called by the Greeks' Phrenetis. The second hath a light kind of fever, coming by distance of the times, and proceedeth of the abundance and ill Corruption of the blood. And the third is without any fever, but of long continuance as is the frenzy and melancholy, which the Physicians Aetius, Alexander, Trallianus, Paulus and Rasis do writ to be continually without any fever. Those persons which have their minds alienated and distempered by reason of that phleugme or Inflammation of the Brain, according to the disposition of the divers membranes and ventricles of the brain, where the naughty and corrupt blood doth stay and abide; so do they also find diversity of Symptoms and accidents. Of the senses distracted, & not the fantasy. When the ventricle before is offended, then are the senses hurt and offended, but yet the fantasy doth remain sound and untainted: And upon this point doth Galen recount an history of a certain Physician named Theophilus, Ded. fferentia Symptomatum. who in his sickness was very wise and discreet as touching all other matters, saving one only hereafter mentioned. And he did very well know and discern his friends, and all other sorts of persons that came to visit him: nevertheless he was held with such a fond and idle conceit, that he imagined, that certain players on Flutes and Cornets had taken up a place in his chamber near unto the bed where he lay, and that they did daily and hourcly continue playing and sounding into his ears: And which is more marvelous, he imagined that he saw some of them sitting, and others standing: And so strongly was this Physician settled in this strange agrave; and fond imagination, that he never ceased day nor night to cry out, and to command that those Minstrels should be driven forth of his lodging. And the same man, after he came to be perfectly cured and healed of his malady, did well remember what his friend had both said and done unto him during his sickness, and could relate late all unto them, without failing in any one word thereof: And yet for all that did he continually and constantly persist in affirming that he had both seen and heard those Minstrels; and would show how troublesome they were unto him, though the same were a mere and false imagination. Of the fantasy distracted, and not the senses. Lib. de natura hominis.. Now when the membrane in the midst of the brain is offended: then is the fantasy stricken and wounded, but the senses do remain sound and entire. Of this doth Nemesis a Bishop yield us an example, in a certain fellow that dwelled and wrought with a Clothworker. The foolish fellow one day leaping from his work, came to a window that looked out into the street: and taking certain glasses into his hand, he demanded of them that passed by, if he should cast them down, or no? and said, Shall I cast them here, or there? The passengers answered him presently, and bade him that he should cast them down, which he did: Afterwards he asked them, if he should cast the Clothworker down also? They thinking that he had meant some jest or merriment, said; That they were contented: Immediately this frantic fellow began to take the good man of the house by the middle of the body, and so cast him out of the window down into the street. Now he had his senses perfect and sound: for he knew well that the glasses which he cast down, were glasses; and that the Clothworker was a Clothworker: nevertheless he had not his reason and understanding sound and perfect. Of the memory distracted, and not the senses nor the fantasy. Spelatóia and Trapezuntius by long fickenes lost the remembrance of all things. But now, if the hindermost ventricle of the brain be offended, then only is the memory lost and perished, but neither the senses nor the fantasy are altered. But if both the forepart, the middle, and the hinder part of the brain be hurt and offended with any frantic humour; then is both the memory, the sense, and the fantasy perished and exempted. The most memorable history that can be recounted touching this point, is that which I remember I have read in certain greek Authors, who for the testifying thereof, do cite the Historiographer Timeus, who doth assure it for a certainty, Of the senses, fantasy, and memory altogether corrupted and distracted. that in Agrigentum, a Town of Sicilia, there was a house which was called the Galley, by reason of this accident that happened in it. Certain young men foolishly disposed, went into this house, and commanded that their dinner should there be provided and made ready for them: and as they were in the midst of their dinner, and each inviting and egging one another to carouse and drink freely, they became to be so warmed and chafed in then harness of liquor, that they fell suddenly into such a frenzy, as they imagined themselves to be upon the sea in a Galley: and that the sea being enraged with the winds, and the waves thereof swelling most violently, did carry their Galley floating to and fro, hither and thither. For this cause, as they began to conceive a fear of suffering shipwreck, so did they labour and bestir themselves to cast out into the street, (as if it had been into the sea) whatsoever came to their hands, table, tressells, stools, pots, trenchers, bedsteedes, cups, glasses, and such like, making thereby great sport and pastime to such as being below, came running thither of all sides, as unto common largesse to take that which they threw down into the street. The next day, the Magistrates of the Town assembled together, and entered into the house where this good busbandrie had been showed, and did very sharply reprove these young gallants: but they being not as yet thoroughly wakened out of their frannke fit, answered; that they would sooner make choice to cast away any thing into the sea, even all that they had in their Galley, rather than they would perish and be cast away themselves by shipwreck. Now as every man began to wonder at this their blockish senselessness, and to see both their memory and fantasy so far out of frame: The greatest part of these frantic youths began to speak severally unto the magistrates, and said You my Masters the Tritons, when the tempest was most violent and extreme, do you know what I did the whilst? I (quoth one of them) for fear did get me under the hatches: and I (said another) did hide myself close in a corner of the ship: upon these and such like speeches they seemed to the whole company to be out of their wits, which made the Magistrates (as they were ready to leave them and to departed away,) only to give them a gentle admonition, that they did not any more commit such follies. But they, as if they would have yielded them thanks for their good counsel, answered the Magistrates as they were going away: you my masters the Tritons, if we can possibly get into any good haven or harbour after this tempest is once past, we will promise unto you faithfully, and do make a solemn vow, that when we come into our own Country, we will erect statues unto you, as unto the gods of the sea, that have helped and succoured us. Without all doubt, these foolish young men were not only deprived of their natural and common sense: but they were also wounded in their imaginative power, and in their memory likewise, neither knowing who themselves were, nor what they did. The especial and chief mark of the Frenzy. Lib. 5. de locis effect: cap. 3. Now the principal mark of the Frenzy, is, that in the declining and departing of the Fever, (as Galen writeth) the dotage and idle conceit, is not any thing the more taken away, but doth still persever and continue: because that the brain being once hurt and offended, doth not easily come again to it former estate and temper. Of the difference between the Frenzy proceeding from the brain, and that which cometh from the lower part of the breast. And this is the cause why some, both of the ancient and modern Physicians, have confounded with that frenzy which proceedeth from the brain, that also which hath it original from the lower part of the breast, which the Latins call Septum Transversale; and the Greeks (as Homer amongst others) do name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sure it is that Plato doth put this lower part of the breast, as a bound between the part Irascible, and the Appetitive part in man, in such sort, as the same should participate both of the one and the other: And that therefore, when it doth once by any hot and distempered humour, send up her fumes into the brain, it doth never fail to trouble and confound the imagination; or (that I may speak as Aristotle doth) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. De partibus Animal. And surely there is not any great difference between that and the Frenzy, that cometh from the brain: for both of them are of long continuance, neither doth any of them end with the ending and departure of the Fever. Now this is not so in those idle conceits and apprehensions that proceed from any vicious or corrupted humour, settled in the mouth or entry of the Ventricle, or of any hot Fevers: or by reason of some pleurisy, or such like infirmity, because those do grow to be mitigated and assuaged as soon as the malady is appeased. But as touching that Frenzy that proceedeth from the lower part of the breast, (or Sept Transversall) the which receiveth a hot and distempered humour, and so troubleth the mind. There is an history in Lucian, which relateth, how that the inhabitants of Abdera, Quomodo seribenda historia. in a certain time of extreme and fervent heat, being assembled to have a tragedy acted by Players on a Theatre, & having stayed to hear it longer, then willingly they would have done, they fell all of them into a hot burning Fever, which declined into a very Frenzy, such as made them to do nothing all day long, but sing and chant tragical verses, as if they themselves had been playing upon the Theatre. Assuredly this folly of the Abderitanes, proceeded not so much of the brain, as from the Transversall parts of the breast: to the which, some extreme hot humour once cleaving and adhering, did cause and engender a frantic Fever; the which though it were assuaged and appeased, yet for all that did not the malign effects thereof cease, but endured a long time after the Fever. Whereas, if such an idle and foolish conceit had proceeded only of some hot Fever, or other such like accidents of sickness (whereof we have before spoken) then would it have ceased and discontinued, as the Fever did decline and decease: and it would not have remained any longer in the brain, then as a cause of the infirmity and disease. But this shall suffice to be spoken as concerning the Frenzy, and such foolish conceits as are incident to them that are troubled with the Fever. We will now come to entreat of the furious Melancholy or Madness, and of the causes thereof. Of the Melancholic Fury or Madness, and the original causes thereof. To say the truth, the fury Melancholy, doth take his original principally of a black choleric humour, which is exceeding sharp and biting: or rather of a kind of black corrupt blood, like (as Galen saith) to that pitch or Bitumme which is bred in judea, and is much more bright and shining then the pure blood. The words of Galen are, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lib. 4. Aphr: 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in another place he saith farther: That this black and choleric blood is so cold and liquid, that it can never settle nor fasten together: and it is so sharp and biting, as any vinegar. De atra Bile. And like as (so saith Calen in another place) in the dead sea of judea, where that Bitumen groweth, no creature can live: So this blood is so sharp and biting, that no man can suffer and endure it, but that his brain will be altered and distempered with it. And commonly the accidents do follow the nature of such a blood. For like as by the blackness thereof, it doth symbolise and in a sort resemble the darkness (so saith Hypocrates:) In like sort, neither more nor less do melancholic persons love solitariness and horror, De Insania. as Belephoron: who (as Homer writeth) had been so stirred with melancholy, Iliad: 3. as he fled and abandoned the company of men, wandering up and down through the fields and deserts. And as the darkness of the night, doth yield fear and terror, not only to children, but even to them which are of ripe and elder years: So doth the humour of melancholy, fright and terrify men without any occasion: and it engendereth a thousand false imagitions in the brain, no less troubling and obscuring it with foolish visions, than the night doth deceive the eyes of men, who in the darkness thereof, do mistake one thing for another. And for this cause, men that are melancholic, are called of the Latins Imaginosi: that is to say, Fantastic. The which I have observed in Catullus, who speaketh of a certain foolish and fantastic maiden, saith; Non est sana puella: nec rogate qualis sit: solet haec imaginosum. I know that some learned Civillians of our time, have corrected this word Imaginosum otherwise: but I am of the opinion of joseph Scaliger, who hath not altered the ancient word, but hath so left it, as of the best correction in his first lesson. But to return unto Melancholic persons: although fear and sadness doth seldom or never forsake the most part of them: so it is notwithstanding, Of the diverse and sundry sorts of melancholic persons. that they are not all of one kind. For some there have been (as Galen saith) who have imagined themselves to be an earthen pot, and for that cause, have drawn back and out of the company of men, for fear of being broken. Others have been in a fear lest the Mountain of Atlas, (which is said to sustain and bear up the whole world) should fall upon them and over-whelme them. Others again, have imagined themselves to be Cocks, and have imitated them in their voice, their crowing, and the clapping of their wings: some of them desire death, and yet fly from it: others have slain and tumbled themselves desperately headlong into some deep pits or wells, as did Peter Teon the Physician, upon a melancholic humour, because he could not cure Laurence de Medicis, (as both Paulus jovius, and Sannazar do testify.) Besides, some there have been, who have imagined that they have had no head: (as Hypocrates writeth he knew such a one,) to whom for a remedy, he applied and fastened a heavy piece of lead upon his head, because he should thereby feel that he had a head. Others again have shunned and abhorred all sorts of liquor; as water, wine, oil, and such like things. They which are bitten with a mad dog, do endure such a kind of passion; and the Greeks' call it Hydrophobie, in regard they fear the water. And Ruffus the Physician alleged by Paulus Egineta writeth, Lib. 5. cap. 3. that the cause why they (which are bitten with a mad-dogge) do fear the water, is, because they imagine, Men bitten with a mad dog, why they shun the water. that they do see in the water, the spectre and image of that dog which hath bitten them. And Averrois telleth one thing that is very strange and admirable, (if so be it be true:) that in the urine of such a one, in the bubbles thereof are to be seen, as if there were little dogs: so great force and puissance (saith he) hath the imagination upon the humours of the body. And as touching the spectre and image of a dog which they see, who grew mad by being so bitten, I remember that a certain Greek Poet also maketh mention thereof, the which in my younger years I endeavoured myself to translate, Lib. 7. Epigra: Graecor. and I inserted it in my poetical works that are printed: the French verses are to this effect: A man that is bitten by a dog mad enraged, As soon as he feeleth the worm stinging him in the head, Men say, that he sees within the water form, A beast, whose fear pricks him, and makes him wholly altered. To make short, others there be that imagine themselves to be wolves, and they will leap out of their beds in the night time, and run out of their houses howling as wolves, (and even till the day begin to appear) they will remain in the Churchyards, and about the graves and sepulchres of the dead, as the same Egineta writeth of them. And this affection or malady the Greeks call Lycantropie, Lib. 3. cap. 16. whereof we will speak more largely hereafter. The furious Melancholy, whence it is engendered. And to draw to an end of this Discourse of Melancholy, it is to be understood, that sometimes it is engendered in the brain, by means that the veins are polluted and defiled with a kind of black choleric blood: The furious melancholy, whence it is engendered. And sometimes it groweth in the brain of itself, though the blood be not universally touched therewithal: & this is done when by reason of the heat of the brain, the blood becometh more thick and black then is usual: And sometimes it cometh also of the stomach. Now the perturbation of the intellectual part coming from the stomach; either it proceedeth of that which the Latins call Abdomen, Tract. 9 cap. 9 l. br. 1. and the Arabians and Abenzoar do call Mirach: or else from some strong and violent heat, exhalated from some principal member, or from some impostume or inflammation, made within that part of the entrails which lieth near unto the stomach, and by the Greeks' is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The which is confirmed also by Galen, who writeth that, Lib. 3. de locis Affect. cap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Or else it proceedeth of the immoderate heat of the veins, called Meseraiques, by reason of the obstruction wrought in them by some thick and gross blood. Now (as Abenzoar saith) this heat is external, Tract. 9 and hindereth and impeacheth the operations of the natural heat; by reason that the natural heat maketh the concoction and digestion of the meat: but that which is external and accidental doth burn and convert it into ill Fumes. And of those vapours and fumosities doth ensue a troubling and distraction of the mind diversely, according to the diversities of the fumes and winds that do arise; and according to the differences of their kinds each in several, as they are more or less either gross or subtle, or hot, or warm between hot and cold. And the same Abenzoar showeth, how he cured one that was sick of melancholy, through the causes above mentioned, who one day would have made or baked a batch of bread within a pit, and had caused a quantity of meal to be bought and provided to that effect, and commanded his servants to cast it into the pit: which they refusing to do, he bear them with a cudgel, and constrained them to do it, and then himself went down into the pit and baked or kneaded his meal: and calling unto him his nearest and most familiar friends, he prayed them to eat of the bread which he had baked. But they fearing that in th'end he would kill himself, caused him to be bound, and so led him to Abenzear, who restored him to his former health. This sort of vaporous and windy melancholy is called by the Greeks', Galen, and Hypocrates, Lib. 3 de locis Affect. De Insania. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, a third kind of melancholy. And with this disease doth something participate that which is called Ephialte, or Incubus, whereof Paulus Egineta (whom we before cited) doth write in this manner; Lib. 3 cap. 15. Of the disease called Incubus or the Night Mare, and the cause thereof, & that it something participateth with the former kind of melancholy. The Ephialte or Incubus is so named (as some suppose) of a certain man that had that name; or else, for that they which are taken with that disease, do imagine themselves to be assailed and invaded by some spirit. Nevertheless Themison in the twelfth book of his Epistles doth name it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it stoppeth and choketh up the stomach and the speech. This disease is bred and engendered by overmuch excess of drinking, and by a continual and long crudity or rawenesse of the stomach. A great difficulty of breathing doth always attend and accompany them which are surprised therewith: and they have their senses wholly as it were confounded and besotted. In their sleep they have an imagination that they are even strangled or choked; and that they feel a kind of malady suddenly coming and seizing upon them. And more than so, their voice for the time is suppressed and taken away, and they can not be understood plainly or distinctly, but as if they stammered; by reason that to their seeming they imagine some man or woman of an exceeding great and wonderful stature doth stop their mouth for fear they should cry. They move their arms and their legs to and fro in their bed, thinking so to chase and drive them away, but all in vain. And especially they persuade themselves, that they hear them speak unto them: and that they are enticed and solicited by them to the act of venery: that they mount and climb up upon their bed very softly, and as though they were laying an ambuscado for them: and that then by little and little they come to fall and descend upon them, at such time as these patients have closed their hands, not able any longer to resist them. This kind of malady or mischief (saith Egineta) ought to have remedy provided for it at the very beginning: for if it once take footing, and do continue so to suffocate & choke the party in the night: It betokeneth some great and notable evil to ensue, as an Apoplexy, and epilepsy; or the disease called Saint john's Evil. Of madness, and the causes thereof. Next after melancholy cometh to be considered, Madness and Frantic Fury, which sometimes is engendered of an exceeding great abundance of blood uncorrupted, which piercing and entering into the brain, doth trouble and disturb it, as the vapours of wine intemperately taken do trouble the understanding. Sometimes also it cometh of the choler mingled with the blood. Those mad men, Of madness growing through abundance of blood troubling the brain. by reason of the abundance of their blood, do laugh continually, and are in a very pleasant and merry vain: and they have a thousand Images and ridiculous phantosmes that do uncessantly present themselves unto their mind: most commonly they will be singing of songs which they have formerly learned: which showeth that their memory is not altered within them. And sometimes by reason of the vapours that do mount and strike up into their brain: they imagine that they do hear some playing on flutes, or acting of Tragedies, as did that fellow of Abydos (of whom Aristotle speaketh) who would continue and abide all day sitting at the Theatre, where the public plays were showed and acted: notwithstanding that the Theatre was empty, and the Players did not then play at all. And yet would he testify the great pleasure and delight which he took by the clapping of his hands, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and by shouts and other signs of joy, no less than as if the best and most excellent Tragedy or Comedy had been in playing. Lib. 2. Epistol. The same doth the Poet Horace writ of one that was borne at Argos, who did the like: And when his parents and nearest friends and kinsfolks, who were careful of his health, had gotten him recovered and cured by means of some medicaments, and by the help of Helleborus ordained and prepared for him by the Physicians: he took it very grievously when he saw himself so returned unto himself: and no body could hinder him from exclaiming and crying out against them, saying, Alas, my friends, you have in saving me, Destroyed and undone me utterly; In forcing me to leave that pleasing error, Wherein my mind did take delight and pleasure. Atheneus writeth of one Thrasylas, Lib. 12. Dipnos. who had his mind so depraved and disturbed, that he imagined all the ships which arrived at the haven of Pireum in Athens to be his own; and he would be continually counting and numbering of them, and would give commandment to pay the Sailors and Victuallers: And when they returned from any long voyage, he was no less glad and joyful of their arrival; than as if he had been the true lord and owner of all the goods and merchandises within them. And the same party did continually afterwards affirm, that during all the time that he was taken and possessed with that folly, he did live the sweetest and most pleasant life of the world, even till the Physicians had cured and delivered him from the same. I have heard it told by a Gentleman of good credit, who affirmed that himself knew one that was Gentleman or Yeoman of the horse to a great lord, who (although in all other his actions, he was reputed a man very discreet and well advised for one of his quality) yet had he his mad and frantic humour; that in a certain hour of the day he would with draw himself into a secret wardrobe, and there sitting him down in a chair, he would dispose in order round about him a great number of Staves or Truncheons, which he called his Cardinals, and himself he affirmed to be Pope. Of some of those Staves he would ask counsel and advise touching that which he was to do: to others he would deliver certain papers which he called his Bulls: some of them he would depute for his Legates to princes & great estates: others he would send upon other Commissions: and he was so ravished in this frantic contemplation, that he would not have left that his pleasure for any thing. And yet nevertheless, when this his fantasy was gone and overpast, he would betake himself to his charge, and look to his horses, so as his Master was nothing the worse served or attended by him, by reason of that fit of his frenzy. But he continued so long this his manner and fashion, that his master in the end had espied it: and having discovered the same, God knoweth what delight and pleasure he took at it: and what sport he made when he would tell and declare it unto others. This poor Horse-keeper seeing himself and his humour discovered, would not abide any longer with his Master (who knew him to be a very good servant) for any promise or reward that he made or offered unto him, because he saw himself to be deprived of his pleasant folly and idle fancy. Of madness growing through choler and blood mingled, and disturbing the brain. As touching those madmen, in whom choler is mingled with blood; they are of a quite different disposition from the former: for they are furious, hardy, injurious, insolent, and ready to strike, hurt and wound men. And the more that choler doth abound in their brain, the more dangerous and mischievous they are. And especially when the choler doth boil & burn in the brain, and cometh to be adust, thick, and clammy, adhering and sticking to the rhyme or skin of the brain: then they grow so furious, that they differ little or nothing from wild & mad beasts, in such sort that a man shall see some of them to wound, beat, & outrage themselves, to eat their own flesh, to pursue even their near kinsfolks, friends, and familiars, as if they were their greatest enemies. These kind of furious madmen, are very frequent and common in the Southern Countries; yea, even in Italy, towards Abruzza, Apulia, Calabria, and Naples, where the air is more hot than elsewhere. There are to be seen, monasteries, wherein such frantic mad folks, (whom they call men fettered; or Mati de Cadena,) are shut up and enclosed. In France, which is a Region very temperate, you shall seldom see this kind of madmen, who are to be kept up tied and bound, as they use them in Italy, Marocco, Fez, Tremisan, and other countries towards the South. Of lumatikes or madness growing by fits at several times. Finally, there be yet besides the former, another sort of madmen, which have intermissions and times of vacancy from their fits or malady of madness: some of which, have them only two or three times in the year, and others more often, according to the Moons: whom the Greeks', Mat. 4.17. as also the Evangelist Saint Matthew call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is to say, Lunatics. These, for that they are but seldom & at times taken with their fits of madness, are called Enthusiastiques; that is, Full of divine Fury or Fanatical: in whom the cause of their malady proceedeth, because they abound in heat near about the Intellectual part, In Problem. as Aristotle writeth. Such were the Sibills, and the Bacchants, or Mimallonides: the Galls and Coribants, who were said to receive some god into their breasts. And those Galls and Corybantes, did at times, and by fits, grow so furious and frantic, as in their fury, they would cut off their own genitals, which Ovid, Catullus, and others do testify: like as also the Priests of Baal, and of Isis, would cut, lance, and wound their own arms legs with knives, 3. Reg. 18. De Asino Aur. as is to be see one in the books of Kings, and in Apuleius. The like at this day do the Dervishes, in Turkey. Of the Corybantes are come these Greek words, testifying and discovering their passion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is to say, To Corybantise, to make the leap parillous, to shake the hair or locks, and (as the common speech is) to nod or cast the head to the dogs. Of these kinds of persons doth Ulpian speak, where he decideth it; that those servants which have at any time been possessed with any furious humour of folly, and have used to yield answers near unto any Temples, in shaking and nodding their heads as fools, they are not to be held faulty: and being once bought and sold, they are not subject to redhibition by the law of the Roman Magistrates Aediles Curules. And this shall suffice to be spoken, both as touching the external senses corrupted, as also concerning the fantasy altered and offended, or perished by diverse accidents of any malady, either corporal or spiritual. It is now requisite that we join together the senses, both external and internal, which is the fantasy & imagination: And that we show what persons are subject most commonly, to receive aswell in their corporal senses, as in their spiritual, false imaginations and vain phantosmes, and to have their minds troubled with madness, melancholy, and frenzy. CHAP. XI. What persons are most commonly subject to receive false Imaginations and Phantosmes, and to have the Brain troubled and distracted. IT is commonly seen, that fear doth engender in the hearts of such men as are subject to fearful impressions, many false persuasions and wrong imaginations. And for this cause, fearful persons do show themselves to be troubled in their minds with fear & terror; Two sorts of fearful persons. for that which hath no appearance of truth & verity. Now there be two sorts of fearful persons: the one of them are so naturally, by reason of the imbecility of their age, or of their sex: The others are accidentally, and by some outward cause; whereof, in part some reason may be yielded, and yet partly also the same is unknown and secret, as being reserved in the cabinet of the secrets of God himself. Of persons naturally fearful. Amongst those that are by nature fearful, I may in the first place, put those that are given to be superstitious: notwithstanding, that at the first show it may be said, that superstition is rather an accidental kind of fear. Of such as are given to be superstitious. But yet if we regard it more nearly and advisedly, and do consider that those weaker sorts of persons are easily given to be superstitious, (which the Philosophers also do hold and maintain:) I doubt not but in the end it will be accorded, that they are to be deemed superstitious, by reason of the imbecility of their nature. And therefore we see that women and old men, are more addicted to superstition then any other, because their natural is more weak, and their forces are less assured. I will not say, but that sometimes superstition cometh also by means of some external cause of malady and sickness, or some other such like accident; as that of Bion Boristenites, Plinius junior li. 7. Epistolarum. Epist. 26. Tum demum (inquit) sumus optimi dum infirmi sumus: beatumque in posterum & innoxium destinamus vitam. who coming to be sick, did so change his opinion even at an instant, that of a mere Atheist, and most profane wicked person as he was, he became so superstitious, as he would make many vows far unworthy and unbeseeming a Philosopher, and tied bills and scrolls about his neck, in hope to find, by them, recovery of his health. Now, as the wicked man and Atheist, doth in no sort believe, that there are either good or evil spirits, nor doth apprehend those things that are supernatural: So the superstitious person is too too soon drawn into lightness of belief, and by reason of the fear which he hath of evil spirits. He feigneth unto himself a thousand foolish and idle fancies and toys in his brain. And therefore, not without good cause, is superstition named by the Greeks', 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because of the fear of devils, which both Proclus, Plato, Porphirye, jamblicus, Dion, Lucian, Zeleucus apud stobaeum: sermone de legibus. Mali Genii (in quit) a superstitiosis metuuntur. and other Ancients do call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Also those which are attached with this fault and imperfection, do make themselves believe that they have seen visions, which indeed they have not seen: And sometimes an excessive fear of spirits, will seize and take hold upon them, in such a manner, that in the dead and dark horror of the night, they will cross and mark themselves a thousand times, as if they did see some strange and fearful sight; and they will abhor to hear any talk of Divelles, and do never sleep nor rest in quiet, still imagining that a thousand Phantosmes do fly up and down round about them. Of young children. De somne & vigilia. Next after those that be superstitious, come young children, who (as Aristotle saith) are subject to this humour, that they persuade themselves they see visions of Spectres and Apparitions in the night, though indeed they see nothing. And most commonly they will be so afraid when they awake out of their sleep, by means of the sudden emotion of the humours, and of the blood descending into the sensitive organs, that (neither more nor less than as if they had some suffusion of their eyes,) they will think they have seen some Spectres or strange sights presented to them, which for very fear will make them to cover & hide themselves close under the clothes of their bed. And how can it be but that children should persuade themselves of such foolish imaginations and apprehensions in the night, seeing that even in the very day time a man may make them to believe things merely false as if they were true and certain? Again we see, that sometimes they will fall into such a fear, as they will be ready to swoon, and will cry out in their sleep by night, when they do but call to their remembrance the fear which they have had in the day time: and (which is more) they will grow to have the Falling-sickness, as I have noted in Hypocrates. I have read in Lavater, how in his Country of Switzerland, De sacro morbo. De Spectris. at a certain time of the year, there were some that used to disguise and mask themselves in horrible vizards, like unto devils, only with an intention to terrify the little children that were given to be fearfully conceited: and they do make them believe, that they had seen some warre-woolves, fairies, or night-spirits, and such like. And the same which Lavater saith was usual in his Country, is no more than is seen in France, where mummeries are very common and usual in diverse Towns, in the form and habit of spirits and devils. As touching such mummeries, I cannot observe any one more ridiculous, than that mask or monstrous image, which in a certain Town of this Realm, (which here shall be nameless,) is every year carried about, with great solemnity upon their festival days. It hath a great face and vifage, infinitely broad and large, with long and sharp teeth, and is for that cause called (The old woman with the great teeth:) But in my judgement, this is a mere idolatry taken from the Paynims and Gentiles, who had also their Mandur●●ss; which (as Festus saith,) was a great mask or monstrous picture, usually carried about in the Procession of their gods, and left not to move the chaps, & grind the teeth. But either of those were in vented (as I take it) to give cause of laughter to such as were sad and pensive, and to terrify little children. At Lions also in France, they have their Macheoronste, little or nothing differiug from the Mandurus, of the Gentiles, which they use likewise to carry about the City in great pomp and triumph. The Ancients, (as I have observed out of Ausonim,) had certain such masks or ugly pictures with three or four squares; which, on what side soever they were changed and turned, had the figure of a man; not without great admiration to the most advised and assured, and no less to the fearing and terrifying of little children. Those masks in Latin are called Oscilla, and in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as if a man should say little mouthed images, Oscilla, signifieth faces moving the chaps or mouth in deformed manner, like vizards in a mummery. and they were purposely borne hanging in little streamers or banners, which they used to shake and move to and fro: and they might plainly be discerned, in the end, to have the human shape and form, though in the agitation and stirring of them, a man would have judged that they had a thousand faces and countenances. I have seen such kinds of masks or pictures in the possession of Master Gaiffier, an advocate in the Court of Parliament, who was a great lover of Antiquities, and one of my very good and dear friends. Of aged persons, and that they are much subject to fear, etc. Next after infants and little children, come the aged and decrepit old persons, of whom the natural humour and moisture is well-near spent and consumed, and their brain is become to be in a manner wasted and dried up, by reason of their years. To these kind of folks it is, naturally proper to dote and to be idly conceited, (and as Aristophanes saith) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to divine and prophecy after the manner of the Sibyls, and as being bereft of their wits and senses. Moreover, old age is very apt to feign unto itself, spectres and apparitions, either by reason that the brain is offended, or through the weakness and imbecility of the senses; or by means of some other such discommodities and inconveniences, as old age usually bringeth with it: And God he knoweth, that when old folks, men or women, do grow to be (as it were) children again, which the Latins do term Repuerascere; they be more childish than very children, according to the Greek proverb, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: insomuch, as they will not stick to affirm, with all the oaths of the world, things that never were, and which they never knew. And if you would assay to pluck out of their heads, the opinion which they have once conceived of spectres and visions, you should but lose your labour, as in attempting a thing unpossible. Jerome Cardan rehearseth, Lib de subtilit. how he knew an old man, which was so frighted and terrified with the conceit of a false vision, that he could not be made believe, but that he had seen aspecter, and he died through the fear of that conceit. Of women, that they are naturally subject to fears. After children and old folks, next do succeed women of all sorts, whom Saint Peter in his Canonical epistle, termeth frail and weak vessels, well knowing the defect and imbecility of their courage, and that the same is capable of all manner of fear and perturbation. That was the cause (as Harpocration writeth) that the Greeks' had a law, Cap. 3. by the which (for the considerations above expressed) there were perpetual tutors and overseers ordained and appointed to their women. And in imagination of the same law, was the Customary law of France, which decreeth, that the wives should be in perpetual tutelage of their husbands, and that they may not be called into judgement, nor make contracts, nor govern or dispose of their goods, without leave and authority of their husbands. And the law of the Romans, in regard of their imbecility and natural frailty, did make them uncapable to execute any places of charge, either public, or civil, and excluded them from being Magistrates and judges, and from all manner of plaints, procurations, & intercessions for any other persons, and from accusing and libeling against all such like actions, as also from being arbitrers and umpiers in any causes. Lib. 2. D. de Regul: juris L. cum praetor § penult: D. de ivalic. l. 2. D. de re judicat. l. neque D. de procu. l. D. de crimine C. qui accusat. In Apolog. ad DD. fratres. In historia ecclesiasti. And I have read in justin Martyr, and Eusebius, one thing that was worthy the observation amongst the Ancient Romans; and which is very well agreeing and consenting with our usages, manners and customs. For though at this day the written laws do conclude, the woman to be under the power and command of her husband; yet so it is, that the Emperor Mark Antonyne, did authorize & privilege a certain married woman that was a christian, by his writing, to have the government and administration of her own goods, because her husband, being a heathen Paynim, did misuse and entreat her evil: which showeth very evidently, that she was under the power and government of her husband, till such time as the grant and letters patents of the Prince, did make frustrate his power and authority over her. Wherefore seeing it is most certain, that women are naturally so frail and weak; it must needs be, that fear is naturally attending upon them, and doth ever accompany them: and it doth easily imprint sundry imaginations in their minds, like as a man would make in wax, an impression of some character with a Ring or Signet. And it must needs be, that their fear and apprehension is very great, seeing their imagination doth engender so mervellous effects in nature, as nothing more. And letting pass whatsoever is written hereof in ancient histories, I will only in this place, recite a certain accident which befell of late, even in our time; the same being a thing as marvelous as any one thing that you shall observe in any Authors whatsoever. There was a certain gentleman in a village near the Town of Argenton in Normandy, Of a gentleman borne in Normandy. which complotted with some of the inhabitants of that Village to play certain plays, wherein should be acted certain devils, to the intent the pleasure and pastime of their Pageant might be the greater. Of human parts in form of a monster. And this Gentleman would needs himself be appareled and attired in the habit of a devil, and did play the part of a devil: insomuch, as after the plays were ended, he resting in a heat and chafed in his furniture, went home to his wife, lay with her, and had her company clad in the same attire wherein he had played the devil: By means whereof, it happened that his wife (were it either by some vehement imagination that surprised her, or else (which I rather believe) through a very fear which seized upon her, and is naturally in the hearts of all women) she was delivered at the nine months end, of a son so monstrous, as in his countenance, his head, his face, and all the other parts of his body, especially in his feet, he resembled and was more like unto a Satire, such as the Poets have described, then unto an ordinary and natural man. After this, she had other children by her husband, all which, (together with their brother the monster) did survive both their father and their mother. Upon whose decease, there grew a contention and variance between them, touching the succession of his inheritance. All of them endeavouring to exclude this monster their elder brother, not only from the birthright of being heir and eldest son, but even from the total succession of any thing that he should claim, or that might in right appertain unto him. Hereupon was the process sued, and the matter proceeded in suit between them, before a judge of an inferior Court; by whom it was ordered, that they should make their entry upon the inheritance, and that the eldest brother should inherit, as next heir unto his father and mother, according to the custom of Normandy. From this sentence the younger brethren brought their appeal, Of a process or suit in an appeal brought against the said monster by his brethren upon claim of inheritance. and removed it into the Court of Parliament of Rouen, where the cause was pleaded: And the younger brethren being Appellants did allege; That they had great and just cause to complain upon the wrong done them, not only, in that their brother was admitted to the birthright of being heir and eldest son to their father: but also that he should be adjudged to, have any part in the succession of that living, which neither did, nor could in any sort fall or appertain unto him, by any Laws, either divine or human. For, beside that he was a very monster borne, and even against the ordinary course of nature: And therefore was to be excluded for that only cause from all natural rights and privileges, as well of any legitimate and lawful portion, as of the birthright and privilege of the first borne. There was not also any reason why he should be either termed or accounted for a man, seeing he was form and created far unlike other men, and did more resemble a Savage and a Satire, than a reasonable man. That by the public laws of the Romans (which concerned their religion and ceremonies) the monster ought to be put to death as soon as it was borne, and then was to be thrown into the sea, or into the next river; or else was to be burned with fire made of those woods which are accounted unfortunate, as namely thorns, hawthornes, briars, and such other like barren, unfertile, and savage shrubs; the cinders whereof were cast into the river: which done, the books of the Sibyls were looked, to inquire, what gods they should seek to appease: and what solemn games and processions they should celebrate: neither was there any thing done, either in public, or in particular, until such time as they were thoroughly expiated and purged. And hereof we have abundant examples in Titus Livius, Dion, Phlegon, julius Obsequens, Ammianus Marcellinus, and other Roman Authors. And as touching the Greeks', their religion in this point, was like unto the Romans: For they burnt their monsters and threw their ashes into the sea, as Theocritus affirmeth. And it is not to be thought any strange matter, that the religion both of the Romans and the Greeks' did so abhor and detest monsters; seeing that amongst those people's, and especially amongst the Romans, all men that were in any sort deformed, or in any part monstrous, were killed, and reputed so unfortunate and unlucky in the encountering of them, that (as we may read both in their Poets and Historians) there was none but held that journey most unfortunate and unlucky, wherein he did happen to meet, or to have a fight, either of any Negro or Aethiopian, or any man that was deformed or monstrous in any part of his body. Yea whensoever their camp was to dislodge, or to give battle unto their enemy's. if they did happen to encounter with any such hideous and misshapen persons; they would instantly upon the place, massacre & hue them in pieces, so greatly did they abhor all deformity, reckoning the same an enemy to nature; which of itself doth never love not desire to produce or bring forth any thing that should be either counterfeit, or strange from the human shape and form. And if monsters have been so hated & abhorred of the Romans & Greeks being Paynims: so have they been no less detested and abhorred of us Christians. Cap. qui in aliquo dist. 51. For by the right of our laws public which are the Canons of our Church, it is forbidden and defended, that any monsters should be preferred to the orders of Priesthood. Accursius & Doctores in l. owns popule D. de just. & jure. l. non sunt liberi D. de flat, house. And Accursius, as also after him, the most part of the Doctors in the Civil law do hold, That monsters may freely and safely be put to death and slain: and they gave an example thereof in a savage and wild man, whom (as they affirm) it is lawful to kill. And to dispute according to the Civil laws touching the matter now in question: I find, that by the same, all monsters borne against the order and common course of Nature, are to be held for illegitimate: and by consequence, are therefore to be excluded from that lawful portion which may seem to appertain unto them, out of the inheritance of their parents, as if they had not been horn at all: L. quod ceriatum. D. de post haered. instit. cap. vus. An mutus vel alias imperfectus feudum retineat. neither is that Testament to be broken or disallowed, wherein the Testator doth forget and neglect them. What shall I say more? Even by the laws Feodall they cannot be allowed for Tenants, or to hold by any noble Fee or Tenure: And the reason thereof is very plain and peremptory; because they have not the power and faculty to perform those services and homages which are due unto the Lords of the Fee: And therefore, for these reasons before alleged the Appellants did conclude, That the judgement given, was erroneous. But the eldest brother being defendant in the appeal, did affirm and maintain, that the inferior judge had well and rightly ordained; That he (as the eldest and right heir legitimate) ought to have such part and portion in the succession, as by the custom of the Country might appertain and belong unto him; That albeit he had his visage and some parts of his body in some sort deformed: yet that was no reason that he should be held and reputed as a monster, seeing he had the use of reason and human discurse: That it was to be seen in ancient Authors, how sundry women, by means of their forcible and vehement imagination, had engendered and borough? forth children much more monstrous than he was: who nevertheless were not declared nor adjudged to be illegitimate or abortive in nature: That it was a thing ordinary and proper to the imagination, to produce marvelous effects in women at the time of their conception: The which is testified by Saint Jerome, Question 1 in Genesim. speaking of a certain woman which engendered an infant so deformed, that in, and throughout all parts, aswell of his body, as of his visage, he was far unlike both to his father and mother: And nevertheless, Hypocrates the great and most famous Physician of that time did declare and pronounce his opinion, that this infant, (notwithstanding he was so deformed) did appertain to the mother, and that she had not bred and brought him forth, but only through the force and vehemency of her imagination. That the divines also do hold and affirm, and namely Saint Augustine, Lib. 11. de civitat. Dei. that those monsters which are borne through the imagination of their mothers, are not properly monsters: Nay they go yet further, not allowing them in any sort to be called monsters, who be borne of mankind, and be capable of reason, and of the future resurrection. That they only are to be termed and called monsters which are borne of some beast, and not of any man, and have notwithstanding the face, body, and members of a man: as that monster which was borne in Britain of a Cow, in the time of King jews the twelfth; the face, body, and members whereof, were wholly, and in all parts, as of a man, save that, one of the feet thereof did resemble, and was like to the feet of the Dam thereof. Upon the birth of which monster there was nevertheless great disputation, whether the same aught to be baptised, or no: as is reported by Monsieur Boyer Precedent at Bourdeaux, who touching that matter, Boerius Cons. 301. Zarabell. in Clem. §. ad haec quaest. 2. de sum. Trinit. alleged the authorities of the Doctors which debated that question and controversio. Now although it be granted, that such monsters, bred and borne of a beast, may lawfully be slain: Yet is it not to be yielded in any sort, that those monsters that are borne of any man, should be slain, as the Appellants do seem to affirm; whether they have the use of reason (which is the opinion both of Baldus, Aretin, Immola, Bald. Aretin. & Immola in l. quod dicitur D. de liberis & posthu. Angel. in tract. de maleficiis gl. & ex intervallo vers. quid au temsi hominem. Felinus cap. fin: de homic. In reap. cap. Rainutius de testam. in verbo, Et soboles quam gestabat in utero. Accursius in l. quaeret D. de verb. sign. facit l. inter caetera de liber. & post. Quaeritur Hermaphrodit. D. de statu hom. Hostien. in sum. de corpore vitlatis § fin. Baldus l. fin. C. de suis & legit. & lib. 1. Consslior. cons. 436. Rebuffus in l. oftentum D. de verb. signif. and Angelus:) or whether they have not the use of reason, but be so monstrous, as they have not so much as the face of a man, but rather of some beast: which is the doctrine of Felinus, of whose opinion also is Benedictus. And therefore to small purpose are all those histories alleged by the Appellants out of Titus Livius, and others, and out of the public laws of the Romans. And as touching the Civill-Lawe, so far as concerneth the matter in question; much less to the purpose is that which the Appellants affirm: That in times past any infant monstrous borne, and forgotten or omitted in the testament of the Parents, could not therefore break or disannul the testament: For this is to be understood (as Accursius saith) when such an infant had not any shape or form of man: and when it was destitute of the use of reason; and did the deeds and actions of a beast, as if it bellowed like an ox: or fed upon grass as a sheep. That our laws do admit an identity of reason, and one self same and the like consideration betwixt such as are borne monstrous as those which are Hermaphrodites. For like as the Hermaphrodites are reputed to be of that sex wherein they do most excel, (according to the Civillians) So the Defendant in this appeal, aught to be accounted and held of that kind wherein he excelleth, and that is, in the nature and kind of man, as being both borne of a man, and having the reason of a man. And that as the Hermaphrodites may be instituted heirs to succeed to any Inheritance, and are capable of Benefices without dispensation, and may be promoted to holy Orders; so the monstrous borne which is partaking of mankind, and hath the benefit and help of reason, may very well be admitted to succeed to his parents dying intestate, according to the general custom of France, which willeth, that The dead should give seizing to the living. And therefore the Defendant concluded, That the judgement had been well and rightly yielded. And thereupon the Court by a solemn Arrest did confirm the same judgement, and did pronounce the appeal to be brought without any just cause of grief; and that therefore the sentence from which they had appealed, should be fully and wholly executed. But to return to our Discourse touching women; I say, That very Fear doth cause a thousand imaginations to come into their minds, the which being carried and conveyed thence even to their corporal eyes, do bring them into foolish and fond conceits, that they have seen some spirits. Besides, there be some particular maladies proper to women which be barren, and to maidens likewise; when their terms do come and descend, and that the blood of their monthly disease being stopped from his course, through the ordinary passages and by the matrix doth redound and beat back again by the heart, or by the pastes near about the breast. Then the same blood, not finding any passage, De Virginum nat. troubleth the brain in such sort, that (as Hypocrates saith) it causeth many of them to have idle fancies and fond conceits, and tormenteth them with divers imaginations of horrible spectres, and fearful sights to their seeming; with which being so afflicted, some of them do seek to throw and cast themselves into wells or pits, and others to destroy themselves by hanging, or some such miserable end. And it may be that the Milesian Virgins (of whom Plutarch writeth) were surprised with this malady, which constrained them to hang themselves: Defoemin. illustr. and yet the citizens of Miletum could never discover not find out, what should be the occasion, that should make them to execute that cruelty upon their own persons. But this shall suffice to be spoken touching the natural fear of infants, old men, and women. We will now come to entreat of that fear which is accidental, and is much more piercing into the minds of men than that which is natural; and especially when God doth cooperate and work together with the same: and that no other reason can be yielded for the same, but such as God hath reserved to his own secret and unsearchable counsel. Of fear caused in persons by accidental causes. The first accidental fear we may term and reckon to be that which doth happen and befall unto a whole camp, even in the open and plain day light: which usually doth take hold upon the most stout and hardy, they not knowing, Of fears surprising a whole camp in the day time. nor being able to yield any reason of their fear; and yet may a man see them to scatter themselves here and there on all sides, as if they were sheep dispersed without a shepherd. If any man should allege that it were cowardice, or lack of courage that should make even the most hardy and valiant thus to fly and run away: I cannot conceive that there is any appearance of truth in that opinion. It must needs be then that the cause thereof is in the power and pleasure of God, who is the only prince and lord that hath the sovereign command of all armies: and who long since did threaten even his own people the children of Israel; that if they would not observe his commandments nor walk in the ways of their Forefathers, that he would send them such, and so great fears and terrors, as they should without any cause fly before the face of their enemies. Now this fear (as we have erst said) is called Panicus Terror, a Panic Fear, or, Of the Panic fear wrought in men by a divine and supernatural power. In Maedea. Lib. 1. Stratag. the Terrors and Furies of Pan, as Euripides calleth them; because the invention thereof proceeded from Pan, who in the war of Bacchus against the Indians, being one of the Chieftains and principal Captains of the said Bacchus (as Polienus writeth) used a thousand stratagems and politic inventions that were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; & by this means got Bacchus the upper hand of his enemies, they being surprised with an exceeding great fear and astonishment. Of fear conceived upon the defeat & overthrow of a Campe. But the case were otherwise if such a fear be taken either upon the desrout or defait of a camp, or by reason of the darkness of the night: for then the reason thereof is evident and apparent. And certainly in the disorder or desrout of a whole camp, where the enemy hath them in chase upon the spur, and near at hand, it is commonly seen, that the fear and terror of men is so great, that many times those which are of the same party with them, and their friends, are mistaken for their enemies. As that Gentleman of France, who in the battle of S. Quintines, flying from the fury of the Spaniards, as fast as his horse could gallop: If a man should have demanded of him, what he dreamt of; when as his servant following him close at the heels, told him that his dagger (being excellent fair, and of good workmanship) did fall from him, and he answered him; I am all made of daggers: Sure I am, he would have said; that he knew not his servant at that instant: but imagined that the Spaniards did follow him even at his back. And as touching a fear conceived by reason of the night, Of fear conceived by night. there is g●●●t appearance of reason, why the same should happen at that time, rather than in the day: because the night is more apt and proper to receive all terrors and apprehensions, than the day is: And the imbecility of the sight, (which in the night time is very great) doth make a man to imagine many things, which he would not so much as think upon in the day time. But hereof we have spoken sufficiently at large, when we were in discourse of the senses, and of the opinion of the Sceptiques. Let us now therefore pass forwards and continue on our purpose, touching those persons that become fearful and timorous by accident, and whereof no reason can readily be yielded. First we will speak of such, as being guilty of some notable and notorious crime, Of the fears of notorious malefactors, terrified by the guiltiness of their own consciences. are scene to have such a biting and remorse of conscience within their breasts, that they suppose all persons whom they see to approach and come near them, to be Sergeants and officers coming to arrest them, and to make them prisoners. To this purpose, Plutarch recordeth a marvelous strange and admirable history of one named Bessus. This unhappy youth having most wretchedly and wickedly murdered his own father, In l. de sera numinis vindicta. and the murder being long concealed, without coming to the knowledge of any man; on a time, as he went to sup with some company, he threw down with the point of an holberd, a Swallows nest, and treading upon the young ones, he crushed them with his feet. The which being perceived by those that supped with him, they did sharply and vehemently reprove him, for that unmerciful and inhuman act of cruelty, (as it is usual with men to abhor such as do mischief to such little creatures:) unto whom he made this answer: Do you not see (quoth he) how these baggage little birds do continually yield false witness against me, crying and chattering in their language, that I have slain my father. The company marveling at this speech▪ and that not without cause, made report unto the King what they had heard. And the King caused him to be acquisted and committed to prison: whereupon, being brought in question upon that fact, he confessed the truth of all the matter, and (being thereof duly attainted and convicted,) he was condemned to suffer the pains and torments of death due to parricides, and such as were murderers of their parents. Now amongst the manifold numbers of those that have their consciences troubled, Of the fears and terrors of tyrants and usurpers of estates. by reason of they wicked and l●u●d lives, and are perplexed and terrified with a million of fears; we may well account those tyrants, who by unlawful and indirect means, have usurped a tyrannical authority over their own native countries or in some strange estate; and have changed a good form of commonwealth and government, into an unjust and tyrannical power; putting to death thousands of persons, whom they suspected to be men of noted virtue and honesty, and who might be able to resist their damnable attempts and usurpations. How often have we seen, that these men have been troubled and tormented with most horrible phantosmes & imaginations, which do come into their heads both sleeping & waking. How many apprehensions & terrors had Phalaris, Dionysius, Agathocles, Pereander, Hipparchus, Alexander de Megera, Clearchus, Apollodorus, and such like butchers of mankind: and how were their fantasies & imaginations distracted with fear of their subjects? How oft is it to be thought they forsook their natural sleeps, and leapt suddenly out of their beds upon a fear and imagined conceit, that some came to cut their throats: and therewithal, how often have they supposed and imagined, that they have seen sundry visions and apparitions of those whom they have murdered, or of some others whom they have feared? De sera numinis vindicta. Hipparchus (by the report of Plutarch) dreamt that Venus appeared unto him, and sprinkled his face all over with blood. Apollodorus also in a dream seemed to see how the Scythians flayed him alive & hewed him in pieces, and that his heart being then thrown by them into a cauldron, said unto him; I am the cause of all this mischief which thou endurest. The Emperor Caligula, having caused a great number of Senators and Gentlemen of Rome to be put to death, did never sleep but a very small part of the night; or (if he did happen to sleep) his sleep was interrupted and insturbed with a million of strange figures and images, which he shaped unto himself in his brain. In vita Caligu. Sometimes (as Suetonius reporteth) he should see the sea as though it were talking unto him. Sometimes he would seem as though he had a will to climb up into heaven, and there jupiter taking him by the feet, would cast him down again to the ground. So Nero, after the murder of his mother, was frighted with most horrible visions; for it seemed unto him, that he saw before him all the furies, with their whips and burning firebrands to torment him. And Antonyne Caracalla, did imagine that the ghost of his father Severus, (whom he had offended by the murder of his brother Geta,) was ready to run upon him, and by plain force to mischief and kill him. And upon the declining of the Roman Empire, Thierry king of Italy, (being a Gothe by nation) after he had slain Simmachus and Boetius his son in law, two Roman Senators, borne of a most noble family in Rome, and who had been in former times Consuls: on an evening as he sat at supper, (as Procopius rehearseth it) it seemed unto him, that he saw in the head of a fish served in upon the table, the face of Simmachus in a most horrible shape and fashion, with great moustaches, knitting his brows, frowning with his eyes, biting his lips for very anger, and looking awry upon him: the conceit whereof, struck the king into such a fear, as he fell sick and died thereof soon after. Behold then the strange effects of fear, which are always, and infallibly exceeding great in those who are immoderately surprised therewithal, be the same in them either natural or accidental. Of fears proceeding of some passion, and causing madness and strange imaginations. We will now proceed on to entreat of another sort of persons, who by reason of some affection or passion that doth rule and predominate in them, are so estranged from their own natural, as they do fall into madness, and in that fit, do imagine things most absurd and far from reason. The first in this rank, are amorous persons and foolish lovers, who (as Aristotle writeth) have their desires and passions so great and violent, Of amorous persons growing mad for love. that in some of them, they do both make a change and alteration of their bodies, and do engender most strange furies. And I have noted in Saint Augustine, a history of a certain amorous person, Lib. 7. Ethic. cap. 2. who was so ravished in his amorous and fond contemplations, and had the image of his mistress so imprinted in his mind and thoughts: that he imagined himself to see her always before him, and that he dwelled and conversed with her, and did perform with her, all those actions which lovers usually commit in embraeing of their loves. But it shall not be amiss to set down the very words which Saint Augustine useth. Lib. 11. de Trinitat. cap. 4. Memini, (saith he) me audisse a quodam quòd tam impressam & quasi solidam speciem faeminei corporis in cogitando cernere soleret, ut ei quasi se misceri sentiens etiam genitalibus flueret. Truly he that shall nearly and advisedly regard and consider the original of love, shall find that the same proceedeth of the sensual and brutish part which the Hebrews call Behemith, of the word Behemoth; which signifieth four-footed beasts, as Mares, and other such like creatures. And this is the cause why the Greeks' named it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not as Plato saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, In Cratilo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: but rather; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the Earth, which also in Hebrew is called Erets. For as the reasonable part of man is wholly celestial, so the sensitive part is altogether brutal, earthly, and of a base constitution, of the which proceedeth the passion of love. Now the most furious kind of love which the Physicians do acknowledge, is that which they call the Heroical love; because most commonly it taketh hold and seizeth upon men of a noble and heroic courage, and such as are valorous; in whom the sensitive part doth much more abound and excel then in others, as having many of their spirits merely terrestrial, their courage being replenished with a note and manlike blood. And although it be so, that we must needs acknowledge in man three parts, and all of them proceeding of diverse fountains, and well springs, which the Greeks' name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is to say, the Intellectual part, the Irascible or Choleric part, and the Concupiscible or coveting part. And that the Intellectual doth proceed from the Soul and the Brain, the Irascible from the Heart, and the Concupiscible from the Liver: yet this is a thing most certain and assured, that the Intellectual part is little or nothing at all in heroical persons that are given to be amorous: For were it so, then would their reason retire itself from the filth and puddle of their amorous desires as easily, as they entered into the same inconsiderately. It resteth therefore that the Irascible and Concupiscible powers, The cause of brutish and sensual passions & desires in amorous persons. do remain in them: each of which, are both merely terrestial, and do engender so diverse and exorbitant passions, that it is not to be held altogether for fabulous, which is recorded of Hercules, who in his fury, slew his own wife and childreen imagining it had been Licus the Tyrant of Thebes, (as both Euripides and Seneca do testify,) and that he loved Omphale and jowl so extremely, as forgetting his due devoir and all regard of his estate, he appareled himself in the habit of a woman, and served them as their Chamber, maid. And for a more sure and evident sign, that heroical persons (in whom the Irascible and Concupiscible parts are most predominant,) be not well advised nor of any great subtlety, but do slide easily into amorous passions: It appeareth by mark Antonie and Demetri●●, both which were good plain meaning men, yet nevertheless exceeding furious and of a martial and courageous spirit, and easy to be entangled in the s●areses of amorous desires. And it is well worth the marking which Aristotle saith when he yieldeth, Lib. 2. Politice. reason why the Lacedomoni●nss were governed by their wives: and that is, because martial men and such as are of a hardy and courageous stomach, do willingly suffer themselves to bold under the yoke and power of love; And he is of opinion, that thereof proceeded that fable of the loves of Mars and Venus. But to proceed, albeit I could recite an infinite number of histories out of Parthenius, Pansanias, Atheneus, Apollodorus, and Plutarch, touching this heroical passion of love, and that very seldom or never it admitteth any cure, but doth in the end make men so melancholic, that in process of time they become furious: as Roland is represented in the Italian Poet Aristo: yet I will content myself with alleging this one only that happened in Italy, about forty years since: wherein is to be observed as strange and furious a passion of amorous love, as ever was any. The history hath been recired unto me by Monsieure Minute Lord of Caster, a Gentleman of rare & singular learning, and the worthy son of that great Minute late Potestate of Mylan, and afterwards chief Precedent of Damavotra. At what time the learned Alciat lived and was reader in Pudna: he had many scholars that resorted thither out of France, and passed over the Alps, of purpose to be his Auditors. Amongst others, one Gentleman of an ancient and honourable house, (who shall be here nameless, because he is yet living, if he be not deceased since my coming from Tholouza) would needs make one of that company. And having well profited in the study of the laws, he would go to Venice; where he was no sooner arrived, but he was entrapped in the snares of love. Whereupon he often frequented the door of his Mistress house, and made many signs and tokens of the great love and affection which he bore unto her: he assayed by presents and by the help of Panders to corrupt her: and in the end himself hardily discovered his love unto her, and prayed her to have pity and compassion upon him. The Lady did rudely repulse him with threatenings and menaces: all which notwithstanding, could never make him leave to be importunate. But in the end, seeing himself altogether hopeless to gain her to his desire, and being flatly rejected, he fell into a frenzy our night amongst others, and coming the next morning to find a companion and friend of his, he told him that he had a quarrel in hand, and prayed him to second him in the same. So they went both together to the Church of Saint Mark, where at that time the Duke of Venyse was present: whom as soon as this amorous fool saw, he cried out aloud presently unto his companion: See, there is he with whom I have the quarrel; go, let us set upon him. His companion stirred not, but only shaking his head, smiled at him, imagining that the other did but jest with him; for he did not think that he was turned fool. But a sudden admiration and astonishment took him as soon as he saw this amorous madman to cast himself through the Duke his guard, and that drawing his sword, he strove with the utmost of his strength and endeavours to kill him: which he had also done, if the guard of the Duke had not restrained and hindered him, by whom also he was bounden and led away to prison. The matter being yet hot, he was examined what should move him to this desperate action: But he answered nothing but fooleries and idle jests and toys. By chance there was then residing in Venice, that great and renowned Physician Fracastor, who was sent for, and this amorous Gentleman was showed unto him: who after he had long regarded and beheld him, and questioned with him upon many points and occurrences: And perceiving that his answers did tend to nothing else but to menaces, and to discourses of women and wenches, he knew immediately that some amorous conceit was the cause of his outrage, & affirmed as much at that instant to the Magistrate; promising, that if he might be delivered into his hands, he would cure & recover him of this frenzy. The Magistrate made some difficulty to grant that unto him; yet, partly upon the intrety of a great lady, being at that time in Italy, & partly upon the persuasions of Alciat, who concurred also in the suit, & (like a learned Civilian as he was) showed unto them, L. divus Marcus D. de officio praes. that they ought not to inflict a double punishment upon a Fool, or a Madman, who was sufficiently punished and chastised with his own folly: the matter was so handled, that this young gallant was committed to the keeping and custody of Fracastor. After that Fracastor had gotten him into his hands, he suborned or disguised a Courtesan, whom he commanded to pleasure the Gentleman, and to permit him to remain and converse with her even until he was weary, and that afterwards she should cause him to be well covered with clothes till he fell into a sweat. This first cure being tried, he proceeded on to others, and did so well purge this gentleman, that he made him perfectly sound: wherein he confuted all the Poets, who affirm, that the disease of Love is uncurable, without the enjoying of that person, with whose love the party hath been once surprised and enamoured. I will not here dispute of this cure of Fracastor, Amatus Lufitanus in suis centuriis & alii. as knowing full well that there were other Physicians of his time, and before; who attempting such a like cure as this was, did accomplish it to their great honour and commendation. The books of our modern Authors are full of these examples: so as it is needless here to allege them, it being no part of our purpose, to entreat of the malady of Love. It shall suffice therefore for me to say thus much: that this sort of Love is a kind of melancholy: for the curing whereof many learned and expert Physicians do prescribe the remedy to be carnal copulation with a woman. For by this means (say they) those vaporous fumes of the seed are discharged and taken away from the patiented, which do trouble and corrupt the brain, and do principally offend such amorous persons: because, by how much the more and longer they do continue in the body, so much the more do they engender and accumulate cares and pensive thoughts, which in the end do turn into a rage and very madness. Of persons, who by grief and discontentment of mind, and such like passions do fall mad and frantic. Next after amorous persons seized with an heroical and so door passion of Love, there do offer themselves to be considered of, all such persons as by some sudden grief; or by a burning and intolerable jealousy; or by thought and discomentment of mind, for having lost their goods; or in seeing themselves disappointed of some row ard (which in their imagination they had worthily deserved for their virtues and good deeds) do fall into frenzy & madness. These men (it is not to be doubted) but they do see many false Spectres, and do entertain a thousand furious imaginations, according as their cholet adost doth more or less domineer and rule in them. We read in the Fables of the Greeks' and of Sophocles, that when Ajax had lost the Arms of Achilles, In Aiace 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the judgement which Agamemnon pronounced against him in the favour of Ulysses his Competitor, he grew into so extree me an anger, that his wrath being changed into fury, he began to tun mad thorough the fields, and to draw his sword against a herd of Swine, whom he imagined to be Greeks'. And taking out of the whole number only two of the greatest he could choose, he hanged them up upon a limb of a tree, and began to whip and scourge them, upbraiding them with a thousand opprobrious and injurious speeches; firmly believing that these two hogs were Agamemnon and Ulysses, upon whom he resolved to revenge himself by their slaughter: on the one, for being judge against him; and on the other, as his enemy that had prevailed against him. In the end, being returned to his right senses, for very shame of his forepast actions, he sheathed his sword into his own throat, and so slew himself. Of madness growing in sudden passion of choler. Sometimes such surie is engendered in persons by a certain choler and animosity of courage, which they do suddenly and at unawares fall into: And they will be so far beside themselves (by reason their senses are troubled) that they will differ nothing at all from mad men. This is usually feene in battles and martial combats of generous persons, where it oftentimes happeneth, that the soldiers rushing with a rage and fury upon their enemies, do neither know their own colours, nor their friends and fellows: from whom in the end their Arms are to be taken out of their hands, because they will fall aswell upon their own people, as upon their enemies. Such sharpness and violence is common and usual in Lions, who having a fire brand fastened to their toil, and being fleshed against some Bull or Bear do quite forget their keeper and governor. And in the times of the Ancients it oftentimes fell out, that the Stage players who acted some furious person as an Hercules, an Athamas, a Thies●es', an Orestes, an Alemeon, or an Ajax, they have so acted the well representing and acting of their parts, as themselves in the midst of their sport, have become truly and indeed furious, and have done acts of outrage and fury, even such as the parties did whom they represent. The history of Aesop the Stage player is well known, who playing the part of Thiestes, did with his Sceptre kill one of his own boys. This Aesop was a great friend of Cicero; and Esaiae gave him the epithet and title of a grave man. Lucian writeth of a certain Actor or Stage player, who playing the part of Ajax, in a fury became in the midst of his part so troubled and distracted in his senses, that he did not any more feign himself to be furious, but he grow so truly, and indeed. From some he tore off their clothes; From the Musicians he snatched away their flutes and cornets: To him that acted Ulysses, if his coppe or bonnet wherewith he was covered, had not guarded him, he had made his head a drinking place for the fl●eses In the end not content with these fooleries, he descended from two Stage and placed himself in the midst between the Roman Senators; who having been in times past, consuls, were not without some fear lest this gallant would have mistaken them for Ulysses and Agamemnon, and so have whipped them as if they had been some curtal cur. This history maketh me to remember Vibius Gallus a Roman Orator (of whom Seneca speaketh) how he became (as a man would say) a very fool and distracted of his wits, only through the voluntary merrinesse, and pleasant conceitedness of his own mind. For he using to imitate too too much the veins of foolish persons, and counterfeiting them to his utmost: This imitation so changed him in nature, that he became a mere fool and natural indeed. But to give an end to this Discourse of furious and mad men: I may not forget what Tertullian saith, That those who be furious, do imagine that they see other men or beasts in those whom they behold, as Orestes saw his mother in his sister Electra and Ajax imagined Ulysses and Agamemnon to be amongst a herd of beasts: And (to make short) Agave and Athamas pursued and slew their own children, supposing they had killed savage and wild beasts. This shall suffice to be spoken touching the senses, and the fantasy, and concerning such, who oftentimes, by reason of the organs sensitive ill disposed, or by means of their fantasy corrupted by sickness, madness, melancholy, love, excessive fury, and other accidents have, either externally or internally felt their natural powers to be altered and changed, and have deceived themselves by false visions and phantosmes. It is now time that we come to another question which ariseth out of this Discourse, and can not well be separated from it: to wit: If the devil can at any time convey or mingle himself with the senses, either being sound or corrupted; or with the humours and fantasy being offended; or if it be only the power and faculty of Nature, or of the Stars, which do work those marvelous effects upon our bodies, as is affirmed by Avenrois, Pomponatius, and other Physicians, who do ordinarily attribute all things unto Nature. CHAP. XII. That the devil doth sometimes convey and mingle himself in the Senses being corrupted, and in the Fantasy affended, contrary to the opinion of the natural Philosophers. WE have heretofore showed, that ofttimes the Senses, by reason of their imbecility & depravation, and the Fantasy by means of diverse maladies, both corporal and spiritual, do feel in themselves an alteration from their proper and particular faculties as the eyes from seeing perfectly, the ears from hearing, the nose from smelling, the mind and the fantasy from reasoning and discoursing, and from discerning things by the use of reason. All which, is so manifest and evidently true, as to doubt thereof would be too too gross a folly and ignorance, because we see that the same daily happeneth: and there are very few men, who in their habitude or custom of life, do not receive and admit, through access of years, some change and alteration of their natural senses, and some dimination of their spirits. And as touching those, who in truth are wholly troubled and distracted from their sense or understanding; the examples thereof are so frequent, and the multitude of them is so great and copions that no man can be ignorant of the same. Yet this is not the point wherein any difficulty resteth; or wherein should consist the sum of this dispute: But it is sufficient, plainly and simply to affirm, that the nature of man may receive in itself changes; may err by the senses, may be perverted in her discourse, and may lose the use of reason, of prudence, and of understanding. To be brief, in things which receive no contradiction, (as this same it should be but a vain and lost labour to enter into any subtle discourse, and to seek out any great reasons and arguments In heaping up of the which, a man shall be sooner reproved of too much curiosity, then commended for his learning For this cause also, have not I dwelled much in playing the Philosopher, and dilating upon that which is easy for every man to know and see of himself? And if I have alleged and cited both some reasons of physic, and some histories which made to my purpose, the same hath been done rather by form and way of discourse, touching things whereof the notion is common, then of any intention or purpose to enter into the depth and secrets of Philosophy, especially in that which doth in no sort require the knowledge of a Philosopher. But now, as it is commonly seen, that in the pursuit of any discourse, which is easy in the first beginnings thereof, it is usuali to meet with some difficulties arising out of the principal matter a So doth it now fall out, that in speaking of the senses and the fantasy, I am fallen (I know not how) into an high and difficult question proceeding of that matter: and that is, Whether in the Senses▪ being either sound or corrupted;; or in the phantasy, being wounded and offended; the devil can possibly mingle and convey himself, and there exercise his fury; or if it be Nature only that worketh therein all alove: as is held by Pomponatius and Avenrois, according as I have formerly alleged. That nature is not the cause of any marvelous effects by working upon the Senses, or the fantasy corrupted or offended. A special thing that maketh me firmly to believe, that it is a kind of mockery to say, that Nature doth work in the Senses corrupted, or in the Phantafie offended; is this, that then is must needs be inferred, that the nature of man is more strong and puissant when if is corrupted and depraved, then when it is in it formed and entire estate. Which indeed is nothing else but to err in all true natural Philosophy, which doth ever prefer the habit before the privation of depravation of any thing. Besides, that the peccant and faulty humours should work more in human bodres, than those can do which are natural and do entertain the harmony of the body: I cannot conceive how it may be done, but we must seek out some other reason thereof, then that which is yielded by Pomponatius or Avenrois, or any other natural Philosophers, whose reasons I hold it convenient in this place to set down, and to see what they allege, to make us believe: that there is no other cause but Nature only, which doth work in and upon our bodies, our senses, and our humours, whatsoever is seen to happen unto them supernaturally. The argument of Avicen and other Philosophers touching the power of nature producing supernatural effects. Lib. 4. nature. cap. ultimo. Lib. 5. Physic cap. 9 Lib. 3 de Trins. First they affirm touching the bewitching and enchanting of the eyes, that oftentimes the soul of many persons doth work upon the body of another, as upon their own proper person. And therefore they infer, that the soul by her own natural virtue and power, is able at it own will and pleasure, to alter and change the senses of persons, and to bewitch their eyes. And of this opinion are Avicen and Algazel. But long time before them Saint Augustine was of a contrary opinion: For he saw little or no reason, how it could be, that men should have any such power or puissance one upon another, unless it were only by the operation of the devil. And although it may be objected, that the eye of a sick body, may naturally wound and offend the sound eyes of another, that shall regard and look upon the sick party; yet so it is, that a natural reason may be yielded for that; as being caused either by means of the air infected, and directed from the eye of the patiented towards the eyes of the sound person: or else, by reason of some secret Sympathy, which some men have with others. And sometimes also by a kind of Antypathie, a man may receive a kind of natural Fascination or Enchantment by the eyes; as little children in looking upon a Toad, and that little bird which the French name Rubienne, and the Greeks' call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of the which Elian and Snyd●s do write, Lib. 17. cap. 13. In verbo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. how it hath this property, that it healeth the malady or disease called the Purples, by looking upon the patiented, from whom it taketh by the eyes the infection and venom thereof: And for this cause, in times past they did use in selling this bird, to carry him close covered with a linen cloth, for fear lest the party so diseased, should have served his turn by it, Of diverse kinds of charms and enchantments which being supernatural, the natural Philosophers attributed to nature. in looking on the same before he had bought it. I know that Pliny recounteth, how amongst the Bulgarians, and in Ilbrium, there are certain whole families of Witches (which they of Avergne do call Fascignaires) or rather Sorcerers, which with their very look do kill those whom they look on with a cross or felonous eye or aspect. This maketh me to remember that which Aulus Gellius spenketh of in his Treatise entitled, Noctas Atticae, how there be some families in Africa, Lib. 9 ca 4. who on the contrary: do use to bewitch and for speak foldoes with their tongue and voice: and in giving out praises and speeches of commendation, do work the death and destruction both of trees, of bruit creatures, and of children. Now the Philosophers do think to yield a natural reason hereof saying; That those praises and commend at ory speeches do engender in the heart a kind of joy and gladness, and in the vaporous spirits, which the natural heat doth open, & cause to rebound, as it were, pell-mell, or confusedly by the face, and eyes, through which the venom and poison of the enchantment: doth strike into the eyes of others. And this is the cause why Aristotle writeth, Sect 20. proble. 24. That there was a custom, that when one would praise any body, they would use to say, and wish that Much good might do him, the praisas which were given him. But whatsoever the Philosophers do allege touching this enchanting or witch craft wrought with the speech yet the truth is, Answer to the former argument. that no man hath any such power to kill another, except it proceed of the Devil by the permission of God: much loss hath man the power to cast or send forth by his eyes into the eyes of another man, any infection that should be able to change and alter the habit or state of the body so readily: as is used to be done by diabolicali enchantments, with the which, such as come to be stricken and: attainted, are commonly surprised in amoment. And the very Ancients themselves (in my opinion) seemed not to be ignorant; that such kind of enchantments, That all enchantments wrought by speeches or looks, do happen only extraordinarily, and beyond the course of nature. In Epodis. Minusive lanquet Fascinum. Of divers superstirious devises used by the Ancients against witchcrafts and enchantments. done either by the voice, or by the eyes, did never happen but extraordinarily and beyond the course of nature. And that was the cause that in such cases they aided themselves with their superstitions, to drive and chase them far away from them, that they might not be stricken nor attached by them. Some of them used to carry tied about their neekes a certain kind of image or figure, made in form of a man's member, thinking that by virtue of the same, no Sorcerers should be able to hurt them. And such figure a they called Fascinum, like as Horace also nameth it; because it hindered Fascinations or Enchaumments. Others again used to wear upon their sore-heads, in form of a Garland, the flower called, Our Lady's Gloves; and in Latin named Bacchar, even for the same occasion, and for fear lest some ill tongue should charm or enchant them, which Virgil affirmeth in theseverses, — Bacchare frontem, Cingite nevati noceat mala lingua future. Which may be thus englished, About his brows let be a wreath of Bacchar knit, That by an evil talking tongue our Poet be not bit. And others there were that did use to spit in their own besoms or breasts, as Theocritus testifieth, saying; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The signification whereof in english is thus: That no man might have power mine charm mine eyes, Upon my breast I follow spitting thrice. The same also is to be seen amongst the Greek Epigrams; Libus 4. Epigr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And likewise in Tibullus in this verse; Despuit in ●●olless & sibi quisque sins. Upon his own most tender breast, Each man to split doth hold it best. But Theophrastus speaking of superstitious persons, doth witness the same yet much more, saying; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is to say, And if the superstitious person do happen to so a mad man, or any other person taken with the falling sickness, he will spit in his bosom quaking for very fear. And it is well worthy the marking which Theophrastus writeth: For the Annents (as Hypocrates reporteth) thought all those which were taken with the Epilepsy or falling sickness, De morbo sacro & de morbis Virginum. and such also as were furious or fallen mad, to be seized and possessed with devils and evil spirits which diddo torment them. And that was the cause that such as saw them in that passion or distemper, did spit upon their breasts or bosoms, for fear lest some inconvenience might befall to them by means thereof. There were moreover other kinds of charms and enchantments of the eyes, Of charms called Prestigies. which the Latins called Prestigies, the which also are no more natural than those former. For these Prestigies do so charm and bewitch our eyes, that it seemeth unto us we see marvelous things, and which do exceed beyond all nature: Howbeit in very deed the same be nothing else but a mere trumpery and deceit of the devil; by the which notwithstanding we do not perceive ourselves to be any otherwise offended, but in this only, that our sight is thereby somewhat altered and charmed. And in this sort Apuleius writeth, that himself fawe a juggler, Lib. 1. de Asino aureo. who by Art Magic did seem to eat and swallow up a sword and to thrust it through his own body. Lib. 34. histor. And the like as Diodorus Siculus reporteth) did the slave E●●● in the country of Sicil●●s' at such time as he usurped a tyrannical power over that Island, by the means and help of his Prestigies. For the other slaves whom he endeavoured to draw in his line, to make a partic with him, and to rebel against their masters, did hold and esteem him to be more than a mortal man, because, as often as him listed, he would cast forth of his mouth flames of fire, and would do many other such like marvelous deeds, and that altogether and only by Art magic. So do Atheneus and Eustatius recount how Cratistenes was so excellent a Magician, that he could not only charm the eyes, Libr. 8. Dipnos. In lib. 4. Odyss. but that he could also alter and change the very fantasy of men. And to that purpose I could here allege and cite the histories of many others the like Impostors and Deceivers; as namely Simon Magus, Apollonius, jamblicus, Maximus, Sopater, Sosipatra, and infinite other, whom I will reserve to another place to be spoken of more and better to the purpose. Of the representation of persons showed by Magicians to boys in a glass, whether they be ilusions, or not. Prestigies, what they are. But what shall we say to that which little children or boys use to see within the mirrors or glasses showed unto them by Magicians? shall we call them also Prestigies. It seemeth not: For the Prestigies are only phantoms and images of things which are not: and howsoever it be, they are true and entire deceits or illusions, leasings and impostures of the devil, who by the subtlety of his nature causeth the sight of things marvelous and supernatural. And for this cause those common jugglers and Impostors, of whom he serveth himself to make these his sports of Pass and repass, are named in proper word by the He brews, Chartumim, that is, Prestigi●torss or Deceivers, who do make strange wonders and miracles to appear in sight to the eyes of men, only by their subtilue or by the craft and subtlety, of the devil, for so doth Rabbs Levi affirm of them, now the Magicians boys do see lively and naturally represented before them the figure of some thief; and they do marke him distinctly, within the glass of the mirror, so that to call this a Prestigie or Imposture, would seem at the first show to have no show not appearance of reason. Notwithstanding, seeing that all this proceedeth of the devil; and seeing it is unpossible that the solide and absent body of the thief them appearing should be abiding in the glass: That the sight showed unto children by Magicians in a glass, are mere illusions & diabolical impostures. I may well say, That the same is nothing else but a mere witchcraft or imposture of the Devil which charmeth by his illusions the eyes of the nails, the picture and image of the thief. And nevertheless, though this be but a work of the Devil, and doth altogether exceed the power and course of nature, yet there have bin some Philosophers who have revoked the same unto the effects of nature, Opinions of Philosophers, that such sights are natural. Apollog. 1. and have attributed it unto the impollution and pureness of the soul of the child that seethe the figure of the thief so represented. For Apuleius, (who was one of the greatest Magicians of his time,) after he had spoken in his Apology of many children, who had seen, and prophened, or foretold wonders; in the end he addeth, He & alia de pueris lego equidem, sed dubius sententiae sum, dicam ne fieri, an posse negem. Quanquam Platoni credam, inter deos atque homines natura & loco medias quasdam Divorum potestates intersitas, ●ásphss divinationes cunctas & miracula Magorum gubernare. Quin & illud mecum reputo posse animum humanum & puerilem presertim simplicémque. seu carminum avocamento, sive odorum delinimento soporari, & ad oblivionem prasentium externari, & paulisper remota corporis memoria redigi ac redire ad naturam suam que est immortalis scilicet ac divina, atque ita quoddle quoddle sopore futura rerum presagire. Of this a man may gather. That Apuleius was in doubt, whether the nature of the child had the power to prophecy and foreshow things; or whether the devil did suggest and minister unto him that which it told and prophesied. But Pomponatius Christian Philosopher, and one that lived but a little in a manner, before our time, Opinion and reason of Pomponatius. De Inean●a●●●nibus. doth go a great deal further, and maketh not any doubt at all (as did Apuleins') but he freely leapeth forth, and (as a hardy Atheist) he saith roundly, that this proceedeth of nothing else but nature alone, and his words are these: So great and powerful (saith he) is the strength and virtue of the enchanter, that it passeth into the soul of the child being unpolluted, as doth the virtue of the adamant pierce into the Iron. For children are naturally prepared to receive impressions: & the soul of the child being once moved or set in motion, doth move his sensitive Spirits as they are moved in a dream, and so by means of their subtlety, they see many more things than others do. And therefore the child may see the thief naturally, by reason of the purity, force, subtlety, and agility of his spirits: And seeing it is to be presupposed that the soul is immortal: this is not more strange or miraculous, than the experience which we have of the Adamant, which draweth the Iron unto it. Hear you see the very proper words of Pomponatius, Answer to the reason of Pomponatius. who deceiveth himself in saying, that the enchantment which the eyes of the child do receive, is derived from him that is the enchanter. For than it should follow, that the Enchanter ought first of all to have a sight of the thing represented, and then afterwards should communicate the same to the child. For otherwise, how is it possible he should give that force unto the boy, which he himself hath not at all. And as touching the comparison between the Adamant and the Iron, that cannot any way serve to make for Pomponatius: for between the Adamant and the Iron, there is a kind of Sympathy. And what Sympathy (I pray you) can there be conceived between the soul of the child, and that of the enchanter, the one being unpolluted, and the other polluted? It were more fit therefore and convenient to affirm rather, that this is a very work of the devil, of the which the enchanter serveth himself to know by the sight of the child unpolluted, that which is secret and hidden from him. And in my opinion Fernelius the Physician seemeth to have been much more religious herein, then Pomponatius. For he freely confesseth, that this is but a mere imposture and diabolical deceit, which cometh not of the effects of nature, but by force of the charms. And you shall see his very own words which he useth in Latin, being very elegant and in good terms: Fernelius lib. 1. cap. 11. de Abditis rerum cau sis. Vidi quendam vi verborum spectra varia in speculum derivare, quae illic quaecunque imperaret, mox aut scripto, aut veris imaginibus ita dilucidè exprimerent, ut promptè & facile ab assidentibus omnia internoscerentur. Audiebantur quidem verba sacra, sed obscoenis nominibus spurcè contaminata, cuiusmodi sunt Elementorum potestates, horrenda quaedam & inaudita principum nomina qui Orientis, Occidentis, Austri, Aquilonísque regionibus imperant. That is to say, I have seen a man, who by the force of charms and certain words, hath made diverse spectres and images, to come within a mirror or looking-glass, the which have there expressed either by writing, or by some other demonstrations and true figures, whatsoever he would command them; and they have done it so clearly and manifestly, as it was most easy for the assistants and bystanders to know and discern them. There you should hear certain sacred and holy words pronounced, but altogether polluted with most filthy and vile barbarous names, as of certain powers of the Elements, and with certain horrible and unknown names of the Princes and chief of devils, having a command over the Orient, the Occident, the South, and North Regions of the world. So that Fernelius attributeth these kind of enchantments and fascinations, or the binding and bewitching of the eyes of children or boys, not unto the faculties and powers of nature pure and unpolluted: but only to the working of the devil, which doth work and show forth his effects, being called up by the charms and enchantments of the Magician: with whom he hath a certain strict confederation & near alliance. And this aught to be received and admitted before all the reasons of Pomponatius, and others of that sect, who take upon them in matters merely Metaphysical and supernatural, to dispute as if they were simply Physical and Natural. I know well, that Avicen beside all this, The opinion of Avicen, attributing enchantments to the vehemensy of the imagination. Lib. 8. de Animalie 7. in Fine affirmeth, that the cause of enchantments & charms, cometh of the vehement imagination of the soul: And he yieldeth an example thereof in the Hen, which having beaten the Cock in fight, will stretch herself up upon her feet, and beat with her wings, and set up her train, as if she were a Cock indeed: and sometimes may be seen a little horn growing out of her leg, such as hath the Cock. And hereof (saith he) it may be known and comprehended, the obeisance which nature beareth and yieldeth to the imaginative conceits and cogitations of the soul. And by this would Avicen infer, that the cogitations sometimes are such, as they have power to alter and change both the sensitive Organs, and the internal or interior part, in such sort, that a man should find himself (as it were) altogether transformed in himself. Which serveth well to confirm the opinion of Avenrois, who said; that the imagination of them which are bitten by a mad dog, is so great and violent, that even in their urine (as we have erst said) a man shall see as it were the figures of little dogs. But this which Avicen affirmeth, cannot stand in regard of the transmutation of the common sense, The opinion of Avicen refuted. or of the phantafie and apprehension: And it doth extend too far also the imaginative powers of the soul: the which, howsoever they do work in us marvelous and strange things; yet nevertheless, the same is only by anaturall apprehension and commotion, which moveth and stirreth up in us, and in our body a certain heat and cold, as we see in them that are grown into a sudden choler, or into a fear: And it doth sometimes so change our health, that it is the cause either of death, or of some extreme grief or sickness. And to little purpose is that comparison of the Hen, or of the party bitten with a mad dog, set down by Avenrois and Avicen: forasmuch as the same is beyond all experience: and it is very hard to be believed, especially that same touching the party so bitten by a mad dog For as touching that of the hen, it is no new nor strange matter, if having beaten the Cock, she do imagine herself to be a Cock, seeing that the Cock himself, which maketh the Hen (as the saying is) will sometimes endure other Cocks to mount upon him, and to tread him, as if he were a Hen. Neither is this any thing abhorring from nature, nor is it any other thing, but such as daily happeneth, and that even by the virtue imaginative of natural creatures. But that the imagination can engender in us such marvelous effects, as the bewitching and blinding of the eyes, and the enchantment of the senses useth to produce and bring forth: that is an heresy in nature, which ought to be hissed at, and utterly re●ected, if there be no better reasons to be yielded for it. Objection of Pomponatius, touching spectres, the sights appearing to Dion, and the noise heard by Antony, and that such are no natural impressions in the soul. Apud plutarchum in vita Antonii & Dionis. To make short, no less false and untrue also, is that which the same Pomponatius speaketh; inferring that that which Dion is reported to have seen, and that which Antony is written to have heard, was but an impression in the soul, of some signs and tokens which did foreshow and prognosticate some future evils, which should afterwards befall and happen unto them. For even as (saith he) it happeneth in sleeping, that a man taketh an impression in his mind, of strange things that shall befall unto him: So in waking, if a man be in a deep muse and profound imagination, he shall take an impression into his soul, by the force of the heavens, of that which shall betide & fall unto him. And a man shall imagine, that he seethe and heareth (as in a dream) that which doth presage some future mishap and disaster to come. Notwithstanding, as we have before said, following the authority of Aristotle, Answer to the former objection. there is not any imagination so strong and forcible, that can so pervert the senses, that they will suffer themselves to be guided or misled thereby: And (as he saith) well it may be, that there may be an exceeding great passion, and such as is that, De somno & vigilia. wherewith persons (afflicted with an extreme fever) use to be touched; who commonly do imagine, that they see images and figures in a wall; albeit in truth and very deed, they see nothing at all. But that such men as are sound and well disposed, should suffer themselves to be abused by the force of their imagination, (unless it were by the Prestigies and illusions of Satan) or that they can possibly see whatsoever they do profoundly imagine, is too too abhorring from any reason to be affirmed: Or to make the heaven the cause thereof, seemeth to proceed only for default of a more apparent or better reason to confirm it. Better it were therefore (as hath been said) to refer the cause of all this, Of the means how the imaginative power and senses may be deceived in spectres and phantosmes by the illusion of the devil. Tome 2. Sum Sacra Theolog. quest: 80. Arti. 2. to the working of the devils: who (as Saint Thomas of Aquin says) may cause the same to proceed by the local motion, as well of the human inferior bodies, as of the spirits and powers sensitive, if they be not repressed by the divine powers and puissance. For so it is, that by the local motion of the humours, in sleep, there do present themselves diverse sensible forms and figures, (as Aristotle saith) caused through the abundance of the blood, that descendeth to the sensitive principles, and there do leave diverse impressions of sensible motions, the which do confer and keep themselves in the sensible Species or shapes, and do move the apprehension in such sort, that they do appear, as if the senses outwardly did move themselves: So that it is not strange, that the devil having power permitted him (as is said) to move the humours, may also make and cause them waking to receive by the eyes, or other senses, divers imaginations, figures, voices, sounds and other things that see me very strange & marvelous. And this is the cause, (as Saint Angustine saith) That there is not any of the corporal senses, but the devil may possess the same, and use it at his pleasure, if God do so permit him: Serpit hoc malum Diaboli (saith this Doctor) per omnes aditus sensuales, dat se figuris, accommodat se coloribus, Lib. 18. Quest. adharet sonis odoribus se subijcit, infundit se saporibus & quibusdam nebulis implet omnes meatus intelligentiae. That is to say, So mischievous is the devil, that he creepeth throughout all the passages of the senses. He adhereth unto sounds, he subjecteth and insinuateth himself into smells and odours, he poureth himself into savours, and he filleth all the passages of the intelligence with certain mists and clouds. And by the same reason it happeneth also, That the devil doth cast himself also into the inward and interior senses, and into the fantasy of men, and moveth them in the same sort as he doth the external: and by a certain ecstasy and alienation of their spirits which he causeth; he maketh divers forms, spectres, and phantosmes to appear in their imaginations: the which at such times as they awake from sleep, will so lively represent themselves to the external senses, that a man cannot be otherwise persuaded, but that he hath truly and indeed seen them: albeit the same were but a pure illusion of the devil. Of diabolical ecstasies happening to witches and sorcerers, that they be not by the departing of the soul from the body for a season, but only by illusion of the devil. Now this doth lead us, as it were by the hand, to those discourses and reports of Witches and Sorcerers: In whose fantasies and internal senses the devil doth so well and cunningly imprint and fasten certain Images and figures of things: that the same do afterwards convey themselves to their outward senses, howbeit that they have neither seen nor heard the same, but only in a kind of dream, and diabolical ecstasy. For that the soul of the Sorcerer should issue forth and departs out of the body (as some persons of this age have imagined) is a thing that cannot in any sort be appreoved, and we will easily refute and disproove the same by sufficient reason and authorities, when time shall serve, and that we come to speak of prodigious dreams. But upon the matter it shall now suffice, 26 Quest. 5. cap. Episcop. that the Council of Ancyra, according as is to be read in the Cannon Law, hath determined; that whatsoever the divelles do instill into the spirits and minds of Sorcerers and Sorceresses, is not by any abstraction made of the soul out or from the body, but only by true and pure illusions, fantosmes, and deceptions, making them believe that they ride, I know not on what kind of beasts with Corruttéla the goddess of the Paynims, and with Herodiade. It appeareth also by the determination of the same Council, that the Sorcerers which see such things are seduced by the devil, and through their infidelity do deserve to be misled by those diabolical illusions. And this showeth apparently, that the Sorcerers and Sorceresses do never enter and fall into such kinds of ecstasies, in the which they see divers phantosmes that do convey themselves to the external senses at the time of their awaking; except they have intelligence and confederation with the devil. For otherwise the devil could never fasten his illusions so deeply in their imagination, to make them believe, that they had seen that in their body which they do not see indeed, but only in spirit and imagination of the mind. And I say this expressly to refute the opinion of some Physicians of our time, as namely, Baptista de Porta a Neapolitan, Opinion of Baptista de Porta and other Physicians refuted, a tributing the ecstasies of For cerers to ointments, etc. who do affirm and maintain that the sleeps of Sorcerers replenished with such vain imaginations in dreaming, do proceed of no other cause than of a sleepy kind of ointment, wherewith they do use to anoint themselves before they come to be ravished in those their ecstasies. But the truth is, there is not any kind of oil, ointment, perfume, or any other such like drug, that hath any such power or virtue to make men to fall asleep, and to dream in that manner as Sorcerers use to do: who at the time of their awaking do sometimes make report of things which fall out to be true indeed, which can be by no other mean, than the ministry of devils, which do show unto them in their sleep and dreams, the images of things that are true and certain, and do withal persuade them, when they awake, that they have seen them sensibly and indeed: Now these kinds of Sorcerers that do thus imaginarily enter into their Sabbaoths, are no less worthy of punishment, than those that use to be carried thither by corporal transportation, of whom we shall speak hereafter, when we come to entreat of Spectres, fully, and at large. Opinion of Alciat touching transportation of witches. This being not well considered of, by the great and learned Alciat, who cast his mind too too much upon the reasons of Nature, which have no place in things that are supernatural, it made him undertake the defence of such Sorcerers and Sorceresses as use to be transported to their Sabbaths by imagination: insomuch as in his Book entitled Parerges, Libr. 8. he reproveth a certain Inquisitor of Piedmont that caused a great number of those Sorcerers, both men and women, to be put to death, condemning them to be burnt with fire. In whose defence, A discourse of Alciat in defence of witches transported by imagination. mark what he writeth; After that he hath reproved the cruelty of that Inquisitor, who he saith, was chased out of that Country by the Inhabitants upon that oceasion: Albeit (saith he) some of the husbands of those that were accused of witchcraft and Sorcery, being men of credit and honest reputation, did constantly affirm and protest, that even at that very instant, wherein those witches their wives were accused to be dancing under a certain great vine, themselves were laid close by their sides, and did speak unto them; yea, & some had their secret company: yet answer thereunto was made, that those were not their wives themselves, that did so lie and had the company of their husbands: but that they were devils that took upon them a resemblance of their form, and a kind of fantastical body like unto theirs, and so with an illusion did abuse their husbands. Whereunto I forthwith replied (saith Alciat) And why do you not rather presume, that that was the devil which was seen dancing under the tree, together with his companions in the form and habit of those women, and so discharge them upon the testimony of their husbands, who were laid in bed with them at that very time; wherein you accuse them to be thus reveling and dancing? Why should you feign or invent this Assertion, to say that the true body was in a feigned & false dance. and that that which was but a fantastical body should belayde, resting quietly in bed? What need was there heerem to augment the miracles and power of the devil by increasing it, and leaving the profession of a religious divine, to execute the office of a severe and cruel judge: which turneth and construeth all things to the worst against the party accused, without permitting any purgation or justification made in his behalf? It was sufficiently proved (saith the same Alciat) by divers Informations, that all that assembly of devils which was intended to be no other than of witches, was suddenly chased away, and made to vanish out of sight, by a simple woman, who (passing by where this Sabbath was kept) did nothing but call upon and pronounce the name of jesus: and suddenly upon the very sound and hearing of that name, all the Dancers did suddenly make away: and no man could tell what was become of them, even in a moment. Now if those were true bodies, how is it possible they could so soon be gone and vanish? It must needs be therefore, that they were but mere phantosmes, and as the Gardens of Tantalus, In vita Apollo. according to that saying and proverb of Philostratus. Yea but say they, The women themselves did confess that they were there dancing, and did yield unto all that which was brought in evidence against them. But to this the answer is easy (saith Alciat) namely, that the imagination of those women was faulty and corrupted by melancholy, or some other maladies, which Pliny in one place calleth the illusions and mock cries of the Fans or Fairies, which did require rather the help and cure of a Physician, then of an Inquisitor, and might well have been healed, if the most part of them had not been very poor, and without means to defray the charge of it. In the end, not knowing how to resolve himself, he comes to the Counsel of Ancyra, which maketh altogether against him, and marks those Sorcerers with the touch of impiety and infidelity, who do receive in their inward senses, those diabolical phantosmes and illusions, and do imagine themselves to be in the company of Diana or of Herodiada notwithstanding, that in very deed, they be lying still in their beds, by a certain ravishment & in an ecstasy. Thus thinking to defend those who are altogether unworthy to be defended, he falleth upon that which doth utterly condemn them. For what greater sin can any man allege to be raiguing in the world, than this impiety, to have association with the devil, of the which all Sorcerers are undoubtedly partakers, at such time as they do fall into any such ecstasy, and do see such devilish visions, according as the counsel of Ancyra hath determined of them? Now as touching that melancholy which Alciat doth attribute to the ecstasy of Sorcerers, Answer to the opinion of Alciat touching Sorcerers, their being in an ecstasy, and that it comes not of melancholy, but by the cunning of the devil. it is a thing merely ridiculous, and deserveth no answer, because it is not credible, that those, which confessed themselves to have been in the company of the devil, should all of them be stricken with one and the same malady and infirmity of mind, and should acknowledge themselves to have seen the very same things so consonant and agreeable each to other, but that there must needs be some cunning of the devil in causing it. And as little to purpose is that which he alleged, that those who were accused to be Sorcerers, should be laid in bed by their husbands, at such time as they were accused to be at their Sabbath. For Spranger telleth us, that even in the company of the husbands themselves, the devils have had carnal copulation with Sorceresses, and that even in a visible form. Much more therefore may it stand with reason, that the Sorceresses even in the company of their husbands, may be ravished and grow into an ecstasy, and see in their imagination such devilish visions, even as they be laid by the sides of their hushauds. Now of these kinds of ravishment by way of ecstasy, I can allege unto you an infinite number of histories; but it shall suffice that I recire two or three only, which I have read in Caietan, named de Ʋio, an interpreter upon S. Thomas of Aquine: and in Nider, from whom both Silvester Prieras, Spranger, Henry Institoris, and others, having made that book, entitled Mullens maleficarum; and Ghirlandus also have collected the better part of their Treatise. Now, De Vie showeth how himself did know a certain woman a Sorceress, In quast. 106. secunda secunda arti. 3. which was exceedingly enamoured of a young man, and whom the devil did anoint all naked with a certain ointment, persuading her, that he would bring her into the house of her beloved. This woman having been of a long time in an ecstasy, and coming again to herself, affirmed, that she had been and lain with her friend, and no man could persuade her to the contrary; notwithstanding that in very deed, she was found laid all naked in her bed, and there had been so exceedingly wearied and toiled, that being taken with an hoarseness by reason of the extreme cold which she had endured, she was driven to keep her bed, till she was thoroughly eased and refreshed. And Caietan had not afterwards showed and made it manifest unto her, that this which she had seen, was nothing else but an imagination, she would never have conceived the truth thereof; so greatly was she deceived and abused by the devil. And he telleth farther, how he knew an old woman, who had reported and given out, that she would not fail to be at the Sabbaoth, and that she should be transported thither from her chamber: howbeit for all this, she was found stark naked in the same chamber, altogether senseless and in an ecstasy: insomuch, as the illusion and deceit of the devil, being made manifest and apparent unto her, she was converted and brought to be of another mind. And Nider allegeth also an example of another old woman, who being by no means to be converted or persuaded by her Inquisitor, she did, in the end, betake herself to enter into her chamber, at such time as she vaunted that she would go to her Sabbath: and there was she seen, how at the first she began to sleep sitting, and then to grow into a great sweat, holding a basin in her hand; the which falling down, she also fell upon the ground all at her length, and there discovering her secret parts, she was afterwards awakened, not without being greatly ashamed and confounded. That Witches and Sorcerers have sometimes carnal copulation with the devil, and be in outward appearances changed into the shapes of beasts. But, that we may not fall away too soon from our purpose touching Sorcerers and others, who have sworn alliance and confederacy with the devil. Besides that, they be ravished in an ecstasy, they have sometime also carnal copulation with him, and may be changed in the form and shape of diverse beasts. And albeit the Physicians will come upon us with their disease called Ephialte or the Falling-sickness, the which we have formerly described, and with their Licantropie, with which diseases they that be taken and surprised do imagine themselves to have carnal company with spirits, or do think themselves to be changed into wolves: yet in very truth, so it is, that there be some men and women, which in very deed have had copulation as Incubi or Sutcubis with the devils, and have been changed into wolves so far forth, as the outward sight and sense was able to discern and have had the same affection as wolves have, and (which is more) have been coupled with the females of wolves. This is a thing in some fort very difficult and hard to be believed, esperially of such as be naturalists, and do attribute most things to the work & power of nature: and I know that Pliny doth make a mock and jest at it, and especially at that which is called Lycanthropy, which he accounteth but a mere fable. And yet nevertheless himself allegeth Evanthe's a Greek Author, who saith; that there is in Arcadia, a certain lineage of men, Lib. 8. cap. 22 who passing over a certain flood or river, do become wolves, and repassing the same, do return into their human shape again. So that he is doubtful of that which he ought to believe in that point: And being ignorant of the power of devils, he rests himself upon the power of nature, which is in some sort excusable in him, being but a Pagan. But it is a question worthy the handling, to know whether the devils have the power to change in very deed, Question, whether the devil can change the bodies of men indeed, or not. the substance of man's body; or whether it be in 07 show and appearance only; deceiving not only the fantasy of the Sorcerer, or of the party which shall be bewitched or enchanted, but also the external senses of those that shall behold them. The truth is, this question hath been handled by Saint Augustine, who holdeth, Answer. Lid. 18. de civi. dei. that the true bodies of men cannot in any sort be changed by the Art of the devil; but that he may well be in such a body as is fantastical, and which either in dreaming or in imagination doth diversely alter and change itself by many sorts and kinds of things that do present themselves unto the mind: And albeit the same be not indeed a true body, yet may it take the forms and shape of a body, suppressing and keeping (as it were) asleep the outward senses of men, in such sort, as their true bodies may in the mean while repose themselves, and be at rest in some other place surprised and overcome with a deep and profound sleep. And the same Saint Angustine goeth yet further and saith, how himself knew the father of one named Prestantius, who was changed into a Muse: and being thus metamorphosed, did carry upon his back certain carriages and baggage of soldiers. And this learned Doctor doth set down: his resolution. That this was nothing else but a mere illusion of the devil: and that the father of Prostantius was not changed into a Mule; and much less did he carry any bag or baggage, but that these were the devils which did charm and enchant the eyes of the beholders, making them believe, that the father of Prostantius was a Mole, and carried those burdens & baggage: notwithstanding that it was they themselves which carried them. And agreeable to this resolution of Saint Augustine, Gulielmus Parisiensis doth recount a certain history which is worthy the marking, Vltima part de univers. because in things of like sort (besides the conclusion of Saint Augustine being somewhat too spare in this point) it may be gathered, that the devils do seize themselves of natural beasts, as mules, horses, wolves, and such like creatures▪ and the mean while do possess the fantasy of Sorcerers, or of persons enchanted by them, and do make them believe, that they are changed into beasts, bringing withal into their fantasy, that which themselves do work in the mean season, by the ministry of those beasts. The history of William of Paris, is this, he saith; how he himself know a man, who thought himself to be changed into a wolf, and at a certain hour did withdraw and retire himself into a hollow cave, far retired within a thick and shady wood, where he fell asleep, and in sleeping, dreamt, that he was become a wolf indeed, howbeit that in very truth, the devil did only possess a natural wolf, which he made to run up & down that wood, whilst this man lay there sleeping. And in the end this was discovered, the man being there found in a deep sleep, and lying ravished in an ecstasy within the cave. Objection against the former answer. Contrary nevertheless and repugnant to this (which both Saint Augustine and William of Paris do affirm) are many and diverse histories, which may be read in sundry Authors concerning such persons or have been changed into beasts: For (besides the Hermit of Dole,) who in our time was found to be changed into a wolf, and taking with his paws a little child which he was going to devour, if he had not been surprised and discovered, and having in part the figure and shape of a man, and partly of a wolf. Most notorious also are those histories in Spranger, touching three Damsels, Mallei Malleficarum. who in form of a Cat, did assault and set upon a poor labouring man, who did hurt them all three, and they were so found hurt and wounded in their bed: And that of a young Merchant, who was changed into an Ass by a Sorceress of Cyprus, who nevertheless, did always esteem himself to be a man, albeit his companions did believe him to be an Ass, and did chase and expel him out of their ship, as being such a one indeed. And it is a thing worthy to be considered in this latter, that although he were taken and reputed of all others for an Ass, yet the Sorceress herself, that had enchanted him, and other Sorcerers her neighbours did use and entertain him still, as a man, especially being in the house and within the doors: for abroad he was constrained by the Sorceress, to carry upon his back burdens of corn and of wood. Solution of the former question. That the devil doth not change the bodies of men In 2. Sentent. dist. 8. An Demons possunt imprimere in sensus corporales praectigus illudendo. Now even this same serveth to show, that the devil doth not change the bodies of men, but only in show and appearance doth abuse and deceive the fantasy of men, which do imagine and think those to be beasts, who indeed are no other than reasonable men. And of the same opinion is Thomas Aquinas, howsoever there be some in our time, who would have made men believe, that he affirmed purely and simply, that the devils and Angels have the power by their natural virtue, to change our bodies. But under their correction, they did ill understand the word Transmutation, as it is in that Doctor. For the same is to be understood passively as concerning those, who in appearance have their senses, and the fantasy changed by the devil, and by consequent are easy to be abused and deceived by that immutation and alteration which they find in themselves, far from that which is natural and familiar to them. And we have already, How, and in what manner the devil doth work his illusions, in seeming to change the bodies of men into other forms which truly and indeed they are not. and shall again in other places show, how that the devil working upon the fantasy, doth move and stir the humours, and doth in some sort, cause a transmutation of them by a local motion: And this transmutation of the humours, being internal or inwards, doth communicate itself, not only to the external senses of the party which is charmed and enchanted, but to those also of the beholders, as we have afore declared, if God do not impeach and hinder it. As we read that saint Macarius, having a young maiden brought unto him, which was reported to have been changed into a Mare, did nevertheless for his part alone well see and perceive, that she was not a Mare, but a natural woman: And it was, by reason that he was a godly and holy man, and the devil had not the power to use his Prestigies and illusions towards him. For if this young maiden had in very deed and truth, beeene changed into a Mare, she had not been taken at the first sight by Macarius for a maiden, as indeed she was, and by him was cured from the illusion of the devil. To be brief, we may conclude with Saint Augustine, The resolution of the former question. Lib. 18. de civitate dei & 3. de Trinit. Non esse credendum daemonum arte vel potestate hominis corpus in bestialia lineamenta posse-converti, & transgressoribus Angelis ad nutum servere hanc rerum visibilium materiam sed soli Deo. That it is not a thing to be believed, that the devils have any Art or power, to change and convert the body of a man, into the lineaments or members of bruit beasts, or that this matter and substance of visible creatures, should be obedient to the beck and command of those wicked Angels, but that this is a power proper to God alone. And this reckoning are we to make of that fable of Circus, who was said to have changed the companions of Vlysses into very natural swine; which is not to be accounted other than such as it is, to wit, merely fabulous, unless a man will say (as the same Saint Augustine doth) that these were illusions and Prestigies wrought by Art Magic, such as the ancient Poet Propertius, doth attribute to another Magician, a notorious woman witch; whom he celebrateth in his Poems, to have been so famous and powerful in her charms, that she could have changed herself into a wolf at her pleasure, as is to be seen in those his verses; Andax cantata leges imponere Lunae, Et sua nocturno fallere terga lupo. The Moon she durst command by her enchanted power And falsed shape of Wolf, by night to take upon her. Eclog. Or as Virgil affirmeth of the shepherd Maeris, who by virtue of herbs brought from Pontus, did change herself into a wolf, and did range the woods. But it may be objected, that Nebuchodonoxer was changed into a beast: Objection of the change of Nebuchadnezzer into an Ox. Solution. and wherefore then should it not be credible, that men may in very deed be changed into wolves? First I deny, that the Scripture doth precisely affirm, that Nabuchodoneser was changed into a beast, but that he did eat hay as a beast, and that the nails of his fingers and his feet, did grow as the claws of an Eagle. The which is a thing worthy to be marked, and doth evidently show unto all such undiscreet persons, as would have men to be transformed into wolves, how much their minds and understanding are subject to unconstancy and indiscretion, that they cannot make any profit, but do wrest to their ownesense, that which being well examined, doth make altogether against them. For in that the Scripture saith, the nails of Nabuchodonozer did grow in such a manner, and that he did eat hay as an Ox: it giveth us to understand, that his form or shape was not changed, but that he had so lost the use of reason and his understanding, that he thought and imagined himself to: be a beast, and he did therefore eat hay as a beast; not that he was really and indeed a beast. For seeing his essential form was not changed, (as themselves do confess) and the corporal and reasonable parts of man are two essences so linked and conjoined together, that before the day of death, they can never be separated: how can it be, that the reasonable part being not possible to be changed, because it is essential to man; (as themselves allege) yet the body which is united, and tied unto the reason and understanding, should, and may notwithstanding be changed and transformed? Certainly the body of man and the soul are Relatives: and a man cannot presuppose a human body to be living and walking, but he must give unto it a reasonable soul: and so likewise on the contrary part, we cannot take any consideration here below of a living soul using reason, but we must give it a body proportioned with all the draughts, features and lineaments of a man. This being a thing so true and certain, as to make a doubt thereof, would be a manifest error, and against the principles of natural Philosophy: How can it then be, that the soul being not to be changed by their own confession, our bodies nevertheless should be changed and take the body of a beast? But they infer yet further & say, men have the power to make a cherrytree or such like plant, Objection by sundry examples. to bear and bring forth roses or apples, and they can change iron into steel, and the form of silver into gold: wherefore then should it be thought so strange a matter, that the devil should change the figure of a body, into some other shape, seeing his power doth by far exceed that of men? Solution and answer to the first example. Goodly comparisons no doubt: as though the man (which doth grafted in a tree a rose or any other graft) be he, that doth cause to grow within or upon the tree, or the wild stock, that which is so strange and different from the proper substance of the tree; and not rather nature itself, which by means of the sap of the tree mounting to the graft, doth make it to be incorporated and united to the bark and body of the same tree, and (as Virgil saith) Vdo facit in elescere libro. Certain it is, that he which doth grafted it, doth nothing else but lend his hands to Nature, the which, (as touching the rest) according to the power that God hath given it, doth work and bring it forth, causing it to come to these effects as we see. The which, howsoever they may seem marvelous, yet are they notwithstanding merely natural and easy to be comprehended, as proceeding from that which doth delight in the diversity of her work: and as Petronius Arbiter saith; Non uno contenta valet natura tenore Sed commutatas gaudet habere vices. Great is the force of nature, her course oft changing, Never contented with one kind of working. Now God hath not given such power unto the devil, so to transform any body into another, and to alter and change the substance thereof in any sort; neither is there any likeness or identity of reason, between the grafting of a tree, and the transmutation of an entire and solid substance into another body. And more than that, howsoevering grafting of any thing, a man do cut away even half the stock to incorporate the graft, yet doth the stock still remain the same, and the graft taketh it noriture of the sap of the stock, and doth retain the nature thereof: and that this is so, it is apparent, for that in the grafting of roses upon an hawthorn, or other wilding, or an oak, they will grow to be green, by reason of the sap of the wilding, or of the oak. And therefore the nature of the tree is not so changed by the new grafting of it, but that a man may easily take knowledge of the first substance thereof, the which is far otherwise in the substance of any man, that is said to be changed and transformed by the devil: for that therein cannot be discerned the tract or show of any human shape. So that then the devil must be acknowledged to be of more might and puissance than Nature itself, the which the Hebrews did esteem in a manner as a god. Answer to the 2. example. Now as touching that they allege, that man doth change iron into steel, and silver into gold; they do not see how therein they do most grossly and absurdly speak against themselves. For I will use no other than their own comparison to refel all those that shall maintain the transmutation of any true substance. For as it is most certain, that iron doth easily refine itself into that which in nature is next and nearest unto it, that is, steel: nevertheless it is always iron, and is easy to be discerned from that steel which is fine and natural. And as silver (being molten and dissolved with matters of another nature) may easily take the colour of gold, and come to counterfeit and adulterate the same, and yet is not able to change it, but that it will be discovered for such as it is, being tried either with the graver, the touchstone, the hammer, or some such means: In like manner, the devil (howsoever by charming the eyes and sight of the beholders, he do seem in some sort to adulterate and falsify the substance of man, in making it appear other than it is indeed: yet nevertheless doth not the human substance suffer any change or alteration. So that we may briefly resolve and conclude this point with Saint Thomas of Aquine: that the devil deceiving and deluding both the inward and outward senses, In 2. sententia distinct. 8 and consequently the judgement of men, doth represent unto them, things diverse and far different from their natural substances, neither is the same a thing more new or strange unto him, than it is unto some men, who by very art and cunning, and by means of certain candles and fumigations, will cause (as hath been before touched) that a chamber shall seem to be full of serpents, albeit in very truth, there be nothing less than serpents in the chamber, and only the eyes are deceived and deluded. In the same sort, howsoever the devil doth represent under the true form of a man, some wolf, horse, mule, or some such other beast: yet nevertheless the man doth still abide and remain the same that he was, and he is not either changed or transformed in any fashion whatsoever, but only in the imagination of the fantasy, which is possessed and troubled by the devil. And this both all the ancient Doctors of the Church, and all the general Counsels have determined and agreed upon. And therefore I cannot but marvel, that there should be any men so obstinately addicted and wilfully wedded to their opinions, as to bring in and maintain against all antiquity, and contrary to the Canons, a new kind of heresy, the which they go about to prove, only by such authorities and examples, as they do wrest and pervert to their own sense and meaning: wherein they do something savour of the error of Manes, the father of the Manichees; Qui aliquid divinitatis aut numinis extra unum Deum arbitrabatur: who did hold, that there was a kind of divine power, besides that of the one only God. For he said, that there were two creators, the one of things earthly and material; the other of things celestial, which doth even jump with the opinion of those men. For to make the devil to have such power, as to change the body of man into another form; what other thing is it, then to give and attribute unto him that power and puissance, as to create a new form, and thereinto give him a kind of prerogative over the body of man, which is a thing only reserved unto God alone, the creator of all things, both visible and invisible, corporal and incorporal. But this shall suffice as touching Sorcerers, and that transmutation which they do maintain of human bodies into the body; of some other creature: The which in very deed, neither is, nor can be done, but only in appearance (as we have oftentimes formerly repeated) and only by the fantasy and imagination corrupted and deluded by the prestigious deceits and illusions of the devil. How, and in what sort the fantasy of men is possessed & deluded by the Devil. Now, that we may not wander from that which we have in hand, we will here show, how, and in what sort the fantasy also is possessed by the devil, either at such time as the humours of the body are disposed & fit for it; or when the person hath been bewitched & enchanted: or else, by reason of some other secret unknown to men, and reserved to the knowledge of God alone. For (as it is most certain and assured) that the brain of man is the fear of the imagination and the fantasy; and that by the same (by means of the organs and instruments proper and fitted thereunto) the conceptions of the soul are uttered and brought forth: So, if the Devil do once perceive that the brain is troubled or offended by any maladies or infirmities which are particularly incident thereunto: as the Epilepsy, or Falling evil, Madness, Melancholy, Lunatic fits, and other such like passions: He presently taketh occasion to torment and trouble it the more: And (by the permission of God,) seizing himself of the same, he doth trouble the humours, amaze and confound the senses, captivateth the understanding, possesseth the fantasy, darkeneth and blindeth the powers of the soul; and speaking through the organs of the body (being then fitted and made apt to bring to light his own conceits and devises) he then cometh to show himself in his kind, speaketh strange languages, telleth of things that are chanced and come to pass in divers parts of the world; prophesieth of things to come (although for the most part he be found a liar;) and in brief, he worketh such marvels and wonders, as no man can believe are possibly able to proceed from any body of a human nature. Opinion and reasons of Levinus Lemnius, & other Physicians, who do attribute to Nature the strange effects of persons possessed with Devils. Levinus Lemnius his opinion of men possessed with spirits. Lib. 2. cap. 2. collect. de occult. nat. miraculis, cui add Cornelium Gemmam qui de miraculis naturae itidem librum composuit. This notwithstanding, some Physicians there be in our time, who will needs reduce this (as also all other things which be supernatural) to the ordinary course and working of nature: and they imagine that they can yield a reason for the same: which being well searched, doth discover itself to be most vain and frivolous, and cannot any way in the world be maintained. Amongst others. Levimus Lemnius discoursing of the secrets of Nature: and being to handle this point, doth marvelously stick upon the contemplation of human nature, and of the force of the natural humours. For these are his words: There is (saith he) a certain wonderful force and virtue which doth stir up the humours, and a certain vehement heat doth disturb and move the imaginative power, at such time as the sick persons in the extreme and burning heat of their fevers do speak and utter forth sometimes openly and with a kind of eloquence, and sometimes confusedly, and (as it were) stuttering and stammering, such languages as they never knew nor learned: And it is most sure that there be some humours so sharp and violent, that when they come to be inflamed or corrupted, so as their fuliginous excrements do strike up to the brain, they will make those that are surprised therewithal, to stagger and stuner in their speech, not unlike those that are overcome with wine; and will make them to chatter and talk in a strange language. Now if this didd proceed of any evil spirits, than would not the infirmity cease by the Art of the Physician, and by purgative medicines or other drugs applied to the patients, causing them to sleep: For we see that ordinarily, by such medicines, they do return into their right minds, and into their accustomed manner of speaking. And for proof hereof Levinus doth add, That himself hath healed some sick persons, who in the fit of their fever have been very eloquent, even so far, as they have pronounced a speech as if it had been an Oration deeply studied, and most accomplished in all respects: and yet the parties in the time of their health were very rude persons, and little better than idiots. After all this he goeth forward, and beginning to ground himself upon on certain reasons, he saith: As it is most certain, that the boiling and arising of the humours is marvelous and exceeding hot and ardent, and the stirring and agitation of the sensitive spirits is very vehement: and above all this, the troubling and moving of the soul, being quick and sudden: we may not marvel nor think it strange, if (as by the beating and striking together of the flint and the steel, there are forced out sparkle of fire:) so also by the agitation of the spirits, the arising and boiling of the humours, and the moving of the soul of man, he may, by the organs, fit and proper thereunto, utter forth speeches never heard before, and some strange language, till then unknown. Now the faculty of the soul is very apt and readily disposed to perceive and apprehend the knowledge of things, and to be embewed with their principles even before such time as it cometh to use them: in such sort as the opinion of Plato seemeth to have some likelihood of truth: that our knowledge and understanding is no other thing than a kind of remembering: For even so the soul (which is the principal and most divine part of man) at such time as it is stirred and moved against the natural motion thereof, and beginneth to be troubled with corporal maladies, it doth then also happen to utter and put forth that which lay before hidden and concealed in the most profound and inward parts thereof a (to wit) such faculties and forces as be even divine and celestial. And like as there be some trees and plants which do not cast forth from themselves any good seent or odour, but only when they are rubbed and chafed with the hand: even so the faculties and powers of the soul do never so show themselves, as when they come to be stirred and moved. And by the same reason the jeate and the amber will not be made to draw up to them the straw or the rush, till such time as they be first rubbed, and a long time chafed between the hands. And whereof cometh it (saith Levinus further) that they which be near to the point of death, do commonly prophecy (the which Homer also witnesseth in diverse books of his Iliads) except it be because an unaccustomd force, Aliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. exciting and stirring up itself within them before death, doth as it were, ravish them in a kind of divine inspiration, in such sort, as they be beside themselves, and do suffer themselves to be carried away with the power of the spirit or soul, which is then set on discoursing, uttering by their mouths, such things as are afterwards to ensue and come to pass. But let Levinus say what he list, as a Physician: he cannot for all that persuade me, Levinus Lemnius opinion confuted. that men do naturally speak diverse languages, unless it be, either by miracle, and by the power of the holy spirit of God, as did the Apostles; or else by the aid and help of the devil, as did they whom the ancient Christians of the Primitive Church called Energomenous; and whom we call Demoniaques, or persons possessed. Yea but (saith he) the agitation of the humours by sickness, and the moving of the soul, (both which do cooperate and work together) may work wonders, and make them to speak diverse languages. To this I answer; that it is not either the humours or the soul, which do cause a man in his sickness or fever to speak diverse languages; but it is the devil, who doth (as we have said) mingle himself in the humours being corrupted. And so is the resolution upon this point of Saint Thomas Aquinas, who speaking of lunatical persons vexed by the devil, according to the increase and decrease of the Moon, saith, that the devils do considder how the humours of the body, are disposed to their effects, and accordingly, they do follow the course of the Moon, which hath a certain commanding power over the brain and the humours, in such sort, as man shall see more lunatic persons tormented by the devil, then of any other sorts whatsoever. The words of that Doctor are these: The reasons why the devils do the more exercise their rage, according to the increase of the Moon, is for two respects. First, because that thereby they may make the creature of God; to wit, the Moon the more infamous, as saith both Saint Jerome and Saint john chrusostom. In cap. 4. super Mathe. Homil. 54 in Mathe. Secondly, for that they do usually work according to the natural virtues and faculties, and in their workings and effects do consider the aptness and disposition of the body. Now it is manifest, that the brain, of all other parts of the body, Lib. de somno & vigilia. is the most moist; (as Aristotle affirmeth) and for that cause, it is principally subject under the domination and power of the Moon, the which by her particular property, hath the power to move the humours, and they troubling the brain, do give occasion to the devil, to mix and convey himself into and amongst them, and so to trouble the fantasy of the party. Thus you see the very words used by this Doctor, Questione 115. Tim. 1. sacrae Theologiae Art. 5. which may serve also against Hypocrates, who derided some in his time, that thought the Falling-evill to be caused, only by the wrath and anger of the gods, and not of any disturbance or depravation of the brain. And for that cause, Lib. de sacro morbo. Hypocrates, his opinion touching the Falling-evill. (as he saith) they used then expiations and charms, to chase and drive away this sacred evil or disease: the which he denied to be a thing that ought in any sort to be believed, that the gods did in any sort cause it; because the body of man could not be any ways polluted or defiled by the gods, they being pure and chaste: And by the using of expiations and purgations, it must be inferred, that they touching our bodies do pollute and defile them, the which to believe of the divine powers, could not but be blasphemous and wicked. Hypocrates, his opinion confuted. But this Physician did not consider, that there were many sorts of gods amongst the P●yni●ss, & that those which they held to be terrestrial & infernal they called numina lava: that is, Hurtful gods, or evil spirits, such as used to possess the bodies and to hurt them. And for this cause did they use to make their supplications unto them, for fear lest they should do them some harm: And if they did find themselves to have any evil and unquiet nights, and ill dreams by them, than did they use to purge and cleanse themselves, as we shall hereafter show in another place fit for that purpose. This showeth plainly, that Hypocrates knew not well what to think: whether the gods did inwardly possess and seize upon the body of the party troubled with the Epilepsy, or surprised with the Falling-evill, seeing he allegeth no other reason then this, (I know not how) taken from his Paganism, which we have showed to be very vain, & of no moment, even by the opinion of those of his own religion. I do not in any sort reprove those good reasons which he afterwards yieldeth, in showing, That the devil doth serve himself of the humours or brain in men corrupted, & so seizing on the same, doth enter into the bodies of such distempered persons in the tiem of their fits. that from the brain troubled and offended, doth proceed this disease of the Epilepsy or the Falling-evill: But I say, (according to the resolution of Saint Thomas Aquine,) that the devil may possess the humours being corrupted, or the brain being so troubled and offended of the party so diseased, and that this is a thing that doth happen usually and commonly. And I wots well, that the ancient Magicians, to call up their devils or spirits, and to know of them such things as were to come, did help themselves with the bodies of Epileptiques and persons troubled with that disease: Into the which, the devils did easily enter, at such time as the evil or fit took them, and did speak by their mouths unto the Magicians, or by some other external signs, did declare unto them what was to come. And I remember that I have read in Apuleius, that he was accused before the Proconsul of Africa, Apologia. 1. Apuleius servum suum Thallum remotis arbitris secreto loco, arula, & lucerna & paucis consciis carminae cantatum corruere fecit, deinde nescium sui excitavit. Objection touching strange languages and prophecies, etc. uttered by persons distempered, that it should be by nature corrupted. how that he aided himself with his servant Thallus, being surprised with the Falling-sickness, at such time as he performed his magic sacrifices. And he defended or excused himself of this crime so coldly, that he seemeth to consent thereunto: And it is well known, that next to Apollonius Thianeus, he was one of the greatest Magicians that can be remembered. But (saith yet Levinus,) those medicines that do purge Melancholy, Madness, Burning-fevers, the Epilepsy, and such like; do cause all those things to cease, which we affirm to be caused in such bodies by the devils; namely, to speak strange languages, to prophecy and foretell things to come, to tell wonders of things past, and to do that which is not possible for man to do by nature: Therefore it may be concluded, that it is not the devil, but rather Nature corrupted, which so moves the humours and stirs up & troubles the soul in that manner. But I do utterly deny, that the devils by medicines can be driven or cast out of such bodies, neither can he prove it unto me by any example. I am not ignorant that Pomponatius writeth, Answer to the former Objection, & that the devil cannot be cast out of bodies possessed by medicines. De precantat. But it appears not that those purges did expel the devil. In oratio: de laudibus medecinae. that the ancient Exorcists or Conjurers did purge with helleborus, the bodies of such as were beset with devils, before they made their conjurations: howbeit he cannot allege or bring me any good and sound history to prove his saying. And though he affirm, that the wife of Francis Maigret Savetier of Mantua, (who spoke diverse languages) was healed by Calceran, a famous Physician of his time, who did minister unto her a potion of helleborus: And that Erasmus agreeing with him, doth write, how he himself saw a man of Spoleta in Italy, that spoke the Almain tongue very well, albeit he had never been in Almain, and that (after a medicine had been given unto him) he did avoid by the fundament, a great number of worms, and so was healed, and did never after speak the Almain tongue any more: yet do I hold the truth of this very suspicious; It might be rather, that the devils left these presently upon the medicines given them, only because he would have men believe and wickedly attribute this power to be in physic, rather than to any work of God, though it were not indeed by any virtue of the physic. Lib. 2. cap. 16. de abdit. rer. causis. and do rather give credit to Fernelius, one of the greatest Physicians of our age, who doth utterly deny, that there is any such power in physic: And he reciteth a history of a young Gentleman the son of a Knight of the Order, who being possessed by the devil, could not in any sort be healed by any potions, medicines, or diet ministered unto him, Nor by that neither. You may assoon believe the one as the other: for all physic, all superstitions, and Conjurations are of like efficacy in this case. Opinion of the Astrologers confuted. That the speaking of strange languages etc. by persons distempered in their bodies, proceedeth of the influence of the Stars. but only by Conjurations and Exorcisms. And even in our time there was better trial made hereof in that woman or Demoniaqne of Vervin, who for all the medicaments that were given unto her, by those of the pretended reformed religion, could never be healed, but only by the virtue and efficacy of the holy Sacrament of the Altar. But to come to other matters of this kind: As little reason also have the Astrologers to attribute unto their Stars such force and influence, as to say, That they do infuse and instill into human bodies certain admirable faculties, and so do cause them to speak diverse and strange languages: for their opinion is as far from the truth, and to be abhorred, as that of the Physicians, neither can they find any reasons, whereby they are able, or aught to persuade, that the Stars are the cause of any such miracle chancing in the bodies of men. And howsoever for proof of their Assertion they do urge, That the Moon, according to the increasing and decreasing thereof doth produce very terrible effects in the bodies of Lunatic persons: and that according to certain constellations of the Stars the corporal matter is disposed more or less to receive the celestial Impressions: yet doth it not follow for all that, That the Lunatics in speaking and uttering divers languages, are not surprised and possessed by the Devil, but that the same their diversity of tongues should proceed from the Stars. For what should I say more? But that the ancient Paynims themselves were not ignorant, but did acknowledge, that both Melancholic persons, Madmen, and Lunatics, speaking divers and sundry languages and prophesyings, were men possessed with Divelles: And therefore they did use to call them Fanaticos, and sometimes Ceritoes, Ceritus quasi Cereristus graces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pl●utu●'s in Poe nulo, neque nos populus pro Ceritis insectabit lapidibus. De sacro morbo 1. Reg. as if they should say; Persons stricken by Ceres, sometimes Demetrioleptous, and Numpholeptons', and Daimonountas, as Lucian witnesseth, and sometimes persons possessed by Hecate, which was an infernal devil, or by Heros, as saith Hypocrates. And in the Bible, in the books of Kings, we see that Saul being in a melancholic passion was assailed and vexed with an evil spirit, and had no other remedy to drive away this evil but the Harp of David. To make short, Levinus himself is constrained to confess. That the humours are the principal cause of all maladies partaking of melancholy, Lib. 2. cap. 1. de occult. nat. miraculis. or of any fever: But that the Devils, the Stars, the Quality of the air adjoining, and other things external do accompany them as accidents. And therefore away with all these reasons of the Naturalists, who because they will deny that there be any Devils, do attribute and yield more power unto human nature, and to the Stars, than to the Spirits that are supernatural, and above nature: the which they can not comprehend to be by any means in essence, because they do too too much ground themselves upon nature, and do not acknowledge any thing above or beyond it. Opinion of those that do attribute all charms and enchantments unto the virtue of herbs etc. But some of them there be, who pass yet further on, and do affirm, that the charms and enchantments wherewith they do enchant and constrain men, (be it either to the loving of some woman, or to hate her, so as they cannot endure to dwell and abide with her) do proceed from the virtue of herbs, or the stars, or from the imagination troubled and corrupted, rather than of any working or power of the Devil. And they do allege for their authority the Physician Avicen, Opinion of Avicen touching enchantments. who saith, that Enchantments have not any effect or force in nature, nor any virtue or power to change the health of any man, or the state of his welfare into sickness or infirmities. And that they (which are of opinion, that there be any enchanted) do enchant themselves by the vehemency of their imagination. And these men do allege that also which he afterwards reciteth vaunting of himself: For my part, (saith he) I make no account of any Sorcerer whatsoever: neither do I know any Enchanter, be he never so cunning and expert in his Art, that can constrain me against my will, to lift up, or to move so much as my little finger. And more than so, I never knew any that hath himself to be enchanted, but I have healed and delivered him from that imagination, that he hath been enchanted. Upon this authority do they rely, utterly rejecting and disallowing any Enchantments to be wrought by means of Devils, and consequently, denying their essence and being. Avicen his opinion confuted. Nevertheless, for any thing said by Avicen, there are so many experiences to the contrary of such as have been enchanted and bewitched, that it were a point of too too great incredulity to doubt of it. And as touching that they say; That charms and enchantments do not proceed of the vertne of herbs, etc. That if there be any charms and enchantments in Nature, the same proceedeth of the force of herbs, and of the influence of the stars, rather than of any spirits: Therein is no great appearance of any truth or verity: For if it were so, it must needs follow, that the words and speeches which Enchanters and Sorcerers do utter, should not have any force nor efficacy. But it hath been a thing approved by all Antiquity, that diverse have been enchanted by words and speeches uttered, which Lucan a very learned Poet and great Philosopher doth testify, saying; Mens hausti nulla sanie polluta veneni Excantata perit. A man enchanted runneth mad, That never any poison had. I confess indeed, that God hath given many properties unto herbs, and unto simpleses, yea and those so admirable, that they have the power and virtue, not only to preserve our human bodies in health, but also utterly to overthrow and to bring it to confusion, in such sort as if the same were enchanted. Nevertheless, that they should so work upon the body, that the soul inwardly should feel the force and effect thereof, it is not possible, not to be believed, except that together with the herbs there be intermingled some charms or words of enchantment. And of this was not Ovid ignorant, as appeareth by that which her speaketh of Medea, saying; Protinus horrendis infamia pabula succis, Lib. 9 M●tamory. Conterit & tritis Hecaetei a carmina miscet. Then horrid herbs & hateful drugs together she doth bruise, And in the bruising, damned spells & hellish charms doth use. And that of the learned Poet Virgil; Miscueruntque herbas & non innoxia verba. Lib. 3. Georgic. which is And therewithal they mingle sundria herbs Ever and among using not harmless words. But more plainly and manifestly doth Propertius recount, how the Sorcerers do give a force and power unto their herbs, thereby to enchant and charm persons, did use to stir and move them in some ditch, into the which they made some flood of rain or water to come: Quip & Collinas ad fossam moverit herbas Stantia currenti diluerentur aqua. Lib. 5. Elegiarum. Within some ditch she stirs her herbs which she had placed There, with the running water to be washed. Now Apuleius and other ancient Authors have written, that Sorcerers did use to work & do their charms in some ditch or pit: And therefore Propertius in those verses bringing in a Sorceress moving and stirring her herbs in a ditch, what other thing doth he intent to show, but that together with the herbs, there were mingled also certain charms, the which did give a force and vigour to the herbs to work wonders by the cooperation of the devil. Furthermore Virgil doth recite yet other ceremonies which the Sorcerers used in gathering of their herbs, Lib. 4. Aeneid. Falcibus & lunae ad lumen quaeruntur adhenis Pubentes herbae nigri cum lact veneni. all which were nothing else but damnable, superstitious and devilish inventions: as to cut them in the night time by the light of the Moonshine with a hook of brass, which maketh me also to remember certain observations of the Magicians and Sorcerers in times past, in cutting of their herb Elleborus, Mandragoras, and the herb Panaceum, whereof Theophrastus speaketh, and derideth it as a foolish and vain superstition: Lib. 9 de historia herbarum cap. 9 and those also of the Druids, amongst the ancient Gauls, who used, without any knife or iron, to pluck the herb which they called Selago, and in gathering thereof, they went always clothed or appareled with a kind of white surplice, with their feet bare and naked, very clean and well washed: and before that they gathered it, their fashion was to consecrate bread and wine, and after they had gathered it, Lib. 24. cap. 11. to put the same into a fair white napkin, as Pliny writeth of them. That neither the virtue of herbs, nor the influence of the stars can work or rule the affections of men to love or hatred. Moreover, it is a most gross absurdity to affirm, that the herbs being gathered at such time as certain stars do reign, should in some point participate of the power and virtue of those same stars; and that they should sometimes have such a power over and upon the hearts of men, as to make them to hate and to love, or to cause them to be hated or loved, and to bring them into favour and credit with Lords and great personages, or to cause their disgrace and disfavour with them. For this is but an idle invention of the Astrologers, sufficiently heretofore refuted by Picus Mirandola, and condemned also by the daily experience which we have thereof to the contrary. And if there have been happily some few which have made proof, (according to their desire,) of that which the Astrologers have professed and undertaken; yet this maketh not, that therefore their Art should be any thing the more esteemed or set by, no more than dreams are esteemed or held in any reckoning; albeit many have found the effects of them as they have dreamt. Nay, more than so, I dare say thus much; that if such herbs, gathered under the influence of the stars, do happen to work and to fall out in proof, according to the will of the party that gathereth them: it is the devil that doth so cooperate and work with it, rather than any power or virtue of the stars; because thereby he intendeth to bring men into an error, and to think that there is a certain kind of divinity or divine power in the stars: Questio 115. Tomo. 1. summae sacrae Theolog and (according as Thomas of Aquine affirmeth,) to imprint in their minds, a certain terror and fear of the puissance and power of the stars: Cap. 20. the which is a thing whereof the Prophet Norweie willed the jews to take heed of, Vmeothoth hashamains al-theh-hathu ci ichhathu hag oim mehemma: that is to say; Fear ye not the signs of heaven: for of them do the Gentiles stand in fear. And therefore they who have used to attribute such power unto herbs, cut or gathered under the influence of the stars, are utterly to be rejected: as the Philosophers Thebanus, Alexander, Trallian, Albertus surnamed Magnus, Eudemus, Necepsus, Andreas, and Pamphilus, Physicians, of whom we have before spoken, and those persons also which were called Herescopes, whom likewise the Divines do utterly reprove and condemn in this behalf. But before we will shut up this Discourse of witchcraft and enchantments, The history of a young man that sought to win the love of a maid by charms, and was therefore sued and condemned by the law. and that which may be said touching the same, I hold it not amiss, (and it will be very little from the matter which we have in hand,) to set down here in this place, the report of a certain accident that came to be in controversy, and was debated and decided in the court of Parliament of Paris: The question was touching a process made extraordinarily against a young man, in a cause wherein he was charged, that by certain scrolls or papers, and such like charms, he attempted the honour and chastity of one whom he loved: whether the same process ought to be admitted and received. The cause was pleaded as a verbal appellation in the Court Criminal, This cause was pleaded, and the arrest or judgement affirmed by Monsieure Pilcar the 16 of April. 1580. by two famous advocates of the palace, and it seemeth that it was upon an appeal, first brought from the judge of Lavall. The sum of the process was thus: A certain young man being exceedingly enamoured on a young gentlewoman descended of a great house, and desiring to purchase her in marriage, yet seeing his own means and ability to be so small, as he found little hope to get the consent of her parents thereunto, and by that mean to attain to the top of his desires: Besides, perceiving that she was solicited, by diverse persons of great calling and good reputation, he bethought himself of a shorter course, as he imagined, and that was, to gain the love of the maiden by any means whatsoever. To this effect he continually haunted and frequented the house where she was: and courting her with all kinds of submissive and humble entreaties, and with proffers of all his best services, (which he supposed might be most agreeable, and to her contentment) he endeavoured to gain her love, and to win her affections. In the end, seeing himself scorned, and in a manner, clean out of hope of that which he most desired, he determined to make trial of an extreme remedy: And thereupon going to a certain Priest (who was a notorious Sorcerer, and did use to give out little scrolls or billets to procure love:) he took of him one of those papers, and finding his mistress in a place fit for the purpose, he conveyed the paper into her bosom, whilst himself made semblance that he was but playing and jesting with her. But it happened far otherwise than he imagined: for thinking to gain her love, he cast such drugs, or (whether it were) such charms into her bosom, that they brought the maiden near to the point of death. Her father and mother being marvelously sad and sorrowful for her sickness, were certified in the end, what was the cause thereof: And therefore causing an information to be drawn and preferred against the young man, they got a decree against him to have his body apprehended, the which was executed accordingly: And afterwards the judge gave sentence, that the law should proceed peremptorily upon the hearing of the witnesses, personally brought against him. From this sentence, as also from the decree touching his apprehension was the appeal brought, and the pleading thereof was offered to a present hearing. The Appellant said, that he had been offered great and evident wrong, in that the inferior judge had not only decreed a Capias against his body, but had also adjudged that the law should proceed upon the evidence of the witnesses personally brought against him. That it was very true, and he did acknowledge that which was laid in the information: and that he did put into the bosom of the Complainants' daughter a little scroll of paper written; but that there was not therein, either any drugs or poison, nor any other such thing as might work an alteration in the health of the maiden. That if he had conveyed any poison into it, there was no doubt, but he had been worthy of capital punishment, according to the fifth chapter of the Law Cornelia; Si quis venenum necandi hominis causa habuerit. L. 3. D. ad l. Cornelia de Sicariis. That the said scroll of paper could not be any poison, for to empoison any body, neither had it any such force or virtue, but that it was only a writing which he had cast into the bosom of the maid, not thinking any evil or hurt to her: And that therefore there was no cause why any such extraordinary process should be made and granted against him; That it was a thing never heard of in that palace, that an extraordinary criminal accusation should be laid against any man, that in a foolish wantonness and youthful oversight only, without any will or intent to do evil, had adventured to do that towards a maiden, which in very truth did not deserve so much as the name of a simple injury. For howsoever he did fond in casting this paper into the bosom of the maid; yet did he not attempt to wrong her honour or chastity: neither did he pursue or solicit her in any shameless manner: neither did he use any dishonest or unseemly speeches unto her, that might cause her so much as to blush at them: And in brief, that he had not offered her any such foul or bitter injury, for the which he had deserved, by the Law, either reproof or any extraordinary punishment. L. vlt. D. de Iniur. And if it did so happen and fall out by chance afterward, that the maid became sick; yet it was no consequent, that he should be the cause of her sickness. Not without reason was that saying of the Greek Poet Euripides, That all those things which happened casually, were very divers: and that the gods, contrary to human expectation, did take a pleasure to change things here below, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There is not any man so sound & healthful, that can assure himself of his health, not so much as a day: and who knoweth what the evening or the morning may cause to betide unto him, either prosperous, or unfortunate: many things do happen (as the old saying is) between the cup and the lip. Yea but the Complainant saith and averreth, That in the scroll of paper there were certain words charmed, by force whereof their daughter fell sick: Certainly their speech is grounded upon a very vain and frail foundation; and the same utterly overthrows and destroys all their accusation. For what man is there so little seen, or so unskilful in the course and causes of nature, that will believe that charms and enchantments can have any power upon men: and that a figure, a writing, a line, or a word, bred only by the refraction of the air, should work above and beyond nature, and should have power to alter or change it in any sort whatsoever. Every man knoweth sufficiently how that the Cabal of the jews (which doth attribute so great force to writings, and to the speaking, and pronunciation of certain words) hath been reproved and hissed out of the Schools by all learned Divines: and that Reuclin the Almain and others, who have allowed and consented to the fond dotages and follies of the Caballists and jewish Rabbins have been censured and condemned by the Masters of Sorbonne, who did hold, that all those enchantments, charms, and words which the Cabal useth, are nothing but mere Magic; and therefore without any efficacy, as coming from the devil, who lost all his power at the coming of our Saviour Christ into the world: as he himself hath confessed, even by his Oracles, upon inquiry and demand made to them by the Gentiles that lived after Christ. Yea, the Paynimes themselves (which were guided and misled by the Devil, did ever esteem the Art Magic, and all sorts of charms to be nothing else but deceipts and illusions. And Pliny reciteth how the Emperor Nero after he had searched into all the secrets of Magic, and had spared no pains to sound the depth thereof; in the end he found, that it was but a mere abuse: neither could Tyridates nor Simon Magus perform any thing, although they had promised to acquaint him with the full knowledge and science of the same. Besides, it cannot any where be found, that any person whatsoever, was ever accused of being a Magician, under the good and wise Emperors of Rome: For they knew well, that all accusation is to be held and accounted vain, where there is no lawful colour of trespass committed. And it is most certain, that Apulcius (who lived under those good Princes Antoninus Philosophus, L. Gracchus C. ad legem Iul: de adult. and P●rtin●x, being accused before Claudius Maximus the Governor of Africa, That he had alured & gained to his love one Pudentilla, and had so bewitched her, that he had wrought her to marry him:) was fully acquitted from that accusation, as being frivolous, vain, and calumnious. On the contrary, those Emperors which were held wicked and cruel Princes, did find a fair colour and pretence by the Art Magic, and the Mathematics, to bring such under danger of torment & punishment, against whom they bear any malice & hatred when they were not able to accuse and calumniate them of any other fault or offence. How many noble and honourable Romans both men and women did the Emperor Tiberius' cause to be put to death, only under colour that they had consulted with the Chaldeans? The Emperor Claudius, of whom Ausonius speaketh, That, Non faciendo nocens sed patiendo fuit. That is, The hurt he did, was not in doing ill, But, in the patiented suffering thereof still. Did condemn to die (as being a Sorcerer) a poor Knight of Rome, because he bore about him the egg of a Serpent; being persuaded that the same was good to cause his suit in law to go on his side. In vita Carac. And Antonive Caracalla (as saith Spartian) did likewise condemn those that used to carry any tickets or writings tied about their necks, for a remedy against the Tertian and quartan fevers. The history is well known of Apollonius Thianeus, whom Domitian a wicked Prince did cause to be tormented for his Art Magic: albeit those that came and succeeded after him, to wit, Alexander the son of Mammea and Aurelianus did honour him during his life, and after his death did consecrate Altars and Oratories unto him. And in brief, all the world knoweth, how that Valen and Valentinian (for causing so many famous and learned Philosophers, and so many noble and worthy Senators and Roman Knights to be punished for the science of Magic, have been reproved and blamed by many Historiographers, as namely, Eunapius, Zosymus, Ammian Marcellin, and others, who in that regard only have over-ranged them in the rank and number of evil Emperors: And they do marvelously blame those Commissaries to whom the trial and inquiry of this crime was committed; if that may and aught to be called a crime, which is rather a vain persuasion or inveterate superstition, bred and engraffed in the hearts of men. And therefore the Appellant concluded, That both the Decree, the Ordinance, & the Execution was ill and unjust; and that the judgement ought to be corrected and amended, and the party to be clearly dismissed, absolved, and acquitted. On the contrary part, the Defendant in the appeal said and affirmed; That the cause was rightly adjudged by the inferior judge: And that it was well and justly ordered, that extraordinary process should be made and awarded against the Appellant: That not only the Law Cornelia, did punish those which should bruise and temper any noisome poisons, to the hurt of an other, but those also, Qui mala sacrificia fecerant; habuerant: Which had or made any ill sacrifices. Meaning undoubtedly by ill sactifices, the practice of Magic. And this did the Roman Emperors interpreate more plainly, saying; Eorum scientiam esse puniendam & saverissimis meritò legibus vindicandam, qui Magicis accincti artibus aut contra salutem hominun mollits aut pudicos animos ad libidinem deflexisse detegentur. That their skill and science was worthy to be punished and chastised with severe laws, who by Art Magic should either contrive to impair the health of people, or should be detected to allure unto lust and lewdness, such as were honestly and chastened addicted. Now as touching the Appellant, it appeared by the Information brought against him, that he had cast into the bosom of a young maiden a small scroll, not of paper (as he alleged) but of Virgin parchmin, such as Magicians, Sorcerers, and Enchanters do use; and thereby did think to have attempted her chastity: the proof whereof did plainly appear, in that he had before solicited her, and sought to have her in marriage. And for that cause, having used sinister and wicked unlawful means; as namely, by Magic and Witchcraft, to come to his intended purpose, he was worthy to be punished; and process extraordinarily aught to be granted and awarded against him: That the law Cornelia did put little or no difference between poisons and amorous drinckes, and between charms and enchantments: all which in the Greek tongue were called and named by one, & the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which appeareth also by that Treatise of Theocritus called Pharmacentria; wherein he introduceth a Sorceress, who by force, not only of her Bird named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which as Langius the Physician saith, the Almains do call Windals', or Wassero●hss, or Rhuerdrommel: and the Latins Frutilla, but also by means of herbs, holy words, and other such like charms would draw and allure her love unto her. And true it is; That Empedocles having made a book of Sorcery or Magic, doth show the same much more clearly and manifestly, confounding by this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (wherewith he beginneth his Book) both charmed herbs, and enchanted words, and the very skill and art of Sorcery; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And as touching those that do use to give either any kind of poison, or any amorous love drinks: the pains ordained for them by the ancient Roman laws were manifest. For the vile, base, and meanest sort of persons, (as the civilians speak;) Dob out subijci bestijs, L. 3. § legis Corneliae D. ad legem Cornel. de sicc. honestiore loco positi capite puniri, alliore, deportari: ought to be cast to wild beasts to be devoured: such as are of a more honest and better calling, were to be beheaded, and those of the best and highest degree, were adjudged to be banished. The Persians (as Plutarch reporteth) did cause the heads of such persons to be crushed in pieces between two stones. In vita Artaxerxis. And as for Apuleius, he was accused before Claudius Maximus of three things, all comprised under one and the same term of Magic or Sorcery; to wit, that he had given an amorous potion or love-drinke unto his wife: that he had used both herbs and certain poisons for the working of his enchantments: and last of all, that he did use certain charms and sacred magical words: And if he had not had the favour and friendship of Lollianus Avitus, and of Claudius the friend of Lollianus, it had gone hard with him. But in the time of Valentinian, the great Philosopher Maximus, the disciple of jambsicus▪ sped nothing so well; for being accused of the same crime, he was justly condemned to die, neither could the favour which the Emperor julian bore him, in any sort save and preserve him. To make short, the Greeks', and namely the Athenians, did so exceedingly hate und abhor this detestable crime, that they would never admit nor frame any for me of process against those that were attainted therewithal, but they did presently and immediately cause them to be slaime; as appeareth by Lemnia a Sorceress, who (as Demosthenes affirmeth) was put to death for this offence, after she was bewrayed and discovered by her chambermaid. The Romans also did burn all the books of their king Numa, Decad. 4. li. 10. which did contain matter of Magic, as both Titus Livius and Pl●●ie do report. Lib. 13. cap. 13. And our Civil Lawyers do will, that all judges in their judgements concerning the division of families, (which they call Tamilin erciscundae,) should burn all book us discovered to be magical. L. 4. § 1. D. famil. ●●is. Ta●tund●m (say they) debebunt facere & in libris improbata lectionis Magicis fort & his similibus: haec enim omnia protinus corrumpenda sunt. Wherefore look how much the Authors of such books are to be hated: so much, or more, do they grievously adjudge them to be punished, whensoever they find any attainted and convicted, either to have made, or to have used them in any sort whatsoever. Besides, the virgin Parchmin (which the Appellant used) is one of the precepts of Magic, which cannot be fitted nor used to any other effect then to annul annul end: and this Parchmin is usually made by enchantment of the skin of infants dead borne: and it is intended, that the same is done with an express or secret confederation made with the devil: insomuch, as Agrippa, Petrus de Albano, Picatrix, and other the like detestable and wicked Magicians, do no less praise and commend Virgin Parchmin, than the Magicians of old times, In lib. de lapidibus. as Orpheus did commend the stone called an Agate, which they said, was able to do all things that a man would desire. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To be brief, to as great effect doth the Virgin Parchmin serve, as doth the amorous potion or love-drinke, of which (as the saying is) Lucretius the Poet died; Invenal. saty. 6 Cui tot 'em tremuli frontem Ceronia pulli Infudit. and Caligula the Emperor became with such another to be enraged, and in a sort, distracted, and out of his wits: his wife Ceronia having given him such a kind of drink; who for that cause was also slain by the soldiers that had before killed her husband, as Tosephus reporteth. And more than so, Lib. 19 cap. 2. Antiquitatum. this seemeth to be that Hippomanes, which is apt to stir and procure love, no less than the true Hippomanes plucked from the forehead of a horse-colt, whereof Virgil, Propertius, and other Poets do speak much▪ Lib. 4. Acneid. & 3. Georg. Lib. 4. Elegiavum. In Pharmacent. Lib. 2 de histor. animal. ca 14. Lib. 9 cap. 17. de histor. anim In Pharmacent. o● that Hipp●●●●●● which (as 〈◊〉 reporteth) was planted amongst the 〈◊〉: — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Or that fish called Remora, which (as Aristotle saith) was good for love, and for happy success in suits of law: Or the bird called Sippo, spoken of by the same Aristotle, or the Lezart bruised and infused in wine, according as Theocritus prescribeth: or that Hair which is found in the end of a wolves tail; or else the bone of a Frog or Toad▪ Lib. 18. cap. 2. & lib. 32. ca 4. which hath been cast into a nest of Aunts, by whom the flesh thereof hath been gnawn away, as Pliny affirmeth. Besides all this, in this scroll of Virgin parchmine, now in question, there were written certain barbarous and unknown words; which doth sufficiently show, that this was a very true magical charm and enchantment. And whereas it is said, that charms or enchantments, have no power or efficacy to work any thing: and that therefore any accusation which shall be framed or intended against those that use them, is to be held vain and frivolous: what other thing is this then to reprove all antiquity, and all those ancient lawemakers, and the Roman Decemviri, who did all of them ever acknowledge, that there were charms and enchantments. For in the Laws of the Twelve Tables it is expressly forbidden; Ne quis fruges excantet & alienam segetem pelliciat. That no man should use any charms or excantations upon the corn and grain of another man. Lib. 17. cap. 25. And the learned Plini● in his natural histostorie giveth us a certain experiment of such as drew the fruits of another man out of the owner's ground, into another field: For he saith, that in the territory of the Marrutines, which is in Abruzzo, a garden of Olive-trees belonging to Vectius Marcollus, a famous knight of Rome, was carried away and transported whole even as it stood, to the other side of the high way: and contrariwise, all that other land which was on that other side of the way, was transported, as it had been in manner of an Exchange, into that very place where the garden stood: so great force was there in charms and enchantments. Odiss. v. And surely Homer telleth us, that Ulysses did staunch the blood that ran down from his leg, being hurt by a wilde-boare, not by any herbs, but by charms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. And this agreeth well with that saying of the Interpreter of Pindarus and Sophocles; who affirmeth, that the Ancients did think, that by charms a man might sometimes recover his health; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This was the cause that Theophrastus hath written, that those which are troubled with the disease called Ischiatica, are healed by charms and spells: And the like saith Varro, of such as are diseased with the gout: And Cato the Censor, touching cattle or oxen that have their legs broken or maimed. First for gouty persons, Lib. 1. de re Rust. the manner to cure them, he teacheth to be by uttering these words; Terrapestem teneto, salvo maneto hic in meis pedibus: and repeating the same nine ti●eses, In lib. de Agri. and kissing of the earth, and spitting upon it; and that all this most be done fasting. And for curing of oxen or cattle; if you take a rood or green cane, and cut it asunder in the midst, and so bind it on both sides to the hip or hud bone of the said cattle or oxen, and singing these words; Danat à Daries Astaries; or otherwise this: Haut, haut, haut Istagis, turgis Ardannabon Alenora, he saith it will cure them. And even Ca●stantine the Emperor doth cite a verse in Homer; which being pronounced, should hinder and keep a man from being drunken. And the ancient Myrhalogiques', In Geoponical. and Orph●●●●●ist● did attribute such a force to the verses of Orpheus: That they held the pronouncing of them to have as much power, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as the jews did imagine to be in their Cabal; which howsoever it was very superstitious; yet was not the same without his effects. Now if we should come to the bands of love, caused and procured by charms, we shall find in Authors sufficient store of examples to that effect. And Virgil reporteth and setteth down the very words which were usually spoken to entangle and entrap in the snares of love, In Eclogis. Necte tribus nodis ternos Amarylli colores necte Amarylli nodo & veneris, dic, Vincula necto. such as are obstinate and untractable. Which words joined and used with a ceremony of certain knows made in a ribbon or lane of three several colours, were held to have such power, that they in whose name they were pronounced, should presently feel themselves stricken in love. And to this purpose doth Saint Jerome rehearse an history of a certain young man of Gaza in Syria, who being amorous, and falling in love with a young maiden his neighbour, In vita Hilarionis. and being not able to win her to his desire, he went to the Priests of Esculapius at Memphis; who gave unto him I know not what charms and strange figures written within a plate of copper which he digged and conveyed, together with a lace or ribbon, under the groundsel of the house where the maid dwelled. Presently heereuppon the Devil seized upon her: And she casting away her head-tire from off her head, began to call upon the name of the young man, and did desire and endeavour by all means she could, that she might be led to the place where he was. But her Parents having a great care of her health and well doing, led her to the Hermit Hilarion, who notwithstanding she alleged that she was enchanted and bound by charms; yet for all that, did perfectly heal her, and in the name of God, destroyed all the charms and enchantments of the Devil. What shall I say more? All Authors both ancient and modeme, are of one mind, and do accord in this; That charms have the power, not only to work and procure love, to alter health, and to transport the fruits of the ground from one field or place to another; but to do also things far more marvelous and wonderful than these. The Magicians of Pharaoh (by their charms) thought to make themselves equal with Moses the messenger of God. The Ephesians had certain marks and magic words (I know not what) of enchantment, by which any thing whatsoever they did once attempt and enterprise, did succeed well and answerable to their desire. And such marks or characters (as Eustathius the Interpreter of Homer writeth) did Croesus use at such time as he was upon the pile of wood ready to be burned by the commandment of Cyrus. The Brachmen (as Strabo saith) did not use so much to heal and cure diseases by herbs and simpleses, as they did by charms: And john Leo the African writeth, that in the high mountains of Morocco there be three Apples of Gold of an inestimable price and value, the which are so well and surely guarded by enchantments, that the kings of Fez, could never get to come near them, albeit they have many & sundty times attempted the same. And that (which doth yet more show the force and power of words) may be seen in Galen, how that a certain Enchanter did kill a Scorpion by the pronouncing of one only word. And although that Galen himself as a Naturalist, doth think to salve the matter by saying; that the enchanter did first spit, before he pronounced any thing, and that all the force was in his spittle, and not in his words: yet cannot he make any man believe, that the spittle or any exerement of a man, hath so much power, as to kill one so readily. Moreover, the Conciliator named Peter de Albano a physician tells a great deal more than ever Galon knew, to wit, that he himself faw a certain enchantet, Different. 156 who by murmuring certain words 〈◊〉 in the ear of a bull, did make him fall to the ground suddenly, as if he had been dead: and afterwards, with repeating the very same words, did cause him to rise again. And this may very well confirm that which is reported of Pithagoras, how by virtue of his charms, he had the power to make tame & gentle, both wolves and other beasts, which by nature were most fierce and cruel. But now, because peradventere the Appellant, for fault of better defence, will excuse himself, and impute it to the force of Love, and will perhaps pleasantly oite certain Doctors of our time, Piraquelluc de poenis. who do hold it as a common and received opinion, that amorous persons alured and provoked by love, are excused from the ordinary punishment of the crimes and offences by them committed: And it may be also, they will allege, that judgement given by the Ar●●pagiteses, Lib. 1. Magno. moralium. c. 17 who (as Arist●tle reporteth) did acquit and set free from an accusation, a certain woman that was convicted, that in her passion of love, she had given an amorous potion to her beloved, of the which he died with in a short time after: yet thus much I must and will tell him, that how greas and furious soever the love be, yet for all that, it ought not to excuse any person that shall upon premeditation and advisedly, commit any public crime worthy of exemplary punishment: whatsoever the Doctors of, latter times have said to the contrary: and not withstanding that sentence of the Ar●●pagiteses, the which ought not to be accounted or reckoned of, L. Si quis aliquid § aborhonis. D. de poen. d. l. corum. Damhouder in tract. similum juris. In Oratione contra Aristog. l. 2. D. de legib. as our own laws; which do punish with like and equal punishment those that are Sorcerers, and them that in an amorous passion do attempt the honour and chastity of women▪ and do temper amorous potions, whereby they cause the sickness or death of any persons. And admit their intentions be not to destroy and kill them; yet so it is, that the law which (as Demosthenes saith) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doth correct alike all crimes that are committed, though unvoluntarily, as well as those that are voluntary: doth likewise punish such persons as much, as if they had committed voluntary and wilful murder. Besides, the very Arts which they use, are prohibited and forbidden, as being of themselves and in their own nature evil; and are therefore punishable by death & other means, by which they may be restrained. And to this purpose, we have the ordinance of King Charles the 8. recorded in Latin, This ordinance was in the year 1490. which willeth, that all persons using any such Arts as are disallowed, and condemned by the Church and by the world universally, should be punished no less than Sorcerers, Diviners and Enchanters, & the same to be done by such ordinary judges, as to whom the knowledge and determination thereof, doth directly appertain. Upon these reasons, the party defendant in this Appeal concluded, that the cause had been fully, rightly, and in all points well adjudged. And according to these and the like conclusions, the Court gave their judgement, and ordained, that extraordinary process should be made and perfected against the Appellant. But I suppose, that this Discourse hitherto concerning charms and enchantments, and touching the devils mingling themselves with the external or internal senses, hath been extended sufficiently. It is now requisite that we go on to the matter itself of Spectres and Apparitions, seeing we have to the uttermost of our endeavours, removed and taken away the principal difficulties, and the most pregnant arguments that seemed to any hindrance or impediment, why faith or credit should not be yielded unto them. FINIS. A Table of the Contents of the several Chapters. THe definition of a Spectre or Apparition: and of the imagination, together with the several kinds thereof. Cap. 1. Of the divers names and terms which are often used in the matter of Spectres. Cap. 2. Of the opinions and Arguments of the Sadducees, and Epicures, by which they would prove, that the Angels and Devils do not appear unto us. Cap. 3. Of the opinions and Arguments of the Perrpatetiques, by which they would impugn the Apparitions of Spirits. Cap. 4. Of the Arguments of those which deny that the Angels and Devils can take unto them a body. Cap. 5. Of the opinions of the followers of Pirron: the Sceptiques, and the Aporretiques: and what they alleged to show: that the human senses, and the imaginative power of man are false. Cap. 6. That many things being merely natural, are taken by the sight or hearing being deceyved, for Spectres and things prodigious. Cap. 7. That things artificial, as well as things natural may sometimes deceyve the senses of the sight, and of the hearing, and drive men into a passion of fear and terror. Cap. 8. That the Senses being altered and corrupted may easily be deceyved. Cap. 9 That the Fantasy corrupted doth receyve many false Impressions, and Spectres, aswell as the senses. Cap. 10. What persons are most commonly subject to receyve false imaginations and Phantosmes, and to have the brain troubled and distracted. Cap. 11. That the Devil doth sometimes convey and mingle himself in the Senses being corrupted, and in the fantasy offended, contrary to the opinion of the natural Philosophers, Cap. 12. Errata. Fol. 13, Lin. 4: For plunge, read plague. ibid. lin. 6, for a read or. fol 15, lin. 3, for first, read French fol. 16, l 1.2, for strinae, read stripes. fol. 27, lin. 19 for to, read so. fol. 28, lin. 16, for descend, read defend. fol. 29, lin. 9, for keepeth sight, read keepeth the sight. fol, 36, lin. 16. for hereby showeth, read hereby he showeth. fol. 37, lin. 16, for their, read there. fol. 45, lin. 33, for metaphonall, read metaphorical fol. 46, lin. 27, for but cannot, read but it cannot. fol. 47, lin. 3, for purefaction, read rarefaction. fol. 47, lin. 33, for cannot, read they cannot. fol, 48, lin. 19, for difference that, read difference of that. fol. 51, lin. 8, for siste, read soft. fol. 51. lin. 9, for doubt, read doubtful.