NOVA FRANCIA: Or the DESCRIPTION OF THAT PART OF NEW FRANCE, which is one continent with VIRGINIA. Described in the three late Voyages and Plantation made by Monsieur de Monts, Monsieur du Pont-Graué, and Monsieur de Poutrincourt, into the countries called by the French men La Cadie, lying to the south-west of Cape Breton. Together with an excellent several Treaty of all the commodities of the said countries, and manners of the natural inhabitants of the same. Translated out of French into English by P. E▪ LONDINI, Impensis GEORGII BISHOP. 1609. TO THE BRIGHT STAR OF THE NORTH, HENRY Prince of Great BRITAIN. MOst excellent Prince: my Author (knowing that there are someworks so naturally great of themselves, that they challenge the gracious protection of Princes) hath offered this his History to the Royal patronage of the most Christian King, two Queens, and the Dauphin, to the end it might stir them the more to prosecute the populating of the lands herein described, to bring the Naturals thereof (Savage and miserable people) to civility and right knowledge of God, and so to the salvation of their souls. Assuming the like presumption, I have hoped (notwithstanding the defects which necessarily attend a stranger, who can never attain the natural Idiom of this eloquent language) that it might not be an injury to your Highness; but an addition of Honour, and safety of tbis work, if I should dare to inscribe your Princely name on the forehead thereof Which boldness, the noble undertaking of the English Nation hath nourished, who have so lately begun (by the permission, and under the protection of his excellent Majesty, your most Royal Father) to plant Christianity in Virginia, being one continent, & next adjoining land to these. For who may better support, and manage magnanimous actions, such as be the peopling of lands, planting of Colories, erecting of civil governements, and propagating of the Gospel of Christ, (which are Royal and Princely foundations) than those whom the King of Kings, hath established as Atlases of kingdoms & Christian common weals? God hath necessitated in his Prophecy, Kings and Queens to be nursing Fathers and nursing Mothers of his Church: so that he hath not only committed the government of a ripe and strong body, able to subsist, but hath imposed the care of the tenderness and infancy thereof upon them. Alexander being yet young, would have run in the Olympian games if kings had run there; now Kings do run; now Princes do work in the Lord's harvest, to spread that name which must gather the elect from the utmost ends of the world, if not in their persons, yet with their authority and means. I know your Highness would not be inferior, but rather excel in so noble an action: such an emulation is pleasing to God; your birth leadeth unto it; Christian charity inviteth you to be chief worker in the saving of millions of souls: The necessity of your Country of Great BRITAIN, (over populous) doth require it: And lastly your poor Virginians do seem to implore your Princely aid, to help them to shake off the yoke of the devil, who hath hitherto made them live worse than beasts, that henceforth they may be brought into the fold of Christ, and (in time) to live under your Christian government: So then having thus run, you shall obtain an everlasting Crown of glory, being as well planter, as defender of the Faith. Your highness humblest servant, P. ERONDELLE. To the Reader. GEntle Reader: The whole volume of the Navigations of the French nation into the West Indies (comprised in three books) was brought to me, to be translated, by M. Richard Hackluyt, a man, who for his worthy, and profitable labours, is well known to most men of worth, not only of this kingdom, but also of foreign parts: and by him this part was selected and chosen from the whole work, for the particular use of this Nation, to the end, that comparing the goodness of the lands of the Northerly parts herein mentioned with that of Virginia, which (though in one, and the self same continent and both lands adjoining) must be far better, by reason it stands more Southerly, nearer to the Sun, greater encouragement may be given to prosecute that generous and godly action, in planting and peopling that Country, to the better propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the salvation of innumerable souls, and general benefit of this land, too much pestered with over many people. Which translation (as I have said) is but a part of a greater volume. If therefore you find that some references of things mentioned in the former part of the said volume are not to be found in this translation, do not think it strange, in as much as they could not well be brought in, except the whole volume should be translated, which of purpose was left undone, as well to avoid your farther charges, as because it was thought needless to translate more than concerneth that which adjoineth to Virginia. What good the English Nation may reap of this work, by the only description that is found therein of Nations, islands, Harbours, Bays, Coasts, Rivers, Rocks, Shouldst, Sands, Banks, and other dangers, which the Sailors into those parts may now the more easily find, and avoid, by the knowledge that this translation giveth them of it, let the Navigators judge thereof, who (for want of such knowledge) have found themselves in evident peril of death, and many altogether cast away. If a man that showeth forth effectually the zealous care he▪ hath to the welfare, and common good of his country, deserveth praises of the same, I refer to the judgement of them that abhor the vice of ingratitude (hateful above all to God, & goodmen) whether the said M. Hackluyt (as well for the first procuring of this translation, as for many works of his, set out by him for the good, and everlasting fame of the English Nation) deserveth not to reap thanks. As for this my labour, if it be censured favourably, and my good affection (in undertaking the translating of this work, for the benefit of this land) taken in good part, it will encourage me to endeavour myself to do better hereafter. The Table of the contents of the Chapters. The first Book. WHerein are described the three late Voyages, Navigations, and Plantation of New France (otherwise called La Cadia) by Monsieur de Monts, Monsieur du Pont-grauè, and Monsieur de Poutrincourt. CHAP. I. The Patent, and Commission of the French king to Monsieur de Monts for the inhabiting of the Countries of La Cadia, Canada, and other places in New France, from the 40. degree to the 46. CHAP. II. The voyage of Monsieur de Monts into New France: accidents happened in the said voyage: the causes of the Icy banks in new found lands: the imposing of names to certain Ports: the perplexity wherein they were by reason of the staeie of their other ship. CHAP. III. The leaving of Port du Mouton: the accidents of a man lost in the woods the space of 16. days: Bay Françoise, or the French Bay: Port Royal: the River of l'Equille: a Copper Mine: the mischief of golden Mines: of Diamonds: Turkey stones. CHAP. FOUR The description of the river Saint john: and of the Isle Saint Croix: the man lost in the woods found out 16. days after: examples of some strange abstinencies: the discords of the Savages deferred to the judgement of Monsieur de Monts: the fatherly authority among the said Savages: what husband they choose to their daughters. CHAP. V. A farther description of the Island Saint Croix: the enterprise of Monsieur de Monts difficult and generous, yet prosecuted through envy: thereturne of Monsieur de Poutrincourt into France: the perils of the voyage. CHAP. VI The buildings of the I'll Saint Croix: the Frenchmens discommodities in the said place: unknown sicknesses: of their causes: of the people that be subject to it: of Diets, bad Waters, Airs, Winds, Lakes, corruption of Woods, seasons, disposition of bodies, of young, of old: the Authors advise touching the government of health, and cure of the said diseases. CHAP. VII. The discovery of new lands by Monsieur de Monts: fabulous tales and reports of the river and feigned town of Norombega: the refuting of the Authors that have written thereof: fish banks in New found land: Kinibeki: Chouäcoet: Malebarre: Armouchiquois: the death of a French man killed: mortality of Englishmen in Virginia. CHAP. VIII. The arrival of Monsieur du Pont to Saint Croix: the habitation transferred into Port Royal: return of Monsieur de Monts into France: the difficulty of hand Milles, the furniture of the said Monsieur du Pont, for the discovery of new lands beyond Malebarre: Shipwreck: Forecast for the return into France: Comparison of these voyages with them of Florida: the blame of those that dispraise the tillage of the land. CHAP. IX. The first motive and acceptation of the voyage by Monsieur de Poutrincourt, together with the Author into New France: their departure from Paris to go into Rochel. CHAP. X. The name of our ship called the jonas: the shallow water of Rochel is the cause of the hard going out: Rochel a reformed town: the common people is insolent: Croquans: the accident of the shipwreck of the jonas new preparation: weak Soldiers are not to be placed upon frontiers: the Ministers of Rochel do pray for the coversion of the Savages: the small zeal of ours: the Eucharist carried in voyages by the ancient Christians: the diligence of Monsieur de Poutrincourt at the very point of shipping. CHAP. XI. Their departure from Rochel: Sundry meetings of ships and Pirates: stormy sea about the Açores, and whence it proceeds: Why the Westwindes are frequent in the West-sea: From whence the winds do come: Porpeses do prognosticate storms: Means to take them: The describing of them: Of storms: Their effects: Of calms; What is a Gust of wind: How it is made: The effects thereof: The boldness of Mariners: how reverence is given to the King's ship: The supputation of the voyage: Hot sea, then cooled: The reason of it: And of the Banks of Ice in Newfoundland. CHAP. XII. Of the great Bank of Morues or cods: Of the sound: Our coming to the said Bank: The description thereof: The fishing of Newlandfish: And of birds: The greediness of the birds called by Frenchmen: Happe-foyes: divers perils: Gods favours: The causes of frequent and long mists in the Westerne-sea: Land marks: The sight of it: marvelous odours: The boarding of two Shaloupes: The landing at the Port Du Mouton: The coming to Port Royal: Of two Frenchmen remaining there alone among the Savages. CHAP. XIII. The happy meeting of Monsieur du Pont: His return to Port Royal: Rejoicing: Description of the confines of the said Port: Conjectures touching the head and spring of the great river of Canada: Sowing of corn: Monsieur du Ponts return into France: Monsieur de Poutrincourts voyage unto the country of the Armouchiquois: Fair Rye sprung forth without tillage: The exercises and manner of living in Port Royal: The Meadows of the river de l'Equille. CHAP. XIIII. Their departing from the I'll Saint Croix: The bay of Marching: Choüakoet: vines and grapes: The liberality of the Savages: The land and people of the Armouchiquois: The cure of an Armouchiquois wounded: The simplicity and ignorance of that people: Vices of the Armouchiquois: Suspicion: People not caring for clothes: Cornesowed, and Vines planted in the Armouchiquois country: Quantity of grapes: Abundance of people: dangerous sea. CHAP. XV. Dangers: unknown language: The making of aforge and of an oven: Crosses set up: Plenty: A conspiracy: Disobedience: Murder: The flight of three hundred against ten: The agility of the Armouchiquois: Bad company dangerous: The accident of a musket that did burst: The Savages insolency: Their timorosity, impiety, and flight: The fortunate Port: A bad sea: revenge: The counsel and resolution for the return: New perils: Gods favours: Monsieur de Poutrincourts arrival at Port Royal: How he was received. CHAP. XVI. The Condition of the corn which they sowed: The institution of the order of bon-temps: The Savages behaviour among the Frenchmen: The state of Winter: Why rains and fogs be rare in this season: Why rain is frequent between the tropics: Snow profitable to the ground: the state of januarie: Conformity of weather in the ancient and New France: Why the spring is slow: The tilling of gardens: Their crop: A water mill: A Manna of Herrings: Preparation for the return: Monsieur de Poutrincourts invention: The Savages admiration: News from France. CHAP. XVII. The arrival of the French: Monsieur de Monts his society is broken, and why: The Covetousness of them that rob the dead: Bonfires for the Nativity of the Duke of Orleans: The departing of the Savages to go to wars: Sagamoes Membertou: Voyages upon the Coast of the French Bay: Base traffic: The town of Ouïgoudi: How the Savages do make great voyages: Their bad intention: A steel Mine: Sea woules (or seals) voices: The state of the I'll Saint Croix: The Savages love towards their children: the return into Port Royal. CHAP. XVIII. The Port de Campseau: our departure from Port Royal: Fogs of eight days continuance: A Rainbow appearing in the water: The Port of Savalet: Tillage an honourable exercise: The grief of the Savages at Monsieur De Poutrincourt his going away: Return into France: Voyage into Mount S. Michael: The fruits of New France presented to the King: A voyage into New France after the return of the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt into France. The second Book. COntaining the customs and manners of life of the West Indians of New France, compared to them of the ancient people of these parts; and specially to them that be in one and the self same parallel and degree. CHAP. I. Of the Nativity: custom of the Hebrews, Cimbres, Frenchmen and Savages. CHAP. II. Of the imposing of names: the abuses of them that give the names of Christians to Infidels: Names have not been given without occasion. CHAP. III. Of the bringing up of children: of the Women of our time: of the ancient german Women. CHAP. FOUR Of the love towards Children: the Savage Women love their children more than the Women of these parts use to do: and the cause why: wherein New France is profitable to the ancient France: Possession of the land. CHAP. V. Of Religion: the origine of Idolatry: he which worshippeth nothing is more capable of Christian Religion than an idolater: the Canadians Religion: People easy to be converted: the Astorgie and impiety of the Christians of this day: the giving of food and teaching of Arts is the means to convert Savage people: of the name of God: of certain Savages already Christians in mind: the Religion of the Savages in Virginia: fabulous tales concerning the Resurrection: the Simulachers of gods: the Floridians' religion: the error of Belle-forest the Cosmographer: the worshipping of the Sun: the kissing of hands: the Brasilians vexed by the devil: they have some obscure knowledge of the general flood: and of some Christian which anciently hath been among them. CHAP. VI Of the Soothsàiers, and Aoutmoins: of Priesthood: the Idols of the Mexicans: the Indian Priests are Physicians withal: pretence of Religion: the Aoutmoins subtleties: how they call upon devils: songs to the praises of the devil: the Sabbath of the Savages: Bonfires upon Saint john's days: urim and Thummim: the office of Priesthood successive: of the caribs, deceivers like to the sacrificers of the Idol Bell. CHAP. VII. Of the Language: the Indians be all divided in languages: time bringeth an alteration in the tongues: the conformity of them the causes of the change of tongues: since when the trade of Bevers hath been: the Savages pronunciation: of the ancient Hebrews, Greeks, Latins, and of the Parisians: the Savages have particular tongues, not understood by New found land men: the Savages manner of reckoning. CHAP. VIII. Of learning: the invention of letters is admirable: the ancient Germans were without letters: the letters and Sciences were among the Gaullois, before that either the Greeks or Latins had them: the Sarronides were in the old times Divines and Philosophers among the Gaullois: the Bards were Poets: the reverence that was used towards them: the reverence of Mars towards the Muses: the king his eldest daughter: the Basilicke fastened in the temple of Apollo. CHAP. IX. Of Clothes and of Hairs: to what end Garments were made: the nakedness of the ancient Picts: of the modern Aethiopians: of the Brasilians: the Savages of New France more honest: their Cloaks of skins: the ancient Hercules his garment, of the ancient Germans, of the Goths: the shoeing and Hoseing of the Savages: the covering of the head: the Hairs of the Hebrews, Gaullois, Goths: the Ordinance for the Priests to wear Hats: shaven men. CHAP. X. Of the shape and dexterity of the Savages: Man's form is the most perfect: the violence done to Nature; the Brasilians be short nosed: The rest of the Savages be handsome men: half dwarves: the Patagons' be Giants: The favour of the Savages: the description of the Westerly flies: Why the Americans are not black: From whence proceeds the heat of Africa: And the coolness of America being in the self-same degree: Of the colour of the hairs and of the beard: When the Romans began to wear beards: ihe Savages are not hairy: Hairy women: The ancient Gaullois and Germans had their hairs yellow like gold: Their looks, voices, eyes: The women shrew: The eyes of the men of Taprobane, of the Savages, and Scythians: Of the lips: monstrous bodies: The agility of the body: What the Naires of Malebaris do for to be nimble: What people have agility: The Indians skilfulness in swimming: A sharp sight: The Savages sense of smelling: Their hatred against the Spaniards. CHAP. XI. Of the ornaments of the body: Of the painting of the Hebrews, Romans, Africans &c. ancient Englishmen, Picts, Goths etc. West-Indians: Of the marks, razings, and incisions on their flesh: Of the marks of the ancient Hebrew, Tyrons and Christians: The reproving of the painting of the face, and other paintings of the body. CHAP. XII. Of the outward ornaments: The two Tyrants of our life: The superfluity of the ancient Rome: The excess of Ladies, of their wires and periwigs: Colouring of hairs: ear-rings: Bracelets, garters, buskins and shoes: What pearls are, Matachiaz, Vignols', Esurgni: Carcanets of iron, and of gold. CHAP. XIII. Of marriage: The jews custom: The widows do blacken their faces: the prostituting of Maidens: the continency of the Souriquois women: the manner to make suit to a maid for marriage: the prostituting of maidens in Brasill: of the Pox: the cure thereof: the chastity of the ancient Germane women: reason for the Savages continency: the Floridians do love women: Ithyphalles: Degrees of consanguinity: The Gaulloise women fruitful: Polygamy without jealousy: Divorce: What a man ought to do having a bad wife: Abstinency of the widows: The Infidels have whoredom in abomination. CHAP. XIIII. Of the Savages Tabagie, or banquet: The manner of living of the Savages of the hither lands: How the Armouchiquois use and serve themselves with their Corn: the ancient Italians did the like: the assembly of the Savages, making their Tabagy: the women eat by themselves: the honour given to women amongst the ancient Gaullois and Germans: the bad condition of them among the Romans: What they have been that have established the Roman Empire: the manner of living of the ancient Romans, Tartarians, Moschovites, Getulians', Germans, Aethiopians, of Saint john Baptist, of Aemilian, trajan, Adrian: and of the Savages: Salt not altogether necessary: the Savages do sometimes suffer want: their superstition: Of their gluttony and of Hercules: the Brasilians food: Anthropophagy: Strange prostituting of maidens: communality of life: the Savages Hospitality, of the Gaullois and Germans: Of drinking, the first Romans had no vines: the Beer of the ancient Gaullois, and Egyptians: the ancient Germans did hate wine: How wine is necessary: Tobacco: the drinking one to another: the drink of the Floridians and Brasilians: Hidromel. CHAP. XV. Of dances and songs: The origine of dances in the honour of God: dances and songs in the honour of Apollo, Neptune, Mars, of the Son, of the Salians: Praesul: Socrates dance: The dances turned into bad use: How much dangerous: All Savages do use dancing: To what end: Orpheus his foolish song: Why we sing to God: The songs of the Souriquois: Of holy people: Of the Gaullois Bards: Sonnets made by the commandment of Charolus Magnus: The song of the Lacedæmonians: The dances and songs of the Savages: The orations of their Captains. CHAP. XVI. Of the disposition of the body: Phthisie: The sweatinges of the Savages: the Physicians and chirurgeons of the Floridians, Brasilians and Souriquois: Cures made by Charms: A marvelous report of the despising of grief: Trial of constancy: Suffering of torments for the honour of Diana and of the Sun: the long lives of the Savages: the causes thereof, and of the shortening of our days. CHAP XVII. The men's exercices: of Bows and arrows, Maces, Bucklers, fishing lines, Rackets: the Savages Canowes', or boats, and their fashion: Canowes' made of willows, of paper, of leather, of hollowed trees: the original of the fables of the Sirens, or Mermaidens; long travels through the woods; pottery of Earth; the tillage of the ground; the ancient Germans had no lands proper or peculiar to them; the Savages are not laborious; how they manure the land; double sowing, and double Harvest; How they live in Winter; the Savages towns▪ of the original of towns; the first builders in the Gaulleses; of the word Magus: Philosophy hath been first found out by the Barbarians; the plays and games of the Savages. CHAP. XVIII. The women's exercices; the woman is called pierced or hollowed; the women are saved in bringing forth of Children; of purification; the hard condition of the women among the Savages; ges; of mats, currying and dressing of leather; their making of Baskets, Purses, Dies, Dishes, Matachiaz, Canowes'; the love of the Savage women towards their husbands; their chastity; A fair observation upon the Hebrew names of the man, and of the woman. CHAP. XIX. Of Civility; the first Civility, is the obedience to God and to the parents; the Savages be Slovenly at their Banquets, for want of linen; the repast of the ancient Gaullois and Germains; of the arriving of the Savages into any place; their Greetings; likewise of the greeks, Romans, and Hebrews; of the saluting in Sneezing; Item in the beginning of Letters; of the Farewell; the Savages reverence to their Fathers and Mothers; Curse to him which honoureth not his Father and his mother. CHAP. XX. Of the Virtues and Vices of the Savages; the Principles of Virtue are inus, even from our birth; of force, and greatness of courage; the ancient Gaullois were without fear; the Savages are revengeful; wherein temperance consisteth; whether the Savages are endued therewith; wherein Liberality consisteth; the Savages Liberality; they disdain the covetous pelting Merchants; their Magnificence, Hospitality, Piety towards their Fathers and Mothers; of their justice; the execution of justice; the incredible evasion of two Savages, prisoners, wherein the Savages be diligent and slothful. CHAP. XXI. Of Hunting; the original thereof; to whom it belongeth; to what end Kings are chosen; hunting the image of War; the first end thereof; the interpretation of one verse of the 32. Psalm; all Savages do hunt; when and how; the description of the hunting of the Ellan or Stag; the Savages hounds; the Savages have Rackets at theirfeets when they hunt; their continuance in hunting; fair invention of them for the Kitchen; their women's duty after the hunting; the fishing or hunting of the Beaver; the description of the same; her admirable building; how she is taken; from whence anciently the Bevers did come; Of Bears; Leopards; the description of the beast called Nibachés; Wolves; Coneys &c. the cattle of France do profit well in New France; marvelous multiplicatin of Beasts; of the beasts of Florida, and of Brasill; the Savages are truly noble. CHAP. XXII. Of Hawking; the Muses do delight in hunting; hawking is a noble exercise How the Savages take their fowl; islands swarming with birds; the fowls of Port Royal; Of a bird called Niridau: of glistering flies; Turkey or Indian Cocks; the fowls of Florida, and of Brasill. CHAP. XXIII. Of Fishing; a comparison between Hunting, Hawking and Fishing; an Emperor delighting himself in Fishing; Plato his absurdity; Fishing permitted to Churchmen; the feeding upon fish is the best and wholesomest food: every Fish dreads the Winter, and withdraweth himself, they return in the Spring time; a manna of Smelts, Heering, Pilchers, Sturgeons and Salmon; the manner of taking of them by the Savages; the abuse & superstition of Pythagoras; the Sanctorum of New found land fishermen; of the shell Fish of Port Royal; the fishing of the Cod; whether Cod do sleep; the cause why fishes sleep not; fishes having stones in their heads (as the Cod) do fear Winter; Oil (or train) of fish; the fishing of the Whale; wherein the hardiness and boldness of the Savages is to be admired; Hippopotames: the infinite multitude of Mackerel; the Idleness of the people of this day. CHAP. XXIIII. Of the Land: which is the good ground: Terra Sigillata, is in New France: the fructifying of Monsieur de Poutrincourts' Sowing: which is the good Dung: of Turkey (or Indian) Wheat, called Mahis: how the Savages do mend their grounds: how they Sow; the temperature of the Air doth serve to production; Barns under ground: the cause of the slothfuluesse of the Savages of the hither lands near unto us; Hemp; of Vines; when they were first planted in Galia; of Trees, Tobacco, and the manner and use of it; the foolish greediness after Tobacco; the Virtues thereof; the error of Belle-forest: of the roots called Afrodiles, or ground Nuts; a consideration upon the misery of many people: the tilling of the ground is a most innocent exercise; Gloria adorea: of the Fruit trees, and others of Port Royal, of Florida, and of Brasill; the despising of Mines; Fruits to be hoped in new France. CHAP. XXV. Of the war: to what end the Savages do make war: The Orations of the Savages Captains: their surprises: the manner to foretell the event of the war; the succession of Captains; the Savages arms; of excellent Archers; from whence comes the word Militia: the cause of the Savages fear: their manner of marching in War: a warlike dance; how the Savages do use the victory; of the Victim, sacrifice; Punishment; the Savages will not fall into their enemy's hands: the trophies of their enemy's heads: of the ancient Gaullois; of the modern Hungarians. CHAP. XXVI. Of Funerals; the lamenting for the dead; the burying of them is a work of humanity; the custom of the Savages in this respect; of the preserving of the dead bodies; of the mourning of the Persians, Egyptians, Romans, Gascons, Brasilians, Floridians, Souriquois, Hebrews, Queens of France, Thracians, Locrians, ancient Christians; the burning of the movable goods of the deceased, a fair lesson to the Covetous; the customs of the Phrygians, Latins, Hebrews, Gaullois, Germains, and Savages for this respect; the burying of the dead; What people do bury them: who burn them, and who preserve them; Of the funeral gifts shut up in the sepulchres of the dead; the same reproved; the covetousness of the Infringers of sepulchres. Nova Francia. The three late voyages and plan tation of Monsieur De MONTS, of Monsieur Du Pont grauè, and of Monsieur De Poutrincourt, into the Countries called by the Frenchmen La Cadia, lying to the south-west of Cap Breton; together with an excellent several Treaty of all the commodities of the said Countries: and manners of the natural inhabitants of the same. CHAP. I. The Patent of the French King to Monsieur DE MONTS, for the inhabiting of the Countries of La Cadia, Canada, and other places in new France. HENRY by the grace of God King of France and Naturre. To our dear and well-beloved the Lord of Monts, one of the ordinary Gentlemen of our Chamber, greeting. As our greatest care and labour is, and hath always been, since our coming to this crown, to maintain and conserve it in the ancient dignity, greatness and splendour thereof, to extend and amplify, as much as lawfully may be done, the bounds and limits of the same. We being, of a long time, informed of the situation and condition of the lands and territories of La Cadia, moved above all things, with a singular zeal, and devout and constant resolution, which we have taken, with the help and assistance of God, author, distributor, and protector of all kingdoms and estates, to cause the people, which do inhabit the Country, men (at this present time) barbarous, Atheists, without faith or religion, to be converted to Christianity, and to the belief and profession of our faith and religion: and to draw them from the ignorance and unbelief wherein they are. Having also of a long time known by the relation of the sea Captains, Pilots, Merchants and others, who of long time have haunted, frequented and trafficked with the people that are found in the said places, how fruitful, commodious and profitable may be unto us, to our estates and subjects, the dwelling, possession, and habitation of those countries, for the great and apparent profit which may be drawn by the greater frequentation & habitude which may be had with the people that are found there, & the traffic and commerce which may be, by that means safely treated and negotiated. We then for these causes fully trusting on your great wisdom, and in the knowledge and experience that you have of the quality, condition and situation of the said country of La Cadia: for the divers and sundry navigations, voyages and frequentations that you have made into those parts, and others near and bordering upon it: Assuring ourselves that this our resolution and intention, being committed unto you, you will attentively, diligently, and no less courageously and valourously execute and bring to such perfection as we desire: Have expressly appointed and established you, and by these Presents, signed with our own hands, do commit, ordain, make, constitute and establish you, our Lieutenant general, for to represent our person, in the countries, territories, coasts and confines of La Cadia. To begin from the 40 degree unto the 46. And in the same distance, or part of it, as far as may be done, to establish, extend and make to be known our name, might and authority. And under the same to subject, submit and bring to obedience all the people of the said land and the borderers thereof: And by the means thereof, and all lawful ways, to call, make, instruct, provoke and incite them to the knowledge of God, and to the light of the faith and Christian Religion, to establish it there: And in the exercise and profession of the same, keep and conserve the said people, and all other inhabitants in the said places, and there to command in peace, rest and tranquillity, as well by sea as by land: to ordain, decide, and cause to be executed all that which you shall judge fit and necessary to be done, for to maintain, keep and conserve the said places under our power and authority, by the forms, ways and means prescribed by our laws. And for to have there a care of the same with you, to appoint establish, and constitute all officers, as well in the affairs of war, as for justice and policy, for the first time, and from thence forward to name and present them unto us: for to be disposed by us, and to give letters, titles, and such provisoes as shall be necessary. And according to the occurrences of affairs, yourself with the advice of wise and capable men, to prescribe under our good pleasure, laws, statutes and ordinances conformable, as much as may be possible, unto ours, specially in things and matters that are not provided by them: To treat and contract to the same effect, peace, alliance and confederacy, good amity, correspondency and communication with the said people & their Princes, or others, having power or command over them: To entertain, keep, and carefully to observe, the treatises and alliances wherein you shall covenant with them: upon condition that they themselves perform the same of their part. And for want thereof to make open wars against them, to constrain and bring them to such reason, as you shall think needful, for the honour, obedience and service of God, and the establishment, maintenance and conservation of our said authority amongst them: at least to haunt and frequent by you, and all our subjects with them, in all assurance, liberty, frequentation and communication, there to negotiate and traffic lovingly and peaceably. To give and grant unto them favours and privileges, charges and honours. Which entire power abovesaid, we will likewise and ordain, that you have overall our said subjects that will go in that voyage with you and inhabit there, traffic, negotiate and remain in the said places, to retain, take, reserve and appropriate unto you, what you will and shall see to be most commodious for you, and proper to your charge, quality and use of the said lands, to distribute such parts and portions thereof, to give and attribute unto them such titles, honours, rights, powers and faculties as you shall see necessary, according to the qualities, conditions and merits of the persons of the same country or others. Chiefly to populate, to manure, and to make the said lands to be inhabited, as speedily, carefully & skilfully, as time, places & commodities may permit. To make thereof, or cause to be made to that end, discovery and view along the maritime coasts and other countries of the main land, which you shall order & prescribe in the foresaid space of the 40 degree, to the 46 degree, or otherwise as much and as far as may be, along the said coast, and in the firm land. To make carefully to be sought and marked all sorts of mines of gold and of silver, copper, and other metals and minerals, to make them to be digged, drawn from the earth, purified and refined, for to be converted into use, to dispose according as we have prescribed by Edicts and orders, which we have made in this realm of the profit and benefit of them, by you or them whom you shall establish to that effect, reserving unto us only the tenth penny, of that which shall issue from them of gold, silver, and copper, leaving unto you that which we might take of the other said metals and minerals, for to aid and ease you in the great expenses that the foresaid charge may bring unto you. Willing in the mean while, that as well for your security and commodity, as for the security and commodity of all our subjects, who will go, inhabit, and traffic in the said lands: as generally of all others that will accommodate themselves there under our power and authority; you may cause to be built and frame one or many forts, places, Towns, and all other houses, dwellings and habitations, Ports, Havens, retiring places and lodgings, as you shall know to be fit, profitable and necessary for the performing of the said enterprise. To establish garrisons and soldiers for the keeping of them. To aid and serve you for the effects above said with the vagrant, idle persons and masterless, as Idle and banished men employed in this business. well out of towns as of the country: and with them that be condemned to perpetual banishment, or for three years at the least out of our Realm: Provided always that it be done by the advice, consent, and authority of our officers. Over and beside that which is above mentioned (and that which is moreover prescribed, commanded and ordained unto you by the commissions and powers, which our most dear cozen the Lord of Ampuille Admiral of France hath given unto you, for that which concerneth the affairs and the charge of the Admiralty, in the exploit, expedition, and executing of the things above said) to do generally whatsoever may make for the conquest, peopling, inhabiting and preservation of the said land of La Cadia, and of the coasts, territories adjoining, and of their appurtenances and dependencies, under our name and authority, whatsoever ourselves would & might do, if we were there present in person, although that the case should require a more special order, than we prescribe unto you by these Presents: To the contents whereof we command, ordain, and most expressly do enjoin all our justicers, officers and subjects, to conform themselves: And to obey and give attention unto you, in all and every the things abovesaid, their circumstances and dependencies. Also to give unto you in the executing of them, all such aid and comfort, help and assistance, as you shall have need of, and whereof they shall be by you required; and this upon pain of disobedience and rebellion. And to the end no body may pretend cause of ignorance of this our intention, and to busy himself in all, or in part of the charge, dignity and authority which we give unto you by these presents: We have of our certain knowledge, full power and regal authority, revoked, suppressed and declared void, and of none effect hereafter, and from this present time, all other powers and commissions, letters and expeditions given and delivered to any person soever, for to discover, people and inhabit in the foresaid extension of the said lands, situated from the said 40 degree, to the 46, whatsoever they be. And furthermore we command and ordain all our said officers, of what quality & condition soever they be, that after these Presents, or the duplicate of them shall be duly examined by one of our beloved and trusty Counsellors, Notaries and Secretaries, or other Notary Royal, they do upon your request, demand and suit, or upon the suit of any our Atturneiss, cause the same to be read, published, and recorded in the records of their jurisdictions, powers and precincts, seeking, as much as shall appertain unto them, to quiet and appease all troubles and hindrances which may contradict the same. For such is our pleasure. Given at Fountain-Bleau the 8 day of November: in the year ofour Lord 1603: And of our reign the 15. Signed HENRY: and underneath, by the King, Potier; And sealed upon single label with yellow wax. CHAP. II. The voyage of Monsieur De Monts into New France: what accidents happened in the said voyage: The causes of the Icy banks in New found land: The imposing of names to certain Ports: The perplexity wherein they were by reason of the stay of the other ship. MOnsieur De Monts having made the Commissions and Prohibitions before said, to be proclaimed thorough the Realm of France, and especially thorough the Ports and maritime towns thereof, caused two ships to be rigged and furnished, the one under the conduct of captain Timothy of New-haven, the other of captain morel of Honfleur. In the first, he shipped himself, with good number of men of account, as well Gentlemen as others. And forasmuch as Monsieur De Poutrincourt was, and had been of a long time, desirous to see those countries of New France, and there to find out and choose some fit place to retire himself into, with his family, wife and children, not meaning to be the last that should follow and participate in the glory of so fair and generous an enterprise, would needs go thither, and shipped himself with the said Monsieur De Monts, carrying with him some quantity of armours and munitions of The setting forth out of New-haven. war; and so weighed anchors from New-haven the seventh day of March, 1604. But being departed somewhat too soon, before the Winter had yet left off her frozen weed, they found store of Icy banks, against the which they were in danger to strike, and so to be cast away: But Danger. God, which hitherto hath prospered the navigation of these voyages, preserved them. One might wonder, and not without cause, why, in the same parallel, there is more Ice in this sea than in that of France. Whereunto I answer, that the Ices that be found in those seas are not originary from the same climate, but rather come from the Northerly parts, driven without any let thorough the vast of this great sea by the waves, storms, and boisterous floods, which the Easterly and Northerly winds do cause in Winter and Spring time, and drive them towards the South and West: But the French seas are sheltered by Scotland, England and Ireland: which is the cause that the Ices cannot fall into it. another reason also might be alleged, and that is the motion of the sea, which beareth more towards those parts, because of the larger course that it maketh towards America A perilous storm. than towards the lands of these our parts. The peril of this voyage was, not only in the meeting of the said banks of Ice, but also in the storms that vexed them: One of them they had that broke the galleries of the ship: And in these turmoils, a joiner was carried away by a sea or flash of water to the next door of death, overboard, but he held himself fast at a tackling, which by chance hung out of the said ship. The voyage was long by reason of contrary winds, Wind commonly good in March for the New found lands. The I'll of Sablon or Sand. which seldom happeneth to them that set out in March for the New found lands, which are ordinarily carried with an East or Northern wind, fit to go to those lands. And having taken their course to the South of the I'll of Sand or Sablon, or Sand, for to shun the said Ices, they almost fell from Charybdis into Scylla, going to strike towards the said Isle, during the thick mists that are frequent in that sea. In the end, the sixth of May they came to a certain Port, where they found captain Rossignol of New-haven, who did truck for skins with the Savages, contrary to the King's inhibitions, which was the cause that his ship was Port du Rossignol. confiscated. This Port was called Le Port du Rossignol, having (in this his hard fortune) this only good, that a good and fit Harborough or Port, in those coasts beareth his name. From thence coasting and discovering the lands, they arrived at another port, very fair, which they named Le Port du Moutton, by reason that a Mutton or Weather Le Port da Moutton. having leapt overboard and drowned himself came aboard again, and was taken and eaten as good prize. By such accidents many names have anciently been given on the sudden, and without any great deliberation. So the Capitol. Capitol of Rome had his name, because that in digging there, a dead man's head was found. So the city of Milan Milan. hath been called Mediolanum, that is to say, half wool, for that the Gauls, casting the foundation thereof, found a Sow half covered with wool: and so of sundry others. Being at the Port du Moutton, they cabaned and lodged themselves after the savage fashion, expecting news of the other ship, wherein was the victuals and other necessary provision for the food and entertainment of them About 100 Planters. that were to Winter there, being about an hundred men in number. In this Port they tarried a month in great perplexity, for fear they had that some sinister accident had happened to the said other ship, who set out the tenth of March, wherein was Monsieur Du Pont of Honfleur, and the said Captain Morel. And this was so much the more important, for that of the coming of the said ship depended Deliberation upon the return into France. the whole success of the business. For even upon this long tarrying, it was in question whether they should return into France or no. Monsieur De Pourtrincourt was of advice that it were better to die there; whereto the said Monsieur De Monts conformed himself. In the mean while many went a hunting, others to fishing, for to store the kitchen. near the said Moutton port there is a place Store of Coneys. so replenished with Rabbits and Coneys, that they almost did eat nothing else. During that time Monsieur Champlein was sent with a shalloup to seek farther off a fitter place to retire themselves, at which exploit he tarried so long, that deliberating upon the return, they thought to leave him behind: for there was no more victuals: and they served themselves with that, that was found in the said Rossignols' ship, without which they had been forced to return into France, and so to break a fair enterprise at the very birth and beginning thereof; or to starve, having ended the hunting of Coneys, which could not still continue. Now the causes of the stay of the said Monsieur Du Pont, and Captain Morel, were two; the one, that wanting a Cockboat, they employed their time in the building of one, in the land where they arrived first, which The English port. Campseau Port. was the English Port: The other, that being come at Campseau Port, they found there four ships of Baskes, or men of Saint john de Luz, that did truck with the Savages, contrary to the said Inhibitions, from whom they took their goods, and brought the Masters to the said Monsieur De Monts, who used them very gently. Three weeks being expired, and the said Monsieur De Monts having no news of the ship he looked for, he deliberated to send along the coast to seek for them, and Note here the good nature and diligence of the Savages. for that purpose dispatched some Savages, to whom he gave a French man for company with letters. The said Savages promised to return at the time prefixed, being eight days, whereof they failed not. But as the society of man and wife, agreeing well together, is a powerful thing; so these Savages before their departure, had a care of their wives and children, and required victuals for them; which was granted. And having hoist up sails, within few days after they found those that they sought for, at a place La Baye des Iles. called La Baye des Iles, who were themselves in no less fear or grief for the said Monsieur De Monts, than he of them, because they found not, during their voyage, those marks and signs that were agreed upon between them, which is, that Monsieur De Monts should have left at The Ice cometh farther to the South than Campseau. Campseau, some cross on a tree, or letter there fixed, which he did not, having far overjoyed the said Campseau, by reason that for the said Iced banks, he took his way somewhat far on the South, as we have said. So having read the letters, the said Monsieur Du Pont, and Monsieur Du Pont goeth to Canada, to trade for Furs. Captain Morel gave up the victuals and provision that they had brought for them that should Winter there, and so returned back towards the great river of Canada, for the trade of skins or furs. CHAP. III. The leaving of Port du Moutton: the accident of a man lost in the woods the space of sixteen days: Bay Françoise, or French Bay: Port Royal: The river of L'Equille, a Copper mine: The mischief of golden mines: of Diamonds: Turkey stones. ALL New France in the end being contained in two ships, they weighed anchors from port Du Moutton, for to employ their time, and to discover lands as much as might before Winter. We came to Cape de Sable, Cap De Sable, or the Sandie Cape. Saint Mary's Bay. Fair place to inhabit. Mines of Iron and Silver. or the Sandie Cape; and from thence we sailed to the Bay of Saint Marie, where our men lay at anchor fifteen days, whilst the lands and passages as well by sea as by river might be descried and known. This Bay is a very fair place to inhabit, because that one is readily carried thither without doubling. There are mines of Iron & Silver; but in no great abundance, according to the trial made thereof in France. Having sojourned there some 12 or 13 days, a strange accident happened, such as I will tell you. There was a certain Churchman of a good family in Paris, that had a desire to perform the voyage with Monsieur De Monts, and that against the liking of his friends, who sent expressly to Honfleur to divert him thereof, and to bring him back to Paris. The ships lying at anchor in the said Bay of Saint Marie, he put himself in An accident of a man lost in the woods the space of 16. days. company with some that went to sport themselves in the woods. It came to pass, that having stayed to drink at a brook, he forgot there his sword, and followed on his way with his company: which when he perceived he returned back to seek it: but having found it, forgetful from what part he came, and not considering whether he should go East or West, or otherwise (for there was no path) he took his way quite contrary, turning his back from his company, and so long traveled that he sound himself at the sea shore, where no ships were to be seen, (for they were at the other side of a nook of land far reaching into the sea) he imagined that he was forsaken, and began to bewail his fortune upon a rock. The night being come, every one being retired, he is found wanting: he was asked for of those that had been in the woods, they report in what manner he departed from them, and that since they had no news of him. Whereupon a Protestant was charged to have killed him, because they quarreled sometimes for matters of Religion. Finally, they sounded a trumpet thorough the forest, they shot off the Canon divers times, but in vain: for the roaring of the Sea, stronger than all that, did expel back the sound of the said Canons and trumpets. Two, three and four days pass, he appeareth not. In the mean while the time hastens to depart, so having tarried so long that he was then held for dead, they weighed anchors to go further, and to La Bay Françoise. see the depth of a Bay that hath some 40 leagues length, and 14 (yea 18) of breadth, which was named La Bay Francoise, or the French Bay. In this Bay is the passage to come into a Port, whereinto our men entered, & made some abode, during the which they had the pleasure to hunt an Ellan, or Stag, that crossed a great lake of the Sea, which maketh this Port, and did swim but easily. This Port is environed with mountains on the North side: Towards the South be small hills, which (with the said mountains) do power out a thousand brooks, which make that place pleasanter than any other place in the world: there are very fair falls of waters, fit to make Mills of all sorts. At the East is a river between the said mountains and hills, in the which Ships may sail fifteen Leagues and more, and in all this distance is nothing of both sides the River but fair meadows, which river was named L' Equille, because that the The river of L' Equille. first fish taken therein was an Equille. But the said Port, for the beauty thereof was called Port Royal. Monsieur Port Royal. De Poutrincourt having found this place to be to his liking demanded it, with the Lands thereunto adjoining, of Monsieur De Monts, to whom the King had by commission, before inserted, granted the distribution of the lands of New France from the 40. degree to the 46. Which place was granted to the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt, who since hath had letters of confirmation for the same of his Majesty, intending to retire himself thither with his family, and there to establish the Christian and French name, as much as his power shall stretch, and God grant him the means to accomplish it. The said port containeth eight leagues of circuit, besides the river of L' Equille. There is within it two Isles very fair and pleasant: the one at the mouth of the said river, which I deem to be of the greatness of the City of Beawais: The other at the side of the mouth of an other river, as broad as the river of Oise, or Marne, entering within the said port: The said Isle being almost of the greatness of the other: and they both are woody. In this port, and right over against the former I'll, we dwelled three years after this voyage. We will speak thereof more at large hereafter. A Copper Mine. In the 28. and 29 chap. of the second book of the whole volume untranslated. From Port Royal they sailed to the Copper mine▪ whereof we have spoken before else where. It is a high rock between two Bays of the Sea, wherein the Copper is conjoined with the stone, very fair and very pure, such as is that which is called Rozette Copper. Many Goldsmiths have seen of it in France, which do say that under the Copper Mine there might be a golden Mine: which is very probable. For if those excrements that nature expelleth forth be so pure, namely, small pieces that are found upon the gravel at the foot of the Rock, when it is low water, there is no doubt that the metal which is Things first to be provided in new Plantation. in the bowels of the earth is much more perfect, but this is a work that requireth time. The first mining and working is to have bread, wine and cattle, as we have said else where. Our felicity consisteth not in Mines, specially of gold & silver, the which serve for nothing in the tillage of the ground, nor to handicrafts use. chose, the abundance of them is but a charge and burden, that keepeth man in perpetual unquiet, and the more he hath thereof, the less rest enjoyeth he, and his life lesser assured unto him. Nota. Before the voyages of Peron great riches might have been set up in a small place, in stead that in this our age by the abundance of gold and silver the same is come at no value nor esteem: One hath need of huge chests and coffers to put in that, which a small budget might have contained. One might have traveled with a purse in ones sleeve, & now a Cloak-bag and a horse must expressly be had for that purpose. We may justly curse the hour that greedy avarice did carry the Spaniard into the West, for the woeful events that have ensued thereof. For when I consider that by his greediness he hath kindled & maintained the war thorough all Christendom, and his only study hath been how to destroy his neighbours (and not the Turk) I cannot think that any other but the devil hath been the author of their voyages. And let not the pretence of religion be alleged unto me: for (as we have said elsewhere) they have killed all the offspring of the Country with the most inhuman torments that the devil hath been able to excogitate. And by their cruelties have rendered the name of God odious, & a name of offence to those poor people, and have continually and daily blasphemed Esaiah 52. vers. 5. him in the midst of the Gentiles, as the Prophet reproacheth to the people of Israel. Witness him that had rather be damned, then to go to the Paradise of the Spaniards. The romans (whose covetousness hath been unsatiable) have made cruel wars to the nations of the Earth, but the Spanish cruelties are not to be found out in their histories. They have contented themselves to ransack the nations which they have overcomed, and not to deprive them of their lives. An ancient heathenish author, Patronius Arbiter. making trial of his poetical humour, findeth no greater crime in them, but that if they found out or discovered some people that had gold, they took them for their enemies. The verses of this Author have so good a grace that I must needs insert them here, though I intent not to allege much Latin. Orbem iam totum Romanus victor habebat, Quàmare, quàterra, quà sidus currit utrumque, Nec satiatus erat. gravidis freta pulsa carinis I am peragrabantur: siquis sinus abditus ultra, Si quaforet tellus quae fulvum mitteret aurum, Hostis erat: fatisque in tristia bella paratis Quaerebantur opes.— But the doctrine of the wise Son of Sirach teacheth us a contrary thing. For knowing that the riches which Ecclesiast. 31. ver. 8. 9 10. are digged up, even from as deep as Pluto's dens, are that which some one hath said, irritament a malorum, he declared That man to be happy that hath not run after gold, and hath not put his hope in silver and treasures; adding, that he ought to be esteemed to have done wonderful things among all his people, and to be the example of glory, which hath been tempted by gold, and remained perfect. And so by a contrary sense the same to be unhappy that doth otherwise. Now to return to our Mines. Among these Copper rocks there is found sometimes small rocks covered with Diamons' fixed to them. I will not assure them for fine, but Diamonds. that is very pleasing to the sight. There are also certain shining blue stones, which are of no less value or worth than Turkey stones. Monsieur De Champdorè our guide Turkey stones. for the navigations in those countries, having cut within a rock one of those stones, at his return from New France he broke it in two, and gave one part of it to Monsieur De Monts, the other to Monsieur De Poutrincourt, which they made to be put in gold, and were found worthy to be presented the one to the King by the said Poutrincourt, the other to the Queen by the said De Monts, and were very well accepted. I remember that a Goldsmith did offer fifteen crowns to Monsieur De Poutrincourt for that he presented to his Majesty. There be many other secrets, rare and fair things within the ground of those Countries, which are yet unknown unto us, and will come to the knowledge and evidence by inhabiting the province. CHAP. FOUR The description of the river Saint john: and of the I'll Saint Croix: The man lost in the woods found out 16. days after: Examples of some strange abstinences: The discord of the Savages deferred to the judgement of Monsieur De Monts: The fatherly authority amongst the said Savages: What husbands they choose to their Daughters. Having viewed the said Mine, the company passed to the other side of the French Bay, and went Saint john's River. towards the bottom of the same: Then turning back came to the river of Saint john, so called (as I think) because they arrived thither the sour & twentieth of june, Dangerous coming in. which is S. john Baptists day. There is a fair Port, but the entry or mouth is dangerous to them that know not the best ways, because that before the coming in there is a long bank of rocks, which are not seen nor discovered, The fall of a River. but only at low water, which do serve as for defence to this Port, within which, when one hath gone about a league, there is found a violent fall of the said river, which falleth down from the rocks, when that the sea doth ebb, with a marvelous noise: for being sometimes at anchor at sea, we have heard it from above twelve leagues off. But at full sea one may pass it with great ships. This river is one of the fairest that may be seen, having store of islands, and swarming with fishes. This last year 1608. 1608. the said Monsieur de Champdorè, with one of the said Monsieur De Monts his men, hath been some 50 leagues up the said river: and do witness that there is great quantity Vines. of Vines along the shore, but the grapes are not so big as they be in the country of the Armouchiquois: There are also Onions, & many other sorts of good herbs. As for the trees they are the fairest that may be seen. Great grapes among the Armouchiquois. Abundance of fishes. The Commodity of voyaging by the river. When we were there we saw great number of Cedar trees. Concerning fishes the said Champdorè hath related unto us, that putting the kettle over the fire, they had taken fish sufficient for their dinner before that the water was hot. Moreover this river, stretching itself far within the lands of the Savages doth marvelously shorten the long travels by means thereof. For in six days they go to Gashepè coming to the bay or gulf of Chaleur, or heat, when they are at the end of it, in carrying their Canowes' some few leagues. And by the same river in eight days they go to Tadoussac by a branch of the same which cometh from the northwest. In such sort that in Port Royal one may have within 15. or 18. days news from the Frenchmen dwelling in the great river of Canada, by these ways: which could not be done in one month by sea, nor without danger. The I'll of S. Croix, 20. leagues from S john's river. Leaving Saint john's river, they came following the coast 20. leagues from that place, to a great river (which is properly sea) where they fortified themselves in a little Island seated in the midst of this river, which the said Champlein had been to discover and view. And seeing it strong by nature, and of easy defence and keeping, besides that the season began to slide away, and therefore it was behoveful to provide of lodging, without running any farther, they resolved to make their abode there. I will He that will possess a land ought to place himself in the main or firm land. not sift out curiously the reasons of all parts upon the resolution of this their dwelling; but I will always be of opinion, that whosoever goes into a country to possess it, must not stay in the Isles, there to be a prisoner. For, before all things, the coulter and tillage of the ground must be regarded. And I would fain know how one shall till and manure it, if it behoveth at every hour in the morning, at noon and the evening, to cross a great passage of water, to go for things requisite from the firm land. And if one feareth the enemy, how shall he that husbandeth the land, or otherwise busy in necessary affairs, save himself if he be pursued? for one findeth not always a boat in hand, in time of need, nor two men to conduct it. Besides, out life requiring many commodities, an Island is not fit for to begin the establishment and seat of a Colony, unless there be Currents and streams of sweet water for to drink, and to supply other necessaries in household, which is not in small islands. There needeth wood for fuel, which also is not there. But above all, there must be shelters from the hurtful winds and cold: which is hardly found in a small continent, environed with water of all sides. Nevertheless the Company sojourned there in the midst of a broad river, where the North wind and northwest bloweth at will. And because, that two leagues higher there be brooks that come crosswise to fall within this large branch of sea, the I'll of the Frenchmens retreat was called Saint Croix, 25. leagues distant from Port Royal. Whilst that they begin to cut down Cedars and other trees of the said Isle to make necessary buildings, let us return to seek out Master Nicolas Aubri, lost in the woods, which long time since is holden for dead. As they began to visit and search the Island, Monsieur de Champdorè (of whom we shall henceforth make mention, by reason he dwelled four years in those parts, conducting the voyages made there) was sent back to the Bay of Saint Mary, with a Mine-finder, that had been carried thither for to get some Mines of silver & Iron, which they did. And as they had crossed the French Bay, they entered Return to the Bay of Saint Marie, where the lost man was found again. The long I'll. into the said Bay of Saint Marie, by a narrow strait or passage, which is between the land of Port Royal, and an Island called the Long I'll: where after some abode they going afishing, the said Aubri perceived them, and began with a feeble voice to call as loud as he could; and for to help his voice he advised himself to do as Ariadne did heretofore to Theseus, Candidaque imposui longae velamina virgae, Scilicet oblitos admonitura mei. For he put his handkerchief, and his hat on a staves end, which made him better to be known. For as one of them heard the voice, and asked the rest of the company, if it might be the said Monsieur Aubri, they mocked & laughed at it. But after they had ipied the moving of the handkerchief and of the hat, than they began to think that it might be he. And coming near, they knew perfectly it was himself, and took him in their Bark with great joy and contentment the sixteenth day after he had lost himself. divers in this later age have stuffed their books and histories with many miracles, wherein is not to be found so great cause of admiration as in this. For during these sixteen days he fed himself but by (I know not Cherries. what) small fruits, like unto Cherries, without kernel, (yet not so delicate) which are scarcely found in those woods. And indeed in these last voyages a special grace and favour of God hath been evident in many occurrences, which we will mark as occasion shall be offered. The poor Aubri (I call him so by reason of his affliction) was, as one may easily think, marvelously weakened. They gave him food by measure, and brought him back again to the company at the Island of Saint Croix, whereof every one received an incredible joy and consolation, and especially Monsieur De Monts, whom it concerned more than any other. Do not allege unto me the Histories of the Maid of Confolans, in the Country of Poictou: which was two years without eating, some six years ago, nor of an other near Berne in Switzerland, which lost (not yet full ten years ago) the desire and appetite of eating, during all Plin. lib. 7. Cap. 2. her life time, and other like examples: for they be accidents happened by the disordering of nature. And concerning that which Pliny reciteth, that in the remotest parts of the Indies, in the inferior parts of the fountain and spring of the river Ganges, there is a nation of Astoms, that is to say, Mouthless people, that live but with the only odour and exhalation of certain roots, flowers and fruits which they assume through their noses: I would hardly believe it, but would think rather that in smelling they might bite very well of the said roots and fruits: As also those that james Quartier mentioneth to have no mouths, and to eat nothing, by the report of the Savage Donnacona, whom he brought into France to make recital thereof to the King, with other things as void of common sense and credit as that. But imagine it were true, such people have their nature disposed to this manner of living, and this case is not alike. For the said Aubri wanted no stomach nor appetite, and hath lived sixteen days, partly nourished by some nutritive force, which is in the air of that country, and partly by those small fruits before spoken: God having given him strength to endure this long want john wire in the treaty De ieiuniis comment. of food, preserving him from the step of death. Which I find strange, and is so indeed. But in the Histories of our time there be found things of greater marvel. Among other things of one Henry de Hasseld, merchant trafficking from the Low Countries to Berg in Norwege: who having heard a belly-god Preacher speaking ill of the miraculous fasts, as though it were not in God's power to do that which he hath done in times past, provoked by it, did assay to fast, and abstained himself three days from eating: At the end whereof, being pinched with hunger, took a morsel of bread, meaning to swallow it down with a glass of Beer: but all that stuck so in his throat, that he remained forty days and forty nights without either eating or drinking. That time being ended, he vomited out by the mouth that which he had eaten and drunk, which all that while remained in his throat. So long an abstinence weakened him in such sort, that it was needful to sustain and restore him with milk. The Governor of the country having understood this wonder, called him before him, and inquired of the truth of the matter: whereof being incredulous, would make new trial of it, and having made him carefully to be kept in a chamber, found the thing to be true. This man is praised for great piety, specially towards the poor. Sometime after being come for his private affairs to Bruxelles in Brabant, a Creditor of his, to bereave him of his due, accused him of heresy, and so caused him to be burned in the year 1545. Ibidem. And since one of the Canons of the city of Liege, making trial of his strength in fasting, having continued the same even to the seventeenth day, felt himself so weakened, that unless he had been suddenly succoured by a good restorative, he had quite perished. Ibidem. A yongue Maid of Buchold, in the territory of Munster in Westphalia, afflicted with grief of mind, and unwilling to stir or go abroad from home, was beaten by her mother for the same, which redoubled her dolour, in such sort, that having lost her natural rest, was four months without either drinking or eating, saving that sometimes she did chaw some roasted apple, and washed her mouth with a little Ptisane. Euagrius lib. 1. of the Ecclesiastical history. cap. 3. Baronius upon the Martyrol. Rom. 9 Ianv.. The Ecclesiastical Histories, among a great number of fasters, make mention of three holy hermits, all named Simeon, which did live in strange austerity and long fasts, as of eight days, and fifteen days continuance, yea longer, not having for all their dwelling but a Column or Hermitage where they dwelled and led their lives: by reason whereof they were named Stelites, that is to say, Columnaries, as dwelling in Columns. But all these before alleged, had partly resolved themselves to such fasts, and partly had by little and little accustomed themselves to it, so that it was not very strange for them to fast so long: which was not in him of whom we speak. And therefore his fast is the more to be admired, by so much as that he had not in any wise disposed himself thereto, and had not used these long austerities. After he had been cherished, and they sojourned yet sometime, to order the business, and to view the lands round about the I'll Saint Croix, motion was made to send back the ships into France before Winter, and so they that went not thither to Winter, prepared themselves for the return. The mean while the Savages from about all their confines came to see the manners of the Frenchmen: The Savage submit themselves to the censure of Monsieur De Monts in in their variances. & lodged themselves willingly near them: also in certain variances happened amongst themselves, they did make Monsieur De Monts judge of their debates; which is a beginning of voluntary subjection, from whence a hope may be conceived, that these people will soon conform themselves to our manner of living. Amongst other things happened before the departing of the said ships, it chanced one day, that a Savage called Bituani, The father's authority in marriage. finding good relish in the kitchen of the said Monsieur De Monts, settled himself therein, doing there some service: And yet did make love to a Maid, by way of marriage; the which not being able to have with the good liking and consent of her father, he ravished her and took her to wife. Thereupon a great quarrel ensueth. And in The cause the of Savagespleaded before Monsieur De Monts. the end the Maid was taken away from him, and returned to her fathers. A very great debate was like to follow, were it not that Bituani complaining to the said Monsieur De Monts for this injury, the others came to defend their cause saying, (to wit▪ the father assisted with his friends) that he would not give his daughter to a man, unless he had some means by his industry to nourish and maintain both her and the children that should proceed of the marriage: As for him he saw not any thing that he could do: That he loitered about the kitchen of the said Monsieur de Monts, not exercising himself hunting. Finally, that he should not have the maid, and aught to content himself with that which was passed. The said Monsieur De Monts having heard both parties, told them, that he detained him not, and that the said Bituani was a diligent fellow and should go hunting to make proof of what he could do. But yet for all that they did not restore the maid unto him, until he had showed effectually that which the said Monsieur De Monts had promised of him. Finally, he goeth Store of Salmon. Bevers. Matachias be laces, beads, bracelets, or such trinkets afishing, taketh great store of Salmon, the maid is redelivered him, and the next day following he came, clothed with a fair new gown of Bevers well set on with Matachias, to the fort which was then a building for the Frenchmen, bringing his wife with him, as triumphing for the victory, having gotten her, as it were by dint of sword: whom he hath ever since loved dearly, contrary to the custom of the other Savages: giving us to understand, that the thing which is gotten with pain, aught to be much cherished. By this action we see the two most considerable points in matter of marriage to be observed among these people, guided only by the law of nature: That is to say, the fatherly authority, and the husband's industry: A thing which I have much admired, seeing, that in our Christian Church, by I know not what abuse, men have lived many ages, during which the fatherly authority hath been despised and set at nought, until that the Ecclesiastical conventions have opened their eyes, and known that the same was even against nature itself: And that our Kings by laws and Edicts have re-established in his force this fatherly authority: which notwithstanding in spiritual marriages and vows of religion hath not yet recovered his ancient glory: And hath (in this respect) his prop but upon the Courts of Parliaments orders, the which oftentimes have constrained the detainers of Children, to restore them to their parents. CHAP. V. The description of the Island of Saint Croix: The enterprise of Monsieur De Monts difficult and generous, yet persecuted through envy: The return of Monsieur De Poutrincourt into France: the perils of the voyage. BEfore we speak of the Ships return into France, it The description of the I'll of Saint Croix. is meet to tell you how hard the I'll of Saint Croix is to be found out, to them that were never there. For there are so many Isles and great bay to go by, before one be at it, that I wonder how ever one might pierce so far for to find it. There are three or four mountains, imminent above the others, on the sides: But on the North side, from whence the river runneth down, there is but a sharp pointed one, above two leagues distant. The woods of the main land are fair and admirable high and well grown, as in like manner is the grass. There is right over against the Island fresh water brooks, very pleasant and agreeable, The fruitfulness of the Soil. where divers of Monsieur De Monts his men did their business, and builded there certain Cabanes. As for the nature of the ground it is most excellent and most abundantly fruitful. For the said Monsieur De Monts having caused there some piece of ground to be tilled▪ and the same sowed with Rye (for I have seen there no wheat) he was not able to tarry for the maturity thereof to reap it: and notwithstanding, the grain, fallen, hath grown and increased so wonderfully that two years after we reaped and did gather of it as fair, big and weighty, as any in The Island half a league in compass. France, which the soil had brought forth without any tillage: and yet at this present it doth continue still to mulltiply every year. The said Island containeth some half a league of circuit, and at the end of it on the sea side, there is a Mount or small hill, which is (as it were) a little Isle severed from the other, where Monsieur de Monts his Canon was placed: There is also a little Chapel built after the savage fashion. At the foot of which Chapel there is such store Store of Mussels. of mussels as is wonderful, which may be gathered at low water, but they are small: I believe that Monsieur De Monts people did not forget to choose and take the biggest, and left there but the small ones to grow and increase. As for the exercise and occupation of our Frenchmen, during the time of their abode there, we will mention it briefly, having first conducted back our ships into France. The Sea and maritime charges in such enterprises as that of Monsieur De Monts, be so great, that he who hath not a good stock and foundation shall easily sink under such a burden, and for to supply, in some sort, those expenses, one is forced to suffer and bear infinite discommodities, and put himself in danger to be discredited among unknown people, and which is worse, in a land which is unmanured, and all over grown with forests. Wherein this action is the more generous, by so much as the peril is more evidently dangerous; and notwithstanding all this, fortune is not left unattempted, and to tread down so many thorns that stop the way. Monsieur De Monts his ships returning into France, he remaineth in a desolate place, with one bark and one boat only. And though he is promised to be sent for home at the end of the year, who may assure himself of Aeolus and Neptune's fidelity, two evil, furious, unconstant and unmerciful Masters? Behold the estate whereunto the said Monsieur De Monts reduced himself, having had no help of the King, as have had all those voyages that have been heretofore described (except the late Lord Marquis de la Roche) and yet it is he that hath done more than all the rest, not having yet lost his hold. But in the end I fear he shall be constrained to give over and forsake all, to the great shame and reproach of the French name, which by this means is made ridiculous and a by word to other nations. For (as though one would of set purpose oppose himself to the conversion Envy upon the privilege granted to Monsieur De Monts upon Bevers. of these poor Westerly people, and to the setting forward of the glory of God and the Kings) there be men start up, full of Avarice and Envy: men which would not give a stroke, or draw their swords for the King's service (as Monsieur De Poutrincourt showed one day to his Majesty) men which would not endure the least labour in the world for the honour of God, which do hinder that any profit be drawn from the very province itself, to furnish to that which is necessary to the establishment of such a work, having rather that Englishmen and Hollanders reap the profit thereof than Frenchmen, and seeking to make the name of God unknown in those parts of the world. And such men, which have no fear of God (for if they had any they would be zealous of his name) are heard, are believed, and carry things away at their pleasure. Now let us prepare and hoist up sails. Monsieur De Poutrincourt made the voyage into these parts with some men of good sort, not to winter there, but as it were to seek out his seat, and find out a land that might like him. Which he having done, had no need to sojourn there any The return of Monsieur De Poutrincourt into France. longer. So then the Ships being ready for the return, he shipped himself, and those of his company, in one of them. The mean while the fame was from all sides in these parts, of the wonders made in Ostend, then besieged by their Highness of Flanders, already three years passed. The voyage was not without storms and great perils: for amongst others, I will recite two or three which might be placed among miracles, were it not that the Sea-accidents are frequent enough, not that I will, for all that, darken the special favour that God hath always showed in The first peril. these voyages. The first is of a gust of wind, which in the midst of their navigation came by night instantly to strike in the sails, with such a violent boistrousnesse that it overturned the ship in such manner, that of the one part the keel was on the face of the water, and the sail swimming upon it, without any means or time to right it, or to lose the tackles. On the sudden the sea is all afire, and the Mariners themselves, all wet, did seem to be all compassed with flames, so furious was the Sea (the Sailors call this fire Saint Goudrans fire) and by ill fortune, in this sudden surprise, there was not a knife to be found for to cut the cables or the sail. The poor ship, during this casualty, remained overturned, carried continually, one while upon Mountains of waters, than another while sunken down even to hell. Briefly, every one did prepare to drink, more than his belly full, to all his friends, when a new blast of wind came, which rend the sail in a thousand pieces, ever after unprofitable to any use. Happy sail! having by his ruin saved all this people; for if it had been a new one they had been cast away, and never news had been heard of them. But God doth often try his people, and bringeth them even to death's door, to the end they may know his powerful might, and fear him. So the ship began to stur and rise again by little and little: And well was it for them that she was deep keeled, for if it had been a fliboate with a flat bottom and broad belly, it had been quite overturned up side down, but the ballast, which remained beneath, did help to stir her upright. The second danger. The second was at Casket (an I'll or rock in the form of a Cask, between France and England, on which there is no dwelling) being come within three leagues of the same, there was some jealousy between the Masters of the ship (an evil which oftentimes destroyeth both men and fair enterprises) the one saying that they might double well enough the said Casket, an other that they could not, and that it behoved to cast a little from the right course for to pass under the Island. In this case the worst was that one knew not the hour of the day, because it was dark by reason of mists, and by consequent they knew not if it did ebb or flow. For if it had been flood they had easily doubled it: but it chanced that it was turning water, and by that means the ebb did hinder it. So that approaching the said rock they saw no hope to save themselves, and that necessarily they must go strike against Necessity maketh us seek to God. The devilishness of revengeful desire. it. Then every one began to pray to God, to crave pardon one of another, and (for their last comfort) to bewail one another. Hereupon Captain Rossignol (whose Ship was taken in New France, as we have said before) drew out a great knife, to kill therewith Captain Timothy, Governor of this present voyage, saying to him, Dost thou not content thyself to have undone me, but wilt thou needs yet cast me here away? but he was held and kept from doing of that he was about to do. And in very truth it was in him great folly, yea rather madness, to go about to kill a man that was going to die, and he (that went to give the blow) in the same peril. In the end as they went to strike upon the rock Monsieur De Poutrincort, who had already yielded his soul and recommended his family to God, asked of him that was at the top if there were any hope; who told him there was none: Then he bade some to help him to change the sails, which two or three only did, and already was there no more water but to turn the Ship, when the mercy and favour of God came to help them, & turned the ship from the perils wherein they saw themselves. Some had put off their doublets for to seek to save themselves by climbing upon the rock, but the The third danger. fear was all the harm they had for that time: saving that some few hours after, being arrived near to a rock called Le nid a L'aigle, the Eagles nest, they thought to go board it, thinking, in the darkness of the mist, it had been a Ship, from whence being again escaped they arrived at New Their return at New haven. haven, the place from whence they first set out. The said Monsieur De Poutrincourt having left his armours and provisions of war in the I'll of Saint Croix, in the keeping of the said Monsieur De Monts, as a gage and token of the good will he had to return thither. The fourth peril. But I may yet well set down here a marvelous danger, from which the same vessel was preserved, a little after the departing from Saint Croix, and this by a bad accident, which God turned to good. For a certain tippling fellow, being by night stealingly come down to the bottom of the ship, for to drink his belly full, and to fill his bottle with wine, he found that there was but too much to drink, and that the said ship was already half full of water: in such sort, that the peril was imminent, and they had infinite pains to staunch her by pomping. In the end being come about they found a great leak, by the keel, which they stopped with all diligence. CHAP. VI The buildings of the I'll Saint Croix: The Frenchman's discommodities in the said place: Unknown Sicknesses: of their causes: of the people that be subject to it: of diets, bad waters, air, winds, lakes, corruption of woods, seasons, disposition of bodies, of yongue, and old: the Author's advice upon the government of health, and cure of the said diseases. The building at the I'll of S. Croix. During the foresaid Navigation, Monsieur De Monts his people did work about the Fort; which he seated at the end of the Island, opposite to the place where he had lodged his Canon. Which was wisely considered, to the end to command the river up & down. But there was an inconvenience, the said Fort did lie towards the North, and without any shelter, but of the trees that were on the I'll shore, which all about he commanded to be kept, and not cut down. And out of the same Fort was the Swissers lodging, great and large, and other small lodgings, representing (as it were) a Suburb. Some had housed themselves on the firm land, near the brook. But within the Fort was Monsieur De Monts his lodging, made with very fair & artificial Carpentry work, with the Banner of France upon the same. At another part was the storehouse, wherein consisted the safety & life of every one, likewise made with fair Carpentry work, and covered with reeds. Right over against the said storehouse, were the lodgings and houses of these Gentlemen, Monsieur D'oruille, Monsieur Champlein, Monsieur Champdorè, and other men of reckoning. Opposite to Monsieur De Monts his said lodging, there was a gallery covered for to exercise themselves, either in play, or for the workmen in time of rain. And between the said Fort and the Platform, where lay the Canon, all was full of gardens, whereunto every one exercised himself willingly. All Autumn quarter was passed on these works, and it was well for them to have lodged themselves, and to manure the ground of the Island, before Winter; whilst that in these parts pamphlets were set out under the name of Maistre Guillaume, stuffed with all sorts of news: By the which, amongst other things, this Prognosticator did say, that Monsieur De Monts did pull out thorns in Canada: and all well considered, it may well be termed the pulling out of thorns, to take in hand such enterprises, full of toils and continual perils, with cares, vexations, and discommodities. But virtue and courage that over cometh all these things, makes those thorns to be but gilly-flowers and Roses, to them that resolve themselves in these heroical actions, to make themselves praiseworthy and famous in the memory of men, despising the vain pleasures of delicate and effeminated men, good for nothing but to coffer themselves in a chamber. Three discommodities in wintering at S. Croix. The most urgent things being done, and hoary snowy father being come, that is to say, Winter, than they were forced to keep within doors, and to live every one at his own home: during which time, our men had three special discommodities in this Hand, videlicet, want of wood, (for that which was in the said Isle, was spent in buildings) lack of fresh water, and the continual watch, made by night, fearing some surprise from the Savages, that had lodged themselves at the foot of the said Island, or some Wickedness of many Christians. other enemy. For the malediction and rage of many Christians is such, that one must take heed of them much more than of Infidels. A thing which grieveth me to speak: would to God I were a liar in this respect, and that I had no cause to speak it! When they had need of water or wood, they were constrained to cross over the river, which is thrice as broad of every side, as the river of Seine. The river of Rouen. It was a thing painful and tedious, in such sort that it was needful to keep the boat a whole day, before one might get those necessaries. In the mean while the cold and snows came upon them, and the Ice so strong, that the Cider was frozen in the vessels, and every one his measure was given him out by weight. As for wine it was distributed but at certain days of the week. Many idle sluggish companions drank snow-water, not willing to take the pains to cross the river. Briefly, the unknown Unknown Sicknesses. sicknesses like to those described unto us by james Quartier, in his relation, assailed us. For remedies there was none to be found. In the mean while the poor sick creatures did languish, pining away by little and little, for want of sweet meats, as milk or spoon-meat for to sustain their stomachs, which could not receive the hard meats, by reason of let, proceeding from a rotten flesh, which grew and over-abounded within their mouths: And when one thought to root it out, it did grow again in one night's space more abundantly than before. As for the tree called Annedda, mentioned by the said Quartier, the Savages of these lands know it not. So that it was most pitiful to behold every one, very few excepted, in this misery, and the miserable sick folks to die, as it were full of life, without any possibility to be succoured. There died The number of the dead and sick. Dangerous months. of this sickness 36, and 36 or 40 more, that were stricken with it, recovered themselves by the help of the Spring, assoon as the comfortable season appeared. But the deadly season for that sickness is in the end of januarie, the months of February and March, wherein most commonly the sick do die, every one at his turn, according to the time they have begun to be sick: in such sort, that he which began to be ill in February and March, may escape, but he that shall over-haste himself, and betake him to his bed in December and januarie, he is in danger to die in February, March, or the beginning of April, which time being passed, he is in good hope, and as it were assured of his safety. Notwithstanding some have felt some touch thereof, having been sharply handled with it. Monsieur De monts being returned into France, did consult with our Doctors of Physic upon the sickness, which (in my opinion) they found very new & unknown, for I do not see, that when we went away, our Pothecary was charged with any order for the cure thereof: and notwithstanding Hypocrates. it seemeth that Hypocrates hath had knowledge of it, or at least of some that was very like to it. For in the Book De internis affect. he speaketh of a certain malady, where the belly, and afterward the spleen do swell and harden itself, and feel grievous and sharp gripes; the skin becometh black and pale, drawing towards the colour of a green Pomegranate: the ears and gums do render and yield a bad sent, the said gums disjoining themselves from the teeth: the legs full of blisters: Northerly people subject to the land disease of New France. the limbs are weakened, etc. But specially the Northerly people, are more subject to it than other more Southerly nations. Witness the Hollanders, Frizeland men, and other thereabouts, amongst whom the said Hollanders do write in their navigations, that going to the East Indies, many of them were taken with the same disease, being upon the coast of Guinie: a dangerous coast, bearing a pestiferous air a hundred leagues far in the sea. And the same (I mean the Hollanders) being, in the year 1606, gone upon the coast of Spain, to keep the same coast, and to annoy the Spanish Navy, were constrained to withdraw themselves, by reason of this disease, having cast into the sea two and twenty of their dead. And if one will hear the witness of Olaus magnus, writing of the Northerly Olaus magnus, Lib. 16. cap. 5●. Nations, of which part himself was, let him hearken to his report, which is this: There is (saith he) yet an other martial sickness (that is, a sickness that afflicteth them which follow the wars) which tormenteth and afflicteth them that are besieged, such whose limbs thickened by a certain fleshy heaviness, and by a corrupted blood, which is between the flesh and the skin, dilating itself like wax: they sink with the least impression made on them with the finger; and disjoineth the teeth as ready to fall out: changeth the white colour of the skin into blue: and causeth a benumbing, with a distaste to take Physic, and that disease is called in the vulgar tongue of the country Sorbut, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, per adventure because of this putrefying softness, which is under Evil disposition of the body corrupteth the meats. the skin, which seemeth to proceed of indigesting and salted meats, and to be continued by the cold exhalation of the walls. But it shall not have so much force where the houses are inward wainscotted with boards. If it continue longer, it must be driven out by taking every day wormwood, as one expelleth A medicine for the stone. out the root of the stone, by a decoction of stale Beer drunk with butter. The same Author doth yet say in an other place, a thing much to be noted: In the beginning It is in the 9 book, ca 38. (saith he) they sustain the siege with force, but in the end, the Soldier being by continuance weakened, they take away the provisions from the invaders, by artificial means, subtleties This is to be noted. and ambushments, specially the sheep, which they carry away, and make them to graze in grassy places of their houses, for fear that through want of fresh meats they fall into the lothsomest sickness of all sicknesses, called in the country language, Sorbut, or Scoruie. Sorbut, that is to say, a wounded stomach, dried by cruel torments, and long anguishs: for the cold and indigesting meats, greedily taken, seem to be the true cause of this sickness. I have delighted myself to recite here the very words of this Author, because he speaketh thereof as being skilful, and setteth forth sufficiently enough the land disease of New France, saving that he maketh no mention of the stiffening of the hams, nor of a superfluous flesh which groweth and aboundeth within the mouth, and that if one think to take it away, it increaseth still; but well speaketh The opening of a dead body. he of the bad stomach. For Monsieur De Poutrincourt made a Negro to be opened, that died of that sickness in our voyage, who was found to have the inward parts very sound, except the stomach, that had wrinkles, as though they were ulcered. Causes of the said disease. And as for the cause proceeding from salt meats, it is very true, there are many other causes concurring, which feed and entertain this sickness: Amongst which I will place in general the bad food, comprehending with it the drinks; then the vice of the air of the country, and after the evil disposition of the body: leaving the Physicians In the beginning of the book De aere, aquu, & loc. to sift it out more curiously. Whereunto Hypocrates saith, that the Physician ought also carefully to take heed, in considering the seasons, the winds, the aspects of the Sun, the waters, the land itself, the nature and situation of it, the nature of men, their manner of living and exercise. What food causeth the land disease. As for the food, this sickness is caused by cold meats, without juice, gross and corrupted. One must then take heed of salt meats, smoky, musty, raw, and of an evil sent, likewise of dried fishes, as Newfound land fish, and stinking Rays: Briefly, from all melancholy meats, which are of hard digesting, are easily corrupted, and breed a gross and melancholy blood. I would not (for all that) be so scrupulous as the Physicians, which do put in the number of gross and melancholy meats, Beevesflesh, Bears, wild Boars and Hogs flesh (they might as well add unto them Bevers flesh, which notwithstanding we have found very good) as they do amongst fishes the Tons, Dolphins, & all those that carry lard: among the birds, the Hernes, Ducks, and all other water birds: for in being an over curious obseruator of these things, one might fall into the danger of starving, and to die for hunger. They place yet among the meats that are to be shunned, biscuit, beans and pulse, the often using of milk, cheese: the gross and harsh wine, and that which is too small, white wine, and the use of vinegar: Beer which is not well sodden, nor well scummed, and that hath not hops enough. Also waters that run thorough rotten Bad waters. wood, and those of lakes and bogs, still and corrupted waters, such as is much in Holland and Frizeland, where is observed that they of Amsterdam are more subject to paulfies and stifning of sinews, than they of Rotterdam, for the abovesaid cause of still and sleepy waters: which beside do engender dropfies, dysenteries, fluxes, quarten agues, and burning fevers, swellings, ulcers of the lights, shortness of breath, ruptures in children, swelling in the veins, sores in the legs: finally, they wholly belong to the disease whereof we speak, being drawn by the spleen, where they leave all their corruption. Sometimes this sickness doth also come by a vice, which is even in waters of running fountains, as if they be among, or near bogs, or if they issue from a muddy ground, or from a place that hath not the Sun's aspect. So Pliny reciteth that in the voyage which the prince Plin. li. 25. 〈…〉 Caesar Germanicus made into Germany, having given order to his army to pass the river of Rhine, to the end to get still forward in the country, he did set his camp on the sea shore, upon the coast of Frizeland, in a place where was but one only fountain of fresh water to be found, which notwithstanding was so pernicious, that all they that drank of it lost their teeth in less than two years space, and had their knees so weak and disjointed, that they could not bear themselves. Which is verily the sickness whereof we speak, which the Physicians do call Stomaccacè. Scelotyrbè. Stomaccacè, that is to say, mouths sore, and Scelotyrbè, which is as much to say, as the shaking of thighs and legs. And it was not possible to find any remedy, but by the Britannica, an herb. means of an herb called Britannica, or Scuruie-grasse, which beside is very good for the sinews, against the sores and accidents in the mouth: against the Squinancy, and against the biting of serpents. It hath long leaves, drawing in colour to a dark green, and produceth a black root, from which liquor is drawn, as well as from the leaf. Strabo saith, that the like case happened to the army that Strabo. Monsieur de joinuille. The Govitres of Savoy. Aelius Gallus brought into Arabia, by the commission of Augustus the Emperor. And the like also chanced to king S. jews his army in Egypt, as the Lord de joinuille reporteth. Other effects of bad waters are seen near unto us, to wit, in Savoy, where the women (more than men, because they are of a colder constitution) have commonly swellings in their throats, as big as bottles. What air is against health. Next to waters, the air is also one of the fathers and ingenderes of this sickness, in boggy and waterish places, and opposite to the South, which is most often rainy. But there is yet in New France another bad quality of the air, by reason of lakes that be thick there, and of the great rottenness in the woods, whose odour the bodies having drawn up, during the rains of Autumn and winter, easily are engendered the corruptions of the mouth, and swelling in the legs before spoken, and a cold entereth unsensibly into it, which benumbeth the limbs, stifneth the sinews, constraineth to creep with cruches, and in the end to keep the bed. Winds. And for as much as the winds do participate with the air, yea are an air running with a more vehement force than ordinary, and in this quality have great power over the health and sicknesses of men, we will speak some thing of it, not (for all that) straying ourselves from the sequel of our history. What winds be healthful and unhealthful. The Easterly wind, called by the Latins Subsolanus, is held for the healthfullest of all, and for that cause, wise builders give advice to set their buildings towards the aspect of the East. The opposite to it, is the wind called Favorinus, or Zephyrus, which our Seamen do name West, which in these parts is mild & fructifying. The Southern wind (called Austere by the Latins) is in Africa hot and dry: But in crossing the Mediterranean sea, it gathereth a great moistness, which maketh it stormy and putrefying in Provence and Languedoc, The opposite to it is the Northern wind, otherwise called Boreas, Bize, Tramontane, which is cold and dry, chaseth the clouds and sweepeth The winds have not one and the self same quality in all places. the airy region. It is taken for the holsommest next to the East wind. But these qualities of the wind, found and noted in these parts, make not one general rule thorough over all the earth. For the north-wind beyond the Equinoctial line is not cold as in these parts, nor the Southwinde hot, because that by a long crossing, they borrow the qualities of the regions thorough which they pass: besides that the Southwinde at his first issue is cooling, according to the report of those that have traveled in Africa. In like manner there be regions in Perou (as in Lima and the plains) where the north-wind is unwholesome and noisome. And thorough all that coast, which is above 500 leagues in length, they take the Southwinde for a sound and fresh cooling wind, and which more is, most mild and pleasant: yea also that it doth never rain by it (according to that which joseph Acosta writeth of it) clean contrary to that we see in this our part of Europe. And in Spain the eastwind, which we have said to be sound, Lib. 3 cap. 3. the same Acosta saith, that it is noisome and unsound. The wind called Circius, which is the Northwest, is so stormy and boisterous in the Westerly shores of Norwege, that if there be any which undertaketh any voyage that way, when that wind bloweth, he must make account to be lost and cast away: And this wind is so cold in that region, that it suffereth not any tree, small or great to grow Olam magnus Lib. 1. Cap. 10. there: So that for want of wood they must serve themselves with the bones of great fishes, to seethe or roast their meats, which discommodity is not in these parts. In like sort we have had experience in New France that the North-winds are not for health: And the north-east (which are the Sick folks and beasts do feel the wind and weather a-coming. cold, strong, sharp and stormy Aquilons) yet worse: which our sick folks, and they that had wintered there the former year, did greatly fear, because that likely, some of them drooped away, when that wind blew, for indeed they had some sensible feeling of this wind: As we see those that be subject to ruptures endure great pangs when that the Southwinde doth blow: And as we see the very beasts to prognosticate by some signs the change of weather. This noisome quality of wind proceedeth (in my judgement) from the nature of the country thorough which it passeth, which (as we have said) is full of lakes, and those very great, which be (as it were) standing and still waters. Whereto I add the exhalation of the rottenness of woods, that this wind bringeth, and that in so much greater quantity, as the Northwest part is great, large and spacious. Seasons. The seasons are also to be marked in this disease, which I have not seen nor heard of, that it begins to work, neither in the spring time, Summer nor Autumn, unless it be at the end of it, but in Winter. And the cause thereof is, that as the growing heat of the Spring, maketh the humours closed up in the winter to disperse themselves to the extremities of the body, and so cleareth it from melancholy, and from the noisome humours that have been gathered in Winter: so the Autumn, as the Winter approacheth, draweth them inward, and doth nourish this melancholy and black humour, which doth abound specially in this season, and the Winter being come showeth forth his effects at the costs and grief of the poor patients. Galen Galen. Com. 35. lib. 1. de nat. hum. yieldeth a reason for the same, saying that the humours of the body, having been parched by the burning of the Summer, that which may rest of it, after the heat is expulsed, becometh forthwith cold and dry: That is to say, cold by the privation of the heat, and dry in as much as in the drying of these humours, all the moistness that was therein hath been consumed. And thereby it cometh that sicknesses are bred in this season, and the farther one goeth, the weaker nature is, and the untemperate coldness of the air being entered into a body already thereto disposed, doth handle it (as it were) at a beck and at will, without pity. I would add willingly to all the foresaid causes the bad Bad food and discommodities of the Sea. food of the sea, which in a long voyage brings much corruption in man's body. For one must of necessity, after four or five days, live of salt meat, or to bring sheep alive, and store of poultry; but this is but for Masters and Commanders in ships: and we had none in our voyage but for to reserve and multiply in the land whither we did go. The mariners then and passengers do suffer discommodity as well in the bread, as in meat and drink, the biskit becometh dampish and rotten, the fishes that are given them alike, and the waters stinking; they which carry sweet meats, be it flesh or fruits, and that use good bread, good wine and good broths, do easily avoid those sicknesses; and I durst (in some sort) be answerable unto them for their healths, unless they be very unhealthful by nature. And when I consider that this disease is as well taken in Holland, Frizeland, in Spain and in Guinie, as in Canada, I am brought to believe that the chief cause thereof is in that which I have said, and not peculiar nor particular to New France. Disposition of body. After all these causes and considerations, it is good in every place to have a well disposed body, for to be in health and live long. For those which naturally gather cold and gross humours, and have the mass of their body pory. Item they that be subject to the oppilations of the spleen, and they that use not a stirring life, but sitting and without frequent motion, are more apt and subject to these sicknesses. Therefore a Physician might say that a student is not fit for that Country, that is to say, he shall not live there in health: nor those which overtoile in labours, nor melancholy people, men which have drowsy dreaming spirits, nor those that be often visited with agues, and such other sort of people. Which I might easily believe, because that these things do heap much melancholy, cold and superfluous humours. Notwithstanding I have tried the contrary, both by myself and by others, against the opinion Sagamoes is a Savage word which Signifieth a Lord, a ruler, or a Captain. of some of ours, yea of Sagamoes Membertou himself, which playeth the soothsayer among the Savages, who (arriving in that country) said that I should never return into France, nor Monsieur Boullet (sometimes captain of Monsieur De Poutrincourt his regiment) who for the most part of the time hath had agues there (but he did farewell.) And they themselves did advise our labourers to take but small labour in their work (which counsel they could The author his exercise in New France. very well observe). For I may say (and that truly) that I never made so much bodily work, for the pleasure that I did take in dressing and tilling my gardens, to enclose and hedge them, against the gluttony of the hogs, to make knots, to draw out allies, to build arbours, to sow wheat, rye, barley, oats, beans, pease, garden herbs, and to water them; so much desire had I to know the goodness of The labour of the mind. the ground by my own experience. So that Summer's days were unto me too short, and very often did I work by Moonlight. Concerning the labour of the mind, I took a reasonable part of it; for at night, every one being retired, among the pratings, noises, and hurly-burlies, I was shut up in my study, reading or writing of something. Yea I will not be ashamed to speak, that being requested by Monsieur De Poutrincourt, our Commander, to bestow some hours of my industry, in giving Christian instructions The piety of the Author of this History. to our small company, for not to live like beasts, and for to give to the Savages an example of our manner of life, I have done it, according to the necessity, and being thereof requested, every Sunday, and sometimes extraordinarily, almost during all the time we have been there; And well was it for me that I had brought my Bible, and some books unawares: for otherwise it had been very difficult for me, and had been cause to excuse me of that work. It hath not been without fruit, many witnessing unto me that they had never heard so much good talk of God, not knowing before, any principle of that which belongeth to Christian doctrine: And such is the state wherein live the most part of Christendom. And if there were any edifying of one part, there was backbiting on the other, by reason, that using a French liberty, I willingly spoke the truth. Whereupon I remember the saying of the Prophet Amos, They have hated (saith he) him that reproved them Amos. 5. verse. 10. in the gate, and have had in abomination him that spoke in integrity. But in the end we became all good friends; And amongst these things God gave me always a sound and a perfect health, always a good taste, always merry and nimble, saving that having once lain in the woods, near to a brook in snowy weather, I was touched with a Cramp or Sciatika in my thigh a fortnight's space, not losing my appetite nor stomach for the same; for indeed I took delight in that which I did, desiring to confine there my life, if it would please God to bless the voyages. Of Children. I should be over tedious, if I would set down here the disposition of all persons, and to speak concerning children that they are more subject to this sickness than others, for that they have very often ulcers in the mouth and gums, because of the thin substance that abound in their bodies: and also that they gather many crude humours by their disorder of living, and by the quantity of fruits they eat, being never filled with it, by which m eans they gather great quantity of waterish blood, and the spleen being stopped cannot soak up those moisturs. Of aged folks. And as for old folks that have their heat weakened, and cannot resist the sickness, being filled with crudities, and with a cold and moist temperature, which is the quality proper to stir up and nourish it: I will not take the physicians office in hand, fearing the censuring rod: and notwithstanding (with their leave) not touching with their orders and receipts of Agaric, aloes, rhubarb, and other ingredients, I will write here that which I think more ready at hand for the poor people, which have not the ability and means to send to Alexandria, as well for the preservation of their health, as for the remedy of this sickness. Advice for the sicknesses of New France. It is a certain axiom that a contrary must be healed by his contrary. This sickness proceeding from an indigestion of rude, gross, cold and melancholy meats, which offend the stomach, I think it good (submitting myself to better judgement and advice) to accompany them with good sauces, be it of butter, oil, or fat, all well spiced, to correct as well the quality of the meat, as of the body inwardly waxen cold. Let this be said for rude and gross meats, as beans, pease, and fish: for he that shall eat good capons, good partridges, good ducks and good rabbits, he may be assured of his health, or else his body is of a very bad constitution. We have had some sick that have (as it were) raised up from death to life: for having Good Wine. eaten twice or thrice of a coolice made of a cock, good wine taken according to the necessity of nature, is a sovereign preservative for all sicknesses, and particularily for this. Master Macquin and Master George's, worshipful Merchants of Rochel, as associates to Monsieur De Monts, did furnish us with 45. toones of wine, which did us very much good. And our sick folks themselves, having their mouths spoiled, and not being able to eat, have never lost the taste of wine, which they took with a pipe. The same hath preserved many of them from death. The young buds of herbs in the Spring time be also very sovereign. And besides that reason requireth to believe it, I have tried it, Herbs in the spring time. being myself gone many times to gather some for our sick people, before that those of our garden might be used, which restored them to their taste again, and comforted their weak stomachs. And as for that which concerneth the exterior parts of the body, we have found great good in wearing wooden pantaphles, or patins with our shoes, for to avoid the moistness. The houses need no opening, nor windows on the Northwest side, being a wind very dangerous: but rather on the East side, or the South. It is very good to have good bedding (& it was good for me to have carried things necessary to this purpose) and above all to keep himself Stooves. neat. I would like well the use of Stooves, such as they have in Germany, by means whereof they feel no Winter, being at home, but as much as they please. Yea they Stooves in gardens. have of them, in many places, in their gardens, which do so temper the coldness of winter, that in this rough and sharp season, there one may see Orenge-trees, Limon-trees, figtrees, Pomgranet-trees, and all such sorts of trees, bring forth fruit as good as in Provence. Which is so much the more easy to do in this new land, for that it is all covered over with woods, (except when one comes in the Armonchiquois country, a hundred leagues further of The country of the Armouchiquois 100 leagues distant from Port Royal. then Port Royal) And in making of winter a summer one shall discover the land: Which not having any more those great obstacles, that hinder the Sun to court her, and from warming it with his heat, without doubt it will become very temperate, and yield a most mild air: and well agreeing with our humour, not having there, even at this time, neither cold nor heat that is excessive. The Savages that know not Germany, nor the customs thereof, do teach us the same lesson, which being subject to those sickness (as we have seen in the voyage of james Quartier) use sweatings often, as it were every month, The Sweatings of the Savages. and by this means they preserve themselves, driving out by sweat all the cold and evil humours they might have gathered. But one singular preservative against this perfidious sickness, which cometh so stealingly, and which having once lodged itself within us, will not be put out, is to follow the counsel of him that is wise amongst the wise, who having considered all the afflictions that man give to himself during his life, hath found nothing better Ecclesi. 3. verse. 12. and 22. than to rejoice himself, and do good, and to take pleasure in his own works. They that have done so, in our company, have found themselves well by it: contrawise some always grudging, repining, never content, idle, have been Means of mirth. found out by the same disease. True it is, that for to enjoy mirth it is good to have the sweetness of fresh meats, fleshes, fishes, milk, butter, oils, fruits, and such like, which we had not at will (I mean the common sort: for always some one, or other of the company did furnish Monsieur De Poutrincourt his table with wild foul, venison or fresh fish) And if we had had half a dozen kine, I believe that no body had died there. It resteth a preservative, necessary for the accomplishment Necessity of having women into the country. of mirth, and to the end one may take pleasure on the work of his hands, is every one to have the honest company of his lawful wife: for without that, the cheer is never perfect; ones mind is always upon that which one loves and desireth; there is still some sorrow, the body becomes full of ill humours, and so the sickness doth breed. And for the last and sovereign remedy, I send back the Tree of life. patient to the tree of life (for so one may well qualify it) which james Quartier doth call Anneda, yet unknown in Sassafras. the coast of Port Royal, unless it be, peradventure the Sassafras, whereof there is quantity in certain places. And it is an assured thing, that the said tree is very excellent. But Monsieur Champlain, who is now in the great river of Canada, passing his winter, in the same part where the said Quartier did winter, hath charge to find it out, Monsieur Champlein is now this present year 1609. in Canada. and to make provision thereof. CHAP. VII. The discovery of new Lands by Monsieur De Monts: fabulous tales and reports of the river and feigned town of Norombega: The refuting of the authors that have written thereof: Fish banks in New found land: Kinibeki: Chovacoet: Mallebarre: Armouchiquois: The death of a French man killed: Mortality of Englishmen in Virginia. THe rough season being passed, Monsieur De Monts wearied with his bad dwelling at Saint Croix, determined to seek out another Port in a warrner country, and more to the South: And to that end made a Pinnace to be armed and furnished with victuals, to follow the coast, and discovering new countries, to seek out some happier Port in a more temperate air. And because Monsieur De Monts his voyage for the discovery of new Lands. that in seeking, one cannot set forward so much as when in full sails one goeth in open sea, and that finding out bay and gulfs, lying between two lands, one must put in, because that there one may assoon find that which is sought for, as else where, he made in this voyage but about six score leagues, as we will tell you now. From Saint Croix to 60. leagues forward, the coast lieth East and West; at the end of which 60. leagues, is the river called by the Savages Kinibeki. From which place to Malebarre Kinibeki 60. leagues from Saint Croix, it lieth North and South, and there is yet from one to the other 60. leagues, in right line, not following the bay. So far stretcheth Monsieur De Monts his voyage, wherein he had for Pilot in his vessel, Monsieur De Champdore. In all this coast so far as Kinibeki there is many places where ships may be harboured amongst the islands, but the people there is not so frequent as is beyond that: And there is no remarkable thing (at least that may be seen in the outside of the lands) but a river, whereof many have▪ written fables one after another, like to those that they (who grounding themselves upon Hannos Plin▪. lib. 3. cap. 1. his Commentaries, a Carthaginian captain) have feigned of Towns built by him in great number upon the coasts of Africa, which is watered with the Ocean sea, for that he played an heroical part in sailing so far as the Isles of Cap Vert, where long time since no body hath been, the Navigation not being so secure then, upon that great sea, as it is at this day by the benefit of the Compass. Therefore without alleging that, which the first writers (Spaniards and Portugeses) have said, I will recite that which is in the last book, entitled, The universal History of the West Indies, Printed at Dovay the last year 1607. in the place where he speaketh of Norombega: For in reporting this, I shall have also said that which the first have written, from whom they have had it. Fabulous tales of the river Norombega. Moreover, towards the North (saith the Author, after he had spoken of Virginia) is Norombega, which is known well enough by reason of a fair town, and a great river, though it is not found from whence it hath his name: for the Barbarians do call it Agguncia: At the mouth of this river there is an Island very fit for fishing. The region that goeth along the sea, doth abound in fish, and towards New France there is great number of wild beasts, and is very commodious for hunting; the Inhabitants do live in the same manner as they of New France. If this beautiful Town hath ever been in nature, I would fain know who hath pulled it down: For there is but Cabanes here and there made with pearkes, and covered with barks of trees, or with skins, and both the river and the place Pemtegoet. inhabited, is called Pemtegoet, and not Agguncia. The river (saving the tide) is scarce as the river of Oyse. And there can be no great river on that coast, because there are not lands sufficient to produce them, by reason of the great river of Canada, which runneth like this coast, and is not fourscore leagues distant from that place in crossing the lands, which from elsewhere received many rivers falling from those parts which are towards Norombega: At the entry whereof, it is so far from having but one Island, that rather the number thereof is almost infinite, for as much as this river enlarging itself like the Greek Lambda Λ, the mouth whereof is all full of Isles, whereof there is one of them lying very far off (and the foremost) in the sea, which is high and markable above the others. But some will say that I aequiuocate in the situation of Norombega, and that it is not placed where I take it. To Oiection. Answer. this I answer, that the author, whose words I have a little before alleged, is in this my sufficient warrant, who in his Geographical Map, hath placed in the mouth of this river in the 44. degree, and his supposed town in the 45. wherein we differ but in one degree, which is a small matter. For the river that I mean is in the 45. degree, and as for any town, there is none. Now of necessity it must be this river, because that the same being passed, and that of Kinibeki, (which is in the same height) there is no other river forward, whereof account should be made, tell one come to Virginia. I say furthermore, that seeing the Barbarians of Norombega do live as they of New France, and have abundance of hunting, it must be, that their province be seated in our New France: For fifty leagues farther to the south-west there is no great game, because the woods are thinner there, and the inhabitants settled, and in greater number than in Norombega. True it is that a sea Captain, named john Alfonse, of Xaintonge, in the relation of his adventurous voyages, hath another Fabulous report of the River of Norombega. written, that, having passed Saint john's Island (which I take for the same that I have called heretofore the I'll of Bacaillos') the coast turneth to the West, and West south-west, Note this well. as far as the river of Norombergue, newly discovered (saith he) by the Portugais and Spaniards, which is in 30. degrees: adding that this river hath, at the entire thereof many Isles, banks, and rocks, and that fifteen or twenty leagues within it, is built a great town, where the people be small and blackish, like them of the Indies, and are clothed with skins, whereof they have abundance of all sorts. Item, that the bank of New found land endeth there: and that that river being passed, the coast turneth to the West, and West Northwest, above 250. leagues towards a country where there is both towns and castles. But I see very little or no truth at all, in all the discourses of this man: and well may he call his voyages adventurous, not for him, who was never in the hundredth part of the places he describeth (at least it is easy so to think) but for those that will follow the ways which he willeth mariners to follow. For if the said river of Norombega be in thirty degrees, it must needs be in Florida, which is the contrary to all them that ever have written of it, and to the very truth itself. Concerning that which he saith of the bank of Newfound The great Bank of Newfoundland. Banquereau. banc jacquet. land, it endeth (by the report of mariners, about the I'll of Sablon, or Sande) about Cap Breton. True it is, that there is some other banks, that be called Le banquereau, and Le banc jacquet, but they are but five or six, or ten leagues, and are divided from the great bank of New found land. And touching the men in the land of Norombega, they are of fair and high stature. And to say, that this river being passed, the coast lieth West, and West Northwest, that hath no likelihood. For from Cap Breton, so far as the point of Florida, that lieth over against the Isle De Cuba, there is not any coast standing West Northwest, only there is in the parts joining upon the true river called Norombega, some fifty leagues coast, that standeth East and West. Finally, of all that which the said john Alfonse doth report, I receive but that which he saith that this river, whereof we speak, hath at the coming in many islands, banks and rocks. Kinibeks. The river of Norombega being passed, Monsieur De Monts went still coasting, until he came to Kinibeki, where a river is, that may shorten the way to go to the great river of Canada. There is a number of Savages Cabaned there, and the land beginneth there to be better peopled. From Kinibeki going farther, one findeth the bay of Marching, named by the Captain his name that The bay of Marching. 1607. Chovakoet. The ground manured. commandeth therein. This Marching was killed the year that we parted from New France 1607. Farther is an other bay called Chovakoet, where (in regard of the former countries) is a great number of people: For there they till the ground, and the region beginneth to be more temperate, and for proof of this, there is in this land store of Vines. Yea even there be islands full of it, (which be more Vines. subject to the injuries of the wind & cold) as we shall say Malebarre. hereafter. There is between Chovakoet and Malebarre many bay and Isles, and the coast is sandy, with shallow ground, drawing near to the said Malebarre, so that scarce one may land there with barks. The people that befrom Saint john's river to Kinibeki (wherein are comprised the rivers of Saint Croix and Norombega) are called Etechemins: And from Kinibeki as far as Malebarre, and farther, they are called Armouchiquois. The Armouchiquois traitors and thieves. They be traitors and thieves, and one had need to take heed of them. Monsieur De Monts, having made some stay at Malebarre, victuals began to be scarce with him, and it was needful to think upon the return, specially seeing all the coast so troublesome that one could pass no further Shouldst stretching far into the sea. Violent death of a Frenchman of Saint Mallos. without peril, for shoals that stretch far into the sea, in such wise that the farther one goeth from the land, lesser depth there is. But before departing, a Carpenter of Saint Mallos died casually, who going to fetch water with some kettles, an Armouchiquois seeing fit opportunity to steal one of those kettles, when that the Frenchman took no heed, took it, and ran away speedily with his booty. The Malovin running after, was killed by this wicked people: And although the same had not happened, it was in The swiftness of the Armouchiquois. vain to pursue after this thief: for all these Armouchiquois are as swift in running as Greyhounds: as we will yet further say in speaking of the voyage that Monsieur De Poutrincourt made in the same Country, in the year 1606. 1606. It grieved sore Monsieur De Monts to see such a thing, and his men were earnest for revenge (which they might do, for the other Barbarians were not so far from the Frenchmen but that a musket shot might have scared them, which they had already on, rest to level every one at his man) but the said Monsieur De Monts, upon some considerations, which many other of his place and dignity, might have miss to consider, made every one to put down their musket cocks, and left them alone, not having hitherto found a fit place to make a settled dwelling. And so the said Monsieur De Monts caused all things to be in a readiness for the return to Saint Croix, where he had left a good number of his men, yet weak by the winter sickness, of whose health he was careful. Monsieur DeMonts difficulty in his enterprise. Many that know not what belongeth to the sea, do think that the setting of an habitation in an unknown land is easy; but by the discourse of this voyage, and others that follow, they shall find that it is far easier to say than to do, and that Monsieur de Monts hath exploited many things this first year, in viewing all the coast of this land even to Malebarre, which is 400. leagues, following the same coast, and searching to the bottom of the bay: besides the labour he was forced to, in causing houses to be made at Saint Croix, the care he had of those which he had brought thither, and of their return into France, if any peril or shipwreck should come to those that had promised him to fetch him at the end of the year. But one may run and take pain to seek Ports and Havens where fortune favoureth: yet she is always like to herself. It is good for one to lodge himself in a sweet mild Climate, when one may choose, notwithstanding death follows us every where. I have heard of a Pilot of New Haven The mortality of the English in Virginia, like that of the French in New France. Virginia is in 36. 37. 38. degrees of latitude. Praise of the temper of Virginia. Bad fare the chief cause of the sickness. Things needful. that was with the Englishmen in Virginia 24. years ago, that being come thither, there died 36. of them in three months. Nevertheless Virginia is taken to be in the 36. 37. and 38. degrees of latitude, which is a good temperate country. Which considering, I yet believe (as I have already said before) that such mortality cometh by the bad fare. And it is altogether needful to have in such a country, at the very beginning, household, and tame cattle of all sorts, and to carry store of fruit trees and grafts, for to have there quickly recreation necessary to the health of them that desire to people the land. That if the Savages themselves be subject to the sickness, whereof we have spoken, I attribute that, to the same cause of evil fare. For they have nothing that may correct the vice of the meats which they take: and are always naked amongst the moistures of the ground, which is the very means to gather quantity of corrupted humours, which cause those sicknesses unto them, as well as to the strangers that go thither, although they be borne to that kind of life. CHAP. VIII. The second voyage made by Monsieur Du Pont-Grauè. The arrival of Monsieur Du Pont to Saint Croix: The habitation transferred in Port Royal: return of Monsieur De Monts into France: the difficulty of hand Milles: The furniture of the said Monsieur Du Pont for the discovery of new lands beyond Malebarre: shippewracke: forecast for the return into France: Comparison of these voyages with them of Florida: the blame of those that dispraise the tillage of the land. THe Spring time season being passed in the voyage of the Armouchiquois, Monsieur De Monts did temporize at Saint Croix for the time that he had agreed upon, in the which if he had no news from France, he might depart and come to seek some ship of them that come to New found land for the drying of fish, to the end to repass in France within the same, he and his company, if it were possible. This time was already expired, and they were ready to set sails, not expecting more any succour The arrival of Monsieur Du Pont. 1605. nor refreshing, When Monsieur Du Point, surnamed Grauè, dwelling at Honfleur, did arrive with a company of some forty men, for to ease the said Monsieur De Monts and his troop, which was to the great joy of all, as one may well imagine: and canon shots were free and plentiful at the coming, according to custom, and the sound of trumpets. The said Monsieur Du Pont, not knowing yet the state of our French men, did think to find there an assured dwelling, and his lodgings ready: but considering the accidents of the strange sickness whereof we have spoken, he took advice to change place. Monsieur De Monts was very desirous that the new habitation had been about 40. degrees, that is to say, 4. degrees farther than Saint Croix: but having viewed the coast as far as Malebarre, and with much pain, not finding what he desired, it was deliberated to go and make their dwelling in Port Royal, until means were had to make an ampler Transmigration from S. Croix to Port Royal. discovery. So every one began to pack up his things: That which was built with infinite labour was pulled down, except the Storehouse, which was too great and painful to be transported, and in executing of this, many voyages are made. All being come to Port Royal they found out new labours: the abiding place is chosen right New buildings. over against the Island, that is at the coming in of the river L' Equille, in a place where all is covered over and full of woods, as thick as possible may be. The month of September did already begin to come, and care was to be taken for the unlading of Monsieur Du Pont his ship, to make room for them that should return back into France. Finally there is work enough for all. When the ship was in a readiness to put to sails, Monsieur De Monts having seen the beginning of the new habitation, shipped himself for his return with them that would follow him. Notwithstanding many of good courage (forgetting the griefs and labours passed) did tarry behind, amongst whom were Monsieur Champlain and Monsieur Champdorè, the one for Geography, and the other for the conducting and guiding of the voyages that should be necessary to be made by sea. Then the said Monsieur De The return of Monsieur de Monts into France. Monts hoist up sails, and leaveth the said Monsieur Du Pont as his Lieutenant and deputy in these parts, who wanting no diligence (according to his nature) in making perfect that which was needful for to lodge both himself and his people, which was all that might be done for that year in that country. For to go far from home in the Winter, and after so long a toil, there was no reason. And as for the tillage of the ground, I believe they had no fit time to do it: For the said Monsieur Du Pont was not a man to be long in rest, nor to leave his men idle, if there had been any means for it. Traffic with the Savages. The Winter being come, the Savages of the country did assemble themselves, from far to Port Royal, for to truck with the Frenchmen, for such things they had, some bringing Beavers skins, and Otters (which are those whereof Bevers, Otters, and Stags. most account may be made in that place) and also Ellans or Stags, whereof good buff may be made: Others bringing flesh newly killed, wherewith they made many good Tabagies or feasts, living merrily as long as they had Tabaguia is a Savage term, signifying banquet. wherewithal. They never wanted any bread, but wine did not continue with them till the season was ended. For when we came thither the year following, they had been above three Months without any wine, and were very glad of our coming, for that made them to take again the taste of it. Hand Mils. The greatest pain they had, was to grind the corn to have bread, which is very painful with hand-mils, whereall the strength of the body is requisite: And therefore it is not without cause that in old time, bad people were threatened to be sent to the Mill, as to the painefullest thing that is: to which occupation poor slaves were set to, before the use of water and windmills was found out, as the Profane histories make mention: and the same of the Exod. 11. ver. 4. 5. coming of the people of Israel out of the land of Egypt, where, for the last scourge that God will send to Pharaoh, he declareth by the mouth of Moses, that about midnight he will pass thorough Egypt, and every first borne shall die there, from the first borne of Pharaoh, that should sit upon his throne, to the first borne of the maid Servant which grindeth at the Mill. And this labour is so great, that the Savages (although they be very poor) cannot bear it, and had rather to be without bread, then to take so much pains as it hath been tried, offering them half of the grinding they should do, but they choosed rather to have no corn. And I might well believe that the same, with other things, hath been great means to breed the sickness spoken of, in The number of the dead. some of Monsieur Du Pont his men: for there died some half a dozen of them that winter. True it is, that I find a defect in the buildings of our Frenchmen, which is, they Fault in their buildings. had no ditches about them, whereby the waters of the ground next to them did run under their lower-most rooms, which was a great hindrance to their health. I add beside the bad waters which they used, that did not run from a quick spring, but from the nearest brook. The furniture of Monsieur Du Pont to go to the discovery of new lands. The winter being passed, & the sea navigable, Monsieur Du Pont would needs achieve the enterprise begun the year before by Monsieur De Monts, and to go seek out a Port more Southerly, where the air might be more temperate, according as he had in charge of the said Monsieur De Monts. He furnished then the bark which remained with him to that effect. But being set out of the port, and full ready, hoist up fails for Malebarre, he was forced by contrary wind twice to put back again, and at the third time the said Bark struck against the rocks at the The wrack of their Bark. entire of the said Port. In this disgrace of Neptune, the men were saved with the better part of provision and merchandise; but as for the Bark it was rend in pieces. And by this mishap the voyage was broken, and that which was so desired intermitted. For the habitation of Port Royal was not judged good. And notwithstanding Causes of delay in establishing the dwelling place of the French men. it is, on the North and Northwest sides, well sheltered with mountains, distant some one league, some half a league from the Port and the river L'Equille. So we see how that enterprises take not effect according to the desires of men, and are accompanied with many perils. So that one must not wonder if the time be long in establishing of Colonies, specially in lands so remote, whose nature, and temperature of air is not known, and where one must fell and cut down forests, and be constrained to take heed, not from the people that we call Savages, but from them that term themselves Christians, and yet have but the name of it, cursed and abominable people, worse than wolves, enemies to God and human nature. This attempt then being broken, Monsieur Du Pont knew not what to do, but to attend the succour and supply that Monsieur De Monts promised, parting from Port Royal at his return into France, to send him the year following. Yet for all events he built an other Bark and a Shaloup for to seek French ships in the places where they use to dry fish, such as Campseau Port, English Port, Misamichis Port: the Bay of Chaleur (or heat,) the Bay of Morues or cods, and others in great number, according as Monsieur De Monts had done the former year, to the end to ship himself in them, and to return into France, in case that no ship should come to succour him. Wherein he did wisely, for he was in danger to hear no news from us, that were appointed to succeed him, as it shall appear by the discourse following. The comparing of these later voyages. But in the mean while we must consider that they, which in these voyages have transported themselves in these parts, have had an advantage over those that would plant in Florida, which is in having that refuge beforesaid, of French ships that frequent the New found lands for fishing, not being forced to build great ships, nor to abide extreme famines, as they have done in Florida, whose voyages have been lamentable for that respect, and these by reason of the sicknesses that have persecuted them, but they of Florida have had a blessing for that they were in a mild and fertile country, and more friendly to man's health then New France, spoken of else where. If they have suffered famines, there was great fault in them, for not having tilled the ground, which they found plain and champion: Which before all other thing is to be done, of them that will lodge themselves so far The blame of them who at this day despise the manuring of the ground. from ordinary succour. But the Frenchmen, and almost all nations at this day (I mean of those that be not borne and brought up to the manuring of the ground) have this bad nature, that they think to derogate much from their dignity in addicting themselves to the tillage of the ground, which notwithstanding is almost, the only vocation where innocency remaineth. And thereby cometh that every one shunning this noble labour, our first Parents and ancient King's exercise, as also of the greatest Captains of the World, seeking to make himself a Gentleman at others costs, or else willing only to learn the God's punishments. trade to deceive men, or to claw himself in the Sun, God taketh away his blessing from us, and beateth us at this day, and hath done a long time with an iron rod, so that in all parts the people languisheth miserably, and we see the Realm of France swarming with beggars and vagabonds of all kinds, besides an infinite number, groaning in their poor cottages, not daring, or ashamed to shewfoorth their poverty and misery. CHAP. IX. The first motive and acceptation of the voyage by Monsieur De Poutrincourt, together with the Author, into New France: their departure from Paris to go into Rochel. The third voyage made by Monsieur de Poutrincourt. ABout the time of the before mentioned shipwreck, Monsieur De Monts being in France, did think carefully upon the means how to prepare a new supply for new France. Which seemed hard and difficult to him, as well for the great charges that that action required, as because that Province had been so discredited at his return, that the continuing of these voyages any longer did seem vain and unfruitful. Besides, there was some reason to believe that no body would adventure himself thither. Notwithstanding, knowing Monsieur De Poutrincourt his desire (to whom before he had given part of the land, according to the power which the King had given him) which was to inhabit in those parts, and there to settle his family and his fortune, together with the name of God, he wrote unto him, and sent a man of purpose to give him notice of the voyage that was in hand. Which the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt accepted Monsieur De Poutrincourt accepteth the voyage of New France. of, leaving all other affairs, to attend on this action, though he had suits in law of great weight; to the prosecuting and defence whereof, his presence was very requisite: And that at his first voyage he had tried the malice of some, which during his absence prosecuted against him with rigour, and at his return gave over and became dumb. He was no sooner come to Paris, but that he was forced to depart, not having scarce time to provide for things necessary. And I having had that good hap to be acquainted with him some years before, asked me if I would take part in that business? whereunto I demanded a days respite to answer him. Having well consulted with myself, not so much desirous to see the country (for I The causes of the Author's voyage. knew well that there was woods, lakes and rivers, and that one must go over seas (which I had before done in the straits) as to be able to give an eye judgement of the land, whereto my mind was before inclined: and to avoid a corrupted world I engaged my word unto him, being induced thereto specially for the unjustice done to me a little before, by some presidial judges, in favour of a Parsonage of eminent quality, whom I have always honoured and reverenced: Which sentence at my return hath been recalled, by order and sentence of the Court of Parliament, for which I am particularly obliged to Monsieur Seruin, the King his Advocate General, to whom doth belong properly this Eloge, attributed according to the letter, to the most wise and most magnificent of all Kings. Psal. 5. 4. Thou hast loved justice and hated iniquity. So it is that God awakeneth us sometimes, to stir us up to generous actions, such as be these voyages, which (as the world doth vary) some will blame, other some will approve. But without answering any body in this respect, I care not what discourses idle men, or those that cannot, or will not help me, may make, enjoying contentment in myself, and being ready to render all service to God and to the King in those remote lands, that bear the name of France, if either my fortune or condition call me thither, for there to live in quiet and rest, by an acceptable pleasing labour, and to shun the hard and miserable life, whereto I see reduced the most part of men in this part of the World. To return then to Monsieur De Poutrincourt, as he had dispatched some businesses, he inquired in some Churches if some learned Priest might be found out, that would go with him, to relieve and ease him, whom Monsieur De Monts had left there at his voyage, whom we thought to be yet living. But because it was the Holy week, in which time they are employed, and wait on confessions and shriving, there was none to be found; some excusing themselves upon the troubles and discommodities of the sea, and the length of the voyage, other deferring it till after Easter. Which was cause that none could be had out of Paris, by reason the season hasted on, time and tide tarry for no man, so than we were forced to depart. There rested to find out fit and necessary workmen for the voyage of New France, whereunto was speedily provided, price agreed upon for their wages, and money given before hand in part thereof, to bear their charges to Rochel, where the rends vous was, at the dwelling houses of Master Macquin, and Master George's, worshipful Merchants of the said Town, the associates of Monsieur De Monts, which did provide our furniture and provision. The parting from Paris. Our meaner people being gone, three or four days after we took our way to Orleans, upon Good Friday, for there to solemnize and pass our Easter, where every one accomplished the duty usual to all good Christians, in taking the spiritual food, that is to say, the holy Communion, seeing we did undertake, and were going on a voyage. From thence we came down the river Loire to Saumur, with our carriage: and from Sawmur we went by Tovars and Maran to Rochel, by hackney horses. CHAP. X. The name of our Ship called the jonas: The shallow water at Rochel is the cause of the hard going out: Rochel a reformed Town: the common people is insolent: Croquans: the accident of shipwreck of the jonas: new preparation: weak soldiers are not to be placed upon the frontiers: The Ministers of Rochel do pray for the conversion of the Savages: the smalzeale of ours: the Eucharist carried in voyages by the ancient Christian: the diligence of Monsieur De Poutrincourt at the very point of Shipping. BEing come to Rochel, we found there Monsieur De Monts, and Monsieur De Poutrincourt, that were come in Post, and our ship called the jonas, of the burden of 150. tons, ready to pass out of the chains of the Town, to tarry for wind and tide. The tide I say, because that a great ship laden, cannot come to sea from Rochel, but in spring tides, upon the new and full moon, by reason that in the town road there is no sufficient depth. In the mean while we made good cheer, yea so good, that we did long to be at sea to make diet: which we did but too soon, being once come thither: for during two whole months we saw not a whit of land, as we will farther tell anon. But the workmen, thorough their good cheer (for they had every one two shillings a days hire) The praises of Rochel. did play marvelous pranks in Saint Nicholas quarter, where they were lodged, which was found strange in a town so reform as Rochel is, in the which no notorious riots nor dissolutions be made; and indeed one must behave himself orderly there, unless he will incur the danger either of the censure of the Mayor, or of the Ministers of the Town. Some of those disordered men were put in prison, which were kept in the townhouse till the time of going, and had been further punished, had it not been upon consideration of the voyage, where they knew they should not have all their eases, but should afterwards pay dear enough their mad bargain, in putting the said Master Macquin and Master Georges to so much trouble, to keep them in order. I will not, for all that, put in the number of this disordered people, all the rest, for there were some Croquans (Signifying hooks) why so called. very civil and respective. But I will say that the common people is a dangerous beast. And this maketh me remember the Croquans war, amongst whom I was once in my life, being in Querci. It was the strangest thing in the world to see the confusion of those wooden shod fellows, from whence they took the name of Croquans (that is to say hooker's) because that their wooden shoes, nailed before and behind, did hook or stick fast at every step. This confused people had neither rhyme nor reason among them; every one was Master there; some armed with an hedge-hooke at a staves' end, others with some rusty sword, and so accordingly. Negligence in the keeping of the jonas. Our jonas having her full load, was in the end rowed out of the Town into the road, and we thought to set out the 8. or 9 of April. Captain Foulques had taken the charge for the conducting of the voyage. But as commonmonly there is negligence in men's businesses, it happened that this Captain (who notwithstanding I have known very diligent and watchful at sea) having left the ship ill manned, not being in her himself, nor the Pilot, but only 6. or 7. mariners good and bad, a great Southeast wind arose in the night, which broke the jonas cable, fastened with one only anchor, and driveth her against a forewall which is out of the town, backing and proping the Tower of the chain, against which she struck so many times, that she broke and sunk down; and it chanced well that it was then ebbing, for if this mishap had come in flowing time, the ship was in danger to be overwhelmed with a far greater loss than we had, but she stood up, and so there was means to mend her, which was done with speed. Our workmen were warned to come and help in this necessity, Hired workmen negligent. either to draw at the pomp, at the Capestane, or to any other thing; but few there were that endeavoured themselves to do any thing, the most part of them going away, and most of them made a mock of it. Some having gone so far as to the oar, went back complaining that one had cast water upon them, being of that side that the water came out of the pomp, which the wind did scatter upon them. I came thither with Monsieur De Poutrincourt, and some other willing men, where we were not unprofitable. Almost all the inhabitants of Rochel were beholding this spectacle upon the rampires. The sea was yet stormy, and we thought our ship would have dashed oftentimes against the great Towers of the town. In the end, we came in with less loss than we thought of. The ship was all unladen, being forced to tackle and furnish her anew. The loss thereby was great, and the voyages almost broken off for ever: for I believe, that after so many trials, none would have ventured to go plant Colonies in those parts; that Country being so ill spoken of, that every one did pity us, considering the accidents happened to The courage of Monsieur De Monts and his associates. them that had been there before. Notwithstanding Monsieur De Monts and his associates, did bear manfully this loss. And I must needs be so bold as to tell in this occurrance that if ever that country be inhabited with Christians and civil people, the first praise thereof must of right be due to the Authors of this voyage. This great trouble hindered us above a month, which was employed in the unlading, and lading again of our ship. During that time, we did walk sometimes unto the places near about the town, and chiefly unto the Convent of the Cordeliers, which is but half a league off from The frontiers ought to be furnished with good Soldiers. the town: where being one Sunday, I did marvel how in those places of frontier, there is no better garrison, having so strong enemies near them. And seeing I take in hand to relate an history of things, according to the true manner of them: I say that it is a shameful thing for us, that the Ministers of Rochel, pray to God every day in their Congregations The Ministers do pray for the conversion of the Savages. for the conversion of the poor Savage people, and also for our safe conducting, and that our Churchmen do not the like. In very truth we never required neither the one nor the other to do it, but therein is known the zeal of both sides. In the end, a little before our departing, it came to my mind to ask of the Parson or Vicar of Rochel if there might be found any of his fraternity that would come with us, which I hoped might easily be done, because there was a reasonable good number of them: and beside, that being in a maritime town, I thought they took delight to haunt the seas: but I could obtain nothing: and for all excuses, it was told me, that none would go▪ to such voyages, unless they were moved with an extraordinary zeal and piety: And that it would be the best way to seek to the father's▪ jesuits for the same. Which we could not then do, our ship having almost her full lading. Whereupon I remember to have heard oftentimes of Monsieur De Poutrincourt, that after his first voyage, being at the Court, an Ecclesiastical person, esteemed very zealous in the Christian religion, demanded of him what might be hoped for in the conversion of the people of New France, and whether there were any great number of them. Whereunto he answered▪ that a hundred thousand souls might be gotten to jesus Christ, (naming a number certain for an uncertain.) This Clergy man making small account of such a number, said thereupon by admiration, is that all! as if that number did not deserve the labour of a Churchman. Truly though there were but the hundredth part of that, yea yet less, one must not suffer it to be lost. The good Shepherd having among Math. 18. vers. 12. 132. an hundred sheep one astray, left the 99 for to go and seek out the one that was lost. We are taught &) I believe it so) that though there were but one man to be saved, our Lord jesus Christ had not disdained to come, as well for him, as he hath done for all the world. In like manner, one must not make so small account of the salvation of these poor people, though they swarm not in number as within Paris or Constantinople. Custom of the ancient Christians, carrying the Eucharist in their voyages. Seeing it availed me nothing in demanding for a Churchman, to administer the Sacrament unto us, be it during our navigation, or upon the land: The ancient custom of the Christians came into my mind, which going in voyage did carry with them the holy bread of the Eucharist, and this did they, because they found not, in all places, Priests to administer this Sacrament unto them, the world being then yet full, either of Heathens or Heretics. So that it was not unproperly called Viatic, which they carried with them traveling on the way: yet notwithstanding I am of opinion that it hath a spiritual meaning. And considering that we might be brought to that necessity, not having in New France but one Priest only, (of whose death we heard when we came thither) I demanded if they would do unto us, as to the ancient Christians, who were as wise as we. I was answered that the same was done in that time for considerations which are not now at this day. I Saint Ambrose in his funeral oration for his brother. replied that Satirus Saint Ambroses' brother, going on a voyage upon the sea, served himself with this spiritual Physic (as we read in his funeral oration made by his said brother Saint Ambrose) which he did carry in Orario, which I take to be a linen cloth, or taffeta: and well did it happen unto him by it. For having made shipwreck, he saved himself upon a board, left of his vessels wrack. But I was as well refused in this as of the rest. Which gave me cause of wondering: seeming to me a very rigorous thing to be in worse condition than the first Christians. For the Eucharist is no other thing at this day than it was then: And if they held it precious, we do not demand it to make lesser account thereof. Let us return to our jonas. Now she was laden and brought out of the town into the road: there resteth nothing more than fit weather & tide: which was the hardest Hardness to come forth from a Port. of the matter. For in places where is no great depth, as in Rochel, one must tarry for the high tides of the full and new Moons, and then peradventure the wind will not be fit, and so one must defer, till a fortnight's time. In the mean while the season goeth away: as it was almost with us. For we saw the hour that after so many labours and charges, we were endanger to tarry for lack of wind, because the Moon was in the wain, and consequently the Bad suspicion of Captain Foulques. tide. Captain Foulques did not seem to affect his charge, making no ordinary stay in the ship: and it was reported that other Merchants, not being of Monsieur De Monts his society, did secretly solicit him to break off the voyage. And indeed it hath been thought that he caused us to make wrong courses: which kept us two months and a half at sea, as hereafter we shall see. Which thing the The diligence and care of Monss-De Poutrincourts. said Monsieur De Poutrincourt perceiving, himself took upon him the charge of Captain of the ship, and went to lie in her, the space of five or six days, for to get out with the first wind, and not to lose the opportunity. In the end, with much a do the eleventh day of May 1606. by the favour of a small Easterly wind, he went to sea, and made our jonas to be brought to the Palisse, and the next * A place so called near Rochel. day being the 12. of the same month, came again to Chef de bois (which be the places where ships put themselves for shelter from winds) where the hope of New France was assembled. I say the hope, because that of this voyage, did depend the continuance or total breach of the enterprise. CHAP. XI. Their departure from Rochel: Sundry meetings of ships, and Pirates: Stormy Sea about the Açores, and whence it proceeds: Why the West winds are frequent in the West sea: From whence the winds do come: Porpeses do prognosticate storms: means to take them: the describing of them: of storms: their effects: of calms: what is a gust of Wind: how it is made: the effects thereof: the boldness of mariners: how reverence is given to the King's ship: the supputation of the voyage: hot sea: then cold▪ the reason of it: and of the banks of Ice in Newfound Land. 13. of May. 1606. THe Saturday, Whitsoneve 13. of May, we weighed our anchors, and sailed in open sea, so that by little and little we lost the sight of the great towers and town of Rochel, then of the Isles of Rez & Oleron, bidding France farewell. It was a thing fearful for them that were not used to such a dance, to see them carried upon so movable an ellement, and to be at every moment (as it were) within two fingers breadth to death. We had not long sailed, but that many did their endeavour to yield up the tribute Meetings of ships. to Neptune. In the mean while we went still forward, for there was no more going back, the plank being once taken up. The 16. of May we met with 13. hollanders, going for Spain, which did inquire of our voyage, and so held their course. Since that time we were a whole month, seeing nothing else out of our floating town, but Sky and Meeting of a Pirate or outlawed. water, one ship excepted, near about the Açors, well filled with English and Dutchmen. They bore up with us, and came very near us. And according to the manner of the sea, we asked them whence their ship was. They told us they were Newfoundland men, that is to say going a fishing for New-found-land-fish. And they asked us if we would accept of their company: we thanked them: thereupon they drank to us, and we to them, and they took another course. But having considered their vessel all set with green moss on the belly and sides, we judged them to be Pirates, & that they had of a long time beaten the sea, in hope to make some prize. It was then that we began to Neptune's sheep. see, more than before, Neptune's sheep to skip up (so do they call the frothy waves, when the sea beginneth to sturand to feel the hard blows of his Trident. For commonly Why is the sea stormy about the Açores. in that place before named the sea is stormy. If one ask me the cause why: I will answer, that I think it to proceed of a certain conflict between the East & westerly winds, which do encounter in that part of the sea, and especially in Summer, when the West winds do rise up, and with a great force pierce and pass thorough a great distance of sea, until they find the winds of these parts, which do resist them; Then it is dangerous for a ship to be at these windy encounters. This reason seemeth the more probable unto me, in this, that until we came near the Açores we had the wind fit enough, and afterward, we had almost always either south-west or Norweast, little North and South, which were not good for us, but to sail with the bowline: For Easterly winds we had none at all, but once or twice, Westerly winds ordinary in the Western Sea. which continued nothing with us (to speak of.) Sure it is that the Westerly winds do reign much a long that sea, Whether it be by a certain repercussion of the East wind which is stiff and swift under the Equinoctial line, whereof we have spoken elsewhere, or because that this Western land, being large and great, also the wind that issueth from thence doth abound the more. Which cometh especially in Summer, when the sun hath force to draw up the from whence the winds do come. vapours of the earth, for the winds come from thence, issuing from the dens and Caves of the same. And therefore the Poets do fain that Aeolus holdeth them in prisons, from whence he draweth them, and giveth them liberty when it pleaseth him. But the spirit of God doth confirm it unto us yet better, when he saith by the mouth of the Prophet, that Almighty God, among other his marvels, draweth Psal. 135. the winds out of his treasures, which be the Caves whereof I speak. For the word treasure signifieth in Hebrew, secret and hidden place. He bringeth forth the clouds from the earths furthest parts, the lightnings with the rains he makes, and them imparts, on some in his anger, on others for pleasures: The winds he draweth forth out of his deep treasures. And upon this consideration, Christopher Columbus, a Genwaie, first navigator of these last ages unto the islands of Amerika, did judge that there was some great land in the West, having observed, sailing on the sea, that continual winds came from that part. Continuing then our course, we had some other storms & hindrances procured by winds, which we almost had always contrary, by reason we set out too late: but they that set out in March have commonly good winds, because that then the East, Noreast, and Northern winds do reign, which are fit and prosperous for these voyages. Porpeses do prognosticate storms. These tempests were very often foretold us by Porpeses, which did haunt about our ship by thousands, sporting themselves after a very pleasant manner. Some of them did The way to take them. pay for their so near eapproaching. For some men waited for them at the beke head (which is the forepart of the ship) with harping Irons in their hands, which met with them sometimes, and drew them in aboard with the help of the other sailors, which, with iron hooks (which they call Gaffes) tied at the end of a long paul, pulled them up. We have taken many of them in that sort, both in going and coming, which have done us no harm. There be The description of the Porpeses. two sorts of them, some which have a blunt and big nose, others which have it sharp; we took none but of these last, but yet I remember to have seen in the water some of the short-nosed ones. This fish hath two fingers The Porpeses hot blood doth comfort the sinews. breadth of fat, at the least, on the back When it was cut in two, we did wash our hands in his hot blood, which, they say, comforteth the sinews. He hath a marvelous quantity of teeth along his jaws, and I think that he holdeth fast that which he once catcheth. Moreover the inward parts have altogether the taste of hogs flesh, and the bones not in form of fish bones, but like a four footed creature. The most delicate meat of it, is the fin which he hath upon the back, and the tail, which are neither fish nor flesh, but better then that, such as also is in substance of tail, that of the Bevers, which seemeth to be scailed. A Beavers tail is dainty meat. These Porpeses be the only fishes we took, before we came to the great bank of Morues or Codfish. But far off we saw other great fishes, which did show, out of the water, above half an acres length of their backs, and did thrust out in the air above a spears height of great pipes of water, thorough the holes they had upon their heads. Storms, and their effects. But to return to our purpose of storms: during our voyage, we had some which made us strike down sail, and to stand our arms a cross, carried at the pleasure of the waves, and tossed up and down after a strange manner. If any coffer or chest was not well made fast, it was heard to roll from side to side, making a foul noise. Sometimes the kettle was overturned; and in dining or supping, our dishes and platters flew from one end of the table to the other, unless they were holden very fast. As for the drink, one must carry his mouth and the glass, according to the motion of the ship. Briefly it was a sport, but somewhat rude, to them that cannot bear this jogging easily. For all that, the most of us did laugh at it: for there was no danger in it, at least evident, being in a good ship, and strong to withstand the waves. We had also sometimes calms wearisome. calms, very tedious and wearisome, during which, we washed ourselves in the sea, we danced upon the deck, we climbed up the main top, we sang in muficke. Then Whirlwind, what it is, how it is made: the effects thereof. when a little small cloud was percerued to issue from under the Horizon, we were forced to give over those exercises, for to take heed of a gust of wind, which was wrapped in the same cloud, which dissolving itself, grumbling, snorting, whistling, roaring, storming, and buzzing, was able to over turn our ship upside down, unless men had been ready to execute that which the Master of the ship (which was Captain Foulques, a man very vigilant) commanded them. There is no harm in showing how these gusts of wind, otherwise called storms, are form, and from whence they proceed. Pliny speaketh of them in his Plin. lib. 2. cap. 48. natural history, and saith, that they be exhalations & light vapours raised from the earth to the cold region of the air: and not being able to pass further, but rather forced to return back, they sometimes meet sulphury and fiery exhalations, which compass them about, and bind so hard, that there come, thereby a great combat, motions and agitation, between the sulphury heat, and the airy moistness, which being constrained by the stronger enemy to run away, it openeth itself, maketh itself, way, whistleth, roareth and stormeth, briefly becometh a wind, which is great or lesser according that the sulphury exhalation which wrappeth it, breaketh itself and giveth it way, sometimes all at once, as we have showed before, and sometimes with longer time, according to the quantity of the matter whereof it is made, and according as, either more or less, it is moved by his contrary qualities. The marvelous assurance of the good Mariners, in their sea-labours. But I cannot leave unmentioned the wonderful courage and assurance that good sailors have in these windy conflicts, storms and tempests, when as a ship being carried and mounted upon mountains of waters, and from thence let down, as it were, into the profound depths of the world, they climb among the tackle and cords, not only to the main top, and to the very height of the main mast, but also, without ladder steps, to the top of another mast, fastened to the first, held only with the force of their arms and feet, winding about the highest tackle. Yea much more, that if, in this great tossing and rolling, it chanceth that the main sail (which they call Paphil or Papefust) be untied at the higher ends, he, who is first commanded, will put himself straddling upon the main yard (that is the tree which crossed the main mast) and, with a hammer at his girdle, and half a dozen nails in his mouth, will tie again and make fast, that which was untied, to the The boldness of a Swisser, at Laon. peril of a thousand lives. I have sometimes heard great account made of a Swissers boldness, who (after the siege of Laon, and the city being rendered to the King's obedience) climbed and stood straddling upon the thwart branch of the cross of our Lady's church steeple of the said town, and stood there forked wise, his feet upward: But that, in my judgement, is nothing in regard of this, the said Swisser being upon a firm and solid body, and without motion, and this chose hanging over an unconstant sea, tossed with boisterous winds, as we have sometimes seen. After we had left these Pirates spoken of before, we were until the 18. of june, tossed with divers, and almost contrary The 18. of june. winds, without any discovery, but of one ship far off from us, which we did not board, and yet notwithstanding A ship. the very sight thereof did comfort us. And the same another ship. day we met a ship of Honfleur, wherein Captain La Roche did command, going for New-found-landes, who had no better fortune upon the sea than we. The custom is at The veiling of marchand's ships to a ship Royal. sea, that when some particular ship meeteth with the King his ship (as ours was) to come under the lee, and to present herself, not side by side, but bias wise: Also to pull down her flag, as this Captain La Roche did, except the flag, for she had none, no more had we, being not needful in so great a voyage, but in approaching the land, or when one must fight. Our sailors did cast then their computation, Computatiof the voyage. on the course that we had made. For in every ship, the Master, the Pilot, and Master's Mate do write down every day of their courses, and winds that they have followed, for how many hours, and the estimation of leagues. The said La Roche did account that they were then in the Forty five degrees, and within a hundred leagues of the Bank. Our Pilot, called Master Oliver Fleuriot, of Saint Maloe, by his computation said that we were within 60. leagues of it: And Captain Foulques within 120. leagues. I believe he gave the best judgement. We received much contentment by the meeting of this ship, and did greatly encourage us, seeing we did begin to meet with ships, seeming unto us that we did enter in a place of acquaintance. Sea water milk warm, then cold. But by the way a thing must be noted, which I have found admirable, and which giveth us occasion to play the Philosophers. For about the same 18. day of june, we found the sea-water, during three days space, very warm, and by the same warmth, our wine also was warm in the bottom of our ship, yet the air was not hotter than before. And the 21. of the said month, quite contrary we were 2. Great cold. or 3. days so much compassed with mists and colds, that we thought ourselves to be in the month of january, and the water of the sea was extreme cold. Which continued with us until we came upon the said Bank, by reason of the said mists, which outwardly did procure this cold The reason of this Antiperistase, and the cause of the Ices of Newfoundlande. unto us. When I seek out the cause of this Antiperistase, I attribute it to the Ices of the North, which come floating down upon the coast and sea adjoining to Newfoundland, and Labrador, which we have said elsewhere is brought thither with the sea, by her natural motion, which is greater there, then elsewhere, because of the great space it hath to run, as in a gulf, in the depth of America, where the nature and situation of the universal earth doth bear it easily. Now these Ices (which sometimes are seen in banks of ten leagues length, and as high as Mountains and hills, and thrice as deep in the waters) holding, as it were, an Empire in this sea, drive out far from them, that which is contrary to their coldness, and consequently do bind and close on this side, that small quantity of mild temperature that the Summer may bring to that part, where they come to seat and place themselves. Yet for all that, I will not deny but this region in one and the self-same parallel is somewhat colder than those of our part of Europe, for the reasons that we will aleage hereafter, when we shall speak of the foulness of In the 16. chapter. Second experience. seasons. Such is my opinion: being ready to hear another man's reason. And being mindful hereof, I did, of purpose, take heed of the same, at my return from New France, and found the same warmness of water (or very near) though it was in the month of September, within five or six days sailing on this side of the said bank, whereof we will now entreat. CHAP. XII. Of the great Bank of Morues or cods: of the Sound: our coming to the said Bank: the description thereof: the fishing of New-found-land-fish: and of birds: the greediness of birds, called by Frenchmen Hap-foyes, that is to say, liver-catchers: divers perils: the favours of God: the causes of frequent and long mists in the Western sea: Landmarks: the sight of it: marvelous odours: the boarding of two Shaloupes, the landing at the Port du Moutton: the coming into Port Royal: of two Frenchmen remaining there alone amongst the Savages. BEfore we come to the Bank, spoken of before, which is the great Bank where the fishing of green Cod-fish is made (so are they called when they are not dry, for one must go aland for the drying of them) the sea-faring-men, besides the computation they make of their course, have warnings when they come near to it, by Warnings near the great Bank. Birds called by Frenchmen, Gods, Fouquets, Happefoys. birds, which are known: even as one doth them of these our parts, returning back into France, when one is within 100 or 120. leagues near it. The most frequent of these birds, towards the said Bank, be Gods, Fouquets, and other called Happe-foyes, for a reason that we will declare anon. When these birds than were seen, which were not like to them that we had seen in the midst of the great sea, we began to think ourselves not to be far from the said Bank. Which made us to sound with our lead upon a Thursday the 22. of june, but then we found no bottom. What the sound is, and how it is cast. The same day in the evening, we cast again with better success: for we found bottom at 36. fadams. The said sound is a piece of lead of seven or eight pound weight, made pyramidal wise, fastened at one or divers lines: and at the biggest end, which is flat, one putteth some grease to it, mingled with butter: then all the sails are stricken down, and the sound cast: and when that the bottom is felt, and the lead draweth no more line, they leave off letting down of it. So our sound being drawn up, brought with it some small stones, with a white one, and a piece of shell, having moreover a pit in the grease, whereby they judged The arrival to the fish Bank. that the bottom was a rock. I cannot express the joy that we had, seeing us there, where we had so much desired to be. There was not any one of us more sick, every one did leap for joy, and did seem unto us to be in our own country, though we were come but to the half of our voyage, at least for the time, that passed before we came to Port Royal, whther we were bound. Of the word Bank: and description of the fishing Bank. here I will, before I proceed any further, decipher unto you, what meaneth this word (Bank) which peradventure putteth some in pain to know what it is. They sometimes call Banks a sandy bottom which is very shallow, or which is a dry at low water. Such places be mortal for ships that meet with them. But the Bank whereof we speak, are mountains grounded in the depth of the waters, which are raised up to 30. 36. and 40. fadams, near to the upper face of the sea. This Bank is holden to be of 200. leagues in length: and 18. 20. and 24. leagues broad, which being passed there is no more bottom found out, then in these parts, until one come to the land. The ships being there arrived, the sails are rolled up, and there, fishing is made of the green fish, as I have said, whereof we shall speak in the book following. For the satisfying of my reader, I have drawn it in my Geography call Map of Newfoundland, with pricks, which is all may be done to represent it. There is, farther off, other banks, as I have marked in the said Map, upon the which good fishing may be made: and many go thither that know the places. When that we parted from Rochel, there was (as it were) a forest of ships lying at Chef de Bois, (whereof that place hath taken his name) which went all in a company to that country, preventing us (in their going) but only of two days. Having seen and noted the Bank, we hoist up sails and bare all night, keeping still our course to the West. But the dawn of day being come, which was Saint The fishing of Cod. john Baptists Eve, in God's name we pulled down sails, passing that day a fishing of Codfish, with a thousand mirths and contentments, by reason of fresh meats, whereof we had as much as we would, having long before wished for them. Monsieur De Poutrincourt, and a young man of Retel named Le Feure, who, by reason of the sea-sickness were not come out from their beds nor cabanes, from the beginning of the Navigation, came upon the hatches that day, and had the pleasure, not only of fishing of Cod, but also of those birds, that be called by French mariners, Happe-foyes, that is to say Liver-catchers, because Happe-foyes Why so called. of their greediness to devour the livers of the Cod-fish that are cast into the sea, after their bellies be opened, whereof they are so covetous, that though they see a great paul over their heads, ready to strike them down, yet they adventure themselves to come near to the ship, to catch some of them, at what price soever. And they which were not occupied in fishing did pass their time in that sport. And so did they, by their diligence that we took some thirty of them. But in this action one of our shipwrights fell down in the sea. And it was good for him that the ship went but slow, which gave him means to save himself by taking hold of the rudder, from which he was pulled in a board, but for his pains was well beaten by Captain Foulques. Sea-dogges skins. In this fishing we sometimes did take sea-dogges, whose skins our joiners did keep carefully to smooth their work withal. Item, fishes called by Frenchmen Merlus, which be better than Cod, and sometimes another kind of fish called Bars: which diversity did augment our delight. They which were not busy in taking neither fishes nor birds, did pass their time in gathering the hearts, guts, and other inward parts (most delicate) of the Codfish, which they did mince with lard and spices, and Excellent sausages made with the inwards of cod. with those things did make as good Bolonia sausiges, as any can be made in Paris, and we did eat of them with a very good stomach. On the evening we made ready to continue our course, having first made our Canons to roar, as well because of Saint john his holy day, as for Monsieur De Poutrincourts' sake, which beareth the name of that Saint. The next day some of our men told us they had seen a Bank of Ice. And thereupon was recited unto us, how that the year before, Men saved upon a bank of Ice. a ship of Olone was cast away, by approaching too near to it, and that two men having saved themselves upon the Ice, had this good fortune, that another ship, passing by, the men took them in aboard them. The weather in those seas contrary, then in ours. It is to be noted that from the 18. of june until we did arrive at Port Royal, we have found the weather quite otherwise to that we had before. For (as we have already said) we had cold mists or fogs, before our coming to the Bank (where we came in fair sunshine) but the next day, we fell to the fogs again, which (a far off) we The causes of mists on the West sea. might perceive to come and wrap us about, holding us continually prisoners three whole days, for two days of fair weather that they permitted us: which was always accompanied with cold, by reason of the Summer's absence. Yea even divers times we have seen ourselves a whole seven-night, continually in thick fogs, twice without any show of Sun, but very little, as I will recite hereafter. And I will bring forth a reason for such effects which seemeth unto me probable. As we see the fire to draw the moistness of a wet cloth, opposite unto it, likewise the sun draweth moistness and vapours both from the sea and from the land. But for the dissolving of them, there is here one virtue, and beyond those parts another, according to the accidents and circumstances that are found. In these our countries it raiseth up vapours only from the ground, and from our rivers: which earthly vapours, gross and weighty, and participating less of the moist ellement, do cause us a hot air, and the earth discharged of those vapours, becomes thereby more hot and parching. From thence it cometh, that the said vapours, having the earth of the one part, and the Sun on the other, which heateth them, they are easily dissolved, not remaining long in the air, unless it be in winter, when the earth is waxen cold, and the Sun beyond the Equinoctial line, far off from us. From the same reason proceedeth the cause, why mists and fogs be not so frequent, nor so long in the French seas, as in Newfoundland, because that the Sun, passing from his rising, above the grounds, this sea, at the coming thereof, receiveth almost but earthly vapours, and by a long space retaineth this virtue to dissolve very soon the exhalations it draweth to itself. But when it cometh to the midst of the Ocean, and to the said new found land, having elevated and assumed in so long a course a great abundance of vapours, from this moist wide Ocean, it doth not so easily dissolve them, as well, because those vapours be cold of themselves, and of their nature, as because the Element which is nearest under them, doth sympathize with them, and preserveth them, & the Sun beams being not holpen in the dissolving of them, as they are upon the earth. Which is even seen in the land of that country, which (although it hath but small heat, by reason of the abundance of woods) notwithstanding it helpeth to disperse the mists and fogs, which be ordinarily there, in the morning, during summer, but not as at Sea, for about eight aclocke in the morning they begin to vanish away, and serve as a dew to the ground. A small bank, I hope the reader will not dislike these small digressions, seeing they serve to our purpose. The 28. day of june, we found ourselves upon a little small bank (other than the great Bank whereof we have spoken) at forty fadams: and the day following, one of our Sailors fell by night into the sea, which had been lost if he had not met with a cable, A Mariner fallen by night in the sea. Land marks. hanging in the water. From that time forward, we began to descry land▪ marks (it was Newfoundland) by herbs, mosses, flowers, and pieces of wood, that we always met, abounding the more, by so much we drew near to it. The 4. day of july, our sailors, which were appointed The discovery of S. Peter's islands. Plain discovery of the Land. for the last quarter watch, descried in the morning, very early, every one being yet abed, the Isles of Saint Peter. And the Friday the seventh of the said month, we discovered, on the Larboard, a Coast of land, high raised up, appearing unto us, as long as ones sight could stretch out, which gave us greater cause of joy, than yet we had had, wherein God did greatly show his merciful favour unto us, making this discovery in fair calm weather. Being yet far from it, the boldest of the company went up to the main top, to the end to see it better, so much were all of us desirous to see this land, true and most delightful habitation of man.. Monsieur De Poutrincourt went up thither, and myself also, which we had not yet done. Even our dogs did thrust their noses out of the ship, better to draw and smell the sweet air of the land, not being able to contain themselves from witnessing, by their gestures, the joy they had of it. We drew within a league near unto it, and (the sails being let down) we fell a fishing of Cod, the fishing of the Bank beginning to fail. They which had before us, made voyages in those parts, did judge us Cap. Breton. The Bay of Campseau. Eight days. to be at Cap-Breton. The night drawing on, we stood off to the seaward: the next day following, being the eight of the said month of julj, as we drew near to the Bay of Campseau, came, about the evening, mists, which did continue eight whole days, during the which we kept us at sea, hulling still, not being able to go forward, being resisted by West and south-west winds. During these eight days, which were from one Saturday to another, God (who hath always guided these voyages, in the which not one man hath been lost by sea) showed us his special favour, in sending unto us, among the thick fogs, God's favour in danger. a clearing of the Sun, which continued but half an hour: And then had we sight of the firm land, and knew that we were ready to be cast away upon the rocks, if we had not speedily stood off to seaward. A man doth sometimes seek the land, as one doth his beloved, which sometimes repulseth her sweet heart very rudely. Finally, upon Saturday the 15. of juljs, about two aclocke in the after noon, the sky began to salute us, as it were, with Cannon shots, shedding tears, as being sorry to have kept us so long in pain. So that fair weather being come again, Calm weather. we saw coming strait to us (we being four leagues off from the land) two Shaloupes with open sails, in a sea yet wrathed. This thing gave us much content. But whilst marvelous odours coming from the land. we followed on our course, there came from the land odours uncomparable for sweetness, brought with a warm wind, so abundantly, that all the Orient parts could not procure greater abundance. We did stretch out our hands, at it were to take them, so palpable were they, which I have admired a thousand times since. Then the two shaloups did approach, The boarding of two shalopes. the one manned with Savages, who had a Stag painted at their sails, the other with Frenchmen of Saint Maloes, which made their fishing at the Port of Camseau, but the Savages were more diligent, for they arrived first. Having never seen any before, I did admire, at the first The Savages goodly men. sight, their fair shape, and form of visage. One of them did excuse himself, for that he had not brought his fair beaver gown, because the weather had been foul. He had but one red piece of freeze upon his back, and Matachiaz Matachiaz be carcanets, necklaces, bracelets, and wrought girdles. about his neck, at his wrists, above the elbow, and at his girdle. We made them to eat and drink. During that time they told us all that had passed, a year before, at Port Royal (whither we were bound. In the mean while, them of Saint Maloe came, and told us as much as the Savages had. Adding that the wednesday, when that we did shun the rocks, they had seen us, and would have corn to us with the said Savages, but that they left off, During the mists at sea, it is fair wether on land▪ A discommodity brings a commodity. by reason we put to the sea: and moreover that it had been always fair weather on the land: which made us much to marvel: but the cause thereof hath been showed before. Of this discommodity may be drawn hereafter a great good, that these mists will serve as a rampire to the country, and one shall know with speed what is passed at sea. They told us also that they had been advertised, some days before, by other Savages, that a ship was seen at Cap Breton. These French men of S. Maloe were men that did deal for the associates of Monsieur De Monts, and did complain that the Baskes, or men of Saint john De Lussurioso (against the King his Inhibitions) had trucked with the Savages, and carried away above six thousand Beavers The care of the savages for their wives. skins. They gave us sundry sorts of their fishes, as Bars, Marlus and great Fletans. As for the Savages, before to depart, they asked bread of us, to carry to their wives, which was granted and given them, for they deserved it well, being come so willingly to show us in what part we were. For since that time we sailed still in assurance, and without doubt. The departing of some of our company going aland. At the parting, some number of ours went aland at the Port of Campseau, as well to fetch us some wood and fresh water, whereof we had need, as for to follow the Coast from that place to Port Royal in a shaloup, for we did fear lest Monsieur De Pont should be at our coming thither already gone from thence. The Savages made offer to go to him thorough the woods, with promise to be there within six days, to advertise him of our coming, to the end The Savages do travel much way in small time. to cause his stay, for as much as word was left with him to depart, unless he were succoured within the 16. day of that month, which he failed not to do: notwithstanding our men desirous to see the land nearer, did hinder the same which promised us to bring unto us the next day the said wood and water, if we would approach near the land, which we did not, but followed on our course. Mists. Calms. The Tuesday, 17. of july, we were, according to our accustomed manner, surprised with mists and contrary wind. But the Thursday we had calm weather, so that whether it were missed or fair weather we went nothing forward. During this calm, about the evening, a Shipwright, The peril of many Mariners. washing himself in the sea, having before drunk too much Aquavitae, found himself overtaken, the cold of the sea water striving against the heat of this spirit of wine. Some Mariners, seeing their fellow in danger, cast themselves Drunkenness causeth divers perils. into the water to succour him, but his wits being troubled, he mocked them, and they not able to rule him. Which caused yet other Mariners to go to help; and they so hindered one another, that they were all in danger. In the end there was one of them, which, among this confusion, heard the voice of Monsieur De Poutrincourt, who did say to him, john Hay look towards me, and with a rope that was given him, he was pulled up, and the rest withal were saved. But the Author of the trouble fell into a sickness, that almost killed him. Port du Rossignoll. After this calm we had two days of fogs. The Sunday 23. of the said month, we had knowledge of the Port Du Rossignoll, and the same day in the afternoon, the Port au Mouton. Sun shining fair, we cast anchor at the mouth of Port Du Mouton, and we were in danger to fall upon a should, being come to two fathams and a half depth. We went aland seventeen of us in number, to fetch the wood and water, whereof we had need. There we found the Cabins and lodgings, yet whole and unbroken, that Monsieur De Monts made two years before, who had sojourned there by the space of one month, as we have said in his place. What grows in the land at Port au Monton. We saw there, being a sandy land, store of Oaks, bearing acorns, Cypresse-trees, fir-tree, Bay-trees, Musk-roses, Gooseberries, Purslen, Raspies, Fernes, Lysimachia (a kind of Sammonee) Calamus odoratus, Angelica, and other simples, in the space of two hours that we tarried there. We brought back in our ship wild pease, which we found good. We had not the leisure to hunt after rabbits that be there in great number, not far from the Port, but we returned aboard as soon as we had laden ourselves with water and wood: and so hoist up sails. Le Cap de Sable. Long Island. The Bay S. Mary. The arriving to Port Royal. Tuesday the 25. day we were about the Cap De Sable, in fair weather, and made a good journey, for about the evening we came to sight of Long I'll, and the Bay of Saint Marie, but because of the night we put back to the seaward. And the next day we cast anchor at the mouth of Port Royal, where we could not enter by reason it was ebbing water, but we gave two Cannon shot from our ship to salute the said Port, and to advertise the Frenchmen that we were there. Difficulties in coming in. Thursday the 27. of july we came in with the flood, which was not without much difficulty, for that we had the wind contrary, and gusts of wind from the mountains, which made us almost to strike upon the rocks. And in these troubles our ship bore still contrary, the Poop before, and sometimes turned round, not being able to do The beauty of the Port. any other thing else. Finally, being in the Port, it was unto us a thing marvelous to see the fair distance and largeness of it, and the mountains and hills that environed it, & I wondered how so fair a place did remain desert, being all filled with woods, seeing that so many pine away in the world, which might make good of this land, if only they had a chief governor to conduct them thither. By little and little we drew near to the Island, which is right over against the fort where we have dwelled since: An Island I say, the most agreeable thing to be seen in her kind, that is possible to be desired, wishing in ourselves to have brought thither some of those fair buildings that are unprofitable in these our parts, that serve for nothing, but to retire wildefowle in, and other birds. We knew not yet, if Monsieur Du Pont was gone or no, and therefore we did expect that he should send some men to meet us; but it was in vain: for he was gone from thence 12. days before. And whilst we did hull in the midst of the Port, Membertou, the greatest Sagamoes of the Souriquois (so are the Sagamoes signifieth Captain. people called with whom we were) came to the Frenchfort, to them that were left there, being only two, crying as a madman, saying in his language; What! You stand here a dining (for it was about noon) and do not see a great ship that cometh here, and we know not what men they are: Suddenly these two men ran upon the bulwark, and with diligence made ready the Canons, which they furnished with pellets & touch powder. Membertou, without delay, came in a Conow made of barks of trees, with a daughter of his, to view us: And having found but friendship, and knowing us to be Frenchmen, made no alarm. Notwithstanding one of the two Frenchmen left there, called La Taille, came to the shore of the Port, his match on the cock, to know what we were (though he knew it well enough, for we had the white Banner displayed at the top of the mast) and on the sudden four volley of canons were shot off, which made innumerable echoes: And from our part, the fort was saluted with three Canon shots, and many musket shots, at which time our Trumpeter was not slack of his duty. Then we landed, viewed the house, and we passed that day in giving God thanks, in Praises of the two Frenchmen left alone in the fort of Portroyall. seeing the Savages cabins, and walking thorough the meadows. But I cannot but praise the gentle courage of these two men, one of them I have already named, the other is called Miquelet: which deserve well to be mentioned here, for having so freely exposed their lives in the conservation of the welfare of New France. For Monsieur Du Pont having but one bark and a shaloupe, to seek out towards Newfoundland, for french ships, could not charge himself with so much furniture, corn, meat and merchandises as were there; which he had been forced to cast into the sea (and which had been greatly to our prejudice, and we did fear it very much) if these two men had not adventured themselves to tarry there, for the preserving of those things, which they did with a willing and joyful mind. CHAP. XIII. The happy meeting of Monsieur Du Pont: his return unto Port Royal: rejoicing: description of the confines of the said Port: conjecture touching the head and spring of the great River of Canada: sowing of Corn: the return of Monsieur Du Pont into France: the voyage of Monsieur De Poutrincourt unto the country of the Armouchiquois: fair Rye sprung up without tillage: the exercises and manner of living in Port Royal: the Meadows of the river De L'Equille. The tilling of the ground. THe Friday, next day after our arrival, Monsieur De Poutrincourt affected to this enterprise, as for himself, put part of his people to work in the tillage and manuring of the ground, whilst the others were employed in making clean of the chambers, and every one to make ready that which belonged to his trade. In the mean time those people of ours that had left us at Campseau, to come along the coast, met (as it were miraculously) The meeting with Monsieur Du Pont. with Monsieur Du Pont, among islands, that be in great number in those parts. To declare how great was the joy of each side, is a thing not to be expressed. The said Monsieur Du Pont, at this happy and fortunate meeting, returned back to see us in Port Royal, and to ship himself in the jonas, to return into France. As this chance was beneficial unto him, so was it unto us, by the means of his ships that he left with us For without that, we had been in such extremity that we had not been able to go nor come any where, our ship being once returned into France. He arrived there, on Mondy the last of july, and tarried yet in Port Royal until the 28. of August. All this month we made merry. Monsieur De Poutrincourt did set up and opened a Hogshead of wine, one of them that was given him for his own drinking, giving leave to all comers to drink as long as it should hold, so that some of them drunk until their caps turned round. At the very beginning, we were desirous to see the country up the river, where we found meadows, almost continually above twelve leagues of ground, among which, brooks do run without number, which come from the hills and mountains adjoining. The woods very thick on the water shores, and so thick, that sometimes, one cannot go thorough them. Yet for all that, I would not make them such as joseph Acosta reciteth those of Peru to be, joseph Acosta lib. 4. ca 30. when he saith: One of our brethren, a man of credit, told us, that being gone astray, and lost in the Mountains, not knowing what part, nor which way he should go, found himself among bushes so thick, that he was constrained to travel upon them, without putting his feet on the ground, a whole fortnight's space. I refer the believing of that to any one that will; but this belief cannot reach so far, as to have place with me. Land like to that which God promised to his people. Deut 8. vers. 7. 8. Now in the land whereof we speak, the woods are thinner far off from the shores and waterish places: And the felicity thereof is so much the more to be hoped for, in that it is like the land, which God did promise to his people, by the mouth of Moses, saying: The Lord thy God doth bring thee into a good land, of rivers of waters, with fountains and depths, which do spring in fields, etc. A land where thou shalt eat thy bread without scarcity, wherein nothing shall fail thee, a land whose stones are of Iron, and from whose Mountains thou shalt dig brass. And further in another place, confirming the promises for the goodness and state of the land that he would give them. The country (saith he) wherein Deuter. 11. vers. 10. you are going for to possess it, is not as the land of Egypt, from whence you are come forth, where thou didst sow thy seed, and wateredst it with the labour of they feet, as a garden of herbs. But the country thorough which you are going to pass, for to possess it, is a land of mountains and fields, and is watered Hereupon the 3. chap. with waters that raineth from heaven. Now according to the description that heretofore we have made of Port Royal, and the confines thereof, in describing the first voyage of Monsieur De Monts, and as yet we do mention it here, brooks do there abound at will, and (for this respect) A abundance of brooks. this land is no less happy than the country of the Gauls (now called France) to whom King Agrippa (making an oration to the jews recited by josephus in his war of the jews) attributed a particular felicity, because Iron stones. Mountains of Brass. they had store of domestical fountains: And also that a part of those countries is called Aquitaine, for the same consideration. As for the stones which our God promiseth that should be of iron, and the mountains of Brass, that signifieth nothing else, but the Mines of Copper, of Iron, and of steel, whereof we have already heretofore spoken, and will speak yet hereafter. And as for the fields (whereof we have not yet spoken) there be some on the West side Lakes and brooks upon the mountains. of the said Port Royal. And above the Mountains there be some fair ones, where I have seen lakes and brooks, even as in the valleys. Yea even in the passage to come forth from the same fort, for to go to sea, there is a brook, which falleth from the high rocks down, and in falling disperseth itself into a small rain, which is very delightful in Summer, because that at the foot of the rock, there are caves, wherein one is covered, whilst that this rain falleth so pleasantly: And in the cave (wherein the rain of this brook falleth) is made (as it were) a Rainbow, when the Sun shineth: which hath given me great cause The form of a Rain bow, under a cave. They travel three leagues in the woods. of admiration. Once we went from our fort as far as the sea thorough the woods, the space of three leagues, but in our return we were pleasantly deceived, for at the end of our journey, thinking to be in a plain champion country, we found ourselves on the top of a high Mountain, and were forced to come down with pain enough, by reason of snows. But Mountains be not perpetual in a country. Within 15. leagues of our dwelling, the country, thorough which the River L' Equille passeth, is all plain and even. I have seen in those parts many countries, where the land is all even, and the fairest of the world. But the perfection Country well watered. thereof is, that it is well watered. And for witness whereof, not only in Port Royal, but also in all New France, the great river of Canada is proof thereof, which at the end of 400. leagues is as broad as the greatest rivers of the world, replenished with Isles and rocks innumerable: taking Conjecture upon the spring of the great River of Canada. her beginning from one of the lakes which do meet at the stream of her course (and so I think) so that it hath two courses, the one from the East towards France: the other from the West towards the South sea: which is admirable, but not without the like example found in our Europe. For the river which cometh down to Trent and to Verone proceedeth from a lake which produceth another river, whose course is bend opposite to the river of Lins, which falleth into the river Danube. So the Nile issueth from a lake that bringeth forth other rivers, which discharge themselves into the great Ocean. Which is the first mine. Let us return to our tillage: for to that must we apply ourselves: it is the first mine that must be sought for, which is more worth than the treasures of Atabalipa: And he that hath corn, wine, cattle, woollen and linen, leather, iron, and afterward Codde-fish, he needeth no other treasures, for the necessaries of life. Now all this is (or may be) in the land by us described: upon the which Monsieur De Poutrincourt Sowing of corn. having caused a second tillage to be made, in fifteen days after his arrival thither, he sowed it with our French corn, as well wheat and rye, as with hemp, flax, turnip seed, reddish, cabidges & other seeds: And the eight day following, he saw that his labour had not been in vain, but rather a fair hope, by the production that the ground had already made of the seeds which she had received. Which being showed to Monsieur Du Pont, was unto him a fair subject to make his relation in France, as a thing altogether new there. 20 Of August. The 20. day of August was already come, when these fair shows were made, and the time did admonish them, that were to go in the voyage, to make ready. Whereunto they began to give order, so that the 25▪ day of the same month, after many peals of ordinance, they weighed anchor to come to the mouth of the Port, which is commonly the first days journey. cause of the voyage made into the country of the Armou. thiquois. Monsieur De Monts being desirous to reach as far into the South as he could, and seek out a place very fit to inhabit, beyond Malebarre, had requested Monsieur De Poutrincourt to pass farther than yet he had done, and to seek a convenient Port in good temperature of air, making no greater account of Port Royal than of S. Croix, in that which concerneth health. Whereunto the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt being willing to condescend, would not tarry for the spring time, knowing he should have other employments to exercise himself withal. But seeing his so wings ended, and his field green, resolved himself to make this voyage and discovery before winter. So then he disposed all things to that end, and with his Bark anchored near to the jonas, to the end to get out in A whale in Port Royal. company. Whilst they lay there for a prosperous wind the space of three days, there was a Whale of mean bigness (which the Savages do call Maria) who came every day into the Port, with the morning flood, playing there within at her pleasure, and went away back again with the ebb. And then, taking some leisure, I made, in French verses, a farewell to the said Monsieur Du Pont and his company, which I have placed among the Muses of New France. Parting from Port Royal. The 28. day of the said month each of us took his course, one one way, and the other another, diversly to Gods keeping. As for Monsieur Du Pont he purposed by the way to set upon a Merchant of Rone, named Boyer, who (contrary to the King's inhibitions) was in those parts to truck with the Sanages, notwithstanding he had been delivered out of prison in Rochel, by the consent of Monsieur De Poutrincourt, under promise he should not go thither; but the said Boyer was already gone. And as for Monsieur De Poutrincourt, he took his course for the I'll of S. Croix, the Frenchmens first abode, having Monsieur De Champdore for master and guide of his Bark: But being hindered by the wind, and because his bark did leak, he was forced twice to put back again. In the end he quite passed the Bay Françoise, and viewed the said I'll, Fair Rye found at S. Croix. where he found ripe Corn, of that which two years before was sowed by Monsieur De Monts, which was fair, big, weighty, and well filled. He sent unto us some of that Corn to Port Royal, where I was requested to stay, to look to the house, and to keep the rest of the company there, in concord. Whereunto I did agree (though it was referred to my will) for the assurance that we had among ourselves, that the year following we should make our habitation in a warmer country beyond Malebarre, and Their meaning is to plant beyond Malebarre to the Southward. A ditch profitably made. that we should all go in company, with them that should be sent to us out of France. In the mean while I employed myself in dressing the ground, to make enclosures and partitions of Gardens, for to sow Corn and kitchen herbs. We caused also a ditch to be made all about the fort, which was very needful to receive the waters and moistness, that before did run underneath among the roots of trees, What store of workmen and labourers in New France. that had been fallen down: which peradventure did make the place unhealthful. I will not stand in describing here, what each of our other workmen and labourers did particularly make. It sufficeth that we had store of joiners, Carpenters, Masons, Stone-caruers, Locke-smithes, Tailors, Their exercise and manner of life. Boord-sawyers, Mariners, etc. who did exercise their trades, which (in doing their duties) were very kindly used, for they were at their own liberty for three hours Mussels, Tapster's, Crabs. laboura day. The overplus of the time they bestowed it, in going to gather mussels, which are at low water in great quantity before the fort, or Tapster's, or Crabs, which are in Port Royal under the Rocks in great abundance, or Cockles, which are in every part in the Oase, about the shores of the said Port: All that kind of fish is taken without net or boat. Some there were that sometimes took Good provision of wildfowl. wildfowl, but not being skilful, they spoilt the game. And as for us, our table was furnished by one of Monsieur De Monts men, who provided for us in such sort that we wanted no fowl, bringing unto us, sometimes half a dozen of birds, called by French men, Outards (a kind of wild geese) sometimes as many mallardes, or wild geese, white and grey, very often two or three dozen What quantity of bread and wine. of larks, and other kinds of birds. As for bread, no body felt want thereof, and every one had three quarts of pure and good wine a day. Which hath continued with us as long as we have been there, saving that, when they, who came to fetch us, in stead of bringing commodities unto us, helped us to spend our own (as we shall have occasion hereafter to deelare) we were forced to reduce that portion to a pint; and notwithstanding there was very often some thing more of extrordinary. This voyage (for this respect) hath been the best voyage of all, whereof we are to give much praises to the said Monsieur De Monts, and his associates Monsieur Macquin and Monsieur George's preservative against the sickness of New France. of Rochel, in providing so abundantly for us. For truly I find that this Septembrall liquor (I mean wine) is, among other things, a sovereign preservative against the sickness of that country: And the spiceries, to correct the A clear and pure air. vice that might be in the air of that region, which nevertheless I have always found very clear and pure, notwithstanding the reasons that I may have alleged for the same, Allowance. speaking heretofore of the same sickness. For our allowance, we had Pease, beans, Rice, Prunes, Raisins, dry Cod, and salt flesh, besides Oil and Butter. But whensoever the Savages, dwelling near us, had taken any quantity of Sturgeons, Salmon, or small fishes; Item, any Bevers, * A kind of stag or red Deer. The liberal nature of the Savages. Ellans, Carabouss, (or fallow Deer) or other beasts, mentioned in my farewell to New France, they brought unto us half of it: and that which remained they exposed it sometimes to sale publicly, and they that would have any thereof did truck bread for it. This was partly our manner of life in those parts. But although every one of our workmen had his particular trade or occupation, yet for all that it was necessary to employ himself to all uses, as many did. Some Masons and Stone-caruers applied themselves to baking, which made us as good bread as is made in Paris. Also one of our sawyer's, divers times made charcoal made in New France. us Coals in great quantity. Wherein is to be noted a thing that now I remember. It is, that being necessary to cut turfs to cover the piles of wood, heaped to make the said coals, there was found in What earth is in the meadows. the meadows three foot deep of earth, not earth, but grass or herbs mingled with mud, which have heaped themselves yearly one upon another from the beginning of the world, not having been moved. Nevertheless the green thereof serveth for pasture to the Ellans, which we Ellans in the Meadows. have many times seen in our meadows of those parts, in herds of three or four, great and small, suffering themselves sometimes to be approached, than they ran to the woods: But I may say moreover, that I have seen, in crossing two leagues of our said meadows, the same to be all trodden with tracks of Ellans, for I know not there any other cloven footed beasts. There was killed one of those beasts, not far off from our fort, at a place where Monsieur De Monts having caused the grass to be mowed two years before, it was grown again the fairest of the world. Some might marvel how those meadows are made, seeing that all the ground in those places is covered with woods. For satisfaction whereof, let the curious reader know, that in high spring tides, specially in March and September, the flood covereth those shores, which hindereth the trees there to take root. But every where, where the water overfloweth not, if there be any ground, there are woods. CHAP. XIIII. Their departing fromthe I'll of S. Croix: the bay of Marching: Choüakoet: vines and grapes: the liberality of the Savages: the land and people of the Armouchiquois: the cure of an Armouchiquois wounded: the simplicity and ignorance of the people: vices of the Armouchiquois: suspicion: people not caring for clothes: cornesowed, andvines planted in the country of the Armouchiquois: quantity of grapes: abundance of people: dangerous Sea. LEt us return to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, whom we have left in the I'll Saint Croix. Having made there a review, and cherished the Savages that were there, he Pemptegoet. went in the space of four days to Pemtegoet, which is that place so famous under the name of Norombega. There needeth not so long a time in coming thither, but he tarried on the way to mend his bark: for to that end he had brought with him a Smith and a Carpenter, and quantity of boards. He crossed the Isles, which be at the Kinibeki. mouth of the river, and came to Kinibeki, where his bark was in danger, by reason of the great streams that the nature of the place procureth there. This was the cause why he made there no stay, but passed further to the Bay of The bay of Marching. Marching, which is the name of a Captain of the Savages, who at the arrival of the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt, began to cry out aloud He He: whereunto the like answer was made unto him. He replied, ask in his language, What are ye? They answered him, Friends: And thereupon Monsieur De Poutrincourt approaching, treated amity with him, and presented him with knives, hatchets, and Matachiaz, that is to say, scarves, karkenets and bracelets made of beads, or quills made of white and blue glass; whereof he was very glad, as also for the confederacy Confederacy. that the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt made with him, knowing very well that the same would be a great aid and support unto him. He distributed to some men that were about him, among a great number of people, the presents that the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt gave him, to whom he brought store of Orignac, or Ellans' flesh (for the Baskes do call a Stag, or Ellan, Orignac) to refresh the company with victuals. That done, they set sails towards Choüakoet, where the river of Captain Olmechin The river of Olmechin. Port De Choüakoet. is, and where the year following was made the war of the Souriquois and Etechemius, under the conduct of the Sagamoes Membertou, which I have described in verses, which verses I have inserted among the Muses of New-France. At the entry of the Bay of the said place of Choüakoet An Island of vines. there is a great Island, about half a league compass, wherein our men did first discover any vines (for, although there be some in the lands nearer to Port Royal, notwithstanding there was yet no knowledge had of them) which they found in great quantity, having the trunk three and four foot high, and as big as one's fist in the lower part, the grapes fair and great, and some as big as plums, other lesser: but as black, that they left a stain where their liquor was spilt: Those grapes, I say, lying over bushes and brambles that grow in the same Island, where the trees are not so thick as in other where, but are six or seven rods distant a sunder, which causeth the grapes to be ripe the sooner; having beside a ground very fit for the same, gravelly and sandy. They tarried there but two hours: but they noted, that there were no vines on the northside, even as in the I'll Saint Croix are no Cedar-trees, but on the Westside. The river of Olmechin. From this Island they went to the river of Olmechin, a Port of Chavakoet, where Marching and the said Olmechin brought to Monsieur De Poutrincourt a prisoner of the Souriqovis (and therefore their enemy) which they gave unto him freely. Two hours after there arrived two Savages, The galantness of the Savages. Port de la Have. the one an Eteshemin, named Chkoudun, Captain of the river Saint john, called by the Savages Oigoudi: The other a Souriquois, named Messamoet, Captain or Sagamoes of the river of the Port De La Have, where this prisoner was taken. They had great store of Merchandises trucked with Frenchmen, which they were coming to utter, that is to say, great, mean, and small kettles, hatchets, knives, gowns, short cloaks, red waist coats, biscuit, and other things: whereupon there arrived twelve or fifteen boats, The Savages do paint their faces. full of Savages of Olmechins' subjection, being in very good order, all their faces painted, according to their wont custom, when they will seem fair, having their bow The Oration of Messamoet and arrow in hand, and the quiver, which they laid down a board. At that hour Messamoet began his Oration before the Savages: Showing them, how that in times past, they often had friendship together: and that they might easily overcome their enemies, if they would have intelligence and serve themselves with the amity of the Frenchmen, whom they saw there present to know their Country, to the end to bring commodities unto them hereafter, and to succour them with their forces, which forces he knew, and he was the better able to make a demonstration thereof unto them, by so much that he which spoke, had before time been in France, and dwelled therewith Monsieur De Grandmont, Governor of Bayonne. Finally, his speech continued almost an hour with Messamoets' affection to the French men. The largesse and liberality of Messamoets. much vehemency and affection, with a gesture of body and arms, as is requisite in a good Orator. And in the end he did cast all his merchandises (which were worth above 300. crowns, brought into that country) into Olmechin his boat, as making him a present of that, in assurance of the love he would witness unto him. That done the night hasted on, and every one retired himself. But Messamoet was not pleased, for that Olmechin made not the like oration unto him, nor requited his present: For the Savages have The Savages be liberal. that noble quality, that they give liberally, casting at the feet of him whom they will honour, the present that they give him: But it is with hope to receive some reciprocal kindness, which is a kind of contract, which we call, without name, I give thee, to the end thou shouldest give me. And that is done thorough all the world. Therefore Messamoet from that day had in mind to make war to Olmechin. Notwithstanding A Corn▪ country, beans, pompions and grapes. the next day in the morning, he and his people did return with a boat laden with that which they had, to wit, Corn, Tobacco, beans and pompions, which they distributed here and there. Those two Captains Olmechin and Marching have since been killed in the wars. In whose stead was chosen by the Savages one named Bessabes, Bessabes▪ Englishmen. which since our return hath been killed by Englishmen: And in stead of him they have made a Captain to come from within the lands, named Asticou, a grave man, valiant Asticou. and redoubted, which, in the twinkling of an eye, will gather up 1000 Savages together, which thing Olmechin and Marching might also do. For our Barks being there, presently the Sea was seen all covered over with their boats, laden with nimble and lusty men, holding themselves up strait in them: which we cannot do without danger, those boats being nothing else but trees hollowed after the fashion that we will show you in the book following. From thence Monsieur De Poutrincourt following on his course, found a certain Port very delightful, which A very good Port. had not been seen by Monsieur De Monts: And during the voyage they saw store of smoke, and people on the shore, which invited us to come aland: And seeing that no account was made of it, they followed the bark along The agility of the Armouchiquois. Happy people if they had the knowledge of God. the sand, yea most often they did outgo her, so swift are they, having their bows in hand, and their quivers upon their backs, always singing and dancing, not taking care with what they should live by the way. Happy people! Yea, a thousand times more happy than they which in these parts make themselves to be worshipped; if they had the knowledge of God and of their salvation. mischiefs. Monsieur De Poutrincourt having landed in this Port, behold among a multitude of Savages a good number of mischiefs, which did play with certain long pipes, made as it were with canes of reeds, painted over, but not with such an harmony as our Shepherds might do: And to show the excellency of their art, they whisled with their noses in gambolling, according to their fashion. A Savage wounded. And as this people did run headlong, to come to the Bark, there was a Savage which hurt himself grievously in the heel against the edge of a rock, whereby he was enforced to remain in the place. Monsieur De Poutrincourt his Chirurgeon, at that instant would apply to this hurt that which was of his art, but they would not permit it, until they had first made their mouths and mops about Their mouths and mops about him that was hurt. the wounded man. They then laid him down on the ground, one of them holding his head on his lap, and made many bauling and sing, whereunto the wounded man answered but with a Ho, with a complaining voice, which having done they yielded him to the cure of the said Chirurgeon, and went their way, and the patient also after he had been dressed: but two hours after he came again, the most jocund in the world, having put about his head, the binding cloth, wherewith his heel was wrapped, for to seem the more gallant. The day following, our people entered farther into the The presents of a Savage woman. Hemp very fair. beans. Quantity of grapes. Port, where being gone to see the Cabins of the Savages, an old woman of an hundred or six score years of age, came to cast at the feet of Monsieur De Poutrincour, a loaf of bread, made with the wheat called Mahis, or Mais, and in these our parts, Turkey or Saracin wheat, than very fair hemp of a long growth; Item beans, and grapes newly gathered, because they had seen French men eat of them at Chavakoet. Which the other Savages seeing, that knew it not, they brought more of them than one would, emulating one another▪ and for recompense of this their kindness, The simplicity and ignorance of people. there was set on their foreheads a filler, or band, of paper, wet with spittle, of which they were very proud. It was showed them, in pressing the grape into a glass, that of that we did make the wine which we did drink. We would have made them to eat of the grape, but having taken it into their mouths, they spitted it out, so ignorant is this people of the best thing that God hath given to man, next to bread. Yet notwithstanding they have no want of wit, and might be brought to do some good things, if they were civilized, and had the use of handy crafts. But they are subtle, thievish, and traitorous, and though they be naked, yet one cannot take heed of their fingers; for if one turn never so little his eyes aside, and that they spy the opportunity to steal any knife, hatchet, or any thing else, they will not miss nor fail of it; and will put the theft between their buttocks, or will hide it within the sand with their foot so cunningly, that one shall not perceive it. Indeed I The bad nature of the Armouchiquois. do not wonder if a people poor and naked be thievish; but when the heart is malicious, it is unexcusable. This people is such that they must be handled with terror: for Note how the Armouchiquois must be dealt withal. if through love and gentleness, one give them too free access, they will practise some surprise, as it hath been known in divers occasions heretofore, and will yet hereafter beseen. And without deferring any longer, the second day after our coming thither, as they saw our people busy awishing linen, they came some fifty, one following another, with bows, arrows and quivers, intending to play some bad part, as it was conjectured upon their manner of proceeding; but they were prevented; some of our men going to meet them, with their muskets and matches at the cock, which made some of them run away, and the others being compassed in, having put down their weapons, came to a Peninsule, or small head of an Island, where our men were, and making a friendly show, demanded to truck the Tobacco they had for our merchandises. The next day the Captain of the said place and Port, came into Monsieur De Poutrincourts' bark to see him: we Suspicion for the coming of Olmechin. did marvel to see him accompanied with Olmechin, seeing the way was marvelous long to come thither by land, and much shorter by sea. That gave cause of bad suspicion, albeit he had promised his love to the Frenchmen. Notwithstanding they were gently received. And Monsieur De Poutrincourt gave to the said Olmechin a complete garment, wherewith being clothed, he viewed himself in a glass, and did laugh to see himself in that order. But a The trouble of garments. little while after, feeling that the same hindered him, although it was in October, when he was returned unto his Cabins, he distributed it to sundry of his men, to the end that one alone should not be overpestered with it. This aught to be a sufficient lesson to so many finnical, both men and women, of these parts, who cause their garments and breastplates to be made as hard and stiff as wood, wherein their bodies are so miserably tormented, that they are in their clothes unable to all good actions. And if the weather be too hot they suffer in their great bummes with a thousand folds, unsupportable heats, that are more untolerable, than the torments which felons and criminal men are sometimes made to feel. Now during the time that the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt was there, being in doubt whether Monsieur De Monts would come to make an habitation on that coast, as Corn sowed, and vines planted. he wished it, he made there a piece of ground to be tilled, for to sow corn and to plant vines, which they did, with the help of our Apothecary Master jews Hebert, a man, who, besides his experience in his art, taketh great delight in the tilling of the ground. And the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt may be here compared to good father Noah, who after he had made the tillage most necessary for the sowing of corn, he began to plant the vine, whose effects he felt afterwards. As they were a deliberating to pass farther, Olmechin came to the Bark to see Monsieur De Poutrincourt, where having tarried certain hours, either in talking or eating, he said that the next day 100 boats should come, containing 100 boats of Savages. every one six men: but the coming of such a number of men, being but troublesome, Monsieur De Poutrincourt would not tarry for them; but went away the same Malebarre. Peril of shoals. day to Malebarre, not without much difficulty, by reason of the great streams and shoals that are there. So that the Bark having touched at three foot of water only, we thought to be cast away, and we began to unlade her, and put the victuals into the Shaloup, which was behind, for to save us on land: but being no full sea, the bark came afloat within an hour. All this Sea is a land overflowed, as that of Mount Saint Michel's, a sandy ground, in which, all that resteth is a plain flat country as far as the Mountains, which are seen 15. leagues off from that place. And I am of opinion, that as far as Virginia, it is all Note. Great quantity of grapes. alike. Moreover, there is here great quantity of grapes, as before, and a country very full of people. Monsieur De Monts being come to Malebarre in an other season of the year, gathered only green grapes; which he made to be preserved, and brought some to the King. But it was our good hap to come thither in October, for to see the Hereupon chap. 7. maturity thereof. I have here before showed the difficulty that is found in entering into Malebarre. This is the cause why Monsieur De Poutrincourt came not in with his Bark, but went thither with a shaloup only, which thirty or forty Savages did help to draw in: and when it was full tide (but the tide doth not Two fadames tie only. mount here but two fadames high, which is seldom seen) he went out, and retired himself into his said bark, to pass further in the morning, as soon as he should ordain it. CHAP. XV. Dangers: unknown languages: the making of a forge, and of an oven: Crosses set up: plenty: a conspiracy: disobedience: murder: the flight of three hundred against ten: the agility of the Armouchiquois: bad company dangerous: the accident of a Musket that did burst: the insolency of the Savages: their timorosity, impiety, and flight: the fortunate Port: a bad sea: revenge: the counsel and resolution for the return: new perils: Gods favours: the arrival of Monsieur De Poutrincourt at Port Royal: and how he was received. THe night beginning to give place to the dawning of the day, the sails are hoist up, but it was but a very perilous navigation. For with this small vessel Danger. they were forced to coast the land, where they found no depth: going back to sea it was yet worse: in such wise that they did strike twice or thrice, being raised up again only by the waves, and the rudder was broken, which was a dreadful thing. In this extremity they were constrained to cast anchor in the sea, at two fadams deep, and three leagues off from the land. Which being done, Daniel Hay (a man which taketh pleasure in showing forth his virtue in the perils of the sea) was sent towards the Coast to view it, and see if there were any Port. And as he was near land he saw a Savage, which did dance, singing you, yo, yo, he called him to come nearer, and by Oigoudi, or S. john's river. Savages of sundry nations, understand not one another. signs asked him if there were any place to retire ships in, and where any fresh water was. The Savage having made sign there was, he took him into his shaloup, and brought him to the Bark, wherein was Chkoudun Captain of the river of Oigoudi, otherwise Saint john's river; who being brought before this Savage, he understood him no more than did our own people: true it is, that by signs he comprehended better than they what he would say. This Savage showed the places, where no depth was, and where was any, and did so well indenting and winding here and there, alway the led in hand, that in the end they came to the Port showed by him, where small depth is: wherein the bark being arrived, diligence was used to make a forge A forge and an oven made. for to mend her with her rudder, and an oven to bake bread, because there was no more biscuit left. Fifteen days were employed in this work, during the which Monsieur De Poutrincourt, according to the laudable A cress set up. custom of Christians, made a Cross to be framed and set up, upon a green bank, as Monsieur De Monts had done two years before at Kinibeki and Malebarre. Now among these painful exercises they gave not over making good cheer, with that which both the sea and the land might furnish in that part. For in this Port is plenty of fowl, in taking of which many of our men applied themselves: specially the sea larks are there in so great flights that Monsieur De Poutrincourt killed 28. of them with one Abundance of larks and fishes. Caliver shot. As for fishes, there be such abundance of Porpeses, and another kind of fish, called by Frenchmen Soufleurs, that is to say, Blowers, that the sea seems to be all covered over with them. But they had not the things necessary for this kind of fishing, they contented themselves then with shellfish, as of Oysters, Skalops, periwinkles, Shellfish. whereof there was enough to be satisfied. The Savages of the other side did bring fish, and grapes within Grapes. Rush-baskets. baskets made of rushes, for to exchange with some of our wares. The said Monsieur De Poutrincourt seeing the grapes there, marvelously fair, commanded him that waited on his chamber, to lay up in the Bark a burden of the vines from whence the said grapes were taken. Our Apothecary M. jews Hebert, desirous to inhabit in those countries, had pulled out a good quantity of them, to the end to plant them in Port Royal, where none of them are, although the soil be there very fit for vines. Which nevertheless (by a dull forgetfulness) was not done, to the great discontent of the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt and of us all. After certain days, the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt, seeing there great assembly of Savages, came ashore, and to give them some terror, made to march before him one The trial of French weapons before the Savages. of his men, flourishing with two naked swords. Whereat they much wondered, but yet much more when they saw that our Muskets did pierce thick pieces of wood, where their arrows could not so much as scratch. And therefore they never assailed our men, as long as they kept watch. And it had been good to sound the Trumpet at every Good instruction. hours end, as Captain james Quartier did. For (as Monsieur De Poutrincourt doth often say) One must never lay bait for thieves, meaning that one must never give cause to an enemy to think that he may surprise you: But one must always show that he is mistrusted, and that you are not asleep, chiefly when one hath to do with Savages, which will never set upon him that resolutely expects them; which was not performed in this place by them that bought the bargain of their negligence very dear, as we will now tell you. See in the next book. Fifteen days being expired, the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt seeing his bark mended, and nothing remaining Signs of conspiracy. to be done, but a batch of bread, he went some 3. leagues distant within the land, to see if he might discover any singularity: But in his return he and his men perceived the Savages running away thorough the woods in divers troops of 20. 30. and more; some bowing themselves as men that would not be seen: others hiding themselves in the grass not to be perceived: others carrying away their stuff, and Canowes' full of corn, for to betake them to their heels: Besides the women transporting their children, and such stuff as they could with them. Those actions gave cause to Monsieur De Poutrincourt to think that this people did plot some bad enterprise. Therefore being arrived he commanded his people, which were a making of bread, to retire themselves into their Bark. But as young people do Young men disobedient. often forget their duty, these having some cake, or such like thing, to make, had rather follow their likerish appetite, than to do that which was commanded them, tarried till night without retiring themselves. About midnight Monsieur De Poutrincourts' care. Monsieur De Poutrincourt thinking upon that which had passed the day before, did ask whether they were in the bark; and hearing they were not, he sent the shaloupe unto them, to command and bring them aboard, whereto Disobedience. they disobaied, except his Chamberlain, who feared his master. They were five, armed with muskets and swords, which were warned to stand still upon their guard, and yet (being negligent) made not any watch, so much were they addicted to their own wills. The report was, that they had before shot off two muskets upon the Savages, because that some one of them had stolen a hatchet. Finally, those Savages, either provoked by that, or by their bad nature, came at the break of day without any noise (which was very easy to them, having neither horses, wagons nor woodden-shooes) even to the place where they were asleep: And seeing a fit opportunity to play a bad part, Murder done by the Savages. they set upon them with shots of arrows, and clubs, and killed two of them. The rest being hurt began to cry out, running towards the sea shore. Then he which kept watch within the bark, cried out all affrighted, O Lord! our men are killed, our men are killed. At this voice and cry, every one rose up, and hastily, not taking leisure to fit on their clothes, nor to set fire to their matches, ten of Succour. them went into the shaloup, whose names I do not remember, but of Monsieur Champlein, Robert Grauè (Monsieur Du Pont his son) Daniel Hay, the Chirurgeon, the Apothecary, and the Trumpeter: All which (following the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt, who had his son with him) came aland unarmed. But the Savages ran away as fast as ever they could, though they were above three hundred, besides them that were hidden in the grass (according to their custom) which appeared not. Wherein is to be noted how God fixeth, I know not what terror in the face of the faithful, against infidels and miscreants, according to his sacred word, when he saith to his chosen people: Deutero. 11. vers. 25. None shall be able to stand before you. The Lord your God shall put a terror and fear of you over all the earth, upon which you shall march. So we see that 135000. Madianites, judges 7. 8. able fight men, ran away and killed one another before Gedeon, which had but 300. men. Now to think to follow after these Savages, it had been but labour lost, for they Armouchiquois be swift. are too swift in running: But if one had Horses there, they might pay them home very sound, for they have a number of small paths, leading from one place to another (which is not in Port Royal) and their woods are not so thick, and have besides store of open land. Whilst that Monsieur De Poutrincourt was coming ashore, there was shot from the Bark some small cast pieces upon some Savages, that were upon a little hill, and some of them were seen fall down, but they be so nimble in saving their dead men, that one knew not what judgement The burying of the dead. to make of it. The said Monsieur de Poutrincourt, seeing he could get nothing by pursuing of them, caused pits to be made to bury them that were dead, which I have said to be two, but there was one that died at the water's side, thinking to save himself, and a fourth man which was so sorely wounded with arrow shots, that he died being brought to Port Royal; the fifth man had an arrow sticking in his breast, yet did scape death for that time: But it had been better he had died there: for one hath lately told us that he was hanged in the habitation that Monsieur De Monts maintaineth at Kebeck in the great river of Conspiracy. Canada, having been the author of a conspiracy made against his Captain Monsieur Champlein, which is now there. And as for this mischief it hath been procured by the folly and disobedience of one, whom I will not name, because he died there, who played the cock and ringleader Lewd company casteth young men away. among the young men that did too lightly believe him, which otherwise were of a reasonable good nature; and because one would not make him drunk, he swore (according to his custom) that he would not return into the Bark, which also came to pass. For the self-same was Rash oaths take sometimes effect to the costs of the swearers. Accident by a Musket burst. found dead, his face on the ground, having a little dog upon his back, both of them shot together, and pierced thorough with one and the self-same arrow. In this bad occurrence, Monsieur Du Ponts Son, above named, had three of his fingers cut off, with a splint of a musket, which being over charged did burst, which troubled the company very much, that was afflicted enough by other occasions: Nevertheless the last duty towards the dead was not neglected, which were buried at the foot of the Cross that had been there planted▪ as is before said. The insolency of the Savages. But the insolency of this Barbarous people was great, after the murders by them committed; for that as our men did sing over our dead men, the funeral service and prayers accustomed in the church, these rascals, I say, did dance and howled a far off, rejoicing for their traitorous treachery, and therefore, though they were a great number, they The timorousness of the Savages. adventured not themselves to come and assail our people, who, having at their leisure done what we have said before, because the sea waxed very low, retired themselves unto the Bark, wherein remained Monsieur Champdorè, for the guard thereof. But being low water, and having no The impiety of the Savages. means to come aland, this wicked generation came again to the place where they had committed the murder, pulled up the Cross, digged out and unburied one of the dead corpse, took away his shirt, and put it on them, showing their spoils that they had carried away: And besides all this, turning their backs towards the Bark, did cast sand with their two hands betwixt their buttocks in derision, howling like wolves: which did marvelously vex our people, which spared no cast pieces shots at them; but the distance was very great, and they had already that subtlety as to cast themselves on the ground when they saw the fire put at it, in such sort that one knew not whether they had been hurt or no, so that our men were forced, nill or will, to drink that bitter potion, attending for the tide, which being come, and sufficient to carry them aland, as soon as they saw our men enter into the shaloup, they ran away The Savages slight. The courage of the Sagamoes Schkoudun. as swift as grayhounds, trusting themselves on their agility. There was with our men a Sagamoes named Schkoudun, spoken of before, who much disliked their pranks, and would alone go and fight against all this multitude, but they would not permit him, so they set up the Cross again with reverence, and the body which they had digged up was buried again, and they named this Port, Port Fortunè. Port Fortunè. The next day they hoist up sails, to pass further and discover new lands, but the contrary wind constrained them to put back, and to come again into the said Port. The other next day after, they attempted again to go farther, but in vain, and they were yet forced to put back until the wind should be fit. During these attempts, the Savages (thinking, I believe, that that which had passed between us was but a jest and a play) would needs come again familiarly unto us, and offered to truck, dissembling that they were not them that had done those villainies, but others, which, they said, were gone away. But they were not aware of the fable, how the Stork being taken among the Cranes, which were found doing some damage, was punished as the others, notwithstanding she pleaded that she was so far from doing any harm, that chose she did purge the ground from Serpents, which she did eat. Monsieur De Poutrincourt then suffered The shells of mother of pearls. them to approach, and made as though he would accept of their wares, which were Tobacco, Carcanets and bracelets made with the shells of a fish called Vignaux (and Esurgni by james Quartier in the discovery of his second voyage) of great esteem among them: Item of their Corn, beans, bows, arrows, quivers, and other small trash. And as the society was renewed the said Poutrincourt commanded Stratagem. to nine or ten that were with him, to make the matches of their Muskets round, like to a round snare, and that when he should give a sign, every one should cast his string upon the Savages head that should be near him, and should catch him, even as the hangman doth with him that he hath in hand: And for the effecting of this, that half of his people should go aland, whilst the Savages were busy a trucking in the shaloup: which was done; but the execution was not altogether according to his desire. For he intended to serve himself with them that should be taken, as of slaves to grind at the handmill and to cut wood; wherein they failed by over much haste. Nevertheless six Revenge. or seven of them were cut in pieces, which could not so well run in the water as on the land, and were watched at the passage, by those of our men that were aland. That done, the next day they endeavoured to go farther, although the wind was not good, but they went but a little forward, and saw only an Island six or seven leagues off, to which there was no means to come, and it was called L'ile douteuse, the doubtful I'll, which being considered, L'ile douteuse. and that of one side the want of victuals was to be feared, and of the other that the winter might hinder their course, and beside they had two sick men, of whom there was no hope of recovery; counsel being taken it was resolved Resolution for the return. to return into Port Royal: Monsieur De Poutrincourt besides all this, being yet in care for them whom he had left there, so they came again for the third time into Port Fortunè, where no Savage was seen. Upon the first wind, the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt weighed anchor for the return, and being mindful of the Their return. Peril. dangers passed he sailed in open sea: which shortened his course, but not without a great mischief of the rudder, which was again broken: in such sort that being at the mercy of the waves, they arrived in the end, as well as they could among the islands of Norombega where they mended it. And after their departure from the said islands they came Menane. to Menane, an Island about six leagues in length, between S. Croix and Port Royal, where they tarried for the wind, which being come somewhat favourable, parting from Peril. thence new mischances happened. For the shaloup being tied at the Bark, was stricken with a sea so roughly, that with her nose, she broke all the hinder part of the said bark, wherein Monsieur De Poutrincourt and others were. And moreover not being able to get to the passage of the A very swift current. said Port Royal, the tide (which runneth swiftly in that place) carried them towards the bottom of Bay Françoise, from whence they came not forth easily, and they were in as great danger as ever they were before, for as much as seeking to return from whence they came, they saw themselves Peril. carried with the wind and tide towards the Coast, which is high rocks and down falls, where, unless they had doubled a certain point that threatened them of wreck they had been cast away. But God will, in high enterprises, try the constancy of them that fight for his name, and see if they will waver: He bringeth them to the door of death, and yet holdeth them by the hand, to the end they Deut. 32. ver. 39 fall not into the pit, as it is written: It is I, it is I, and there is none other God with me. I kill, and make a live: I wound, and I heal: and there is no body that may deliver any out of my hand. So we have said heretofore, and seen by effect, that although in those Navigations a thousand dangers have presented themselves, notwithstanding not one man hath been lost by the sea, although that of them, which do only go for fishing, and to trade for skins, many there be that perish there: witness four fisher men of S. Maloe, that were swallowed up in the waters, being gone afishing, Good considerations. when as we were upon our return into France: God being willing that we should acknowledge to hold this benefit of him, and to manifest by that means his glory, to the end that sensibly men may see that it is he, which is the author of these holy enterprises, which are not made of covetonsnes, nor by unjust effusion of blood, but of a zeal to establish his name and his greatness among nations that have no knowledge of him. Now after so many heavenly favours, it is the part of them that have received them, to say as the Kingly Psalmist, well beloved of God: Psal. 73. vers. 23. 24. Yet nevertheless by thy right hand thou hold'st me ever fast: And with thy counsel dost me guide to glory at the last. What thing is there that I can wish but thee in Heaven above? And in the Earth there is nothing like thee that I can love. After many perils (which I will not compare to them of Ulysses, nor of Aeneas, fearing to defile our holy voyages The arrival of Monsieur De Poutrincourt. with profane impurity) Monsieur De Poutrincourt arrived in Port Royal the 14. day of November, where we received him joyfully, and with a solemnity altogether new in that part. For about the time that we expected his return (with great desire, and that so much the more, that if any harm had happened him, we had been in danger to have confusion among ourselves) I advised myself to show some jollity going to meet him, as we did. And for as much as it was in French verses made in haste, I have placed them with the Muses of Nova Francia by the title of Neptune's Theatre, whereunto I refer the Reader. Moreover to give greater honour to the return, and to our action, we did place over the gate of our Fort, the Arms of France, environed with Laurel Crowns (whereof there is great store along the woods sides) with the King's poesy, Duo protegit unus. And under, the Arms of Monsieur De Monts, with this inscription, Dabit Deus his quoque finem: And those of Monsieur De Poutrincourt, with this other inscription, Inuia virtuti nulla est via, both of them also environed with garlands of Bays. CHAP. XVI. The condition of the corn which they sowed: the institution of the order of Bon temps: the behaviour of the Savages among the Frenchmen: the state of winter: why rains and fogs be rare in this season: why rain is frequent between the tropicks: snow profitable to the ground: the state of january: conformity of weather in the ancient and New France: Why the spring is slow: the tilling of gardens: their Crop: a water Mill: a Manna of Herrings: preparation for the return: Monsieur De Poutrincourts' invention: the Savages admiration: News from France. THe public rejoicing being finished, Monsieur De Poutrincourt had a care to see his corn, the greatest part whereof he had sowed two leagues off from our Fort, up the river L' Equille: and the other part about our The state of Corne. said Fort: and found that which was first sown very forward, but not the last, that had been sowed the sixth and ten days of November, which notwithstanding did grow under the snow, during Winter, as I have noted it in my sowings. It would be a tedious thing to particularize all that was done amongst us during Winter: as to tell how the Coals. The use of the compass in land voyages. said Monsieur De Poutrincourt caused many times coals to be made, the forge-coale being spent: That he caused ways to be made thorough the woods: That we went thorough the Forests by the guide of the Compass, and other things of such nature. But I will relate that, for to keep us merry and cleanly, concerning victuals, there was an order The institution of the order of Bon temps. established at the table of the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt, which was named L' order de bon temps, the order of good time (or the order of mirth) at first invented by Monsieur Champlein, wherein they (who were of the same table) were every one at his turn and day (which was in fifteen days once) Steward and Cater. Now his care was that we should have good and worshipful fare, which was so well observed, that (although the Belly-Gods of these parts do often reproach unto us that we had not La Rue La Rue aux Ours, or Bear street, is, as Pie-corner, or such a Cook place in London. aux Ours of Paris with us) we have ordinarily had there, as good cheer as we could have at La Rue aux Ours, and at far lesser charges. For there was none, but (two days before his turn came) was careful to go hunting or fishing, and brought some dainty thing, besides that which was of our ordinary allowance. So well, that at breakfast we never wanted some modicum or other, of fish or flesh: and at the repast of dinners and suppers, yet less; for it was the great banquet, where the Governor of the feast, or Steward (whom the Savages do call Atoctegi) having made the Cook to make all things ready, did march with his napkin on his shoulder, and his staff of office in his hand, with the collar of the order about his neck, which was worth above four crowns, and all them of the order following of him, bearing every one a dish. The like also was at the bringing in of the fruit, but not with so great a train. And at night after grace was said, he resigned the Colar of the order, with a cup of wine, to his successor in that charge, and they drank one to another. I have heretofore said that we had abundance of fowl, as Mallards', Outards, Geese, grey and whit, Partridges and other birds: Item, of Ellans (or stag flesh) of Caribous (or Dear) Bevers, Otters, Bears, Rabbits, Wilde-cats (or Leopards) Nibachès and such like, which the Savages did take, wherewith we made as good dishes of meat, as in the Cook's shops that be in La rue aux Ours (Bear street) and greater store: for of all meats none is so tender as Ellans' flesh (whereof we made good pasties) nor so delicate as the Beverstaile. Yea we have had sometimes half a dozen Sturgeons Store of Sturgeons. at one clap, which the Savages did bring to us, part whereof we did take, paying for it, and the rest was permitted them to sell publicly, and to truck it for bread, Before in chap. 13. whereof our people had abundantly. And as for the ordinary meat brought out of France, that was distributed equally, as much to the least as to the biggest. And the like with wine, as we have said. In such actions we had always 20. or 30. Savages, men, women, girls and boys, The usage of the Savages. who beheld us doing our offices. Bread was given them gratis, as we do here to the poor. But as for the Sagamoes Membertou and other Sagamoes (when any came to us) they sat at table eating and drinking as we did: and we took pleasure in seeing them, as chose their absence was irksome unto us: as it came to pass three or four times that all went away to the places where they knew that game and Venison was, and brought one of our men with them, who lived some six weeks as they did without salt, without bread and without wine, lying on the ground The Savages have care of the Frenchmen. upon skins, and that in snowy weather. Moreover they had greater care of him (as also of others that have often gone with them) than of themselves, saying, that if they should chance to die, it would be laid to their charges to have killed them: And hereby it may be known that we were not (as it were) penned up in an Island as Monsieur De Villegagnon was in Brafill. For this people love Frenchmen, and would all, at a need, arm themselves for to maintain them. But, to use no digression, such government as we have spoken of, did serve us for preservatives against the country Mortality. disease. And yet four of ours died in February and March, of them who were of a fretful condition, or sluggish. Bad wind. And I remember I observed that all had their lodgings on the West side, and looking towards the wide open Port, which is almost four leagues long, shaped ovale-wise, beside they had, all of them, ill bedding. For the former sicknesses, and the going away of Monsieur Du Pont, in that manner as we have said, caused the quilt beds to be cast away, for they were rotten. And they that went with the said Monsieur Du Pont carried away the sheets and blankets, challenging them as theirs. So that some of our people had sore mouths, and swollen legs, like to the Phthisiques: Phthisies. Numbers. 11. vers. 33. and Psalm. 106. vers. ●5. which is the sickness that God sent to his people in the desert, in punishment for that they would fill themselves with flesh, not contenting themselves with that whereof the desert furnished them by the divine providence. The state of Winter weather. Why rains and mists be scarce in winter. We had fair weather almost during all the Winter. For neither rains nor fogs are so frequent there as here, whether it be at sea or on the land: The reason is, because the Sun beams, by the long distance, have not the force to raise up vapours from the ground here, chiefly in a country all woody. But in Summer it doth, both from the sea and the land, when as their force is augmented, and those vapours are dissolved suddenly or slowly, according as one approacheth to the Equinoctial line. For we see that Why it raineth between the tropics. between the two tropics it raineth in more abundance both at sea and on the land, specially in Peru and Mexico, than in Africa, because the Sun by so long space of sea, having drawn up much moistness from the main Ocean, he dissolveth them in a moment by the great force of his heat; where chose towards the New found lands they maintain themselves along time in the air, before they be turned into rain or be dispersed: which is done in Summer (as we have said) and not in winter: and at sea more than on the land. For on the land the morning mists serve for a dew, and fall about eight a clock: and at sea they dure two, three, and eight days, as oftentimes we have tried. Seeing then we are speaking of Winter, we say that rains being in those parts rare, in that season, the Sun likewise shineth there very fair, after the fall of snows, which we have had seven or eight times, but it is easily melted in open places, and the longest abiding have been Snow is profitable. in February. How so ever it be, the snow is very profitable for the fruits of the earth, to preserve them against the frost, and to serve them as a fur-gowne. Which is done by the admirable providence of God for the preservation of men, and as the Psalm saith, Psal. 147. vers. 16. He giveth Snow like wool, door frost Like ashes he doth spread, Like morsels casts his Ice. And as the sky is seldom covered with clouds towards New found lands in Winter time, so are there morning Frosts when they are. frosts, which do increase in the end of january, February and in the beginning of March, for until the very time of januarie, we kept us still in our doublets: And I remember The state of january. that on a Sunday, the 14. day of that month, in the afternoon, we sported ourselves singing in music upon the river L' Equille, and in the same month we went to see the Corn two leagues off from our fort, and did dine merrily in the Sunn-shine: I would not for all that say, that all other Conformity of weather in East and West France. years were like unto this. For as that winter was as mild in these parts, these last Winters of the years 1607. 1608. have been the hardest that ever was seen; it hath also been a like in those countries, in such sort that many Savages died through the rigour of the weather, as in these our parts many poor people & travelers have been killed through the same hardness of Winter weather. But I will say, that the year before we were in New France, the Winter had not been so hard, as they which dwelled there before us have testified unto me. Let this suffice for that which concerneth the winter season. But I am not yet fully satisfied in searching the cause, why in one and the self-same parallel the season is in those Wherefore is the season late. parts of New France more slow by a month than in these parts, and the leaves appear not upon the trees but towards the end of the month of May: unless we say that the thickness of the woods and greatness of Forests do hinder the Sun from warming of the ground: Item, that the country where we were is joining to the sea, and thereby more subject to cold, as participating of Peru, a country likewise cold, in regard of Africa: And besides that, this land having never been tilled is the more dampish, the trees and plants not being able easily to draw sap from their mother the earth. In recompense whereof the Winter there is also more slow, as we have heererofore spoken. Dressing of gardens. The cold being passed, about the end of March the best disposed amongst us strived who should best till the ground, and make gardens, to sow in them, and gather fruits thereof. Which was to very good purpose, for we found great discommodity in the Winter for want of garden herbs. When every one had done his sowing, it was Good crop from the ground. a marvelous pleasure in seeing them daily grow and spring up, and yet greater contentment to use thereof so abundantly as we did: so that this beginning of good hope made us almost to forget our native country, and especially when the fish began to haunt freshwater, and came abundantly Abundance of fishes. into our brooks, in such innumerable quantity that we knew not what to do with it. Which thing when I consider, I cannot wonder enough how it is possible that they which have been in Florida have suffered so great famines, considering the temperature of the air, which is there, almost, without Winter, and that their famine began in the months of April, May and june, wherein they could want for no fish. The care of Monsieur De Poutrincourt in providing for them that should come after him. The building of a water-Mill. Whilst some laboured on the ground, Monsieur De Poutrincourt made some buildings to be prepared, for to lodge them which he hoped should succeed us. And considering how troublesome the hand mill was, he caused a water-mill to be made, which caused the Savages to admire much at it. For indeed it is an invention which came not into the spirit of men from the first ages After that, our workmen had much rest, for the most part of them did almost nothing. But I may say that this Mill, by the diligence of our Millers, did furnish us with three times more Herrings Abundance of Herrings. Pilchers. than was needful unto us for our sustenance. Monsieur De Poutrincourt made two Hogsheads full of them to be salted, and one hogshead of Sardines, or Pilchers to bring into France for a show, which were left in our return at S. Maloes, to some Merchants. Among all these things the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt did not neglect to think on his return. Which was the part of a wiseman, for one must never put so much trust in men's promises, but one must consider that very often many disasters do happen to them in a small moment Preparation for the return. of time. And therefore, even in the month of April, he made two Barks to be prepared, a great one and a small one, to come to seek out French-ships towards Campseau, or Newfoundland, if it should happen that no supply should come unto us. But the Carpentry-worke being finished, one only inconvenience might hinder us, that is, Great oversight. Monsieur De Poutrincourt his invention. we had no pitch to calk our vessels. This (which was the chiefest thing) was forgotten at our departure from Rochel. In this important necessity, the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt advised himself to gather in the woods quantity of the gum issuing from fir-tree. Which he did with much labour, going thither himself, most often with a boy or two: so that in the end he got some hundred pounds' weight of it. Now after these labours, it was not yet all, for it was needful to melt and purify the same, which was a necessary point and unknown to our shipmaster Monsieur De Champdorè, and to his Mariners, for as much as, that the pitch we have, cometh from Norwege, Suedland, Brick made in New France. and Danzick. Nevertheless the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt found the means to draw out the quintessence of these gums and Fir-tree barks: and caused quantity of bricks to be made, with the which he made an open furnance, wherein he put a limbeck made with many kettles, joined one in the other, which he filled with those gums and barks: Then being well covered, fire was put round about it, by whose violence the gum enclosed within the said lembeckemelted, and dropped down into a basin; but it was needful to be very watchful at it, by reason that if the fire had taken hold of the gum, all had been lost. That was admirable, especially in a man that never saw any made. Whereof the Savages being astonished did say, in words borrowed from the Basques, Endia chauè Why the Savages call all French men Normands. Normandia, that is to say, that the Normands know many things. Now they call all Frenchmen Normands, except the Basques, because the most part of fishermen that go afishing there, be of that nation. This remedy came very fitly unto us, for those which came to seek us were fallen into the same want that we were. Now, as he which is in expectation hath neither contentment nor rest until he hath that which he desireth; likewise our men, in this season had often their eyes upon the great compass of Port Royal, to see if they might discover any ship a coming; wherein they were oftentimes deceived, imagining sometimes they had heard a canonshot, other while to perceive a sail: and very often taking the Savages boats, that came to see us, for French shaloups. For at that time great number of Savages assembled themselves at the passage of the said Port to go to the wars against the Armouchiquois, as we News out of France. will declare in the book following. Finally, that which was so much expected and wished for, came at length, and we had news out of France, on the Ascension day in the forenoon. CHAP. XVII. The arrival of the French: Monsieur De Monts his society is broken, and why: the covetousness of them that do rob the dead: bonfires for the nativity of the Duke of Orleans: the departing of the Savages to go to wars: Sagamoes Membertou: voyages upon the coast: Bay Françoise: base traffic: the town of Ouigoudi: how the Savages do make great voyages: their bad intention: a steel Mine: The voices of Sea wolves or Seals: the state of the I'll S. Croix: the love of the Savages towards their children: the return into Port Royal. THe Sun did but begin to cheer the earth, and to behold his Mistress with an amorous aspect, when the Sagamoes Membertou (after our prayers solemnly made to God, and the breakfast distributed to the people, according to the custom) came to give us advertisement that he had seen a sail upon the lake, which came towards our The old Savages have good sight. Fort. At this joyful news every one went out to see, but yet none was found that had so good a sight as he, though he be above 100 years old; nevertheless we spied very soon what it was. Monsieur De Poutrincourt, caused in all diligence the small Bark to be made ready for to go to view further. Monsieur De Champdorè and Daniel Hay went in her, and by the sign that had been told them, being certain that they were friends, they made presently to Salutations by Canon-shots. be charged four Canons & 12. fawkonnets, to salute them that came so far to see us. They on their part did not fail in beginning the joy, & to discharge their pieces, to whom they rendered the like with usury. It was only a small bark under the charge of a young man of Saint Maloes, named Chevalier, who being arrived at the Fort, delivered his letters to Monsieur De Poutrincourt, which were read publicly. They did write unto him, that for to help to The contents of the letters written to Monsieur De Poutrincourt. save the charges of the voyage, the ship (being yet the jonas) should stay at Campseau Port, there to fish for cods, by reason that the Merchant's associate with Monsieur De Monts, knew not that there was any fishing farther than that place: Notwithstanding if it were necessary he should cause the ship to come to Port Royal. Moreover, that the The Society of Monsieur De Monts broken, and why. society was broken, because that contrary to the King his Edict, the Hollanders, conducted by a traitorous Frenchman, called La jeunesse, had the year before taken up the Bevers and other Furs, of the great river of Canada; a thing which did turn to the great damage of the Society, which for that cause could no longer furnish the charges of the unhabiting in these parts, as it had done in times past. And therefore did send no body for to remain there, after us. As we received joy to see our assured succour, we felt also great grief to see so fair and so holy an enterprise broken: That so many labours and perils past should serve to no effect: and that the hope of planting the name of Monsieur De Poutrincourt. his resolution. God and the Catholic faith should vanish away. Notwithstanding, after that Monsieur De Poutrincourt, had a long while mused hereupon, he said, that although he should have no body to come with him, but only his family, he would not forsake the enterprise. It was great grief unto us to abandon (without hope of return) a land that had produced unto us so fair Corn, The English nation going to Virginia with a zealous intent to plant true religion and so to 〈…〉 se Christ's blessed flock, no doubt he will be their leader. and so many fair adorned gardens. All that could be done until that time, was to find out a place, fit to make a settled dwelling, and a land of good fertility. And that being done, it was great want of courage to give over the enterprise, for another year being passed, the necessity of maintaining an habitation there, should be taken away, for the land was sufficient to yield things necessary for life. This was the cause of that grief which pierced the hearts of them which were desirous to see the Christian Religion established in that country. But on the contrary, Monsieur De Monts, and his associates, reaping no benefit, but loss, and having no help from the King, it was a thing which they could not do, but with much difficulty to maintain an habitation in those parts. Monsieur De Monts is envied. Now this envy for the trade of Bevers with the Savages, found not only place in the Hollanders hearts, but also in French Merchants, in such sort that the privilege which had been given to the said Monsieur De Monts for ten years, was revoked. The unsatiable avarice of men is a strange thing, which have no regard to that which is honest, so that they may rifle and catch by what means soever. Robbing from the dead. And thereupon I will say moreover, that there have been some of them that came to that country to fetch us home, that wickedly have presumed so much as to strip the dead, and steal away the Bevers, which those poor people do put, for their last benefit, upon them whom they bury, as we will declare more at large in the book following. A thing that maketh the French name to be odious, & worthy disdain among them, which have no such sordid quality at all, but rather having a heart truly noble The Savages be of a noble mind. and generous, having nothing in private to themselves, but rather all things common, and which ordinarily do present gifts (and that very liberally, according to their ability) to them whom they love and honour. And besides this mischief, it came to pass that the Savages, when that we were at Campseau, killed him that had showed them the sepulchres of their dead. I need not to allege here what Herodote reciteth of the vile baseness of King Darius, who thinking to have caught the old one in the nest (as saith the proverb) that is to say, great treasures, in the Tomb of The fair deceit of Semiramis. Semiramis, Queen of the Babylonians, went away altogether confounded, as wise as he came thither, having found in it a writing, altogether contrary to the first he had read, which rebuked him very sharply for his avarice and wickedness. Let us return to our sorrowful news, and to the grief thereof. Monsieur De Poutrincourt having propounded to some of our company, whether they would tarry there for a year, eight good fellows offered themselves, who were promised that every one of them should have a hogshead of wine, and corn sufficiently for one year, but they demanded so great wages that they could not agree. So resolution was taken for the return. Towards the evening Bonfires made for the nativity of the Duke of Orleans. we made bonfires for the nativity of my Lord the Duke of Orleans, and began afresh to make our Canons and falconets to thunder out, accompanied with store of Musket shots, having before sung for that purpose, Te Deum Laudamus. The said Chevalier bringer of the news had borne the office of Captain in the Ship that remained at Campseau, Refresh sent to Monsieur de Poutrincourt. & in this condition there was given to him, for to bring unto us six Wethers, 24. Hens▪ a pound of Pepper, 20. pounds of Rice, as many of Raisens', and of Prunes, a thousand of Almonds, a pound of Nutmegs, a quarter of Cinnamon, two pounds of Maces, half a pound of Cloves, two pounds of Citron rinds, two dozen of Citrons, as many Oranges, a Westphalia gamon of Bacon, and six other gamons, a hogshead of Gascoine wine, and as much of Sack, a hogshead of powdered Beef, four pottles and a half of oil of Olive, a jar of Olives, a barrel of Vinegar, and two Sugarloafs: but all that was lost through Gutter-lane, and we A likorish trick played to Monsieur De Poutrincourt. saw none of all these things to make account of: Nevertheless I have thought good to name here these wares, to the end that they which will travel on the seas may provide themselves therewith. As for the Hens and Wethers it Sea provision was told us that they died in the voyage, which we easily believed, but we desired, at least, to have had the bones of them: they told us yet, for a fuller answer, that they thought we had been all dead. See upon what ground the consuming of our provision was founded. For all that, we gave good entertainment to the said Chevalier and his company, which were no small number, nor drinkers like The Marquis of Pisani a most sober man in drinking. to the late deceased Monsieur Le Marquis de Pisani. Which made them like very well of our company: for there was but Cider well watered, in the ship wherein they came, for their ordinary portion. But as for the said Chevalier, even the very first day he spoke of a return, Monsieur De Poutrincourt kept him some eight days in delays, at the end whereof, this man willing to go away, the said Chevaliers bad speeches told to Monsieur De Poutrincourt. Monsieur De Poutrincourt put men in his Bark, and detained him, for some report, that he had said, that being come to Campseau, he would hoist up sails and leave us there. Fifteen days after, the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt sent a bark to Campseau, with part of our workmen, for to begin to pull down the house. In the beginning of june The Savages go to the wars. the Savages, about 400. in number, went away from the dwelling that the Sagamoes Membertou had newly made, in form of a town, compassed about with high pales, for to go to wars against the Armouchiquois, which was at Choüakoct some 80. leagues distant from Port Royal; from whence they returned victorious, by the stratagems which I will declare in the description that I have made of this war in French verses. The Savages were near two months in the assembling themselves thither. The great Sagamoes Membertou had made them to be warned during, and before the Winter, having sent unto them men of purpose, namely his two sons Actaudin and Actaudinech, to appoint them there the randez-uous, or place of meeting. What man Membertou is. This Sagamoes is a man already very old, and hath seen Captain james Qartier in that country, at which time he was already married and had children, and notwithstanding did not seem to be above 50. years old. He hath been a very great warrior in his young age, and bloody during his life: which is the cause why he is said to have many enemies, and he is very glad to keep himself near the French men, to live in security. During this gathering of people, it behoved to make presents unto him, and gifts of Corn and beans, yea of some barrel of wine, to feast his friends. For he declared to Monsieur De Poutrincourt Membertou his declaration. in these words: I am the Sagamoes of this country, and am esteemed to be thy friend, and of all the Normands (for so call they the French men, as I have said) and that you make good reckoning of me: It would be a reproach unto me if I did not show the effects of this love. And notwithstanding, whether it be through envy, or otherwise, another Sagamoes, named Shkoudun, who was a good friend to Bad report against Membertou. the French, and unfeigned, reported unto us, that Membertou did plot some thing against us, and had made an Oration to that purpose. Which being understood by Monsieur De Poutrincourt, he sent suddenly for him, to astonish him, and to see if he would obey. Upon the first Membertous obeisance. sending he came alone with our men, not making any refusal. Which was the cause that he was permitted to return back in peace, having first been kindly used, and had some bottle of wine, which he loveth, because (saith he) that when he hath drunk of it, he sleepeth well, and hath no more fear nor care. This Membertou told us, at our Membertou his liberality. A Copper Mine. first coming thither, that he would make the King a present of his Copper Mine, because he saw we make account of Mines, and that it is meet that the Sagamoes be Courteous and liberal one towards the other. For he, being Sagamoes, esteemeth himself equal to the King, and to all his Lieutenants: And did say often to Monsieur De Poutrincourt The Savages praise themselves. that he was his great friend, brother, companion and equal, showing his equality by joining the two fingers of the hand, that be called indices, or demonstrative fingers. Now although this present which he would give to his Majesty was a thing that he cared not for, notwithstanding that proceedeth from a generous and good mind of his, which deserveth as great praises as if the thing had been of greater value. As did the Persian King, who received with as good a will a handful of water from a poor Country man, as the greatest presents that had been made unto him. For if Membertou had had more, he would have offered it liberally. Monsieur De Poutrincourt being not willing to depart thence, until he had seen the issue of his expectation, that is to say, the ripeness of his Corn, he deliberated, after that the Savages were gone to wars, to make voyages along Voyages upon the Coast of the French Bay. the Coast. And because Chavalier was desirous to gather some Bevers, he sent him in a small bark to the River of S. john, called by the Savages, Oüigoudi, and to the I'll Saint Croix: And he, the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt, went in a shaloup to the said Copper Mine. I was of the said Chevalier his voyage: we crossed the French Bay to go Salmon. to the said river, where, as soon as we arrived, half a dozen Salmon newly taken, were brought to us: we sojourned there four days, during which, we went into the Assembly of Savages a feasting. Cabins of Sagamoes Chkoudun, where we saw some 80. or 100 Savages, all naked, except their privy members, which were a making Tabagy (that is to say, abanquetting) with the meal that the said Chevalier had trucked with Filthy trading. them for their old skins full of louse (for they gave him nothing but that which they would cast away:) So made he there a traffic which I little praise. But it may be that the odour of lucre is savoury and sweet, of what thing so ever it be, and the Emperor Vespasian did not disdain to receive in his own hands, the tribute which came unto him from the pissing vessels of Rome. Being among those Savages, the Sagamoes Chkoudun would needs give us the pleasure, in seeing the order and gesture that they hold going to the wars, and made them all to pass before us, which I reserve to speak of in the Oüigoudi town. book following. The Town of Oüigoudi (so I call the dwelling of the said Chkoudun) was a great enclosure upon an hill, compassed about with high and small trees, tied one against another, and within it many Cabins, great and small, one of which was as great as a Market hall, wherein many households retired themselves: And as for the same where they made their Tabagie, it was somewhat less. A good part of the said Savages were of Gachepè, Gachapè is the beginning of the great river of Canada. How the Savages do make great voyages. which is the beginning of the great river of Canada; and they told us, that they came from their dwelling thither in six days, which made me much to marvel, seeing the distance that there is by sea, but they shorten very much their ways, and make great voyages by the means of lakes and rivers, at the end of which being come, in carrying their Canowes' three or four leagues, they get to other rivers that have a contrary course. All these Savages were come thither to go to the wars with Membertou against the Armouchiquois. But because I have spoken of this river of Oüigoudi, in Monsieur De Monts voyage, I will not at this time speak more of it. When we returned to our Bark, which was at the coming in of the Port, half a league off from thence, sheltered by a causey that the sea hath made there, our men, and specially Captain Champdorè, that conducted us, were in doubt, lest some mischance should happen unto us, and having seen the Savages in arms, thought it had been to do us some mischief, which had been very easy, for we were but two, and therefore they were very glad of our return. After which, the next day come the wizard The subtlety of an Autmoi● or Savage soothsayer. or soothsayer of that quarter, crying as a madman towards our bark. Not knowing what he meant, he was sent for in a Cock boat, and came to parley with us, telling us that the Armouchiquois were within the woods, which came to assail them, and that they had killed some of their folks that were hunting: And therefore that we should come aland to assist them. Having heard this discourse, which according to our judgement, tended to no good, we told him that our journeys were limited, and our victuals also, and that it was behoveful for us to begun. Seeing himself denied, he said that before two years were come about, they would either kill all the Normands, or that the Normands should kill them. We mocked him and told him that we would bring our Bark before their Fort to ransack them all; but we did it not, for we went away that day: And having the wind contrary, we sheltered ourselves under a small Island, where we were two days: during which, some went a shooting at Mallards' for provision; others attended one the Cookery: And Captain Champdorè and myself, went along the rocks with hammers A Mine of Steel. and chisels, seeking if there were any Mines. In doing whereof we found quantity of steel among the rocks, which was since molten by Monsieur De Poutrincourt, who made wedges of it, and it was found very fine steel, whereof he caused a knife to be made, that did cut as a razor, which at our return he showed to the King. From thence we went in three days to the I'll S. Croix, being often contraried with the winds. And because we had a bad conjecture of the Savages, which we did see in great number, at the river of S. john, and that the troop Menane. that was departed from Port Royal was yet at Menane (an I'll between the said Port Royal and S. Croix) which Good watch. Seals voices. we would not trust, we kept good watch in the night time: At which time we did often hear Seals voices, which were very like to the voice of Owls: A thing contrary to the opinion of them that have said and written that fishes have no voice. The arrival in the I'll of Saint Croix. The state of the same. Being arrived at the I'll Saint Croix, we found there the buildings, left there all whole, saving that the Storehouse was uncovered of one side. We found there yet Sack in the bottom of a pipe, whereof we drank, and it was not much the worse. As for gardens, we found there Coale-worts, Sorrell, Lettuces, which we used for the kitchen. Turtles. We made there also good pasties of Turtle Doves, which are very plentiful in the woods, but the grass is there so high that one could not find them when they were killed and fallen in the ground. The court was there, full of whole casks, which some ill disposed Mariners did burn for their pleasures, which thing when I saw, I did abhor, and I did judge, better than before, that the Savages were (being The Savages of better nature than many Christians. less civilized) more human and honester men, than many that bear the name of Christians, having, during three years, spared that place, wherein they had not taken so much as a piece of wood, nor salt, which was there in great quantity, as hard as a rock. A number of Iles. Going from thence, we cast anchor among a great number of confused Isles, where we heard some Savages, and we did call to make them come to us. They answered us with the like call. Whereunto one of ours replied, Oüen Kirau? that is to say, What are ye? they would not discover themselves. But the next day Oagimont, the Sagamoes of this river, came to us, and we knew it was he whom we heard. He did prepare to follow Membertou and his troop to the wars, where he was grievously wounded, as I have said in my verses upon this matter. This Oagimont hath a daughter about eleven years old, who is very comely, which Monsieur De Poutrincourt desired to have, and hath The love of the Savages towards their children. oftentimes demanded her of him to give her to the Queen, promising him that he should never want Corn, nor any thing else; but he would never condescend thereto. Being entered into our Bark he accompanied us, until we came to the broad sea, where he put himself in his shaloup to return back; and for us we bent our course for Port Royal, where we arrived before day, but we were Arrival into Port Royal. before our Fort, just at the very point that fair Aurora began to show her ready cheeks upon the top of our woody hills; every body was yet asleep, and there was but one that rose up, by the continual barking of dogs; but we made the rest soon to awake, by peals of Musket shots and trumpets-sound. Monsieur De Poutrincourt was but the day before, arrived from his voyage to the mines, whither we have said that he was to go: and the day before that, was the Bark arrived that had carried part of our workmen to Campseau. So that all being assembled, there rested nothing more than to prepare things necessary for our shipping. And in this business our Water-Mill did us very good service, for otherwise there had been no means to prepare meal enough for the voyage, but in the end we had more than we had need of, which was to the Savages, to the end to have us in remembrance. CHAP. XVIII. The Port de Campseau: our departure from Port Royal: fogs of eight days continuance: a Rainbow appearing in the water: the Port De Savalet: tillage an honour able exercise: the Savages grief at Monsieur De Poutrincourts going away: return into France: voyage to Mount Saint Michael: fruits of New France presented to the King: a voyage into New France after the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt his return. Upon the point that we should take our leave of Port The description of the Port De Campseau. Royal, Monsieur De Poutrincourt sent his men, one after another, to find out the ship at Campseau, which is a Port being between seven or eight islands, where ships may be sheltered from winds: and there is a Bay of above 15. leagues depth, and 6. or 7. leagues broad. The said place being distant from Port Royal above 150. leagues. We had a great Bark, two small ones, and a shaloup. In one of the small Barks some men were shipped that were sent before. And the 30. of july the other two went away. I was in the great one, conducted by Monsieur De Champdorè. But Monsieur De Poutrincourt, desirous to see an end of our sowed corn, tarried till it was ripe, and The parting from Port Royal. Eight days missed. remained there eleven days yet after us. In the mean time, our first journey having been the passage of Port Royal, the next day, mists came and spread themselves upon the sea, which continued with us eight whole days: during which, all we could do was to get to Cap De Sable, which we saw not. In these Cimmerian darknesses, having one day cast anchor in the sea, by reason of the night, our anchor drived in such sort, that in the morning, the tide had carried us among islands; and I marvel that we were not cast away, Peril. Abundance offaire Cod. striking against some rocks. But for victuals, we wanted for no fish, for in half an hours fishing we might take Cod enough for to feed us a fortnight, and of the fairest and fattest that ever I saw, being of the colour of Carp; which I have never known nor noted, but in this part of the said Cap De Sable; which after we had passed, the tide (which is swift in this place) brought us in short time as far as to the Port De La have, thinking that we were no Port De la have. further than the Port Du Mouton. There we tarried two days, and in the very same Port we saw the cods bite at the hook. We found there store of red Gooseberries, and a Marcassite of Copper Mine: we also made there some trucking with the Savages for skins. From thence forward we had wind at will, and during that time it happened once, that being upon the hatches, I cried out to our Pilot Monsieur De Champdore, that we were ready to strike, thinking I had seen the bottom of the sea; but I was deceived by the Rainbow which did The Rainbow appeaing in the water. appear with all his colours in the water, procured by the shadow, that our boarespright sail did make over the same, being opposite to the Sun, which asembling his beams, within the hollowness of the same sail, as it doth within the clouds, those beams were forced to make a reverberation in the water, and to show forth this wonder. In the end we arrived within four leagues of Campseau, at a Port, where a good old man of Saint john De Lussurioso, called Captain Savalet, received us with all the kindness in the world. And for as much as this Port (which is little, but very fair) hath no name, I have qualified it in my Geographical Port Savalet. 42. voyages made in New found land. Map, with the name of Savalet. This good honest man told us that the same voyage was the 42. voyage that he had made into those parts, and nevertheless the New-found-land-men do make but one in a year. He was marvelously pleased with his fishing; and told us moreover that he took every day fifty Crowns worth of fish, Good fishing. and that his voyage would be worth 1000 pounds. He paid wages to 16 men, and his vessel was of 80. tons, which could carry 100000. dry fishes. He was sometimes Savages unportunate. vexed with the Savages that did cabin there, who too boldly and impudently went into his ship, and carried away from him what they listed. And for to avoid their troublesome behaviour, he threatened them that we would come thither, and that we would put them all to the edge 150. Leagues off thy fear the Frenchmen, inhabited beyond that. of the sword, if they did him wrong. This did fear them, & they did him not so much harm, as otherwise they would have done. Notwithstanding whensoever the Fishermen came with their shaloups full of fish, they did choose what seemed good unto them, and they did not care for Cod, but rather took Merlus, or Whiting, Barses or fletans, a kind of very great Turbots, which might be worth here in Paris above four crowns apiece, and peradventure six or more, for it is a marvelous good meat, specially when they be great, and of the thickness of six fingers, as are those that be taken there. And it would have been very hard to bridle their insolency, because that for to do it, one should be forced to have always weapons in hand, and Savalet his kindness. so the work should be left undone. The good nature and honesty of this man was extended, not only to us, but also to all our people that passed by his Port, for it was the passage to go and come from Port Royal. But there were some of them that came to fetch us home, who did worse than the Savages, using him as the Soldier doth the poor peasan, or country Farmer, here: a thing which was very grievous for me to hear. We were 4. days there, by reason of the contrary wind. Then came we to Campseau, where we tarried for the other Bark, which came two days after us. And as for Monsieur De Poutrincourt, as soon as he saw that the corn might be reaped, he pulled up some Rye, root and all, for to show hear the beauty, goodness and unmeasurable height of the same. He also made gleans of the other Exceeding fair Corne. sorts of seeds, as Wheat, Barley, Oats, Hemp, and others, for the same purpose: which was not done by them that have heretofore been in Brasill and in Florida. Wherein I have cause to rejoice, because I was of the company and of the first tilers of that land. And herein I pleased myself the more, when I did set before mine eyes our ancient father Noah, a great King, great Priest, and great Prophet The tillage of the ground is an honourable exercise. , whose occupation was to husband the ground, both in sowing of Corn and planting the Vine: And the ancient Roman Captain, Seranus, who was found sowing of his field, when that he was sent for, to conduct the Roman Army: And Quintus Cincinatus, who all dusty did plough four acres of lands, bare headed and open stomached, when the senates Harold brought letters of the Dictatorship unto him; in sort, that this messenger was forced to pray him to cover himself, before he declared his Embassage unto him. Delighting myself in this exercise, God Fair Wheat hath blessed my poor labour, and I have had in my garden as fair wheat as any can be in France, whereof the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt gave unto me a glean, when he came to the said Port De Campseau. The Savages return from the wars. He was ready to depart from Port Royal, when Membertou and his company arrived, victorious over the Armouchiquois. And because I have made a description of this war in French Verses, I will not here trouble my paper with it, being desirous rather to be brief, than to seek out new matter. At the instant of the said Membertou he tarried yet one day. But it was piteous to see at his departing The Savages tears at the going away of the French men. , those poor people weep, who had been always kept in hope that some of ours should always tarry with them. In the end promise was made unto them, that the year following, households and families should be sent thither, wholly to inhabit their land, and teach them trades for to make them live as we do, which promise did somewhat Meal left behind. comfort them. There was left remaining ten hogsheads of Meal, which were given to them, with the Corn that we had sowed, and the possession of the Manor, if they would use it, which they have not done. For they cannot be constant in one place, and live as they do. Monsieur De Poutrincourt his going away. The eleventh of August the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt departed, with eight in his company, from the said Port Royal, in a Shaloup to come to Campseau: A thing marvelously dangerous to cross so many bay and seas in so small a vessel, laden with nine persons, with victuals necessary for the voyage, and reasonable great quantity of other stuff. Being arrived at the Port of Captain Savalet, he received them all as kindly as it was possible for him: And from thence they came to us, to the said Port of Campseau, where we tarried yet eight days. The departing from New France. The third day of September, we weighed anchors, and with much ado came we from among the rocks, that be about the said Campseau. Which our Mariners did with two shaloups that did carry their anchors very far into the sea, for to uphold our ship, to the end she should not strike against the rocks. Finally, being at sea, one of the said shaloups was let go, and the other was taken into the jonas, which besides our lading, did carry 100000. of fish, as well dry as green. We had reasonable good wind until we came near to the lands of Europe: But we were not overcloied with good cheer, because that (as I have said) they who came to fetch us, presuming we were dead did cram themselves with our refreshing commodities. Our workmen drank no more wine, after we had left Port Royal: And we had but small portion thereof, because that which did over abound with us, was drunk merrily in the company of them that brought us news from The sight of the Sorlingues. France. The 26. of September we had sight of the Sorlingues, which be at the lands end of Cornwall in England, and the 28. thinking to come to Saint Maloes, we were forced Then of France. (for want of good wind) to fall into Roscoff in Base Bretaigne, where we remained two days and a half, refreshing ourselves. We had a Savage who wondered very much, seeing the buildings, steeples, and Windmills in France: yea also of the women, whom he had never seen clothed after our manner. From Roscoff (giving thanks to God) we came with a good wind unto Saint Maloes. Wherein I cannot but praise the watchful foresight of our Master, Nicolas Martin, in having so skilfully conducted us in such a navigation, and among so many banks and dangerous rocks, wherewith the coast, from the Cap of Vshant to Saint Maloes, is full. If this man be praise worthy, in this his action; Captain Foulques deserveth no less praises, having brought us thorough so many contrary winds, into unknown lands, where the first foundations of New France have been laid. The voyage unto S. Michael. Having tarried three or four days at Saint Maloes, Monsieur De Poutrincourts' son, and myself, went to Mount Saint Michael, where we saw the relics, all, saving the Buckler of this holy Archangel. It was told us that the Lord Bishop of Auranches, had, four or five years ago, forbidden to show it any more. As for the building, it meriteth The eight wonder of the world. to be called the 8. wonder of the world, so fair and great is it, upon the point of one only rock, in the midst of the waves, at full sea. True it is, that one may say that the sea came not thither when the said building was made. But I will reply, that howsoever it be, it is admirable. The complaint that may be made in this respect, is, that so many fair buildings are unprofitable in these our days, as in the most part of the Abbeys of France. And would to God that by some Archimedes means, they might be transported into New France, there to be better employed to God's service and the Kings. At the return we came to see the fishing of Oysters at Cancale. After we had sojourned eight days at Saint Maloes, we Monsieur De Poutrincourt his industry. came, in a Bark, to Honfleur, where Monsieur De Poutrincourt his experience stood us in good stead, who seeing our Pilots at their wit's end, when they saw themselves between the Isles of jerzy and Sare (not being accustomed to take that course, where we were driven by a great wind, East Southeast, accompanied with fogs and rain) he took his sea-chard in hand, and played the part of a Pilot, in such sort that we passed the Raz Blanchart (a dangerous passage for small Barks) and we came easily, following the coast of Normandy, to Honfleur; for which, eternal praises be given to God. Amen. Harvest of New France, showed to the King. Being at Paris, the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt presented the King with the fruits of the land from whence he came, and especially the Corn, Wheat, Rye, Barley and Oats, as being the most precious thing that may be brought from what country soever. It had been very fit to vow these first fruits to God, and to place them in some church among the monuments of triumph, with more just Plin. lib. 18. cap. 2. cause than the ancient Romans, who presented to their country Gods and Goddesses Terminus, Seia, and Segesta the first fruits of their tillage, by the hands of the Priests of the fields, instituted by Romulus, which was the first order in new Rome, who had for Blazon, a hat of the ears of Corne. Outardes, or wild Geese, presented to the King. The said Monsieur De Poutrincourt had bred ten Outards, taken from the shell, which he thought to bring all into France, but five of them were lost, and the other five he gave to the King, who delighted much in them; and they are at Fonteine Belleau. Upon the fair show of the fruits of the said Country Privilege of Beavers confirmed to Monsieur De Monts. Three ships sent 1608. the King did confirm to Monsieur De Monts the privilege for the trade of Bevers with the Savages, to the end to give him means to establish his Colonies in New France. And by this occasion he sent thither in March last, Families, there to begin Christian and French Commonwealths, which God vouchsafe to bless and increase. The said ships being returned, we have had report by News from New France since our coming from thence. Monsieur De Champdorè, and others, of the state of the Country which we had left, and of the wonderful beauty of the Corn that the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt had sowed before his departure, together of the grains that be fallen in the gardens, which have so increased that it is an incredible thing. Membertou did gather six or seven barrels of the corn that we had sowed: and had yet one left, which he reserved for the Frenchmen, whom he looked It is very dangerous to teach the Savages the use of guns. for, who arriving he saluted with three Musket shots and Bonfires. When it was laid to his charge that he had eaten our Pigeons, which we left there, he fell aweeping, and embracing him that told it him, said, that it was the Macharoa, that is to say, the great birds which are Eagles, Eagles. which did eat many of them, while we w●●● there. Moreover, all great and small, did inquire how we did, naming every one by his own name, which is a witness of great love. From Port Royal, the said Champdorè went as far as Chovakovet, the beginning of the Armouchiquois land, where he pacified that nation with the Etechemins, which was not done without solemnity. For as he had begun to speak of it, the Captain, who is now instead of Olmechin, named Astikou, a grave man and of a goodly presence, how savage soever he be, demanded that some one of the said Etechemins should be sent to him, and that he would treat with him. Oagimont, Sagamoes of the river S. Croix, was appointed The Savages wisdom. for that purpose, and he would not trust them, but under the assurance of the Frenchmen he went thither. Some presents were made to Astikou, who, upon the speech of peace, began to exhort his people & to show them the causes that ought to induce them to hearken unto it. Whereunto they condescended, making an exclamation at every article that he propounded to them. Some five years ago Monsieur De Monts had likewise pacified those nations, and had declared unto them, that he would be enemy to the first of them that should begin the war, and would pursue him. But after his return into France, they could not contain themselves in peace. And the Armouchiquois did kill a Souriquois Savage, called Panoniac, who went to them for to truck merchandise, which he took at the storehouse of the said Monsieur De Monts. The war above mentioned happened by reason of this said murder, under the conduct of Sagamoes Membertou: the said war was made in the very same place, where I now make mention, that Monsieur Champlein is now in the river of Canada. cattle. Fruit trees. Vines. Hemp. Monsieur de Champdorè did treat the peace this year. Monsieur Champlein is in another place, to wit in the great river of Canada, near the place where captain james Quartier did winter, where he hath fortified himself, having brought thither households, with cattle and divers sorts o●●…ite-trees. There is store of vines, and excellent hemp, in the same place where he is, which the earth bringeth forth of itself. He is not a man to be idle, and we expect shortly news of the whole discovery of this great and uncomparable river, and of the countries which it washeth on both sides, by the diligence of the said Monsieur De Poutrincourt his resolution Champlein. As for Monsieur De Poutrincourt, his desire is immutable, in this resolution to inhabit and adorn his Province, to bring thither his family, and all sorts of trades necessary for the life of man. Which, with Gods help he will 1609. continue to effect all this present year 1609. And, as long as he hath vigour and strength, will prosecute the same, to live there under the King's obeisance. The second Book of the History of Nova Francia, containing the fashions and manners of life of the people there, and the fertility of the Lands and Seas mentioned in the former Book. THE PREFACE. ALmighty God, in the creation of this world, hath so much delighted himself in diversity, that, whether it be in Heaven, or in the Earth, either under the same or in the profound depth of waters, the effects of his might and glory do shine in every place. But the wonder that far exceedeth all others, is, that in one and the self same kind of Creature, I mean in Man, are found more variety than in other things created. For if one enters into the consideration of his face, two shall not be found who in every respect do resemble one another: If he be considered in the voice, the same variety shall be found: If in the speech, all Nations have their proper and peculiar language, whereby one is distinguished from the other. But in manners and fashion of life, there is a marvelous difference, which (without troubling ourselves in crossing the Seas to have the experience thereof) we see visibly in our very neighbourhood. Now forasmuch as it is a small matter to know, that people differ from us in customs and manners, unless we know the particularities thereof; a small thing is it likewise to know, but that, which is near to us: but the fair Science is to know the manner of life of all Nations of the World, for which reason Ulysses hath been esteemed, because he had seen much and known much. It hath seemed necessary unto me to exercise myself in this second book upon this subject, in that which toucheth the Nations spoken of by us, seeing that I have tied myself unto it, and that it is one of the best parts of an History, which without it would be defective, having but slightly and casually handled here above those things that I have reserved to speak of here. Which also I do, to the end, if it please God to take pity of those poor people, and to work by his holy spirit, that they be brought into his fold, their children may know hereafter what their Fathers were, and bless them that have employed themselves in their conversion, and reformation of their uncivility. Let us therefore begin with man from his birth, and having in gross marked out what the course of his life is, we will conduct him to the grave, there to leave him to rest, and also to repose ourselves. CHAP. I. Of the Nativity of man.. THe author of the book of Wisdom, called Solomon, witnesseth unto us a most true thing, that All men have a like entrance into the world, and the like going out. But each several people hath brought some ceremonies, after these were accomplished. For some have wept, seeing the birth of man upon this worldly Theatre. Others have rejoiced at it, as well because Nature hath given to every creature a desire to preserve his own kind, as for that, Man having been made mortal by sin, he desireth to be in some sort restored again to that lost right of immortality, and to leave some visible image issued from him, by the generation of children. I will not here discourse upon every Nation, for it would be an infinite thing. But I will say that the Hebrews at the nativity of their children did make some particular ceremonies unto them, spoken of by the Prophet Ezechiel, who having Ezech. 16. vers. 23. 4. in charge to make a demonstration to the City of Jerusalem of her own abomination, doth reproach unto her, saying, that she is issued and borne out of the Cananaeans Country, that her father was an Amorite, and her mother an Hittite. And as for thy birth (saith he) in the day that thou wast borne thy navel was not cut, neither waist thou washed in water to soften thee, nor salted with salt, nor any wise julian. imp. Sidon. Car. 7. Claudian. in Ruffian. lib. 2. swaddled in clouts. The Cimbres did put their new born children into the snow to harden them: And the Frenchmen did plunge theirs into the river Rhine, to know if they August. epist. ad Maxim. Philos. were legitinate: for if they did sink unto the bottom they were esteemed bastards, and if they did swim on the water they were legitimate, meaning (as it were) that Frenchmen ought naturally to swim upon the waters. As for our Savages of New France, when that I was there, thinking nothing less than on this History, I took not heed of many things which I might have observed: But yet I remember, that as a woman was delivered of her child they came into our Fort, to demand very instantly for some grease or oil to make the child to swallow it down before they give him the dug or any food: they can render no reason for this, but that it is a custom of long continuance. Whereupon I conjecture that the devil (who hath always borrowed ceremonies from the Church, as well in the ancient as in the new law) would, that his people (so do I call them that believe not in God, and are out of the Communion of Saints) should be anointed like to God's people: which unction he hath made to be inward, because the spiritual unction of the Christians is so. CHAP. II. Of the imposition of names. AS for imposition of names, they give them by tradition, that is to say, they have great quantity of names, which they choose and impose on their children. The dignity of eldership or first borne. But the eldest son commonly beareth his father's name, adding at the end some diminutive: as the eldest of Membertou shall be called Membertouchis, as it were the lesser, or the younger Membertou. As for the younger Son, he beareth not the Father's name, but they give him such name as they list: And he that is borne after him shall bear his name, adding a syllable to it: as the younger of Membertou is called Actaudin, he that cometh after is called Actaudinech. So Memembourré had a son named Semcoud, and his younger was called Semcoudech. It is not for all that a general rule, to add this termination each. For Panoniacs younger Son (of whom mention is made in Membertous war against the Armouchiquois, which I have described in the Muses of New France) was called Panoviagués: so that this termination is done according as the former name requireth it. But they have a custom The changing of names. that when this elder brother, or father, is dead, they change name, for to avoid the sorrow that the remembrance of the deceased might bring unto them. This is the cause why, after the decease of Memembourré, & Semcoud, (that died this last Winter) Semcoudech hath left his brother's name, and hath not taken that of his father, but rather hath made himself to be called Paris, because he dwelled in Paris. And after Panoniacs death, Panoniagues forsook his name, and was, by one of our men, called Roland: which I find evil and undiscreetly done, so to profane Christians names, and to impose them upon Infidels: as I remember of another that was called Martin. Alexander the Great (though he was an Heathen) would not that any should bear his name, unless he should render himself worthy thereof by virtue. And, as one day a soldier, bearing the name of Alexander, was accused before him to be voluptuous and lecherous, he commanded him, either to forsake that name, or to change his life. The Brasiliens (as john De Leri saith, whom I had rather follow in that which he hath seen, than a Spaniard) impose names to their children of the first thing that cometh before them, as if a bow and string come to their imagination, they will call their child Ourapacen, which signifieth a bow and a string, and so consequently. In regard of our Savages, they have at this day names without signification, which peradventure in the first imposing of them, did signify some thing, but as the tongues do change the knowledge thereof is lost. Of all the names of them that I have known, I have learned none, saving that Chkoudun signifieth a Trout: and Oigoudi the name of the river of the said Chkoudun, which signifieth to see. It is very certain, that names have not been imposed, to what thing soever, without reason. For Adam gave the name to every living creature, according to the property and nature thereof, and consequently names have been given to men signifying something: As Adam signifieth▪ Man, or that which is made of earth: Eva signifieth, the Mother of all living: Abel, weeping: Cain, possession: jesus, a Saviour: Devil, a Slanderer: Satan, an adversary etc. Among the Romans, some were called Lucius, because they were born at the break of day; Others Caesar, for that the Mother's belly was cut at the birth of him that first did bear this name: In like manner Lentulus, Piso, Fabius, Cicero, etc. all nicknames, given by reason of some accident, like our Savages names, but with some more judgement. CHAP. III. Of the feeding of their Children. Esay 49. vers. 15. ALmighty God, showing a true Mother's duty, saith by the Prophet Esay: Can a woman forget her child, and not have compassion on the Son of her womb? This pity which God requireth in Mothers, is to give the breast to their children, and not to change the food which they have given unto them before their birth. But at this day the most part make their breasts to serve for allurements to whoredom, and being willing to set themselves at ease, free from the children's noise, do send them into the Country, where peradventure they be changed or given to bad nurses, whose corruption and bad nature they suck with their milk. And from thence come the changelings, weak and degenerate from the right stock whose names they bear. The Savage women bear a greater love than that towards their young ones: for none but themselves do nourish them: And that is general throughout all the West Indies: likewise their breasts are no baits of love, as in these our parts, but rather, love in those lands is made by the flame that nature kindleth in every one, without annexing any arts to it, either by painting, amorous poisons or otherwise. And for this manner of nursing their children, are the ancient Germane women praised by Tacitus, because that every one did nurse their Children with her own breasts, and would not have suffered that another besides themselves should give suck to their children. Now our Savage women do give unto them, with the dug, meats which they use, having first well chawed them: and so by little and little bring them up. As for the swaddling of them, they that dwell in hot Countries and near the Tropics, have no care of it, but leave them free unbound. But drawing towards the North, the mothers have an even smooth board, like the covering of a drawer or cupborod, upon which they lay the child wrapped in a Beaver fur, unless it be too hot, and tied thereupon with some swaddling band, whom they carry on their backs their legs hanging down: then being returned into their Cabins they set them in this manner up strait against a stone or some thing else. And as in these our parts, one gives small feathers and gilt things to little children, so they hang quantity of beads and small square toys, diversly coloured, in the upper part of the said board or plank, for the decking of theirs. CHAP. FOUR Of their love towards their children. THat which we have said even now, is a part of true love, which doth shame the Christian women. But after the Children be weaned, and at all times, they love them all, observing this law that Nature hath grafted in the hearts of all creatures (except in lewd slippery women) to have care of them. And when it is question to demand of them some of their children (I speak of the Souriquois, in whose land we dwelled) for to bring them into France, they will not give them: but if any one of them doth yield unto it, presents must be given unto him, besides large promises. We have already spoken of this at the end of the 17. chapter. So then I find that they have wrong to be called Barbarous, seeing that the ancient Romans were far more Brabarous than they, who oftentimes sold their The cause why the Savages love their children more than we do in these parts. children for to have means to live. Now that which causeth them to love their children more than we do in these parts is, that they are the maintenance of their fathers in their old age, whether it be to help them to live, or to defend them from their enemies: And nature conserveth wholly in them her right in this respect. By reason whereof that which they wish most is to have number of children, Gens. 2. vers. 28. to be thereby so much the mightier, as in the first age of the world, when virginity was a thing reproovable, because of God's commandment to man and women to increase, multiply and replenish the earth: but after it was filled, this love waxed marvelous cold, and children began to be a burden to fathers and mothers, whom many have had in disdain, and have very often procured their Means to ease the families of France. death: Now is the way open for France to have a remedy for the same. For if it please God to guide and prosper the voyages of New France. whosoever in these parts shall find himself oppressed may pass thither, and there end his days in rest, and that without feeling any poverty: or if any one findeth himself ouerburthened with children, he may send half of them thither, and with a small portion they shall be rich and possess the land, which is the most assured condition of this life. For we see at this day, labour and pain in all vocations, yea in them of the best sort, which are often crossed through envy and wants: others will make a hundred cappings and crouchings for to live, and yet they do but pine away. But the ground never deceiveth us, if we earnestly cherish her. Witness the fable of him, who by his last will and testament, did declare to his children that he had hidden a treasure in his Vineyard, and as they had well and deeply digged and turned it they found nothing, but the year being come about, they gathered so great a quantity of grapes, that they knew not where to bestow them. So thorough all the holy Scripture, the promises that God maketh to the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and jacob, and afterwards to the people of Israel, by the mouth of Moses, is, that they shall possess the To possess the land is a rich heritage. land, as a certain heritage that cannot perish, and where a man hath wherewith to sustain his family, to make himself strong and to live in innocency: according to the speeches of the ancient Cato, who did say, that commonly Plin. lib. 18. cap. 5. Husbandmen, or Farmer's Sons be valiant and strong, and do think on no harm. CHAP. 5. Of their Religion. MAn being created after the image of God, it is good reason that he acknowledge, serve, worship, praise and bless his Creator, and that therein he employ his whole desire, his mind, his strength and his courage. But the nature of man having been corrupted by sin, this fair light that God had first given unto him, hath been so darkened, that he is become thereby to lose the knowledge of his beginning. And for as much as God showeth not himself unto us by a certain visible form, as a father or a King might do; man finding himself overcome with poverty and infirmity, not settling himself to the contemplation of the wonders of this Almighty workman, and to seek him as he ought to be sought for, with a base and brutish spirit, miserably hath he forged to himself gods, according to his own fancy: And there is nothing visible in the world, but hath been deified in some place or other: yea even in that rank and degree, imaginary things hath also been put, as Virtue, Hope, Honour, Fortune, and a thousand such like things: Item infernal gods, and sicknesses, and all sorts of plagues, every one worshipping the things that he stood in fear of. But notwithstanding, though Tuliie hath said, speaking of the nature of the gods, that there is no nation so savage, or brutish nor so barbarous, but is seasoned with some opinion of them: yet there have been found, in these later ages, nations that have no feeling thereof at all: which is so much the stranger that among them, there Idolaters in Virginia. were, and yet are, Idolaters, as in Mexico and Virginia. If we will we may add hereunto Florida. And notwithstanding, all being well considered, seeing the condition both of the one and of the other is to be lamented, I give more praise to him that worshippeth nothing, than to him who worshippeth creatures without either life or sense, for at least, as bad as he is, he blasphemeth not, and giveth not the glory due to God to an other, living (indeed) a life not much differing from brutishness: but the same is yet more brutish that adoreth a dead thing, and putteth his confidence in it. And beside, he which is not stained with any bad opinion, is much more capable of true adoration, than the other: being like to a bare table, which is ready to receive what colour soever one will give to it. For when any people hath once received a bad impression of doctrine, one must root it out from them before another may be placed in them. Which is very difficult, as well for the obstinacy of men, which do say, our fathers have lived in this sort: as for the hindrance that they give them which do teach them such a doctrine, and others whose life dependeth thereupon, who do fear that their means of gain be taken from them: even as that Demetrius the siluer-smith, Act. 19 vers. 24. The Savages easy to be converted to the Christian religion. james Cartier. mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles. This is the reason why our Savages of New France will be found more easy to receive the Christian doctrine, if once the Province be thoroughly inhabited. For (that we may begin with them of Canada) james Quartier, in his second relation, reciteth that which I have said a little before, in these words, which are not here laid down in the former Book. This said people (saith he) hath not any belief of God The Savages religion in Canada. (that may be esteemed) for they believe in one, whom they call Cudoüagni, and say, that he often speaketh to them, and telleth them what weather shall fall out. They say that when he is angry with them he casteth dust in their eyes. They believe also, that when they die they go The state of souls after death. up into the stars, and afterwards they go into fair greenefields, full of fair trees, flowers and rare fruits. After they had made us to understand these things, we showed them their error, and that their Cudoüagni is an evil Spirit that deceiveth them, and that there is but one God, which is in Heaven, who doth give unto us all, and is Creator of all things, and that in him we must only believe, and that they must be baptized, or go into hell. And many other things of our faith were showed them: which People easy to be converted. Agoiuda signifieth wicked. they easily believed, and called their Cudoüagni, Agoiuda. So that many times they requested our Captain to cause them to be baptised, and the said Lord (that is to say, Donnacona) Taiguragni, Domagaia, with all the people of their town came thither for that purpose: but because we knew not their intent and desire, and that there was no body to instruct them in the faith, we excused ourselves to them for that time, and bad Taiguragni and Domagaia to make them understand that we would return another voyage, and would bring Priests with us and Chréme, telling them, for an excuse, that one cannot be baptised without the said Chréme, which they did believe. And they were very glad of the promise which the Captain made them to return, and thanked them for it. Monsieur Champlein, having of late made the same voyage which the Captain james Quartier had made, did discourse with Savages, that be yet living, and reporteth the speeches that were between him and certain of their Sagamoes, concerning their belief in spiritual and heavenly things, which I have thought good (being incident to The Savages belief and faith. this matter) to insert here; his words are these: The most part of them be people without law, according as I could see and inform myself, by the said great Sagamoes, who told me that they verily believe there is one God, who hath created all things. And then I asked him, seeing that they believe in one only God: by what means did he place them in this world, and from whence they were Of the creation of man. come? He answered me, that after God had made all things, he took a number of arrows, and did stick them into the ground, from whence men and women sprung up, which have multiplied in the world until now, and that mankind grew by that means. I answered him, that what he said was false: But that indeed there was one only God, who had created all things both in Heaven and Earth. Seeing all these things so perfect, and being no body that did govern in this world, he took slime out of the Earth, and created thereof our first father Adam: And while he did sleep, God took one of his ribs, and form Eva thereof, whom he gave to him for company, and that this was the truth that both they and we were made They believe one God, one Son, one Mother, and the Sun. by this means, and not of arrows, as they did believe. He said nothing more to me, but that he allowed better of my speech than of his own. I asked him also if he believed not that there were any other but one only God? He said unto me that their belief was: There was one only God, one Son, one Mother, and the Sun, which were four. Notwithstanding, that God was over and above all; but that the Son was good, and the Sun, by reason of the good which they received of them: As for the Mother, she was nought and did eat them; and that the Father was not very good. I showed him his error according to our faith, whereunto he gave some credit. I demanded of him if they never saw nor heard their ancestors say that God was come into the world: He told me he had not seen him: but that anciently there were five men, who traveling towards the setting of the Sun, met with God, Of five men whom the Savages believe to have seen God. Men transformed into stones: who demanded of them, Whither go ye? They answered, We go to seek for our living: God answered them, You shall find it here. But they passed further, not making any account of that which God had said unto them; who took a stone and therewith touched two of them, who were turned into stones: And he said again to the three others, Whither go ye? and they answered as at the first time: and God said unto them a gain, Pass no further, you shall find it here: and seeing that they found no And into staves. food they passed further: And God took two staves, and touched therewith the two foremost, who were transformed into staves. But the fifth man stayed and would pass no further: And God asked him again, Whither goest thou? Who made answer, I go to seek for my living: and God told him, Tarry and thou shalt find it: and he stayed without passing any further: And God gave him meat, and he did eat of it: and after he had made good cheer he returned among the other Savages, and told them all that you have heard. He also told me, that at another time there was a man who had store of Tobacco (which is an herb Of an other Man whom the Savages believe to have spoken with God. tobacco. the smoke whereof they take) and that God came to this man and asked him where his pipe was: The man took his Tobacco pipe and gave it to God, who drank very much Tobacco. After he had taken well of it, God broke the said Tobacco-pipe into many pieces, and the man asked him, Why hast thou broken my Tobacco-pipe, and thou seest well that I have none other? And God took one which he had, and gave it him, saying unto him: Lo, here is one which I give to thee, carry it to thy great Sagamo, let him keep it; and if he keep it well, he shall not want any thing, nor any of his companions: The said man took the Tobacco-pipe, which he gave to his great Sagamo, who (whilst he had it) the Savages wanted for nothing in the world: But that since the said Sagamo had lost this Tobacco-pipe, which is the cause of the great famine which sometimes they have among them. I demanded of him, whether he did believe all that; he told me, yes, & that it was true. Now I believe that that is the cause why they say that God is not very good. But I replied and said unto him, that God was all good, and that without doubt it was the Devil that had showed himself to those men, and that if they did believe in God as we do, they should want nothing that should be needful for them: That the Sun which they saw, the Moon and the Stars, were created by the same great God, who hath made both Heaven and Earth, and that they have no power, but that which God I do not think that this Theology may be expounded to these people, though one could perfectly speak their language. hath given them: That we believe in that great God, who by his goodness did send unto us his dearly beloved Son, who being conceived by the Holy Ghost, took human flesh within the virgin womb of the Virgin Mary, having been 33. years on earth working infinite miracles, raising up the dead, healing the sick, driving out Devils, giving sight to the blind, showing unto men the will of God his Father, for to serve, honour and worship him, hath spilt his blood, and suffered death and passion for us, and for our sins, and redeemed mankind, being buried and risen again, went down into hell, and ascended up into Heaven, where he sitteth at the right hand of God his father. That this was the belief of all Christians, which do believe in the Father, in the Son, and in the holy Ghost, which be not for all that three Gods, but are one self-same and one only God, and one Trinity, wherein there is nothing before nor after, nothing greater nor lesser. That the Virgin Mary, Mother to the Son of God, and all men and women that have lived in this world, doing Gods commandments, and suffered martyrdom for his name, and who, by the permission of God, have wrought miracles, and are Saints in Heaven in his Paradise, pray all for us unto this great divine Majesty, to pardon us our faults and sins, which we do against his law and commandments: And so by the Saints prayers in Heaven, and by our own that we make to his divine Majesty, he giveth us what we have need of, and the Devil hath no power over us; and can do us no hurt. That if they had this belief they should be eve as we are. That the Devil should not be able to do them any more harm, and they should not want what should be needful for them. Then the said Sagamo said unto me, that he granted all that I said. I demanded of him what ceremony they used in praying to their God: he told me that they used no other ceremony, but that every one did pray in his heart as he would. This is the cause why, I believe, there is no law among them, neither do they know what it is to worship or pray to God, and live the most part as brute beasts: And I believe that in short time they might be brought to be good Christians, if one would inhabit their land, which most of them do desire. They have among them some Savages whom What Savages speak to the Devil. they call Pilotova, who speak visibly to the Devil, and he telleth them what they must do, as well for wars as for other things: And if he should command them to go and put any enterprise in execution, or to kill a French man or any other of their nation, they will immediately obey to The Savages do believe firmly in dreams. his command. They believe also that all their dreams are true; and indeed, there be many of them which do say that they have seen and dreamt things that do happen, or shall come to pass: but to speak thereof in truth they be visions of the Devil, who doth deceive and seduce them. So far Monsieur Champleins' report. As for our Souriquois, and other their neighbours, I can say nothing else, but that they are destitute of all knowledge of God, have no Adoration, neither do they make any divine service, living in a pitiful ignorance; which ought to touch the hearts both of Christian Princes, and Prelates, who very A lesson for Christian Princes and Prelates. often do employ upon frivolous things that which would be more than sufficient to establish there many Colonies, which would bear their names, about whom these poor people would flock and assemble themselves. I do not say they should go thither in Person, for their presence is here more necessary, and besides every one is not fit for the Sea: but there are so many persons well disposed that would employ themselves on that, if they had the means: They than that may do it are altogether unexcusable. To all sorts and degrees of people. Our present age is fallen, as one might say, into an Astorgie, wanting both love and Christian charity, and retain almost nothing of that fire which kindled our Fathers either in the time of our first Kings, or in the time of the Croisades for the holy land; yea chose if any venture his life, and that little means he hath, upon this generous Christian work, the most part do mock him for it, like to the Salamandre, which doth not live in the midst of flames, as some do imagine, but is of so cold a nature that she killeth them by her coldness. Every one would run after treasures, and would carry them away without pains taking, and afterward to live frolic; but they come too late for it, and they should have enough if Luk. 12. vers. 31. they did believe, as is meet to do, in him that hath said: Seek first the kingdom of God, and all these things shall be given unto you over and above. Let us return to our Savages, for whose conversion it resteth unto us to pray to God that it will please him to open the means to make a plentiful harvest to the further manifestation of the Gospel: for ours, and generally all those people even as far as Florida inclusively, are very easy to be brought to the Christian religion, according as I may conjecture of them which I have not seen, by the discourse of Histories. But I find that there shall be more facility in them of the nearer lands, as from Cap-Breton to Malebarre, because they have not any show of religion (for I call not religion unless there be some Latria and divine service) nor tillage of ground (at least as far as Chovakoet) which is the chiefest thing that may draw men to believe as one would, by reason-that out from the Earth cometh all that which is necessary for the life, after the general use we have of the other Elements. Our life hath chiefly need of meat, drink and clothing. These people (as one may say) have nothing of all that, for it is not to be called covered, to be always wandering and lodged under four stakes, and to have a skin upon their back: neither do I call eating and living, to eat all at once and starve The right means to bring the Savages to ones devotion. Gen. 28. 20. the next day, not providing for the next day. Whosoever then shall give bread and clothing to this people, the same shall be, as it were, their God, they will believe all that he shall say to them. Even as the Patriarch jacob did promise to serve God if he would give him bread to eat and garments to cover him. God hath no name: for all that we can say, cannot comprehend him. But we call him God, because he giveth. And man in giving may by resemblance be called God. Cause (saith S. Gregory Nazianzen) Greg. Nazian in the oration of the care for the poor. that thou be'st a God towards the needy, in imitating God's mercifulness. For man hath nothing so divine in him as benefits. The heathen have known this, and amongst others Pliny, when he saith, that it is a great sign Plin. lib. 2. 7. of divinity in a mortal man, to help and aid an other mortal man. These people then enjoying the fruits of the use of trades and tillage of the ground, will believe all that shall be told them, in auditum auris, at the first voice that shall sound in their ears: and of this have I certain proofs, because I have known them wholly disposed thereunto by the communication they had with us; and there be some of them that are Christians in mind, & do perform the acts of it, in such wise as they can, though they be not baptized: among whom I will name Chkoudun, Captain (alias Sagamoes) of the river of Saint john, mentioned in the beginning of this work, who, whensoever he eateth, lifteth up his eyes to heaven, and maketh the sign of the cross, because he hath seen us do so: yea at our prayers he did kneel down as we did: And because he hath seen a great cross planted near to our fort, he hath made the like at his house, and in all his cabins; and carrieth one at his breast, saying, that he is no more a Savage, and acknowledging plainly, that they are beasts (so he saith in his language) but that he is like unto us, desiring to be instructed. That which I say of this man, I may affirm the same almost of all the others: And though he should be alone, yet he is capable, being instructed, to bring in all the rest. The Armouchiquois are a great people, which have likewise no adoration: and being settled, because they manure the ground, one may easily make a congregation of them, and exhort them to that which is for their salvation. Lib. 1. chap. 7. They are vicious and bloody men, as we have said heretofore: but this insolency proceeds for that they feel themselves strong, by reason of their multitude, and because they live more at ease than the others, reaping the fruits of the earth. Their country is not yet well known, but in that small part that we have discovered, I find A conformity between the Armouchiquois and the natural Virginians. The religion of the Virginians. they have conformity with them of Virginia, except in the superstition & error, in that which concerneth our subject, for as much as the Virginians do begin to have some opinion of a superior thing in nature, which governeth here this world. They believe in many gods (as an English Historian that dwelled there reporteth) which they call Montóac, but of sundry sorts and degrees. One alone is chief and great, who hath ever been, who purposing to make the world, made first other gods, for to be means and instruments, wherewith he might serve himself in the Creation and in the government. Then afterwards the Sun, the Moon and the Stars, as demi gods, and instruments of the other Principal order. They hold that the woman was first made, which by conjunction with one of the gods had children. All these people do generally believe the immortality of the soul, and that after death good men are in rest, and the wicked in pain: Now them that they esteem to be the wicked are their enemies, and they the good men: In such sort that, in their opinion, they shall all after death be well at ease, and specially when they have well defended their country, and killed many of their enemies. And as touching the resurrection of the Fabulous tales of the resurrection. bodies, there are yet some nations in those parts that have some glimpse of it. For the Virginians do tell tales of certain men risen again, which say strange things: As of one wicked man, who after his death had been near to the mouth of Popogusso (which is their Hell) but a god saved him, and gave him leave to come again into the world, for to tell his friends what they ought to do for to avoid the coming into this miserable torment. Item, that year that the English men were there, it came to pass within 60. leagues off from them (as said the Virginians) that a body was unburied, like to the first, and did show, that being dead in the pit, his soul was alive, and had traveled very far, thorough a long and large way, on both sides of which did grow very fair and pleasant trees, bearing the rarest fruits that can be seen: and that in the end he came to very fair houses, near to the which he found his father, which was dead, who expressly commanded him to return back and to declare unto his friends the good which it behoved them to do for to enjoy the pleasures of this place: And that after he had done his message Hist. gen. of the Indies. 4. book, the 124. chap. he should come thither again. The general History of the West Indies reporteth, that before the coming of the Spaniards into Perou, they of Cusco and thereabout, did likewise believe the resurrection of the bodies. For seeing that the Spaniards, with a cursed avarice, opening the sepulchres for to have the gold and the riches that were in them, did cast and scatter the bones of the dead here and there, they prayed them, not to scatter them so, to the end that the same should not hinder them from rising again: which is a more perfect belief than that of the Sadduces, and of the greeks, which the Gospel and the Luc. 20. vers. 27. Act. 17. vers. 32. Acts of the Apostles witness unto us that they scoffed at the resurrection, as also, almost all the heathen antiquity hath done. Some of our Western Indians, expecting this resurrection, have esteemed that the souls of the good did got into heaven, & them of the wicked into a great pit or hole, which they think to be far off towards the Sun setting, which they call Popogusso, there to burn for ever: and such is the belief of the Virginians: The others (as the Brasilians) that the wicked go with Aignan, which is the evil spirit that tormenteth them: but as for the good, 4. Esdras 7. ver. 31. 32. S. Paul to the Heb. ch. 11. at the end. Orig. 2. book of principles. that they went behind the Mountains to dance and make good cheer with their fathers. Many of the ancient Christians, grounded upon certain places of Esdras, of S. Paul, and others, have thought that after death our souls were sequestered into places under the earth, as in Abraham's bosom, attending the judgement of God: And there Origen hath thought that they are as in a School of souls, and place of instruction, where they learn the causes and reasons of the things they have seen on the Earth, and by reasoning make judgements of consequences of things past, and of things to come. But such opinions have been rejected by the resolution of the Doctors of Sorbone in the time of King Philip the fair, and since by the Council of Florence. Now if the Christians have held that opinion, is it much to these poor Savages to be entered in those opinions that we have recited of them? As concerning the worshipping of their gods, of all them that be out of the Spanish dominion, I find none but the Virginians that use any divine service (unless we will also comprehend therein, that which the Floridians do, which we will recite hereafter) They then represent their gods in the shape of a man, which they call Kevuasovuock. One only is named Kevuas. They place them in houses and Temples, made after their fashion, which they call Machicómuck, wherein they make their prayers, singing and S. Aug. 4. de Civitate Dei cap. 31. offering to those gods. And seeing we are fallen to speak of infidels, I praise rather the ancient Romans who were above 173. years without any images of Gods, as S. Augustin saith. Numa Pompilius having wisely forbidden to make any, because that such a foolish and senseless thing made them to be despised, and from this contempt came, that the people did cast out all fear, nothing being better than to worship them in spirit seeing they are spirits. And Plin. lib. 2. cap. 7. indeed Pliny saith: That there is nothing which showeth more the weakness of man's wit, than to seek to assign some image or figure to God. For in what part soever that God showeth himself he is all sense, all sight, all hearing, all soul, all understanding: and finally he is all of himself, without using any organ. The ancient Germans instructed in this doctrine, not only did admit no images of their gods (as saith Tacitus) but also would not that they should be drawn or painted against the walls, nor set in any human form, esteeming that to derogate too much from the greatness of the heavenly power. It may be said among us that figures and representations are the books of the unlearned: but leaving disputations aside, it were fitting that every one should be wise and well instructed, and that no body should be ignorant. The Savages have the industry both of painting and carving. Our Souriquois and Armouchiquois Savages, have the industry both of painting and carving, and do make pictures of beasts, birds and men, as well in stone as in wood, as prettily as good workmen in these parts; and notwithstanding they serve not themselves with them in adoration, but only to please the sight, and the use of some private tools, as in Tabaccopipes. And in that (as I have said at the first) though they be without divine worship, I praise them more than the Virginians and all other sorts of people, which more beasts than the very beasts worship and reverence senseless things. The Floridians. Captain Laudonniere in his History of Florida, saith that they of that Country have no knowledge of God, nor of any religion, but of that which appeareth unto them, as the Sun and the Moon; to whom, nevertheless, I find not in all the said History that they make any adoration, saving that when they go to wary, the Paracousi maketh some prayer to the Sun for to obtain victory, and which being obtained he yieldeth him praises for it, with songs to the honour of him, as I have more particularly spoken in my first book the 10. chapter. And notwithstanding Belleforests false report. Monsieur De Belleforest writeth to have taken from the said History that which he mentioneth of their bloody sacrifices, like to them of the Mexicains, assembling themselves in one field, and setting up there their lodges, where after many dances and ceremonies, they lift up in the air and offer to the Sun, him upon whom the lot is fallen to be sacrificed. If he be bold in this thing, he presumeth no less where he writeth the like of the people of Canada, whom he maketh sacrificers of human bodies, although they never thought on it. For if Captain james Quartier hath seen some of their enemy's heads, dressed like leather, set upon pieces of wood, it doth not follow that they have been sacrificed, but it is their custom to do so, like to the ancient Gaulois, that is to say, to take off the heads of their enemies whom they have killed, and to set them up in, or without their Cabins as a Trophy: which is usual thorough all the West Indies. To return to our Floridians, if any one will call the honour they do to the Sun, to be an act of religion, I will not contrary him. For in the old time of the golden age, when that ignorance found place amongst men, many (considering the admirable effects of the Sun and of the Moon, wherewith God useth to govern things in this low world) attributed unto them the reverence due to the Creator: And this manner of reverence is expounded unto job 31. vers. 26. 27. us by job, when he saith: If I have beholden the Sun in his brightness, and the Moon running clear: and if my heart hath been seduced in secret, and my mouth hath kissed my hand: this also had been an iniquity to be condemned: for I had denied the great God above. As for the hand kissing it is a kind of reverence which is yet observed in doing homages. Not being able to touch the Sun, they stretch forth their hands towards it, than kissed it: or they touched his Idol, and afterwards did kiss the hand that had touched it. And into this idolatry did the people of Israel sometime fall, as we see in Ezechiel. Ezech 8. ver. 16. Brasilians. In regard of the Brasilians, I find by the discourse of john De Leri (whom I had rather follow than a Spanish Author, in that which he hath seen) that not only they are like unto ours, without any form of religion or knowledge of God, but that they are so blind and hardened in their anthropophagy, that they seem to be in no wise capable of the Christian doctrine. Also they are visibly tormented and beaten by the devil (which they call Aignan) and with such rigour, that when they see him come, sometimes in the shape of a beast, sometimes of a bird, or in some strange form, they are as it were, in despair. Which is not with the other Savages, more hitherward, towards Newfoundland, at least with such rigour. For james Quartier reporteth that he caseth earth in their eyes, and they call him Cudoüagni: & there, where we were (where they call him Aoutem) I have sometimes heard that he had scratched Membertou, being then, as it were, a kind of soothsayer of the Country. When one tells the Brasilians that one must believe in God, they like that advice well enough, but by and by they forget their lesson and return again to their own vomit, which is a strange brutishness, not to be willing at the least to redeem themselves from the devils vexation, by religion Which maketh them unexcusable, seeing also they have some memory remaining in them of the general flood, and of the Gospel (if it be so that their report be true) for they make mention in their songs that the waters being once overflown, did cover all the earth, and all men were drowned, except their Grandfathers, who saved themselves upon the highest In the first book third Chapter. trees of their Country. And of this flood other Savages, mentioned by me else where, have also some tradition. As concerning the Gospel, the said de Leri saith, that having once found occasion to show unto them the beginning of the world, and how it is meet to believe in God, and their miserable condition, they gave ear unto him with great attention, being all amazed for that which they had heard: and that thereupon, an ancient man, taking upon him to speak, said, that in truth he had recited wonderful things unto them, which made him to call to mind, that which many times they had heard of their Grandfathers, that of a long time since a Mair (that is to say, a stranger, clothed and bearded like to the Frenchmen) had been there, thinking to bring them to the obedience of the God which he declared unto them, and had used the like exhortation unto them: but that they would not believe him. And therefore there came another thither, who, in sign of acurse, gave them their armours, wherewith since they have killed one another: and that there was no likelihood they should forsake that manner of life, because that all their neighbour Nations would mock them for it. But our Souriquois, Canadians and their neighbours are not so hardened in their wicked life, no neither the Virginians nor Floridians', but will receive the Christian doctrine very easily, when it shall please God to stir up them that be able to succour them, neither are they visibly tormented, beaten and torn by the Devil, as this barbarous people of Brasil, which is a strange malediction, more particular unto them, than to other Nations of those parts. Which maketh me believe that the voice of the Apostles may have reached so far, according to the saying of the said old ancient man, to which having stopped their ears, they bear a particular punishment for it, not common to others, which peradventure have never heard the word of God, since the universal flood, whereof all those Nations, in more than three thousand leagues of ground have an obscure knowledge, which hath been given them by tradition from father to son. CHAP. VI Of the Soothsaiers and Masters of the Ceremonies among the Indians. I Will not call (as some have done) by the name of Priests, them that make the ceremonies and invocations of devils among the West Indies, but in as much as they have the use of sacrifices and gifts that they offer to their Gods, Hebr. 8. vers. 3. for as much as (as the Apostle saith) every Priest or Bishop is ordained to offer gifts and sacrifices: such as were them of Mexico, the greatest whereof was called Papas, who offered incense to their Idols, the chief of them was that of the god whom they did name Vitzilipuztli, although nevertheless, the general name of him, whom they held for supreme Lord and author of all things, was Viracocha, to whom they attributed excellent qualities, calling him Pachacamac, which is, Creator of Heaven and Earth: and Vsapu, which is, admirable, and other such like names. They had also sacrifices of men, as them of Perou have yet, which they sacrificed in great number, as joseph Acosta joan. Acosta, lib. 5. ch. 20. 21. discourseth thereof at large. Those may be called Priests or Sacrificers: But in regard of them of Virginia and Florida, I do not see any sacrifices they make, and therefore I will qualify them with the name of Wizards, or Masters of the Ceremonies of their religion, which in Florida I find to be called jarvars, and joanas: in Virginia, Vuiroances: in Brasill Caribes: and among ours (I mean the Soriquois) Aütmoins. Laudonniere, speaking of Florida: They have (saith he) their Priests, unto whom they give great credit, because they be great Magicians, great soothsayers and callers on devils. These Priests do serve them for Physicians and Chirurgeons, and carry always with them a bag full of herbs and drugs to physic them that be sick, which be, the most part, of the great pocks: for they love women and maidens very much, whom they call the daughters of the Sun. If there be any thing to be treated, the King calleth the jarvars, and the ancientest men, and demandeth their advice. See moreover what I have written heretofore in the sixth Chapter of the first Virginia. book. As for them of Virginia, they are no less subtle than them of Florida, and do procure credit to themselves, making them to be respected, by tricks or show of religion, like to them that we have spoken of in the last chapter, Atosta 6. book ch. 19 speaking of some dead men risen up again. It is by such means, and under pretect of religion that the Inguas made themselves heretofore the greatest Princes of America. And them of these parts that would deceive and blind the people have likewise used of that subtlety, as Numa Pompilius, Lisander, Sertorius, and other more recent, doing (as saith Plutarch) as the players of tragedies, who desirous to show forth things, overreaching the human strength, have refuge to the superior power of the Gods. The Aoutmoins of the last land of the Indies which is the nearest unto us, are not so blockish but that they can make the common people to attribute some credit unto them. For by their impostures they live and make themselves esteemed to be necessary, playing the part of Physicians and chirurgeons as well as the Floridians. Let the great The Physicians and chirurgeons of the Savages. Sagamoes Membertou be an example thereof. If any body be sick, he is sent for, he maketh invocations on his devil, he bloweth upon the part grieved, he maketh incisions, sucketh the bad blood from it: if it be a wound he healeth it by the same means, applying a round slice of the Beavers stones. Finally, some present is made unto him, either of venison or skins. If it be question to have news of things absent, having first questioned with his spirit, he rendereth his oracles commonly doubtful, very often false, but sometimes true: as when he was asked whether Panoniac were dead, he said, that unless he did return within fifteen days, they should not expect him any more, and that he was killed by the Armouchiquois. And for to have this answer he must be presented with some gift. For there is a trivial proverb among the greeks, which beareth, That without money Phoebus' Oracles are dumb. The same Membertou rendered a true Oracle of our coming to Monsieur du Pont, when that he parted from Port Royal, sor to return into France, seeing the 15. day of july passed without having any news. For he did maintain still, and did affirm that there should come a ship, and that his devil had told it him. Item when the Savages be a hungered they consult with Membertous Oracle, and he saith unto them, Go ye to such a place & you shall find game. It happeneth sometimes that they find some, and sometimes none. If it chance that none be found, the excuse is, that the beast is wandering and hath changed place: but so it comes to pass, that very often they find some: And this is it which makes them believe that this devil is a god, and they know none other, to whom notwithstanding they yield not any service nor adoration in any form of religion. How the Aoutmoins invocate the Devil. When that these Aoutmoins make their mows and moppes, they fix a staff in a pit, to which they tie a cord, and putting their head into this pit, they make invocations or conjurations in a language unknown to the others that are about, and this with beat and howl, until they sweat with very pain: yet I have not heard that they some at the mouth as the Turks do. When this devil is come, this master Aoutmoin makes them believe that he holdeth him tied by his cord, and holdeth fast against him, forcing him to give him an answer before he let him go. By this is known the subtlety of this enemy of nature, who beguileth thus these miserable creatures, and his pride withal, in willing that they which do call upon him, yield unto him more submission than ever the holy patriarchs and Prophets have done to God, who have only prayed with their faces towards the ground. A song to the praise of the Devil. That done he beginneth to sing some thing (as I think) to the praise of the devil, who hath discovered some game unto them: and the other Savages that are there do answer, making some concordance of music among them. Then they dance after their manner, as we will hereafter say, with songs which I understand not, neither those of ours that understood their speech best. But one day going to walk in our Meadows along the river, I drew near to Membertous cabin, and did write in my table book part of that which I understood, which is written there yet in these terms; haloet ho ho he he ha ha haloet ho ho he, which they did repeat divers times. The tune is in my said table book in these notes: re fa sol sol re sol sol fa fa re re sol sol fa fa. One song being ended, they all made a great exclamation, saying E! Then began again another song, saying: Egrigna hau egrigna he he hu hu ho ho egrigna hau hau hau. The tune of this was, fa fa fa sol sol fa fa re re sol sol fa fa re fa fa sol sol fa. Having made the usual exclamation they began yet another song which was: Tameia alleluia tameia dou veni hau hau he he. The tune whereof was: sol solsolfafarererefafasolfasolfafarere. I attentively hearkened upon this word alleluia repeated sundry times, and could never hear any other thing. Which maketh me think that these songs are to the praises of the devil, if notwithstanding this word signify with them that which it signifieth in Hebrew, which is, Praise ye the Lord. All the other Nations of those Countries do the like: but no body hath particularily described their songs, saving john de Leri, who saith that the Brasilians do make as good agreements, in their Sabbaths. And being one day at their solemnity he doth report that they said, Hè hè hè hè hè hè hè hè hè hè; with this note: fa fa sol fa fa sol sol sol sol sol. And that done they cried out and howled after a fearful manner the space of a quarter of an hour, and the women did skip violently in the air until they foamed at the mouth: then began again their music, saying: Heu heür aüre heür a heür aüre heüra heura ovech: the note is, fa mi re sol solsolfa mire mire mi ut re. This author saith that in this song, they bewailed their deceased fathers, which were so valiant, and nevertheless they comforted themselves for that after their death, they were assured to go to them behind the high Mountains, where they should dance and be merry with them. Likewise that they had, with all vehemency, threatened the Ouetacas their enemies to be in very short time taken and eaten by them, according as the caribs had promised them: and that they had also made mention of the flood spoken of in the former chapter. I leave unto them that do write of Demonomanie to philosophize upon that matter. But moreover, I must say that whilst our Savages do sing in that manner before said, there be some others which do nothing else but say He or Het (like to a man that cleaveth wood) with a certain motion The dances of the Savages. of the arms: and dance in round, not holding one another, nor moving out of one place, striking with their feet against the ground, which is the form of their dances, like unto those which the said De Leri reporteth of them of Brasill, which are above 1500. leagues from that place. After which things our Savages make a fire and leap over Leuit. 20. ve 2. 3. Deuter. 12. vers. 31. and 18. vers. 10. and 4. of Kin. 17. ves. 17. 31. Psal. 106. it, as the ancient Canaanites, Ammonites, and sometimes the Israelites did: but they are not so detestable, for they do not sacrifice their Children to the devil, thorough the fire. Besides all this, they put half a pole out of the top of the Cabin where they are, at the end whereof there is some Matachias, or some thing else tied, which the devil carrieth away. Thus have I heard the discourse of their manner of doing in this matter. S. john's bonfire. There may be here considered a bad use to leap over the fire, and to make the children to pass thorough the flame in the fire made upon S. john Baptists day; which Theod. upon the 16. chap. of the forth book of Kings. custom endureth yet to this day among us, and aught to be reform. For the same cometh from the ancient abominations that God hath so much hated, whereof Theodoret speaketh in this wise: I have seen (saith he) in some towns piles of wood kindled once a year, and not only children to leap over them, but also men, and the mother's bearing their children over the flame, which did seem unto them to be as an expiation and purification. And this in my judgement was the sin of Achaz. These fashions have been forbiddeen by an ancient Can. 65. Synod. 6. in Trullo. Council holden at Constantinople. Whereupon Balsamon doth note that the 23. day of june (which is Saint john Baptist eve) men and women did assemble themselves at the Sea shore and in houses, and the eldest daughter was dressed like a bride, and after they had made good cheer and well drunk, dances were made, with exclamations and fires all the night, prognosticating of good and bad luck. These fires have been continued among us, upon a better subject. But the abuse must be taken away. The devil will be served as God. Now as the devil hath always been willing to play the ape, and to have a service like to that which is given to God, so would he that his officers should have the mark of their trade, to the end to deceive the simple people the better. And indeed Membertou, of whom we have spoken, as a learned Aoutmoin, carrieth hanged at his neck the mark of this profession, which is a purse trianglewise, covered with their imbrodery work, that is to say with Matachiaz, within which there is I know not what as big as a small nut, which he saith to be his devil called Aoutem, which they of Canada do name Cudovagni, as saith james Quartier. I will not mingle sacred things with profane, but according as I have said that the devil playeth the ape, this maketh me to remember of the Rational or Pectoral of judgement, which the high Priest did carry before him in the ancient law, on the which Moses had put urim and Thummim. Now Rabbi David saith that it is not known what these urim and Thummim were, and it seemeth that they were stones. Rabbi Selomoh saith that it was the name of God jehovah, an in effable name, which he did put within the folds of the Pectoral, whereby he made his word to shine. josephus doth think that they were Twelve precious stones. S. Jerome doth interpret these two words to signify Doctrine and Truth. And as the Priestly office was successive, not only in the house of Aron, but also in the family of the great Priest of Memphis, whose office was assigned to his eldest son after him, as Thyamis saith in the Ethiopian History of Heliodorus: Even so among these people this office is successive; and by tradition they do teach the secret thereof to their eldest sons. For Membertous eldest son (who was named judas, in jest, for which he was angry, understanding it was a bad name) told us, that after his father, he should be Aoutmoin in that precinct: which is a small matter: for every Sagamoes hath his Aoutmoin, if himself be not so, but yet they covet the same, for the profit that cometh thereof. The Brasilians have their caribs, who travel thorough the villages, making the people believe that they have communication with spirits, through whose means they can, not only give them victory against their enemies, but also, that of them depends the fertility or sterility of the ground. They have commonly a certain kind of bells or rattles in their hands, which they call Maraca, made with the fruit of a tree, as big as an Ostriches egg, which they make hollow, as they do here the bottles of the Pilgrims that go to Saint james: And having filled Those bottles, or ratties are made of Pompions. them with small stones, they make a noise with them, in their solemnities, like the bladders of hogs: and going from town to town they beguile the world, telling the people that their devil is within the same. These Maracas or Rattles well decked with fair feathers, they stick in the ground the n1 that is thorough it, and do place them all along and in the midst of the houses, commanding that meat and drink be given to them. In such wise that these The imposture of the caribs. cogging mates, making the other poor idiots to believe (as the Sacrificers of the idol Bel did heretofore, of whom mention is made in the History of Daniel) that those fruits do eat and drink in the night: every householder giving credit thereto, doth not fail to set near these Maracas, meal, flesh, fish, and drink, which service they continue by the space of fifteen days or three weeks: and during that time they are so foolish as to persuade themselves that in sounding with these Maracas, some spirit speaketh unto them, and attribute divinity unto them. In such sort that they would esteem it a great misdeed to take away the meat that is presented before those fair bells, with which meats those reverend caribs do merely fatten themselves. And so under false pretexts, is the world deceived. CHAP. 7. Of their Language. THe effects of the confusion of Babel are come in as far as to those people whereof we speak, as well as in the hither world. For I see that the Patagons' do speak another language than them of Brasil, and they otherwise than the Peroüans, and the Peroüans are distinct Sundry languages. from the Maxicans: the Isles likewise have their peculiar speech: they speak not in Florida as they do in Virginia: Our Souriquois and Etechemins understand not the Armouchiquois: nor these the Iroquois: briefly, every Nation is divided by the language: yea in one and the self same Province there is difference in language, even as in Gallia the Fleming, they of Basse Bretaigne, the Gascon and the Basque do not agree. For the Author of the History of Virgnia saith, that there every Wiroans, or Lord, hath his peculiar speech. Let this be for example, that the chief man or Captain of some precinct (whom our Historians james Quartier and Laudonniere, do call by the name of King) is called in Canada, Agohanna; among the Souriquois, Sagamoes; in Virginia, Wiroans; in Florida, Paracussi; In the Isles of Cuba, Cacique: the Kings of Perou, Inguas, and so forth. I have left the Armouchiquois and others, which I know not. As for the Brasilians they have no Kings, but the old ancient men, whom they call Peoreroupichech, because of the experience they have of things past, are they which do govern, exhort and dispose of all things. The very tongues are changed, as we see, that with us we have not the language of the ancient Gaullois, nor that which was in Charolus Magnus' time (at least it doth differ very much) the Italians do speak no more Latin, nor the Grecians the ancient Greek, specially in the sea coasts, nor the jews the ancient Hebrew. In like manner james Quartier hath left unto us a kind of Dictionary of the language of Canada, wherein our Frenchmen that haunt there, in these days, understand nothing: and therefore I would not insert it here: only I have there found Caraconi which signifieth bread, and now they say Caracona, which I esteem to be a word of Basque. For the satisfaction of some I will set here some numbers of the ancient and new language of Canada. The old. The new. 1 Segada. 1 Begou. 2 Tigeni. 2 Nichou. 3 Ash. 3 Nichtoa. 4 Homacon. 4 Rau. 5 Oniscon. 5 Apateta. 6 Indaic. 6 Coutovachin. 7 Ayaga. 7 Neovachin. 8 Addegue. 8 Nestovachin. 9 Madellon. 9 Pescoüadet. 10 Assem. 10 Metrens. The Souriquois do say. The Etechemins. 1 Negous. 1 Bechkon. 2 Tabo. 2 Nich. 3 Chicht. 3 Nach. 4 Neou. 4 jau. 5 Nan. 5 Prenchk. 6 Kamachin. 6 Chachit. 7 Eroeguenik. 7 Coutachit. 8 Meguemorchin. 8 Eroviguen. 9 Echkonadek. 9 Pechcoquem. 10 Metrens. 10 Peiock. Conformity of languages. For the conformity of languages, there are sometimes found words in these parts, which do signify some thing there, as john de Leri saith, that Leri signifieth an Oyster in Brasil: but very few words are found which come in one and the self-same signification. In Maffeus his Orient all Sagamoes doth also signify a King in the East Indies. History I have read Sagamoes in the same signification as our Souriquois do take it, to wit, a King, a Duke, a Captain. And they that have been in Guinèe say, that this word Babougic signifieth there a little child, or a fawn of a beast, in that sense as the said Souriquois take that word, as this French word Moustache, which cometh of Mistax, and that which we say in French boire a tire-larigot, which I construe in English to drink till ones eyes be out, cometh of Larygx Lariggos etc. And the Greek words Paradeisos, Bosphoros, come from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The cause of the change of languages. But concerning the cause of the change of the language in Canada, whereof we have spoken, I think that it hath happened by a destruction of people. For it is some eight years▪, since the Iroquois did assemble themselves to the number of 8000. men, and discomfited all their enemies, whom they surprised in their enclosures. To this I add the traffic which they make from time to time for their skins, since the French men came to fetch them: for in the time of james Quartier Bevers were not cared for. The hats that be made of it are in use but since that time: not that the invention thereof is new: for in the ancient orders Bever-hats. of the Hat-makers of Paris, it is said that they shall make hats of fine Bevers (which is the Castor) but whether it be for the dearness, or otherwise, the use thereof hath been long since left off. Of the pronunciation. As for the pronunciation, our Souriquois have the Greek (ȣ) which we call (v), and their words do commonly end in (a) as Souriquois, Souriquoa: Captain, Capitaina: Normand, Normandia: Basque, Basquoa: une Martre (a Marten) Martra: a banquet, Tabaguia: etc. But there are certain letters which they cannot well pronounce, that is to say, an (v) consonant, and (f) in stead whereof they put (b) and (p) as for feure (which is a smith) they will say (pebre.) And for (Sauvago, which signifieth Savage) they say Chabaia, and so call they themselves, not knowing in what sense we take that word. And yet they pronounce the rest of the French tongue better than our Gascons, who, besides the turning of (v) into (b) and of the (b) into (v,) were yet discerned in the last troubles and badly handled in Provence, by the pronouncing of In the book of judges ch. 12. vers. 6. the word (Cabre, in stead whereof they did say (Crabe,) as aforetime the Ephraiimtes having lost the battle against the Galaadites, thinking to scape away, were well known in passing the river jordan, in pronouncing the word Shibboleth, which signifieth an ear of Corn, in stead whereof they did say shibboleth, which signifieth the ford of a river, ask if they might well pass. The greeks had also a sundry pronunciation of the self-same word, because they had four distinct tongues, varying from the common speech. And in Plautus we read that the Peaenestins not far distant from Rome did pronounce Konia, in stead of Ciconia. Yea even at this day the good wives of Paris do yet say, mon Courin, for mon Cousin, which is my Cousin: and mon Mazi, for mon Mari, which signifieth husband. The Savages have a particular tongue. Now to return to our Savages: although that by reason of traffic many of our Frenchmen do understand them, notwithstanding they have a particular tongue, which is only known to them: which maketh me to doubt of that which I have said, that the language which was in Canada in the time of james Quartier is no more in use. For to accommodate themselves with us, they speak unto us in the language which is to us more familiar, wherein is much Basque mingled with it: not that they care greatly to speak our languages: for there be some of them which do sometimes say, that they come not to seek after us: but by long frequentation they cannot but retain some word or other. Their manner of numbering. I will farther say, that concerning the numbers (seeing we have spoken of it) they do not reckon distinctly as we do, the days, the weeks, the months, the years; but do declare the years by number of sums, as for 100 years, they will say Cachmetren achtek, that is to say 100 Sons, bitumetrenaguè achtek 1000 Sons, that is to say 1000 years: metren knichkaminau, ten Months, tabo metrens guenak 20. days. And for to show an innumerable thing, as the people of Paris, they will take their hairs or hands full of sand: And after that manner doth the holy Scripture like wise use sometimes to number, comparing (Hiperbolicalie) armies to the sand that is on the Sea shore. They also signify the seasons by their effects, as for to make a man to understand that the Sagamoes Poutrincourt will come at the spring time, they will say, nibir betour, Sagmo (for Sagamoes, a word shortened) Poutrincourt betour kedretch; that is to say, the leaf being come, then will the Sagamoes Poutrincourt come certainly. Therefore as they have no distinction neither of days nor of years, so be not they persecuted, by the ungodliness of their Creditors, as in these parts: neither do their Aoutmoins shorten, nor lengthen, the years for to gratify the Brokers and Bankers, as did, in ancient time, the Idolatrous Priests of Rome, to whom was attributed the government and disposing of Solin▪ Politi. List. cap. 5. times, ofseasons and of years, as Solin writeth. CHAP. VIII. Of the use of letters. Of letters. IT is well known that these Western Nations have no use of letters, and it is that, which all them that have written of them do say they have most admired, to see that by a piece of paper I give knowledge of my will from one end of the world to the other▪ and they thought that there should be enchantment in this paper. But that is not so much to be wondered at, if we consider that in the time of the Roman Emperors, many Nations of these parts knew not the secrets of letters, amongst whom Tacitus Dutch men. putteth the Germans (who at this day do swarm with men of learning) and he addeth a notable sentence, that good manners are in more credit there, then good laws elsewhere. Gaullois. As for our Gaullois, it was not so with them. For even from the old time of the golden age they had the use of letters, yea (by the leave of those godly doctors who do call them Barbarous) before the greeks and Latins. For Xenophon (who speaketh largely of them, and of their beginning in his Aequivoques) doth witness unto us, that the letters which Cadmus brought to the greeks were not so much like to the Phaenicien letters, as the Galatees were, that is the Gaullois. Wherein Caesar did Aequiuocate in saying that the Druids did use of Greek letters in private matters: for chose the greeks have used of the See hereafter the 17. Chapter. Gaullois letters. And Berose saith that the third King of the Gaullois, after the flood, named Sorron, did institute Universities in these parts: and Diodorus doth add that there was in the Gaulleses Philosophers and Divines called Saronides (much more ancient than the Druids) which were greatly reverenced, and unto whom all the people did obey. The same Authors do say, that Bardus, first King Diodor. lib. ●. Biblioth. of the Gaullois did invent both rhymes and music, brought in Poets and Rhethoricians, who were called Bards, whereof Caesar and Strabo make mention. But the same Diodore writeth, that Poets were among them in such reverence, that when two armies were ready to strike, having their swords drawn, and the javelins in hand to give the onset, those Poets coming, every one did surcease and put up their weapons: so much doth wrath give place to wisdom, yea among the wildest Barbarians, and so much doth Mars reverence the Muses, saith the Author, So I hope that our most Christian, most August, and most victorious king Henry the Fourth, after the thundering of besieging of towns and battles is ceased, reverencing The King's eldest Daughter is the University of Paris. Gesnerus in the treaties of Serpents. the Muses, and honouring them, as he hath already done, not only he will reduce his eldest daughter to her ancient glory, and give unto her being a royal daughter, the propriety of that Basilic, fastened to the temple of Apollo, who, by an hidden virtue, did hinder that the Spiders should weave their web along his walls: But will also establish his New France, and bring to the bosom of the Church so many poor souls which that country beareth, all starved for the want of the word of God, who are as a pray unto hell: And that for to do this he will This French zeal should stir up the English courage for Virginia. give means to conduct thither, Christian Sarronides and Bards, bearing the Flower-deluce in their hearts, who will instruct and bring to civility those barbarous people, and will bring them to his obedience. CHAP. IX. Of their clothing and wearing of their hairs. GOd in the beginning did create man naked, and innocent, made all the parts of his body to be of honest sight. But sin hath made the members of generation to become shameful unto us, and not unto beasts which have no sin. It is the cause why our first parents having known their nakedness, destitute of clothes, did Gens. 3. sow fig leaves together for to hide their shame therewith: But God made unto them coats of skins, and clothed them with it; and this before they went out of the garden of Eden. Clothing then is not only to defend us from cold, but also for decency, and to cover our shame. And nevertheless many nations have anciently lived, and at this day do live naked, without apprehension of this shame, decency, and honesty. And I marvel not of the Brasilien Savages that are such, as well men as women, nor of the ancient Picts (a nation of great Britain) who (Herodian saith) had not any use of clothes, in the time of Severus the Emperor: nor of a great number of other nations that have been and yet are naked: for one may say of them, that they be people fallen into a reprobate sense, and forsaken of God: But of Christians which are in Aethiopia under the great Negus, whom we call Prester-Ihon; Nakedness of the Aethiopians. which, by the report of the Portugeses that have written histories of them, have not their parts which we call privy members, any ways covered. But the Savages of New France and of Florida, have better learned and kept in mind the lesson of honesty, than those of Aethiopia. For they cover them with a skin tied to a latch or girdle of leather, which passing between their buttocks, joineth the other end of the said latch behind. And for the rest of their garments, they have a cloak on their backs, made with many skins, whether they be of Otters or of Beavers: and one only skin, whether it be of Ellan, or stags skin, Bear, or Luserne, which cloak is tied upward with a leather ribbon, and they thrust commonly one arm out, but being in their cabins, they put it off, unless it be cold: And I cannot better compare it than to pictures that are made of Hercules, who killed a lion and put the skin thereof on his back. Notwithstanding they have more civility, in that they cover their privy The Women. members. As for the women, they differ only in one thing, that is, they have a girdle over the skin they have on: and do resemble (without comparison) the pictures that be made of Saint john Baptist. But in Winter they make good Beaver sleeves, tied behind, which keep them very warm. And after this manner were the ancient Germans clothed, by the report of Caesar and Tacitus, having the most part of the body naked. As for the Armouchiquois and Floridians they have no furs, but only chamois: yea the said Armouchiquois have very often but a piece of mat upon their back, for fashion's sake, having nevertheless their privy members God's providence. covered. God having so wisely provided for man's infirmity, that in cold countries he hath given furs, and not in the hot, because that otherwise men would make no esteem of them. And so for that which concerneth the body. Let us come to the legs and feet, than we will end with the head. Of Hosing. Our Savages in the Winter, going to sea, or a hunting, do use great and high stockings, like to our bootehosens, which they tie to their girdles, and at the sides outward, there is a great number of points without tags. I do not see that they of Brasil or Florida, do use of them, but seeing they have leather, they may as well make of them, if they have need as the others. Besides these long stockings, shoeing. our Savages do use shoes, which they call Mekezin, which they fashion very properly, but they cannot dure long, specially when they go into watery places, because they be not curried, nor hardened, but only made after the manner of Buff, which is the hide of an Ellan. Howsoever it be, yet are they in better order than The Gottes clothing. were the ancient Gottes, which were not thoroughly hosed, but with buskins or half boots, which came somewhat higher than the ankle of the foot, where they made a knot, which they bound with horse hairs, having the calf of the leg, the knees and thighs naked. And for the rest of their garments they had leather coats pleated: as greasy as Lard, and the sleeves down to the beginning of the arm. And on those jerkins in stead of gold lace, they made red borders, as our Savages do. Behold the state of those that ransacked the Roman Empire, whom Sidonius Apollinaris Bishop of Awergne, Sidon. Carm. 7. & ep. 20. lib. 4. doth describe after this manner, going to the Council of Auitus the Emperor, for to treat of peace: — Squalent vestes, acsordidamacro Linteapinguescunt tergo, nec tangere possunt Altatae suram pelles, ac poplite nudo Peronem pauper nudis suspendit equinum, etc. The Savages head-attire. As for the head attire, none of the Savages have any, unless it be that some of the hither lands truck his skins with Frenchmen for Hats and Caps: but rather both men and women wear their hairs flittering over their shoulders, neither bound nor tied, except that the men do truss them upon the crown of the head, some four fingers length, with a leather lace: which they let hang down behind. But for the Armouchiquois & Floridians, as well men as women, they have their hairs much longer, and they hang them down lower than the girdle when they are untrussed: for to avoid then the hindrance that they might bring to them, they truss them up as our horse-keepers do a horses tail, and the men do stick in them some feather that like them, and the women a needle or bodkin with three points after the fashion of The Savage Women wear Bodkins. the french Ladies, who also wear their needles or bodkins that serve them partly for an ornament of the head. All the ancient had this custom to go bareheaded, and the use of hats is but lately come in. The fair Absalon was 2. Sam. 18. vers. 9 hanged by his hairs at an Oak, after he had lost the battle against his father's army, and they did never cover their heads in those days, but when they did mourn for some misfortune, as may be noted by the example of David, who having understood his sons conspiracy fled Ibid▪ 15. ver. 30. from jerusalem, and went up the Mountain of Olives Ester. 6. vers. 12. weeping and having his head covered, and all the people that was with him. The Persians did the like, as may be gathered by the History of Aman, who being commanded to honour him whom he would have to be hanged, to wit Mardochee, went home to his house weeping, and his head covered, which was a thing extraordinary. The Romans at their beginning did the like, as I gather by the words which did command the hangman to do his office, recited by Cicero and Titus Livius in these terms: Vade lictor, colliga manus, caput obnubito, arbori infelici suspendito. And if we will come to our Westerly and Northerly people, we shall find that the most part did were long hairs, like unto them that we call Savages. That cannot be denied of the Trans-Alpin Gaullois, who for that occasion gave the name to Gallia Comata; whereof Martial speaking saith; — Mollesque Flagellant Colla comae. Our French Kings have been surnamed hairy, because they did wear their hairs so long that they did beat down to the back and the shoulders, so that Gregory of Tours speaking of King Clovis hairs, he calleth it Capillorum Flagella. The Goths did the like, and left to hang over their shoulders great flocks of hairs curled, which the authors of that time do call granos, which fashion of Concil. Braccarens. 1. Can. 29. hairs was forbidden to Priests, also the secular apparel, in a Council of the Goths: and jornandes in the History of the Goths reciteth that King Atalaric would that the Priests should were the Thiare, or hat, making two sorts of people, some whom he called Pileatos, the others Capillatos, which these took for so great a favour to be called hairy, that they made mention of this benefit in their songs: and notwithstanding they braided not their hairs. But I find by the testimony of Tacitus that the Suevians a Nation of Germany did wreath, knit, and tie their hairs on the crown of their heads, even as we have said of the Souriquois and Armouchiquois. In one thing the Armouchiquois do differ from the Souriquois and other Savages of Newfoundland, which is, that they pull out their hairs before, which the others do not. Contrary to whom, Pliny reciteth Plin. 6 book chap. 13. that at the descent of the Ripheen Mountains anciently was the region of the Arimpheons, whom we now call Muscovites, who dwelled in forests, but they were all shaven as well men as women, and took it for a shameful thing to wear any hairs. So we see that one self same fashion of living is received in one place and rejected in another. Which is familiarily evident unto us in many other things in our regions of these parts, where we see manners and fashions of living, all contrary, yea sometimes under one and the same Prince. CHAP. X. Of the form, colour, stature, and activity of the Savages: and incidently of the flies in those Western parts: and why the Americans be not black, etc. AMongst all the forms of living and bodily creatures, that of man is the fairest and the most perfect. Which was very decent, both to the creature and to the Creator, seeing that man is placed in this world to command all that is here beneath. But although that Nature endeavoureth herself always to do good, notwithstanding she is sometimes short and forced in her actions, and thereof it cometh that we have monsters and ugly things, contrary to the ordinary rule of others. Yea even sometimes after that nature hath done her office, we help by our arts to render that which she hath made, ridiculous and misshapen: As for example, the Brasilians are borne as fair as the common sort of men, but coming out of the womb, they are made deformed in squizing of their nose, which is the chiefest part wherein consisteth the beauty of man. True it is that as in certain Countries The Brasilians be short nosed. they praise the long noses, in others the hawk noses, so among the Brasilians it is a fair thing to be flat nosed, as also among the moors of Africa, which we see to be all of the same sort. And with these large nostrils, the Brasilians are accustomed to make themselves yet more deformed by Art, making great holes in their cheeks, and under the lower lip, for to put therein green stones and of other colours, of the bigness of a tester: so that those stones being taken away, it is a hideous thing to see those people. But in Florida, and every where, on this side the Tropic of Cancer, our Savages be generally goodly men, as they be in Europe: if there be any short nosed one it is a rare thing. They be of a good stature, and I have seen no dwarfs there, nor any that drew near to it. Notwithstanding (as I have said elsewhere) in the Mountains of the Iroquois, which are beyond the great fall of the great river of Canada, there is a certain Nation of Savages, little men, valiant and feared every where, which are more often assailers than defenders. But although that where we dwelled the men be of a good height, nevertheless I have seen none so tall as Monsieur De Poutrincourt, whose tallness becometh him very well. I will not speak here of the Patagons', a people which is beyond the river of Plate, whom Pighafetta in his voyage about the world, saith to be of such an height, that the talest among us could scarce reach to their girdle. The same is out of the limits of our New France. But I will willingly come to the other circumstances of body of our Savages, seeing the subject calleth us thereunto. They are all of an Olive colour, or rather tawny colour, like to the Spaniards, not that they be so borne, but being the most part of the time naked, they grease their bodies, The colour of the Savages. The importunity of flies. and do anoint them sometimes with oil, for to defend them from the flies, which are very troublesome, not only, where we were, but also thorough all that new world and even in Brasil, so that it is no wonder if Belzebub prince of flies hath there a great Empire. These flies are The description of the flies of New France. of a colour drawing towards red, as of corrupted blood, which maketh me to believe that their generation cometh but from the rottenness of woods. And indeed we have tried that the second year, being in a place somewhat more open, we have had fewer of them than at the first. They cannot endure great heat, nor wind: but otherwise (as in close dark weather) they are very noisome, by reason of their stings, which they have, long for so small a body: & they be so tender that if one touch them never so little they are squeezed. They begin to come about the 15. When the flies come in and when they go out. of june, and do retire themselves in the beginning of September. Being in the Port De Campseau in the month of August I have not seen nor felt any one; whereof I did wonder, seeing that the nature of the soil and of the woods is all one. In September, after that this vermin is gone away, there grow other flies like unto ours, but they are not troublesome, and become very big. Now our Savages The Savages remodies against the flies. to save themselves from the stinging of these creatures, rub themselves with certain greases and oils, as I have said, which make them foul and of a tawnish colour. Besides that always they lie on the ground, or be exposed to the heat and the wind. But there is cause of wondering, wherefore the Brasilians, and other inhabitants of America between the two Tropikes, are not borne black as they of Africa, seeing that it seemeth it is the self-same case, being under one and the self-same parallel and like elevation of the Sun. If the Poet's fables were sufficient reasons for to take away this scruple, one might say that Phaeton having done the foolish deed in conducting the Chariot of the Sun, only Africa was burned, and the horses set again in their right course, before they came to the New world. But I had rather From whence cometh the burning of Africa. say, that the heat of Lybia, being the cause of this blackness of men, is engendered from the great lands over which the Sun passeth before it come thither, from whence the heat is still carried more abundantly by the swift motion of this great Heavenly torch. Whereunto the great sands of that Province do also help, which are very capable of those heats, specially not being watered From whence proceedeth the cooling of America. with store of rivers, as America is, which aboundeth in rivers and brooks as much as any Province in the World: which do give perpetual refreshing unto it, and makes the region much more temperate: the ground being also there more fat, and retaining better the dews of Heaven, which are there abundantly, and rains also, for the reasons abvesaid. For the Sun finding in the meeting of these lands those great moistnesses, he doth not fail to draw a good quantity of them, and that so much the more plentifully, that his force is there great and marvelous: which makes there continual rains, especially to them that have him for their zenith. I add one great reason, that the Sun leaving the lands of Africa, giveth his beams upon a moist element by so long a course, that he hath good means to suck up vapours, and to draw together with him great quantity thereof into those parts: which maketh that the cause is much differing of the colour of these two people, and of the temperature of their lands. Black hairs. Let us come to other circumstances, and seeing that we are about colours, I will say, that all they which I have seen have black hairs, some excepted which have abram colour hairs: but of flaxen colour I have seen none, and less of red: and one must not think that they which are more Southerly be otherwise: for the Floridians and Brasilians are yet blacker than the Savages of New found land. The beard of the chin (which our Savages call migidoni) is with them as black as their hairs. They all take away the producing cause thereof, except the Sagamoes, who for the most part have but a little. Membertou hath more than all the others, and notwithstanding it is not thick, as it is commonly with Frenchmen. If these people wear no beards on their chin (at the least the most part) there is no cause of marveling. For the ancient Romans themselves, esteeming that that was a hindrance unto them, did wear none, until the time of Adrian the Emperor, who first began to wear a beard. Which they took for such an honour, that a man accused of any crime, had not that privilege to shave his hairs, as may be gathered by the testimony of Aulus Gellius, speaking A. Gel. li. 3 c. 4. of Scipio, the son of Paul. As for the inferior parts, our Savages do not hinder the growing or increasing of hairs there. It is said that the women have some there also. And according as they be curious, some of our men have made them believe, that the French women have beards on their chins, and have left them in that good opinion, so that they were very desirious to see some of them, & their manner of clothing. By these particularities one may understand, that all these people have generally lesser hairs than we: for along the body they have none at all: so far is it then that they be hairy as some think. This belongeth to the inhabitants of the Isle's Gorgades, from whence Hanno the Carthaginien captain brought two women's skins, which he did set up in the temple of juno for great singularity: But here is to be noted what we have said, that our savage people have almost all their hairs black: for the Frenchmen in one and the self-same degree are not commonly so. The ancient authors The corporal qualities of the ancient Gaullois. Polybius, Caesar, Strabo, Diadore the Cicilian, and particularly Ammian Marcellin, do say, that the ancient Gaullois had almost all their hairs as yellow as gold, were of high stature, and fearful for their ghastly looks: besides quarrelsome and ready to strike: a fearful voice, never speaking but in threatening. At this time those qualities are well changed. For there are not now so many yellow hairs: nor so many men of high stature, but that other nations have as tall: As for the fearful looks, the delicacies of this time have moderated that: and as for the threatening voice, I have scarce seen in all the Gauls but the Gascons, and them of Languedoc, which have their manner of speech some what rude, which they retain of the Goatish and of the Spaniard, by their neighbourhood. But as for the hairs it is very far from being so commonly black. The same author Ammian saith also, that the women of the Gauls (whom he noted to be good shrews, and to be too hard for their husbands, when they are in choler) have blue eyes: and consequently the men: and notwithstanding in that respect we are much mingled: which maketh that one knoweth not what The beauty of the eyes. rareness to choose for the beauty of eyes. For many do love the blue eyes, and others love them green: which were also in ancient time most praised. For among the Sonnets of Monsieur de Couci, (who was in old time so great a clerk in love matters, that songs were made of it) green eyes are praised. The Germans have kept better than we the qualities which Tacitus giveth them, likewise that which Ammian reciteth of the Gaullois: In so great a number of men (saith Tacitus) there is but one fashion of garments: They have blue eyes and fearful, their hairs shining as gold, and are very corpulent. Pliny giveth the same bodily qualities to the people of the Taprobane, saying that they have red hairs, their eyes blue, and the voice horrible and fearful. Wherein I know not if I ought to believe him, considering the climate, which is in the 8, 9 and 10. degrees only, and that in the kingdom of Calecute, farther off than the equinoctial line, the men are black. But as for our Savages, concerning their eyes, they have them neither blue nor green, but black for the most part, like to their hairs: and nevertheless their eyes are not small, as they of the ancient Scythians, but of a decent greatness. And I may say assuredly and truly, that I have seen there as fair boys and girls, as any can be in France. For as for the mouth, they have no big moorish lips, as in Africa, and also in Spain; they are well limmed, well boned, and well bodied, competently strong: and nevertheless we had many in our company who might have wrestled well enough with the strongest of them: but being hardened, there would be made of them very good men for the war, which is that wherein they most delight. Moreover, Monstrous bodies. Plin. 6. book, cap. 31. among them there is none of those prodigious men whereof Pliny maketh mention, which have no noses in their faces, or no lips, or no tongue: Item, which are without mouth, & without nose, having but two small holes, whereof one of them serveth for to breath, the other serveth in stead of a mouth: Item, which have dogs heads, and a dog for king: Item, which have their heads on the breast, or one only eye in the midst of the forehead, or a flat broad foot to cover their heads when it raineth, and such like monsters. There is none also of them which our Savage Agohanna told captain james Quartier that he In this author his second book, chap. 25. had seen in Saguenay, whereof we have spoken heretofore. If there be any blind with one eye, or lame (as it happeneth sometimes) it is a casual thing, and cometh of hunting. Being well composed, they cannot choose but be nimble and swift in running. We have spoken heretofore of the nimbleness of the Brasilians, Margaias and Ouetacas: Nimbleness of body, lib. 1. cap. 25. but all nations have not those bodily dispositions. They which live in mountains have more dexterity than they of the valleys, because they breathe a purer and clearer air, and that their food is better. In the valleys the air is grosser, and the lands fatter, and consequently unholesommer. The nations that be between the Tropikes, have also more agility than the others, participating more with the fiery nature than they that are farther off. This is the cause why Pliny speaking of the Gorgones and Iles Gorgonides (which Gorgones. are those of Cap Verd) saith, that the men are there so light of foot, that scarce one may follow them by the eyesight, in such manner, that Hanno the Carthaginian could not catch any one of them. He maketh the like relation of the Troglodytes, a nation of Guinee, whom he saith are called Therothoens, because they are as swift in hunting upon the land, as the Ichthyophages are prompt in swimming in the sea, who almost are as seldom weary therein as a fish. And Maffeus in his Histories of the Indies reporteth, that the Naires (so the nobles and warriors are called) of the kingdom of Malabaris, are so nimble and so swift, as it is almost incredible, and do handle so well their bodies at will, that they seem to have no bones, in such sort, that it is hard to come to skirmish against such men, forasmuch as with this agility, they advance and recoil as they list. But for to make themselves such, they help nature, and their sinews are stretched out even Sesame a kind of corn, Plini. li. 18. ca 10. from seven years of age, which afterward are anointed and rubbed with oil of Sesamum. That which I say, is known even in beasts: for a Spanish Jennet or a Barb is more lively and light in running, than a Roossin or german curtal; an Italian horse more than a French horse. Now although that which I have said be true, yet for all that there be nations out of the Tropikes, who by exercise Hazael. 2. Samuel 2. and Art come to such agility. For the holy Scripture maketh mention of one Hazael an Israelite, of whom it witnesseth, that he was as light of foot as a Roe buck of the fields. And for to come to the people of the North, the Heruli are renowned for being swift in running, by this verse of Sidonius: Cursu Herulus, iaculis Hunnus, Francusque natatu. And by this swiftness the Germans sometimes troubled very much julius Caesar. So our Armouchiquois are as swift as grey hounds, as we have said heretofore, and the other Savages are little inferior unto them, and yet they do not force nature, neither do they use any Art to run well. But as the ancient Gaulois, being addicted to hunting (for it is their life) and to war, their bodies are nimble, and so little charged with fat, that it doth not hinder them from running at their will. Their dexterity in swimming. Now the Savages dexterity is not known only by running, but also in swimming; which they all can do: but it seems, that some more than others. As for the Brasilians they are so natural in that trade, that they would swim eight days in the sea, if hunger did not press them, and they fear more that some fish should devour them, than to perish through weariness. The like is in Florida, where the men will follow a fish in the sea, and will take it unless it be too big. joseph Acosta saith so much of them of Peru. And as for that which concerneth breathing, they have a certain Art to sup up the water, and to cast it out again, by which means they will remain easily in it a long time. The women likewise have a marvelous disposition to that exercise: for the History of Florida maketh mention that they can pass great rivers in swimming, holding their children with one arm: and they climb very nimbly up the highest trees of the country. I will affirm nothing of the Armouchiquois, nor of our Savages, because I took no heed to it: but it is very certain that all can swim very cunningly. For the other parts of their bodies they have them very perfect, as likewise the natural senses. For Membertou (who is above an hundred years old) did see sooner a shaloupe or a Canow of the Savages, to come afar off unto Port Royal, than any of us: and it is said of the Brasilians and other Savages of Peru hidden in the mountains, that they have the smelling so good, that in smelling of the hand, they know if a man be a Spaniard or a French man: And if he be a Spaniard, they kill him without remission, so much do they hate him for the harms that they have received of them. Which the abovesaid Acosta doth confess when he speaketh of leaving the Indians Acosta. lib. 6. cap. 1. to live according to their ancient policy, reproving the Spaniards in that. And therefore (saith he) this is a thing prejudicial unto us, because that they take occasion to abhor us (note that he speaketh of them who do obey them) as men who in all things, whether it be in good, whether it be in evil, have always been, and still are, contrary unto them. CHAP. XI. Of the Paintings, Marks, Incisions, and Ornaments of their body. IT is no marvel if the Ladies of our time do paint themselves: for of a long time and in many places that trade hath had beginning. But it is reproved in the holy books, and made a reproach by the voices of the Prophets, as when jeremy threateneth the City of jerusalem: jerem. 4. vers. 30. When thou shalt be destroyed (saith he) what will't thou do? though thou clothest thyself with scarlet, though thou deckest thyself with Ornaments of gold, though thou paintest thy face with colours, yet shalt thou trim thyself in vain: for thy lovers will abhor thee, and seek thy life. The Prophet Ezech. 23. vers. 40. Ezechiel maketh the like reproach to the Cities of jerusalem and Samaria, which he compareth to two lewd harlots, who having sent to seek out men coming from far, and being come, they have washed themselves, and painted their faces, and have put on their fair ornaments. The 4. Kings. 9 vers. 30. Plin. lib. 33. cap. 7. Queen jesabel doing the same, was for all that cast down out of a window, and bore the punishment of her wicked life. The Romans did anciently paint their bodies with vermilion (as Pliny saith) when they entered in triumph into Rome, and he addeth, that the Princes & great Lords of Ethiopia made great account of that colour, wherewith they wholly painted themselves red: also both the one and the other did serve themselves therewith to make their god fairer: And that the first expense which was allowed of by the Censors and Masters of Accounts in Rome was of the moneys bestowed for to colour with vermilion the face of jupiter. The same author reciteth in another place, Plin. lib. 6. cap. 30. that the Anderes, Mathites, Mosagebes and Hipporeens, people of Libya, did plaster all their bodies over with red chalk. Briefly, this fashion did pass as far as to the North. And thereof is come the name that was given to the Picts, an ancient people of Scythia, neighbours to the Goths, who in the year 87. after the Nativity of our Lord jesus Christ, under the Empire of Domitian made courses and spoils thorough the Isles which lie North ward, where having found men who made them resistance, they returned back without doing any thing, and lived yet naked in their cold Country until the year of our Lord 370. At which time under the Empire of Valentinian being joined Ammian lib. 26. & 27. with the Saxons and Scots they tormented very much them of Great Britan, as Ammian Marcellin reciteth: and being resolved to remain there (as they did) they demanded of the Britons (which now are Englishmen) wives in marriage. Whereupon being denied, they retired themselves to the Scots, of whom they were furnished, upon condition that the masculine race of the Kings coming to fail among them, that then the women should succeed in the Realm. Now these people were called Picts, because of the paintings which they used upon their naked bodies, which (saith Herodian) they would not cover with Herod. 3. book. any clothing for fear to hide and darken the fair painting they had set upon it, where were set out beasts of all sorts, and printed with Iron instruments, in such sort that it was unpossible to take them off. Which they did (as Solin saith) even from their infancy: in manner that as the child did grow, so did grow those fixed figures, even as the marks that are graved upon the young pompions. The Poet Claudian doth also give us many witnesses of this in his Panegyriques, as when he speaketh of the Emperor Honorius his Grandfather: Ille Leves Mauros, nec falso nomine Pictos Edomuit— And in the Gothicke war — Ferroque not at as Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figure as. This hath been noted by Monsieur de Belleforest, and afterward by the learned Savaron upon the observation that Sidoine de Polignac maketh thereof. And albeit that our Celtique Poitevins, called by the Latines Pictones, be not descended from the race of those (for they were ancient Gaullois even in julius Caesar's time) nevertheless I may well believe that this name hath been given them for the same occasion as that of the Picts. And as customs once brought in among a people are not lost but by the length of many ages (as we see yet the follies of Shrove-tuesday to continue) so the uses of painting, whereof we have spoken remaineth in some Northerly Nations. For I have heard sometimes Monsieur Le Comte D'Egmond tell, that he hath seen in his young years them of Brunzwich come into his father's house with their faces greased with painting, and their visage all blacked, from whence peradventure this word of Bronzer may be derived, which signifieth in Picardy to black. And generally I believe that all those Northerly people did use painting, when they would make themselves brave. For the Gelons and Agathyrses, Nations of Scythia like the Picts, were of this fraternity, and with Iron instruments did colour their bodies. The Englishmen Tertul. de veland. virgin. jornandes de bello Got. Isidor. lib. 16. cap. 23. likewise, then called Britons, by the saying of Tertullian. The Goths, besides the Iron instruments, did use vermilion to make their faces and bodies red. Briefly, it was a sport in the old time to see so many Antikes, men and women: for there are found yet old Pictures, which he that hath made the History of the Englishmen voyage into Virginia hath cut in brass, where the Picts of both sex are painted out, with their fair incisions, and swords hanging upon the naked flesh, as Herodian describeth them. The West Indians. This humour of painting having been so general in these parts, there is no cause of mocking, if the people of the West Indies have done, and yet do the like: which is universal & without exception among those nations. For if any one of them maketh love, he shall be painted with blue or red colour, and his Mistress also. If they have venison in abundance, or be glad for any thing, they will do the like generally. But when that they are sad, or plot some treason, than they overcast all their face with black, and are hideously deformed. Touching the body, our Savages apply no painting to it, which the Brasilians and Floridians do, the most part whereof are painted over the body, the arms and thighs with fair branches, whose painting can never be taken away, because they are pricked within the flesh. Notwithstanding many Brasilians do paint only their bodies (without incision) when they list: and this with the juice of a certain fruit which they call Genipat, which doth black so much, that though they wash themselves, they cannot be clean in ten or twelve days after. They of Virginia, which are more of this side, Virginia. have marks upon their backs, like to those that our merchants do put upon their packs, by the which (even as the slaves) one may know under what Lord they live: which is a fair form of government for this people: seeing that the ancient Roman Emperors have used the like towards their soldiers, which were marked with the Imperial mark, as Saint Augustine, Saint Ambrose, and Aug. contra Parmen. lib. 2. cap. 13. Ambros. in the funeral oration of Valentin. others do witness unto us. Which thing Constantine the Great did likewise, but his mark was the sign of the Cross, which he made to be printed upon the shoulders of his soldiers, as himself saith in an Epistle which he wrote to the king of Persia, reported by Theodoret in the Ecclesiastical history. And the first Christians, as marching under the banner of jesus Christ, did take the same mark, which they printed in their hand, or on the arm, to the end to know one another, specially in time of persecution, as Procopius saith, expounding this place of Isaiah: One will say, I am the Lords, and the other will call Isai. 44 5. himself with the name of jacob: and the other will write with his hand, I am the Lords, and will surname himself with the Galat. 6. name of Israel. The great Apostle S. Paul did bear the marks of the Lord jesus Christ in his flesh, but it was yet after another manner, that is to say, by the bruises, which he had on his body of the stripes that he had received for his name. And the Hebrews had for mark the Circumcision of the foreskin, by the which they are sequestered from other nations, and known for God's people. But as for other bodily incisions, such as anciently the Picts did make, and the Savages do yet make at this day, they have been anciently very expressly forbidden in the Law of Leu. 19 28. Deut. 14. 1. God given to Moses. For it is not lawful for us to disfigure the image and the form that God hath given unto us. Yea the pictures and paintings have been blamed and reproved by the Prophets, as we have noted elsewhere. And Tertullian saith, that the Angels which have discovered and taught unto men their paintings and counterfeited things, have been condemned of God: alleging for proof of his saying, the book of enoch's prophecy. By these things above recited, we know that this hither world hath anciently been as much deformed and savage as they of the West Indies: but that which seemeth unto me most worthy of wondering, is the nakedness of those people in a cold country, wherein they delight, even to harden their children in the snow, in the river, and among the Ice, as we touched heretofore in an other chapter, speaking of the Cimbres and Frenchmen. Which also hath been their chiefest strength in the conquests that they have made. CHAP. XII. Of their outward ornaments of the body, bracelets, Carcanets, ear-rings, etc. WE that do live in these parts under the authority of our Princes, and civilized commonwealths, have two great tyrants of our life, to whom the people of the New world have not been yet subjecteth, the excesses of the belly, and the ornament of body, and briefly all that which belongeth to bravery, which if we should cast off, it would be a mean to recall the golden age, and to take away the calamity which we see in most part of men. For he which possesseth much, making small expense, would be liberal, & would succour the needy, whereunto he is hindered, willing not only to maintain, but also to augment his train, and to make show of himself, very often at the costs of the poor Psal. 14. ver. 4. and 53. vers. 5. people, whose blood he sucketh, Qui devorant plebem meam sicut escam panis, saith the Psalmist. I leave that which belongeth to food, not being my purpose to speak Plin. lib. 33. cap. 11. of it in this Chapter. I leave also the excesses which consisteth in household implements, sending the reader back to Pliny, who hath spoken amply of the Roman pomps and superfluity, as of vessels after the Furvienne and Clodienne fashion, of bedsteades after the Deliaque fashion, and of tables all wrought with gold and silver embossed; where also he setteth out a slave Drusillanus Rotundus, who being Treasurer of the higher Spain, caused a forge to be made for to work a piece of Siluer-plate of five quintals weight, accompanied with eight other, all weighing half Matuchias be bracelets, carcanets, and other jollities. a quintal. I will only speak of the Matachias of our Savages, and say, that if we did content ourselves with their simplicity we should avoid many troubles that we put ourselves unto to have superfluities, without which we might live contentedly (because Nature is satisfied with little) and the coveting whereof makes us very often to decline from the right way, and to stray from the path of justice. The excesses of men do consist the most part in things which I have said I will omit, which notwithstanding I will not leave untouched, if it come to purpose. But Ladies have always had this reputation, to love excesses in that which The first book Padag. cap. 10. concerneth the decking of their bodies: And all the Moralists who have made profession to repress vices have mentioned them, wherethey have found a large subject to speak of. Clement Alexandrine making a long numeration of women's trinkets (which he hath the most part taken out of the Prophet Isaiah) saith in the end, that he is weary to speak so much of it, and that he marveleth that they are not killed with so great a weight. Let us take them then by those parts wherein they be Tert. in the book of women's ornaments. complained of. Tertullian marveleth of the audaciousness of man, which setteth himself against the word of our Saviour, which said: that it is not in us to add any thing to the measure or height that God hath given unto us: and notwithstanding A lesson for the women of our time. Lady's endeavour themselves to do to the contrary, adding upon their heads cages made of hairs, fashioned like to loaves of bread, to hats, to panniers, or to the hollowness of scutcheons. If they be not ashamed with this superfluous enormity, at least (saith he) let them be a shamed of the filth which they bear: and not to cover a holy and a Christian head with the leavings of another head, per adventure unclean, or guilty of some crime, and ordained to a shameful death. And in the same place, speaking of them which do colour their hairs: That is called Crecuphantia. I see some (saith he) who do change the colour of their hairs with saffron. They are ashamed of their Country, and would be Gauloise women, or Germane women, so much do they disguise S. Cypr. in the book of the virgin's clothing. S. Hierom. Epi. to Lata. themselves. Whereby is known how much red hairs were esteemed in the old time. And indeed the holy Scripture praiseth that of David, which was such. But to seek it out by art, S. Cyprian and S. Jerome, with our Tertullian do say, that the same doth presage the fire of hell. Now our Savages, in that which consisteth in the borrowing of hairs, are not reprovable: for their vanity stretcheth not so far: but for the colouring of them, for as much as when they are merry, and paint their faces, be it with blue or with red, they paint also their hairs with the same colour. Now let us come to the ears, to the neck, to the arms and to the hands, and there we shall find wherewith to busy ourselves: these are parts where jewels are easily seen: which Ladies have learned very well to observe. The first men which have had piety in them have made conscience to offer any violence to Nature, and to pierce the ears for to hang any precious thing at it: for none is Lord of his own members to abuse them, so saith the Civilian Ulpian. And therefore when the servant of Abraham Gens. 24. ver. 22. went into Mesopotamia for to find out a wife for Isaac, and had met with Rebecca, he put upon her forehead a jewel of gold hanging down between her eyes, and also bracelets of gold upon her hands: for which reason it is said in the Proverbs, that A fair woman which lacketh discretion Prou. 11. ver. 22. is like a golden ring in a swine's snout. But men have taken more licence than they ought, and have defaced the workmanship of God in them, to please their own fancies. Wherein I do not wonder at the Brasilians) of whom we will hereafter speak) but of civilized people, which have called other nations barbarous, but much more of the Christians of this age. When Seneca did complain Senec. 7. of benefits. of that which was in his time; The folly of women (saith he) had not made men subject enough, but it hath been yet behoveful to hang two or three patrimonies at their ears. But what patrimonies? They carry (saith Tertullian) islands and Farme-houses upon their necks, and great registers in their ears containing the revenues of a great rich man, and every finger of the left hand hath a patrimony to play withal. Finally, he cannot compare them better than to condemned men that are in the Caves of Ethiopia, which the more they are culpable, so much the richer are they, because that the fetters and bolts, wherewith they are tied, are of gold. But he exhorteth the Christian women not to be such, for as Plin. lib. 9 cap. 35. much as those things are certain marks of lasciviousness, which do belong to those mischievous oblations of public unchastity. Pliny, albeit he was an heathen, doth no less abhor those excesses. For our Ladies (saith he) for to be brave do bear hanging at their fingers those great pearls which are called Elenchus, in fashion of pearls, & have two of them, yea three at their ears. Yea they have invented names to serve themselves therewith in their cursed and troublesome superfluities. For they call Bells, them which they carry in number at their ears, as if they did take pleasure to hear pearls jingling at their ears. And that which▪ is more, the housewifely women, yea the poor women also, deck themselves therewith; saying, that a woman ought to go as seldom without pearls, as a Consul without his Ushers. Finally, they are come so far as to adorn their shoes with them, and garters, yea their buskins are yet full and garnished therewith. In such sort that it is not now any more question to wear pearls, but they must be made to serve for pavement, Fol. 736. to the end to tread but upon pearls. The same Author doth recite that Lollia Paulina forsaken by Caligula, in the common feasts of mean men was so overladen with Emeralds and with Pearls, on her Plin. lib. 33. c. 3. head, her hairs, her ears, her neck, her fingers and her arms, as well in collars, necklaces, as bracelets, that all did shine at it, and that she had of them to the worth of a million of gold. The same was excessive: but she was the greatest Princess of the world, and yet he doth not say that she did wear any on her shoes: as he doth yet complain in some other where that the Dames of Rome did wear gold on their feet. What disorder! (saith he) Let us permit the women to wear as much gold as they will in bracelets, at their fingers, at their necks, at their ears, and in carcanets and bridles, etc. must they for all that deck their feet with it? etc. I should never make an end, if I should continue this speech. The Spanish women in Peru do go beyond that, for their shoes are set over with nothing but plates of gold and silver, and garnished with pearls. True it is that they are in a country, which God hath blessed abundantly with all these riches. But if thou hast not so much of them, do not vex thyself at it, & be not tempted through envy: such things are but earth, digged and purified with a thousand troubles, in the bottom of hell, by the incredible labour, & with the life of men like unto thee: Pearls are but dew, received within the shell of a fish, which are Pearls what they be. fished by men that be forced to become fishes, that is to say, to be always diving in the depth of the sea. And for to have these things, and to be clothed in silk, and for to have robes with infinite folds, we turmoil ourselves, we take cares which do shorten our days, gnaw our bones, suck out our marrow, weaken our bodies, and consume our spirit. He that hath meat and drink is as rich as all these, if he could consider it. And where those things do abound, there delights do abound, and consequently vices: and to conclude, behold what God saith by his Prophet: They shall cast their silver out into the streets, and their gold shall be but dung, and shall not deliver them in the Ezec. 7. 19 day of my great wrath. He that will have further knowledge of the chastisements wherewith God doth threaten the woman that abuse carcanets and jewels, which have no other care but to attire and deck themselves, go with their breasts open, their eyes wandering, and with a proud gate, let him read the third chapter of the Prophet Isaiah. I will not for all that blame the Virgins which have some golden things, or chains of pearls, or other jewels, also some modest vesture: for that is comeliness, and all things are made for the use of man: but excess is that which is to be blamed, because that under that, very often is lasciviousness hidden. Happy are the people which not having the occasions to sin, do purely serve God, and possess a land which furnisheth them of that which is necessary for life. Happy are our Savage people if they had the full knowledge of God: for in that case they be without ambition, vainglory, envy, avarice, & have no care of these braveries, which we have now described: but rather do content themselves to have Matachias, hanging at their ears, and about their necks, bodies, arms, and legs. The Brasilians, Floridians, and Armouchiquois, do make carcanets and bracelets (called bower in Brasill, and by ours Matachias) of the shells of those great sea cockles, which be called Vignols', like unto snails, which they break & gather up in a thousand pieces, then do smooth them upon a hot stone, until they do make them very small, and having pierced them, they make them beads with them, like unto that which we call Porcelain. Among those beads they intermingle between spaces other beads, as black as those which I jet. have spoken of to be white, made with jet, or certain hard and black wood which is like unto it, which they smooth and make small as they list, and this hath a very good grace. And if things are to be esteemed for their fashion, as we see it practised in our merchandises, these collars, scarves, and bracelets made of great periwinkles or porcelain, are richer than pearls, (notwithstanding none will believe me herein) so do they esteem them more than pearls, gold or silver: And this is that which they of Beads much esteemed. the great river of Canada in the time of jam. Quartier did call Esurgin (whereof we have made mention heretofore) a word which I have had much ado to know, and which Belleforest the Cosmographer understood not, when he would speak of it. At this day they have not any more of them, or else they have lost the knowledge to make them: For they use Mattachias very much, that are brought unto them out of France. Now as with us, so in that country, women do deck themselves with such things, and will have chains that will go twelve times about their necks, hanging down upon their breasts, and about their hand wrists, and above the elbow. They also hang long strings of them at their ears, which come down as low as their shoulders. If the men wear any, it will be only some young man that is in love. In the country of Virginia where Pearls in Virginia. Copper. some pearls be found, the women do wear carcanets, collars and bracelets of them, or else of pieces of copper (made round like small bullets) which is found in their mountains, where some mines of it are. But in Port Royal, and in the confines thereof, and towards Newfound land, and at Tadoussac, where they have neither pearls nor vignols, the maids and women do make Mattachias, with the quills or bristles of the Porc-epine, which they die with black, white, and red colours, as lively as possibly may be, for our scarlets have no better lustre Excellent scarlet dye. than their red die: But they more esteem the Mattachias which come unto them from the Armouchiquois country, and they buy them very dear; and that because they can get no great quantity of them, by reason of the wars that those nations have continually one against another. There is brought unto them from France Mattachias made with small quills of glass mingled with tin or lead, which are trucked with them, and measured by the fadam, for want of an ell: and this kind of Merchandise is in that country, that which the Latins do call Mundus muliebris. They also make of them small squares of sundry colours, sowed together, which they tie behind, on the little children's hairs. The men do not much care for them, except that the Brasilians do wear about their necks half moons of bones very white, which they call yaci of the moons name: And our Souriquois do likewise wear some jollities of like stuff, without excess. And they which have none of that, do commonly carry a knife before their breasts, which they do not for ornament: but for want of pocket, and because it is an implement which at all times is necessary unto them. Some have girdles made of Matachias, wherewith they serve themselves, only when they will set out themselves and make them brave. The Autmoins or Soothsaiers do carry before their breasts some sign of their vocation, as we will hereafter say. But as for the men of the Armouchiquois they have a fashion to wear at their hand-wrests, and above the ancle-bone of the foot, about their legs, plates of Copper, fetterwise, and about their wastes girdles, fashioned with Copper quills as long as the middle finger filled together the Herodian the 3. book. length of a girdle, even just of that fashion which Herodian reciteth to have been in use among the Picts, whereof we have spoken, when he saith, that they girded their bodies and their necks with iron, esteeming that to be a great ornament unto them, & a testimony of their great riches, even Savage Scots. as other Barbarians do to have gold about them. And there are yet in Scotland Savage men, which neither ages, nor years, nor the abundance of men could yet reduce unto civility. And although that (as we have said) the men be not so desirous of Matachias as the women, notwithstanding the men of Brasill, not caring for clothing, take great pleasure to deck and garnish themselves with the feathers of birds, and do use those wherewith we use to fill our beds whereon we lie, and chop them as small as tear-cat, which they die in red, with their Brasill-wood, then having anointed their bodies with certain gums, which serve them in stead of paste or glue, they cover themselves with those feathers, and make a garment at one clap, after the antic fashion: which hath made (saith john de Leri in his History of America) the first of our men that went thither to believe that the men which be called Savages were hairy over all their bodies, which is nothing so. For (as we have already said) the Savages in what part soever, have lesser hairs than we. They of Florida do also use this kind of down, but it is only about their heads, to make themselves more ugly. Besides this that we have said, the Brasilians do make frontlets of feathers, which they tie and fit in order of all colours: those frontlets being like in fashion to those rackets or periwigs, which Ladies use in these parts, the invention whereof they seem to have learned of those Savages. As for them of our New France, in the days that be of solemnity and rejoicing among them, and when they go to the wars, they have about their heads as it were a crown made with long hairs of an Ellan or Stag, painted in red, pasted, or otherwise fastened, to a fillet of leather of three fingers breadth, such as james Quartier saith he had seen with the King (so doth he call him) and Lord of the Savages, which he found in the town of Hochelaga. But they do not use so many ornaments of feathers as the Brasilians, which make gowns of them, caps, bracelets, girdles, and ornaments for their cheeks, and targets upon their loins, of all colours, which would be more tedious than delightful to specify, since it is an easy matter for every one to supply the same, and to imagine what it is. CHAP. XIII. Of Marriage. Having spoken of the Savages garments, deckings, ornaments and paintings, it hath seemed good unto me to marry them, to the end the generation of them be not lost, and that the country remain not desert. For the first ordinance that ever God made, was to increase and multiply, and every creature capable of generation to bring forth fruit according to his kind. And to This is in the gloss of the Talmud in the Treaty of Idolatry. the end to encourage young folks that do marry, the jews had a custom anciently to fill a trough with earth, in the which, a little before the wedding, they did sow barley, and the same being sprung, they brought it to the Bridegroom and the Bride, saying: Bring forth fruit and multiply as this barley, which brings forth sooner than all other seeds. Now to return to our Savages, many thinking (as I believe) that they be some logs of wood, or imagining a Commonwealth of Plato, do demand if they have any marriage, and if there be any Priests in Canada to marry them. Wherein they seem to be very raw and ignorant. Canadians. Captain james Quartier speaking of the marriage of the Canadians, in his second relation saith thus: They observe the order of marriage, saving that the men take two or three wives. And the husband being dead the women do never marry again, but do mourn for his death all their life long, and do daub their face with coal beaten to powder and with grease, the thickness of a knife, and thereby are known to be widows. Then he goeth further: They have another bad custom with their daughters: The prostituting of Maidens. For being come to be marriageable, they are put all in a stew house, abandoned to all comers, until they have found out a match: And all this have we seen by experience. For we have seen the houses as full of these maidens, as is a School of boys in France. I would have thought that the said james Quartier had (touching this prostituting of maids) added somewhat of his own, but the discourse of Monsieur Champlein, which is but six years since, doth confirm the same thing unto me, saving that he speaketh not of assemblies: which keepeth me from Souriquois. contrarying it. But among our Souriquois there is no such thing: not that these Savages have any great care of continency and virginity, for they do not think to do evil in corrupting it: But whether it be by the frequentation of Frenchmen or otherwise, the maids are ashamed to do any unchaste thing publicly: and if it happen that they abandon themselves to any one; it is in secret. The first book, ch. 4. Moreover, he that will marry a Maid it behoveth him to demand her of her father, without whose consent she shall be none of his, as we have already said heretofore, and brought forth the example of one that had done otherwise. And if he will marry, he shall sometimes make love, not after the manner of the Esseens, who (as josephus josephus of the wars of the jews, lib. 2. cap. 12. sayeth) did try the maidens by the space of three years, before they married them, but by the space of six months or a year, without abusing of them: will paint his face that he may seem the fairer, and will have a new gown of Bevers or Otters, or of some thing else, well garnished with Matachias guarded and laid over in form of parchment lace of gold and silver, as the Goths did use heretofore. It is meet moreover that he show himself valiant in hunting, and that they know him able to do some thing, for they do not trust in a man's means, which are none other than that which he getteth by his days labour, not caring any wise for other riches than hunting: unless our manners make them to have a desire of it. The prostituting of the Maidens in Brasil. The Maidens of Brasill have liberty to prostitute themselves assoon as they are able for the same, even as them of Canada. Yea the fathers do serve for panders to their daughters, and they repute for an honour to communicate them to the men of these parts that go thither, to the end to have of their race. But to consent unto it, would be too damnable an abomination, and that would deserve rigorous punishment, as indeed for the slackness of men God hath punished this vice in such wise, that the fore hath been communicated in these parts, even to them that have been too much addicted after Christian wenches and women, The Pox. by the sickness which is called the pox, which before the discovery of those lands was unknown in Europe: for these people are very much subject to it, and even they of Florida: but they have the Guayac, the Esquin, and the Sasafr Guayac. Esquin. Sassafras. Annida. as, trees very sovereign for the cure of that leprosy, and I believe that the tree Annedda, whose wonders we have recited, is one of these kinds. One might think that the nakedness of this people would make them more lecherous, but it is not so. For as The chastity of the ancient Germans, and of the Savages of New France. Caesar giveth the Germane this commendation, that they had in their ancient Savages life such a continency, as they reputed it a thing most vile for a youngman to have the company of a woman before he came to the age of 20. years: and in their own disposition also, they were not moved thereunto, although that pell-mell, all together men and women, yongue and old did bathe themselves in rivers: So also may I say for our Savages, that I never saw amongst them any unseemly gesture or unchaste look, & I dare affirm that they be lesser given to that vice than we in these parts. I attribute the cause thereof, partly to this their nakedness, and chiefly to the keeping bare of their head, from whence the matter of generation hath his original: partly to the want of hot spices, of wine, and of meats that do provoke to that which is primary sign Itiphalles. Tobacco contrary to Venus. of unclean desires, and partly to the frequent use which they have of Tobacco, whose smoke dulleth the senses, and mounting up to the brains hindereth the functions of Venus. john De Leri praiseth the Brasilians for this continency: nevertheless he addeth, that when they are angry they call sometimes one another Tiviré, that is to say, So domite, whereby it may be conjectured that this sin reigneth among them, as Captain Laudonniere saith it doth in Florida: and that the Floridians love the feminine sex very much. And indeed I have heard, that for to please the women the more they busy themselves very much about that which is the primary sign of unclean desires, whereof we spoke even now; and that they may the better Great store of Ambergris. do it, they furnish themselves with Ambergris, whereof they have great store, which first they melt at the fire, then iniect it (with such pain, that it maketh them to gnash their teeth) even so far as to the bone Sacrum, and with a whip of nettles, or such like thing, make that idol of Maacha to swell, which king Asa made to be consumed into ashes, and cast it into the brook Cedron. On the other side the women use certain herbs, and endeavour themselves as much as they can to make restrictions for the use of the said Ityphalles, and to give either party their due. Contract of marriage. Let us return to our marriages, which are better than all these rogueries. The contracters do not give their faith between the hands of Notaries, nor of their Soothsaiers, but simply do demand the consent of the parents: and so they do every where. But here is to be noted, that they keep (and in Brasill also) three degrees of consanguinity, Degrees of consanguinity. in the which they are not used to contract marriage, that is to wit, of the son with the mother, of the father with his daughter, and of the brother with the sister. These excepted, all things are permitted. As for dowry, there is no mention of it. Also when any divorce happeneth, the husband is bound to nothing. And although that (as it hath been said) there is no promise of loyalty given before any superior power, nevertheless in what part soever, the wives keep chastity, and seldom is any found that breaketh it. Yea I have heard oftentimes say, that in yielding The Savage women in the venereous action. the duty to the husband, they make themselves oftentimes to be constrained: which is rare in these parts. For the Gaulloise women are renowned by Strabo to be good Porters (I mean fruitful) and breeders: and chose The fruitfulness of the women of the Gauls. I do not see that the people do abound as in these parts, although that they all labour for generation, and that Polygamy is ordinary with them, which was not among the ancient Gaullois, nor among the Germans, though they be a more rustic people. True it is that our Savages do kill one an other daily, and are always in fear of their enemies, keeping watches upon their frontiers. This frigidity of Venus bringeth an admirable and incredible thing among these women, and which was not to be found even among the wives of the holy Patriarch jacob, which is, that although they be many wives to one husband (for Polygamy is received thorough all that New Polygamy. world) notwithstanding there is no jealousy among them: which is in Brasill, a hot Country as well as Canada: But as for the men, they are in many places very jealous: and if the wife be found faulty she shall be put away, or in danger to be killed by her husband: And in that (as for the spirit of jealousy) there needs not so many ceremonies as those that were done amongst the jews, recited in the Numbers 5. vers. 12. and so following. S. Aug. against Manicheus the 19 book, chap. 26. book of Numbers. And as for divorcement, not having the use of letters, they do it not in writing, in giving to the wife a bill signed by a public notary, As S. Augustin doth note, speaking of the said jews: but are contented to cell to the parents, and unto her, that she provide for herself: and then she liveth in common with the others, until that some body do seek after her. This law of putting away hath been received almost among all Nations, exexcept among the Christians, which have kept this precept of the Gspell, that which God hath joined together, let no man put a sunder. Which is most expedient and less See the Commentor of Ben-Sira. scandalous: And very wisely did Ben-Sira answer (who is said to have been nephew to the Prophet jeremy) being asked of one, who had a lewd wife, how he should do by her: Gnaw (saith he) that bone which is fallen to thee. As for the widows, I will not affirm that which james Quartier hath said of them in general, but I will say, that where we have been, they stain their faces with black, when they please, and not always: if their husband hath been killed, they will not marry again, nor eat flesh, until they have seen the revenge of his death. And so we have seen the daughter of Membertou to practise it, who after the war made to the Armouchiquois, hereafter described, did marry again. Except in that case, they make no other difficulty to marry again, when they find a fit match. Sometimes our Savages having many wives will give one of them to their friend, if he hath a desire to take her in marriage, and shall be thereby so much disburdened. Touching maidens that be loose, if any man hath abused of Abominable whore doom among the Infidels. A note for the English Magistrates in Virginia. Numb. 25. 11. 12. 13. them, they will tell it at the first occasion, and therefore it is bad jesting with them: for the chastisement ought to be very rigorous against them that mingle the Christian blood with the Infidels, and for the keeping of this justice Monsieur de Villegagnon is praised, even by his enemies: And Phinees the Son of Eleazar the Son of Aron because he was zealous of the law of God and appeased his wrath, which was about to exterminate the people, for such a sin, had the covenant of perpetual Priesthood, promised to him and to his posterity. CHAP. XIIII. The Tabagie. The Savages do say Tabaguia, that is to say, a feast. THe ancient have said Sine Cerere & Baccho friget Venus, that is, without Ceres and Bacchus Venus is cold. Having then married our Savages, it is meet to make dinner ready and to use them after their own manner. And for to do it one must consider the times of the marriage. For if it be in Winter they will have Venison from the woods, if it be in the Spring time or in Summer, they will make provision of fish. As for bread there is no talk of it from the North of Newfoundland, until one come to the country of the Armouchiquois, unless it be in What Savage countries have come. trucking with Frenchmen, for whom they tarry upon the sea shores, sitting on their tails like apes, as soon as the Spring time is come, and receive in exchange for their skins (for they have no other merchandise) biscuit, beans, peasen and meal: The Armouchiquois and other Nations more remote, besides hunting and fishing have wheat, called Mais, and beans, which is a great comfort unto them in time of necessity. They make no bread with it: for they have neither Millnor Oven, and they cannot knead it otherwise than in stamping it in a mortar, and in gathering those pieces the best they can they make small cakes with it, which they bake between two hot stones. Most often they dry this Corn at the fire, and parch it upon the Plin. lib. 18. cap. 2. & 10. coals. And after that manner did the ancient Italians live, as Pliny saith. And therefore one must not so much wonder at these people, seeing that they which have called others barbarous, have been as barbarous as they. If I had not recited heretofore the manner of the Savages Tabagis (or banquet) I would make here a larger description: But I will only say that when we went to the River Saint john, being in the town of Ouigoudi (so may I well call a place enclosed replenished with people) we saw in a great thicket 80. Savages all naked, except the middle parts, making Tabaguia with meal they had of us, whereof they had kettles full. Every one had a dish made with the bark of a tree, and a spoon as deep as the palm of ones hand, or more: and with this they had venison beside. And here is to be noted, that he which entertaineth the others doth not dine, but serveth the company, as very often the Bridegrooms do here in France. The women do not eat with the men. The women were in an other place apart, and did not eat with the men. Wherein may be noted a bad use among those people, which have never been used among the nations of these parts, specially the Gaullois and Germains, which have admitted the women, not only in their banquets, but also in their public counsels, (specially with The good condition of the women among the Gaullois. See yet hereafter in the 16. chapter of the constancy of women. the Gaullois) after they had pacified a great war which arose between them, and did decide the controversy with such equity (as Plutarch saith) that thereby ensued a greater love than ever before. And in the treaty that was made with Annibal, being entered into Gallia, to go against the Romans, itw as said, that if the Carthaginienses had any difference against the Gaullois, it should be decided by the advice of the Gaulloise women. It was not so in Rome, where their condition was so base, that by the law Voconia, the very father could not make them to inherit more then of the one third part of his goods: And the Emperor justinian forbiddeth them in his decrees to accept the awardship which had been deferred unto them: which showeth either a great severity against them, or an argument that in that country they have a very weak spirit. And after this sort be the wives of our Savages, yea in worse condition, in not eating with the men in their Tabagies: and notwithstanding it seemeth unto me that their fare is not in their feasts so delicate, which ought not to consist only in eating and drinking, but in the society of that sex which God hath ordained unto man for to help him and to keep him company. It will seem to many that our Savages do live very poorly, in not having any seasoning in those few messes that I have named. But I will reply that it was not Caligula What men have raised Rome to her greatness. nor Heliogabalus, nor such like that have raised the Roman Empire to his greatness: neither was it that Cook who made an imperial feast all with hog's flesh, disguised in a thousand sorts: nor those likerish companions, who after they have destroyed the air, the sea, and the land, now knowing what to find more to assuage their gluttony, go a seeking worms from the trees, yea do keep them in mew, and do fatten them, for to make thereof a delicate mess: But rather it was one Curius Dentatus who did eat in wooden dishes, and did scrape radishes by the fire side: Item those good husbandmen The manner of living of the ancient Romans and other nations. whom the Senate did send for, from the plough for to conduct the Roman army: And in one word those Romans which did live with sodden food, after the manner of our Savages: for they had not the use of bread but about 600. years after the foundationof the city, having learned in tract of time to make some cakes grossly dressed & baked under the embres, or in the oven. Pliny author of this report, Plin. lib. 18. ca 8. 10. 11. saith, moreover that the Scythians, now Tartars, do also live with sodden food and raw meal as the Brasilians. And nevertheless they have always been a warlike and mighty nation. The same saith, that the Arympheens (which be the Moscovites) do live in forests (as our Savages do) with grains and fruits which they gather from the trees, without mention neither of flesh nor of fish. And indeed the profane Authors do agree, that the first men did live after that manner, to wit, of corn, grains, pulse, acorns, and masts, from whence cometh the Grerke word Phagein, to wit, to eat: some particular nations (and not all) had fruits: as pears were in use among the Argives, figs with the Athenians, almonds with the Medes, the fruit of Cans with the Ethiopians, the Cardamuin with the Persians, the dates with the Babylonians, the Treffle or three leaved grass with the Egyptians. They which have had none of those fruits have made war against the beasts of the woods and forests, as the Getulians' and all the Northern men, yea also the ancient Germans, notwithstanding they had also meats made of milk: Others Ichthyophages. Aethiopians do live of Grasshoppers. dwelling upon the shores of the sea, or lakes and rivers, lived on fishes, and were called Ichthyophages: others living of Torteses, were called Chelonophages. Part of the Aethiopians do live of Grasshoppers, which they salt and harden in the smoke in great quantity for all seasons, and therein do the Historians of this day agree with Pliny. For there is sometimes clouds of them, that is to say, such infinite numbers, that they hide the clouds; and in the East The food of S. john Baptist. S. Hieroms 2. book against jovian. S. Augnstin upon the 14. chap. to the Romans, vers. 15. Niceph. li. 1. cap. 14. Ammian. l. 18. likewise, which destroy all the fields, so that nothing remaineth unto them to eat but those grasshoppers, which was the food of Saint john Baptist in the desert, according to the opinion of Saint Jerome and Augustine: Although Nicephorus thinketh that they were the tender leaves of the tops of trees, because that the Greek word achrides signifieth both the one and the other. But let us come to the Roman Emperor, best qualified. Ammian Mercellin speaking of their manner of life, saith that Scipio, Aemiliar, Metellus, trajan, and Adrian, did content themselves ordinarily with the meat of the camp, that is to say, with Bacon, cheese, and bruvage. If then our Savages have Sturgeons, Salmon, and other fish. venison and fish abundantly, I do not think them ill furnished: for many times we have received of them quantity of Sturgeons, of Salmon and other fishes: besides their venison, and Bevers which live in ponds, and live partly on the land, partly in the water. At least one laudable Antropophages thing is known in them, that they are not men eaters, as the Scythians have been aforetime, and many other nations of these parts of the world; and as yet are at this day the Brasilians, Cannibals, and others of the new world. Bred. The inconvenience which is found in their manner of life is, that they have no bread. Indeed bread is a food very natural for man, but it is easier to live with flesh, or with fish, then with bread only. If they have not the use of salt, the most part of the world do use none. It is not altogether necessary, and the principal profit thereof consisteth in preserving, whereunto it is altogether proper, Notwithstanding if they had any to make some provisions they would be more happy than us. But What time is hard for the Savages. for want of that they sometimes suffer some need: which happeneth when the winter is too mild, or the latter end of the same. For than they have neither venison nor fish, as we will declare in the chapter of hunting: and are then constrained to feed upon the barks of trees, and on the parings of skins, and on their dogs, which (upon this extremity) they do eat. And the history of the Floridians saith, that in extremity they eat a thousand filth, even to the swallowing down of coals, and to put earth in their spoon meat. True it is that in Port Royal there is always shell fish, so that in all cases one cannot die there for hunger. But yet have they one superstition Superstition of the Savages, and of the Christians. Plin. lib. 22. ca 2. that they will not feed on mussels, and they can allege no reason for it, no more than our superstitious Christians which will not be thirteen at a table, or which fear to pair their nails on the Friday, or which have other scrupulosities, true apish-toys, such as Pliny reciteth a good number of them in his natural history. Notwithstanding in our company seeing us to eat of them they did the like: for we must say here by the way, that they will eat no unknown meat, but first they must see the trial of it by The Savages suspicious. others. As for beasts of the woods they eat of all them, the wolf excepted. They also eat eggs, which they go gathering along the shores of waters, and they do lad their canoes with them, when the Geese and Outardes have done laying in the Spring time, and they use all, as The sobriety and gluttony of the Savages. well them that be old as new. As for modesty they use it being at table with us, and eat very soberly: but at home in their own houses (as the Brasilians) they stretch out their bellies as much as they can, and do not leave eating as long as there is any meat: And if any of ours be at their Tabagie, they will bid him do as they do. Notwithstanding Hercules, ox eater. I see no gluttony like to that of Hercules, who alone did eat whole oxen, and did devour one from a Paisan called Diadamas, by reason whereof he was called Butheves, or Buphagos, Oxe-eater. And without going so far, we see in the Countries of these parts greater gluttonies then that which one would impute to the Savages. For in the diet of Ausbourg was brought to the Emperor Charles the fifth, a great whoreson which had eaten a calf and a sheep, and yet was not full: And I do not know that our Savages do waxfatte, or that they have great bellies, but that they are nimble and swift, like to our ancient Gaullois and high Allemen or Germans, who by their agility, did trouble very much the Roman armies. The meat of the Brasilians. The food of the Brasilians are serpents, crocodills, toads and great lizards, which they esteem as much as we do capons, leverets, and coneys. They also make meal of white roots, which they call Maniel, having the leaves of Paeoniamas, and the tree of the height of the Elder tree: Those roots as big as the thigh of a Man, which the woman do crumble very small, and eat them raw, or else they make them to seethe well in a great earthen vessel, stirring it always as the comfit-makers do make sugar plums. They are of very good taste, and of easy digestion, but they be not fit to make bread, because they dry and burn themselves, and always return into meal. They have also with this Mahis or Mais, which groweth in two or three months after it is sowed: and that is a great succour unto them. But A strange prostitution. they have a cursed and an unhuman custom to eat their prisoners, after they have well fatted them. Yea (a most horrible thing) they give them in marriage the fairest maidens they have, putting about their necks as many halters as they will keep him moons. And when the time is expired they make wine of the said Mais and roots, wherewith they make themselves drunk, calling all their friends. Then he that hath taken him knocketh him on the head with a club, and divideth him into pieces, and make carbonnadoes of him, which they eat with a singular pleasure above all meats in the world. Commonalty of life. Furthermore all Savages generally do live every where in common: the most perfect and most worthy life of man, seeing that he is a sociable creature, the life of the ancient golden age, which the holy Apostles would have restored again: But being to establish the spiritual life, they Hospitality. could not execute that good desire. If it happens then that our Savages have venison, or other food, all the company have part of it. They have this mutual charity which hath been taken away from us since that Mine and Thine have come into the world. They have also Hospitality, a virtue peculiar to the ancient Gaulois (according to the witness of Parthenius in his Erotigues, of Caesar, Saluian and others) who did constrain travelers and strangers to come into their houses and there to take their refreshing: A virtue which seemeth to have conserved herself only with the Nobility and gentry: for among the other sort we see her very weak and at the point of death. Tacitus giveth the same praise to the Germans, saying that with them all houses are opened to strangers, and there they are in such assurance that (as if they were sacred) none dare do them any injury; Charity and Hospitality which are mentioned Leuit. 19 ver. 34. in the law of God who said to his people: The stranger which sojourneth among you, shall be unto you as he which is borne among you, and you shall love him as yourselves: for you have been strangers in the land of Egypt. So do our Savages, which, stirred up with an human nature, receive all strangers (except their enemies) whom they accept in their commonalty of life. Of drinking. But we have spoken enough of eating, let us now speak of drinking. I know not whether I ought to place among the greatest blindnesses of the West Indians to have abundantly the most excellent fruit that God hath given unto us, and they know not the use thereof. For I see that the Plin. lib. 18. cap. 4. ancient Romans were a long time (as Pliny saith) without either Vines or vineyards: And our Gaulloas did make beer, the use whereof is yet frequent in all Gallia Belgica: And this kind of drink did the Egyptians also use in former times (as saith Diodorus) who attributeth the invention thereof to Osiris. Notwithstanding after that the use of wine was come among the Romans the Guallois took so good a taste in it, in the voyages that they made there with their Armies, that they continued afterwards the same Strabo. way. And afterward the Italian Merchants did draw much money from the Gaullois with their wine that they Caesar. brought thither. But the Germans knowing their own nature subject to drink more than is needful would have none brought to them, for fear that being drunk they Tacitus. might be a pray to their enemies: and contented themselves Wine forbibden among the Germans. with beer: And notwithstanding because the continual drinking of water engendereth crudities in the stomach, and thereby great indispositions, the nations have commonly found better the moderate use of wine which Psal. 104. vers. 16. 17. hath been given of God to rejoice the heart, as bread for to strengthen him, as the Psalmist saith: And the Apostle S. Paul himself doth council his Disciple Timothy to use it by reason of his infirmity. For wine (saith Oribasius) recreateth Oribasius, in the first book of things commodious and easy, ch. 12. and quickeneth our heat: whereby, by consequence, the disgestures are made better, and good blood is engendered, and good nourishment thorough all the parts of the body where the wine hath force to pierce: and therefore they which be weakened by sickness do recover by it a stronger being, and do likewise renew by it an appetite to their meat. It breaketh the sleame, it purgeth choleric humours by the urine, and with his pleasant odour and lively substance gladdeth the heart of man, and giveth strength to the body. Wine taken moderately is the procurer of all those goodeffects, but if it be drunk unmeasuably it produceth effects quite contrary. And Plato willing Plate in his Timoeo. to show forth in one word the nature and property of wine: That which warmeth (saith he) beth body and soul, is that which is called wine. The Savages which have no use of wine nor of spices, have found out another means to warm the same stomach, and in some sort to break so many crudities proceeding from the fish that they eat, which otherwise would extinguish their natural heat: it is the herb which the Brasilians do call Petun, that is to say, Tobacco, Tobacco. the smoke whereof they take almost every hour, as we will declare more at large when we come hereafter to speak of that herb. Then as in these parts one drinketh to another, in presenting the glass to him to whom one hath drunk (which is done in many places) so the Savages willing to feast some body and to show him sign of amity, after they have well taken of that smoke, they present the Tobacco pipe to him that they like best. Which custom to drink one to another is not new, nor particular to the Flemings and Germans: for Holiodorus in the Holiodor. first book 1. cha. and. 3. book ch. 3. Aethiopian History of Chariclea witnesseth that the same was a custom altogether used in the Countries whereof he speaketh to drink one to the other in token of friendship. And because it was abused, and men were appointed to constrain them that would not pledge, Assuerus King of the Persians at a banquet that he made to all the principal Ester. 1. ver. 8. Lords and Governors of his Countries, did forbid by an express law to force any, and did command that every one should be served after his own will. The Egyptians did use no forcing, but not withstanding they drunk up all, and that by great devotion. For after they had found out the invention to apply painting and Matachiz upon silver they took great delight to see their God Anubis Plin. lib. 33. cap. 9 painted in the bottom of their cups, as Pliny saith. Our Savages Canadians, Souriqnois and others are far from these delights, and having nothing but the Tobacco spoken of by us to warm their stomachs after the crudities of waters, and to give some smatch to the mouth, having that in common with many other Nations, that they love that which is biting, such as the said Tobacco is, which (even as wine or strong beer) taken (as it is said) in smoke, maketh giddy the senses and in some sort, procureth sleep: So that this word drunkard is among them, by this word The Floridians drink. Escorken▪, as well as amongst us. The Floridians have a certain sort of drink called Casinè which they drink all hot, which they make of certain leans of trees. But it is not lawful for every one to drink of it, but only to the Paraousti, and to them that have made proof of their valour in the wars. And this drink hath such virtue that as soon as they have drunken it, they become all in a sweat which being passed, they be fed for 24. hours by the nourishing The drink of the Brasilians. force of the same. As for them of Brasil they make a certain kind of drink which they call Caoü-in, with roots and a grain called Mil which they put to seethe and soften in great earthen vessels, made in the manner of a tub, over the fire, and being softened, it is the office of the women to chaw it all, and to set them again to seethe in other vessels: then having left all to be settled and skimmed, they cover the vessel until that it must be drunken: and this drink is as thick as lees, after the manner of the defrutum of the latins, and of the taste of sour milk, white and red as our wine is: and they make it in every season, because that the said roots do grow there at all times. Furthermore they drink this Coü-in somewhat warm, but with such excess that they never depart from the place where they make their feasts until that they have drunk all out, though there were of the same a tun for every one. So that the Flemings, high Duchmen, and Swissers are but yongue novices in that trade in regard of them. I will not speak here of the Ciders & Peries of Normandy, nor of the Hidromels', the use whereof, by the report of Plutarch, was long before the invention of wine: Plutar. in the 4. of the Symposiaq. Cha. 5. seeing our Savages use none of it. But I have thought good to mention the fruit of the vine, by reason that New France is plentifully furnished therewith. CHAP. XV. Of their Dances and Songs▪ WHen the belly is full than comes mirth (saith the Proverb) it will not be then unfit to speak of dancing after feasting. For it is also said of the people of Israel that after they had well filled their bellies Exod. 31. ver. 6. 19 Dances instituted in divine things. they arose for to play and dance about their golden Calf. Dancing is a thing very ancient among all people. But it was first made & instituted in divine things, as we did now mark an example of it: and the Canaanites who did worship the fire, did dance about it & sacrificed their children unto it. Which manner of dancing was not invented by the Idolaters, but rather by the people of God. For judges 21. v. 19 21. 2. King. 6. c. we read in the book of judges that there was a solemnity to God in Silo where the maidens came to dance at the sound of the fluit. And David bringing back the Ark of Covenant into Jerusalem, went before it in his shirt, dancing with all his strength. As for the Heathen they have followed this fashion. For Plutarch in the life of Nicias saith that the Towns of Greece had a custom every year to go into Dellos for to celebrate the dances and songs in the honour of Apollo. And in the life of Lycurgus the Orator, saith that he did ordain a very solemn dance in the Pyree unto the honour of Neptune, with a wager of a hundred crowns price to the best dancer, and to the second of 80. crowns, and The muse's Dances. to the third of 60. The Muses▪ daughters of jupiter do love dancing: and all they that have spoken of them make us to go seek for them upon the Mountain Parnassus, where (say they) they dance, at the sound of Apollo's Harp. The College of the Saliens. As for the Latins, the same Plutarch saith in the life of Numa Pompilius that he did institute the coledge of the Salians (which were Priests dancing and gambolling, and singing songs in the honour of God Mars) when that a Buckler of brass fell miraculously from Heaven, which was a gage from that God for the conservation of the Empire. Ancyle. And that Buckler was called Ancile, but for fear that it should be stolen away he caused 12. others to be made a like named Ancilia, which were carried in the wars, as we did heretofore our Oriflamme, and as the Oriflamme. Labarum. Emperor Constantine did the Labarum. Now the foremost of those Salians that did lead the others in the dance Praesul. Festus lib. 16. was called Praesul, that is to say, first dancer, prae aliis Salians, saith Festus, who taketh from that the name of the French-people, which were called Salians because they did love to dance, to skip and to gambole: and of Salic Law. these Salians are come the laws which we call Saliques, that is to say Laws of dances. So then to come again to our purpose, the dances have been first instituted for holy things. Whereto I Arrian of the gests of Alexander. Dances profitable for health. will add the testimony of Arrian, who saith that the Indians which did worship the Sun rising, did not think to have duly saluted him, unless their songs and prayers were accompanied with dances. This kind of exercise was since applied to another use, that is to say, for the government of health, as plutarch saith in the treaty for the same. So that Socrates himself (howsoever precise and reformed) took pleasure therein, for which cause he desired to have a house large and spacious, as Xenophon writeth in his bancquet, and the Persians Xenophon. Duris. did expressly use the same, as Duris writeth in the seventh of his histories. But the delights, lasciviousness, and disorders did convert them since to their own use, and the dances have served for proxenetes and brokers of unchastity, as we find it but to much, whereof we have testimonies in the Gospel, where we find that it cost the life of the greatest that ever arose amongst men, which is Saint john Baptist. And Arcesilaus said very well, that dances are venoms, sharper than all the poisons that the Earth bringeth Plutar. in the 7. of the Sympose. quest. 5. forth, for as much as by a certain incitement they insinuate into the Soul, wherein they communicate and imprint voluptuousness and delectation, which the bodies properly do affect. All Savages do dance. Our Savages, and generally all the people of the west Indies, have time out of mind the use of dances. But lascivious Pleasure hath not yet so far prevailed against them as to make them dance at the pleasure thereof, a thing which ought to serve as a lesson to the Christians. The use then of their dances is for four ends, either to please their gods (let who will call them devils it is all one to me) as we have marked in two places before, or to cheer up some body, or to rejoice themselves of some victory or to prevent sicknesses. In all these dances they sing, and make no dumb shows, as in those dances whereof the Pythienne Oracle speaketh, when he saith: It behoveth that the beholder understand the dancing stage player, although he be dumb: and that he hear him though he dumb gestures. doth not speak: But as in Delos they did sing to the honour of Apollo, the Salians to the honour of Mars, likewise the Floridians do sing to the honour of the Sun, to whom they attribute all their victories: not, for all that so filthily as Orpheus, inventor of the heathenish divelishnesles, of whom Saint Gregory Nazianze mocketh himself in an oration, because that among other follies, in an A foolish filthy song to jupiter. himme he speaketh of jupiter in this wise: O glorious jupiter! the greatest of all the gods, which art resident in all sorts of dung, as well of sheep as of horses and mules, etc. And in another himme that he maketh to Ceres, he saith, that she discovereth her thighs for to submit her body to her Paramours, and to make herself to be tilled. Our Souriquois do make also dances and songs to the The Songs of the Christians to God. honour of the devil, which showeth them their game, and that they think to gratify him: whereof one needeth not to marvel, because that we ourselves, that be better instructed, do sing Psalms and Songs of praise to our God, for that he giveth us our daily food: And I do not Cicero in the Oration for Murena. see that a man who is a hungered have any great lust either in singing or dancing: Nemo enim saltat feré sobrius, saith Cicero. Also when they will feast any body, they have no fairer The Dances and songs of the Souriquois Savages. gesture, in many places then dancing: as in like manner if any one maketh them a feast, for all thanks giving, they betake themselves to dancing, as it hath been seen sometimes when Monsieur de Poutrincourt did give them their dinner, they did sing songs of praises unto him, saying, that he was a brave Sagamoes, who had made them good cheer, and which was their good friend: which they did comprehend very mystically under these three words, Epigico iaton edico: I say mystically: for I could never know the proper signification of every of these words. I believe that it is of the ancient language of their forefathers which is out of use, like as the old Hebrew is not the jews language at this day, and was already changed in the time of the Apostles. Praises of the brave Captains. They sing also in their common Tabagies, the praises of the brave captains and Sagamoes that have killed many of their enemies. Which was practised anciently in many nations, and is practised yet amongst us at this day; and is found to be approved and of decency, in the holy Scripture, in the Canticle of Deborah, after the overthrow judges cha. 5. of king Sisara. And when young David had killed the great Goliath, as the king did return victorious into jerusalem, the women came out of all the towns, and met him 1. Of Samuel, 18. ver. 6. 7. with tabrets, rebecks, and timbrels, dancing and singing merrily, saying by course and answering one another; Saul hath slain his thousand, and David his ten thousand. Atheneus Gaullois Diodo. Atheneus in the 6. book of the banquet of the wise. saith, that the Gaullois had Poets named Bards, whom they reverenced very much: and those Poets did sing Viva voce the deeds of virtuous and famous men: but they did write nothing in public, because that writing maketh men slothful and negligent in learning. Notwithstanding Charolus Magnus was of an other opinion: For The Songs of the Frenchmen. he caused songs to be made in the vulgar tongue, containing the deeds and acts of the ancient, and commanded that the children should be made to learn them by heart, and that they should sing them, to the end, that their memory should remain from father to son, and from race to race, and by this means others should be stirred up to do good, and to write the actions and deeds of valiant men. I will further say here by the way, that the Lacedæmonians Plutar. in the life of Lycurgus. Lacedæmonians had a certain manner of dancing which they used in all their feasts and solemnities, which did represent the three ages: to wit, the time past, by the old men which did say in singing this burden; We were heretofore valorous: the present, by the young men in the flower of their youth saying: We be so now at this time: the future, by the children, who did say, We shall be so too, when our turn comes. What are the Savages dances. I will not busy myself in describing all the fashions of the gambols of their ancient predecessors, but it sufficeth me to say that the dances of our Savages are made without removing from one place, and notwithstanding they are all in a round (or very near) and do dance with vehemency, striking with their feet upon the ground, and lifting themselves up as in half a leap: And as for their hands they hold them close, and their arms in the air, in form of a man that threateneth, with a motion of them. As for the voice, there is but one that singeth, be it man or woman: all the rest do & say, Haet, het, as some that breatheth out with vehemency: And at the end of every song, they all make a loud and long exclamation, saying Héeee. For to be more nimble, they commonly put themselves stark naked, because that their gowns made of skins do hinder them: And if they have any of their enemy's heads or arms, they will carry them about their necks, dancing with this fair jewel, which they will sometimes bite, so great is their hatred even against the dead. And for to end this chapter as we began it, they never make any Tabagie or feast, but that there is a dance after it: And afterward if the Sagamoes be disposed, according to the state of their affairs, he will make an oration of one, two, The orations of the Sagamoes of one 2. or 3. hours continuance. or three hours continuance, and at every demonstration ask the advice of the company: if they approve his proposition, every one will cry out aloud He e e e in sign of allowing and ratifying of the same. Wherein they give him very attentive audience, as we have seen many times: And also when that Monsieur De Poutrincourt did feast our Savages, Memberton, after dancing made an oration with such vehemency that he made the world to wonder, showing the courtesies and witnesses of friendship that they received of the Frenchmen, what they might hope of them hereafter; and how much their presence was profitable, yea necessary unto them, because that they did sleep in security: and had no fear of their enemies, etc. CHAP. XVI. Of the disposition of their bodies: and of their Physic and Cheirurgie. WE have said in the last Chapter that dancing is profitable for the preservation of health. Also it is one of the causes why our Savages do delight so much in it: But they have yet some other preservatives which they use very often, that is to say, sweats, whereby they prevent sicknesses. For they be sometimes touched with this Phthisie wherewith the men of Captain Phthisie first book chap. 16. james Quartier and Monsieur De Monts were annoyed, which notwithstanding is but seldom. But when it happeneth they have in Canada the tree called Annedda, which Annedda. I term the tree of life for the excellency thereof, wherewith they heal themselves; and in the country of the Armouchiquois they have Sassafras, and in Florida Esquine. Sassafras▪ Esquine. The Souriquois which have none of these kinds of woods, do use sweats, as we have said, and they have their Aoutmoins for Physicians, who for that purpose do dig in the The Savages stows or hot houses. ground, and make a pit which they cover with wood and big flat stones over it: then they put fire to it by a hole, and the wood being burned they make a raft with poles, which they cover with all the skins and other coverings which they have, so as no air entereth therein, they cast water upon the said stones, which are fallen in the pit, and do cover them: then they put themselves under the same raft, and with motions the Aoutmoin singing, and the others saying, (as in their dances) Haet, het, het, they put themselves into a sweat. If they happen to fall into sickness (for one must die in the end) the Aoutmoin doth blow, with exercisings, upon the member grieved, doth lick it and suck it: and if that be not sufficient, he letteth the patient blood, scotching his flesh with the point of a knife, or some thing else. If they do not heal them always, one must consider that our Physicians do not always cure their patients neither. The Physicians in Florida. In Florida they have their jarvars, who continually carry a bag full of herbs and drugs hanging about their necks to cure the sick, which are for the most part sick of the Pox: and they blow upon the parts affected, until they draw the very blood from it. The Brasilians Physicians. The Brasilians Physicians are named among them Pagés (they be not their caribs or Soothsayers) who in sucking as aforesaid, they endeavour themselves to heal diseases. But they have one sickness which is uncurable, which they call Pians, proceeding of lechery, which notwithstanding little children sometimes have, even as them in these our parts that be full of pock-holes, which cometh unto them (as I think) from the corruption of their Parents. This contagion doth convert itself into boils broader than the thumb, which disperse themselves throughout all the body, and even as far as the face, and being touched therewith they bear the marks thereof all their life time, fouler than lepers, as well Brasilians as other nations. As for the sick body his diet, they give him not any thing, unless he asketh for it: and without taking any other care of them, they cease not to make their noise and hurly-burlies before them, drinking, skipping and singing, according to their custom. The Souriquois cheirurgeons. As for the wounds, Aoutmos of our Souriquois, and their neighbours, do lick and suck them, using the Bevers kidney, whereof they put a slice upon the wound, and so doth heal itself with that. The ancient Germans (saith Tacitus) not having yet the Art of Cheirurgie did the like: They bring (saith he) their wounds to their Mothers and to their Wives, who are not afraid neither to number them, nor to suck them: yea they bring them victuals to the camp, and exhort them to fight valiantly: so that sometimes armies ready to run away, have been restored by the prayers of the women, opening their breasts to their husbands. And afterwards they willingly used the women's advices and counsels, wherein they esteem some holy thing to be. And among the Christians, many (not caring for God no longer than they receive good gifts of him) do seek for the healing of their diseases by charms and help of Witches: So among our Savages the Aoutmoin having some sore in cure, inquireth often of his devil to know whether he shall heal or no: and hath never no answer but doubtfully, by if, or and There be some of them which sometimes do make incredible cures, as to heal one that hath his arms cut off. Which notwithstanding I know not, why I should find it strange, when I consider what Monsieur de Busbeque writeth in his discourse of his Embassy into Turkey the fourth Epistle. Coming near unto Buda, the Bassa sent some of his household Servants to meet us, with many Heralds and officers: But among the rest a fair troop of young men on horseback, remarkable for the novelty of their order. They had their heads bare and shaven, upon the which they had made a long bloody slash, and thrust divers feathers of birds within the wound, from whence the very pure blood did trickle down: but instead of shrinking at it, they went lifting up their heads with a laughing countenance. Before me marched some foot men, one of them had his arms naked and hanging down on his sides: both which arms above the Elbow was thrust quite through with a knife that stuck fast in them. Another was naked from his head to the navel, having the skin of his-backe so jagged up and down in two places, achwart which he had made to pass, an hatchet of arms, which he did carry in scarf wise as we would do a cuttleaxe. I saw another of them who had fixed upon the crown of his head a horse shoe with many nails, and of so long continuance that the nails were so fixed and fast in the flesh, that they stirred not. We entered into Buda in this pomp, and were brought into the Bassa's house, with whom I treated of my affairs. All this youthly company little caring for their wounds were in the lower court of the house; And as I was a looking on them the Bassa asked of me what I thought of it: All well said I, except that these men do with the skin of their bodies, that which I would not do with my coat: For I would seek to keep it whole. The Bassa laughed, and we took our leave. The trial of the Savages constancy. Our Savages do very well sometimes make trial of their constancy, but we must confess that it is nothing in regard of the things above rehearsed. For all that they do is to put burning coals upon their arms, and to suffer their skins to burn, so that the marks thereof do remain there for ever: which thing they do also on other parts of the body, and show these marks to say that they Romans. have a great courage. But the ancient Mutius Scevola did much more than that, burning courageously his arm in the fire, after he had miss the kill of king Porsenna. If this were of my purpose I would declare the customs Lacedæmonians. of the Lacedæmonians, who did make every year a feast to the honour of Diana, where the young boys did show their trial by whipping of themselves: Item the custom of the Persians. ancient Persians, who worshipping the Sun, which they called Mithra, none could be received to that fraternity until he had given his constancy to be known, by fourscore kinds of torments, of fire, of water, of fasting, of solitariness, and other things. But let us return to our Savages Physicians & Chierurgeons. Although the number of them be but small, yet so it is that the hope of their living doth not consist wholly in Healthful Country. that trade. For as concerning the ordinary sicknesses they are so rare in those parts, that the verse of Ovid may be very well applied unto them: Si valeant homines ars tua Phaebe jacet: In saying Si, pro Quia. For these do also live a great age, which is commonly seven score or eight score year. Long lives. And if they had our commodities to live by forecast, and industry to gather up in summer for the Winter, I believe they would live above three hundred years. Which may be conjectured by the report that we have made heretofore of an old man in Florida, who had lived that great age. In such sort that it is no particular miracle of that which Pliny saith that the Pandorians do live 200. years or that they of Taprobane are lively and nimble at a 100 years old. For Membertou is above a 100 years old, and yet hath not one white hair on his head, and so ordinarily be the others. And that which is more in every age they have all their teeth, and go bareheaded, not caring at least to make any hats of their skins, as the first did that used them in these parts of the world. For they of Peloponesus The first original of hats. the Lacedæmonians did call a hat Cynen, which julius Pollux saith to signify a dogs skin. And of these hats do yet the Northerly people use at this day, but they are well furred. Concord is a cause of long life. That which also procureth the health of our Savages, is the concord which they have among them, and the small care they take for the commodities of this life, for the which we torment and vex ourselves. They have not that ambition, which in these parts gnaweth and fretteth the minds and spirits, and filleth them with cares, making blinded men to go to the grave in the very flower of their age, and sometimes to serve for a shameful spectacle to a public death. I dare also, and that very well, attribute the cause of this disposition and long health of our Savages, to their manner of life, which is after the ancient fashion, without curiosity. For every one doth grant that Sobriety is the mother of Sobriety. health. And although they sometimes exceed in their Tabagies or feasts, they diet themselves afterwards well enough, living very often eight days more or less with the smoke of Tobacco, not returning to hunting until they be a hungry. And that besides being nimble they want no exercise, some way or other. Briefly there is no mention amongst them of those short ages which do not out pass forty years, which is the life of certain people of Aethiopia (as Pliny saith) which do live of Locusts (or grashopers) Multitude of officers is the sign of a corrupted estate. salted in the smoke. Also corruption is not among them, which is the fostering mother of Physicians and of Magistrates, and of the multiplicity of officers, and of public extortioners, which are created and instituted for to give order unto it, and to cut off the abuses. They have no suits in law (the plague of our lives) to the prosecuting whereof we must consume both our years & our means, and very often one cannot obtain justice, be it either by the ignorance of the judge, to whom the case is disguised, or by his own malice, or by the wickedness of an Attorney that will sell his Cliant. And from such afflictions do proceed the tears, fretfulnesses, and desolations, which Ecclesiast. 30. at the end of the chapter. bring us to the grave before our time. For sorrow (saith the wise man) hath killed many, and there is no profit in it. Envy and wrath shorten the life, and care bringeth old age before the time. But the joy of the heart is the life of man: and a man's gladness prolongeth his days. CHAP. XVII. The exercises of the Men. AFter health, let us speak of exercises which be the maintainers and protectors thereof. Our Savages have no base exercise, all their sport being either the wars, or hunting (whereof we will speak severally) or in making implements fit for the same (as Caesar witnesseth of the ancient Germans) or a dancing (and of that we have Bows and arrows. already spoken) or in passing the time in play. They make then Bows and Arrows▪ bows which be strong and without fineness. As for the arrows it is an admirable thing, how they can make them so long and so strait with a knife, yea with a stone only, where they have no knives. They feather them with the feathers of an Eagles tail, because they are firm, and carry themselves well in the air: And when they want them they will give a Beavers skin, yea twain for one of those tails. For the No wise trade to sell any weapons to them. head, the Savages that have traffic with Frenchmen do head them with iron heads which are brought to them. But the Armochiquois & others more remote have nothing but bones, made like Serpent's tongues, or with the tails Sicnau, or Seekanauk, a fish in Virginia. of a certain fish called Sicnau, the which fish is also found in Virginia by the same name (at least the English Historian doth write it Seekanauk.) This fish is like to a Cravise lodged within a very hard shell, which shell is of the greatness of a dish, a long tail, likewise hard (for it is shell and sharp). His eyes are upon his back, and is very good meat. Mases, or clubs, shields. They also make wooden mazes or clubs, in the fashion of an Abbot's n1, for the war, and shields which cover all their bodies, as did our ancient Gaullois. As for the Quivers that is the women's trade. Fishing lines. Hemp. For fishing. The Armouchiquois which have hemp do make fishing lines with it, but ours that have not any manuring of the ground, do truck for them with Bowe-strings made with guts. Rackets. Frenchmen, as also for fishing hooks to bait for fishes: only they make with guts bowstrings, and rackets, which they tie at their feet to go upon the snow a hunting. And for as much as the necessity of life doth constrain them to change place often, whether it be for fishing (for every place hath his particular fishes, which come thither in certain season) they have need of horses in their remove for to carry their stuff. Those horses be Canowes' Canowes', or boats. and small boats made of barks of trees, which go as swiftly as may be without sails. When they remove they put all that they have into them, wives, children, dogs, kettles, hatchets, Matachiaz, bows, arrows, quivers, skins, and the coverings of their houses. They are made in such sort that one must not stir, nor stand up when he is in them, but crouching or sitting in the bottom, otherwise the merchandise would overturn. They are four foot broad or thereabouts, in the midst, and are sharp towards the ends: and the nose is made rising, for to pass commodiously upon the waves. I have said that they make them of the barks of trees, for the keeping whereof in measure, they garnish them within, with half circles of Cedar wood, a wood very supple and pliable, whereof Noah's Ark was made. And to the end they leak not, they cover the seams (which join the said barks together, which they make of roots) with the gum of fir-tree. They also make some with willows very properly, which they cover with the said gum of fir-tree: a thing which witnesseth that they lack no wit, where necessity presseth them. Many nations of these parts have had the like in times past. If we seek in the holy Scripture, we shall find that Moses mother, seeing she could hide her child no Exod. 2. v. 3. longer, she did put him in a little Chest (that is to say in a little Canowe: (for Noah's Ark, and this same small chest is one same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hebrew, made of reed, and Canowes' made of willows. daubed it with slime and pitch: then put the child in it, and laid it among the bulrushes by the shore of the River. And the Prophet Isaiah threatening the Aethiopians and Assyrians: Woe (saith he) unto the Country which sendeth by sea Ambassadors in paper vessels (or rushes) upon the waters, saying: Paper Canowes'. Messengers go ye quickly, etc. The Egyptians, neighbours to the Aethiopians had in the time of julius Caesar, the same vessels, that is to say, of paper, which is a rind of a bark of a tree: witness Lucan in these Lucani. 4. book. verses: Conseritur bibula Memphitis cymba papyro. Plin. lib. 4. ca 16. But let us come from the East and South to the North: Pliny saith, that anciently the Englishmen & Scotishmen, fetched Tin in the land of Mictis, with Canowes' of Willows sewed in leather. Solin saith as much, and Isidore, Isidor. li. 19 cap. 1. which calleth this fashion of Canowes', Carabus, made of Willows, and environed with ox hides all raw, which (saith he) the Saxon Pirates do use, who with those instruments are swift in flight. Sïdoneus de Polignac, speaking of Sidon. Carm. 7. the same Saxons, saith, — Cui pelle salam sulcare Britannum Ludus, & assuto glaucum mare findere Lembo. The Savages of the North towards Labrador, have certain small Canowes' of thirteen or fourteen foot long, and two foot broad, made of this fashion, all covered with leather, yea over head, and there is but one hole in the midst, where the man putteth himself on his knees, having half his body out, so that he cannot perish, furnishing his vessels with victuales before he cometh in it. I The original of the Sirens fables. dare believe that the fables of the sirens or Marmaidens come from that, the dunces esteeming that they were fishes, half men or women, as they have feigned Centaurs by seeing men on horseback. Canowes' of hollowed▪ tree. The Armouchiquois, Virginians, Floridians, and Brasilians, do make another fashion of Canowes', for having neither hatchets nor knives, (except some copper ones) they burn a great tree very strait, at the foot, and fall it down, than they take such length as they will, and use to burn it in steed of sawing it, scraping the burnt part of the tree with stones: and for the hollowing of the vessel, they do continue the same. In one of those boats six men will sail with some stuff, and will make long voyages. But these kind of Canowes' are heavier than the others. Long voyages in the woods. They also make long voyages by land, as well as by sea, and they will undertake (a thing uncredible) to go twenty or thirty yea forty leagues through the woods, without meeting with any path or Inn, and without carrying any victuales but Tobacco, and a tinder box, with their bow in hand, and their quiver at their backs. And we in France are much troubled when we have never so little lost our way in some great forest. If they be pressed with thirst, they have the skill to suck the trees, from whence They are commonly Birch trees. do trickle down a sweet and very pleasant liquor, as myself have tried it sometimes. In the countries where they use tillage, as in that of the Armouchiquois, and farther off, the men do make an infinite quantity of Earthen pots, like in fashion to pottery of earth. night caps, in which they seeth their meats, flesh, fish, beans, corn, pompions etc. Our Souriquois did so anciently and did till the ground, but since that Frenchmen do bring unto them kettles, beans, peason, biscuit and other food they are become slothful, and make no more account of those exercises. But as for the Armouchiquois which have yet no commerce with us, and them that are further of, they till the ground, do fatten it The tilling of the ground. Germans. with shells of fish, they have their families distinct▪ and their plots of ground about them; contrary to the ancient Germans which (as Caesar saith) had not any field proper, neither did they dwell above a year in one place, having almost no other living then milk, flesh, and cheese, thinking it too tedious a thing for them to tarry a whole year of purpose, for to reap a harvest. Which is also The Savages be not laborious. the humour of our Souriquois and Canadians, who, and all others (as we must needs confess) are nothing laborious but in hunting. For, the manuring of the ground, the women do take the greatest pains in it, who amongst them do not command at home, and do not make their husbands to go to the Market, as they do in many provinces in these our parts, and especially in the Country of jealousy. The Floridians tillage. Sowing twice a year. As for the tillage of the Floridians, hear what Laudomniere saith of it: They sow their corn twice a year, that is to say, in March and in june, and all in one and the self same land. The said Mill from the time that it is sowed until it be ready to be reaped, is not above three months in the ground. The six other months they suffer Ploughing. the ground to rest. They also gather fair Pompians and very good beans. They do not dung their land: only when they will sow, they set the weeds on fire which are grown during the six months, and burn them all. They till their land with an Instrument of wood, which is made like to a broad pickaxe, wherewith they dig their vines in France: They put two grains of mill together. When the lands are to be sowed, the king commandeth one of his men to call his subjects together every day to come to labour, during the which, the king causeth great store of that drink whereof we have spoken to be made. In the season that the Corn is gathered, it is all carried into the common storehouse, where it is distributed to every one according to his quality. They sow but so Their living during the Winter. much as they think will serve them for six months, and that very hardly: for during the winter they retire themselves three or four months of the year into the woods: where they make little houses of Palm leaves, to lodge themselves in, and there do live of acorns, of fish which they take, of oysters, of Stags, Turkey hens, and other beasts that they take. The towns of the Savages. And seeing they have towns and houses, or Cibanes, I may yet well put this among their exercises. As for the Towns, they be multitudes of Cabins, made somewhat Pyramid wise, others in form of a cottage, others like garden bowers, compassed as it were with high pales of trees joined one near the other, even as I have set out the town of Hochelaga, in my map of the great river of Canada. Furthermore, one must not marvel of this shape of a town, which might seem simple: seeing that the fairest towns of moscovie have no better enclosure. The ancient Lacedæmonians would have no other walls then their courage The beginning of towns. and valour. Before the general 'slud Cain did build a town, which he named Henoch (I believe it was no otherwise made then those of our Savages) but he did feel the wrath of God which pursued him, and had lost all assurance. Gen. 4. 20. Men had but Cabins and Pavilions, and as it is written of jabal the son of Hada; that he was the father of the dwellers in Tabernacles and of Shepherds. After the flood they builded the tower of Babel, but this was folly. Tacitus writing of the manners of the Germans, saith that in his time they had not any use neither of lime nor stones. The English Britons much less. Our Gaullois were then, from many ages before, come to civility. But yet The first builder in the Gaulleses. were they along time in the beginning without any other habitations than Cabins: and the first Gaullois king that built towns and houses, was Magus, who succeeded his father the wise Samothes, three hundred years after the flood, eight years after the nativity of Abraham, and the one and fifty year of the reign of Ninus, as Berosius the Chaldean doth say. And although they had buildings, they lay notwithstanding on the ground upon skins, like to our Savages. And as in the ancient times the names were given which contained the qualities and acts of persons, Magus was so called, because he was the first builder. For in the Scythian and Armenian language (from whence our Gaullois came shortly after the flood) and in the ancient Gaullois tongue, Magus signifieth a builder, saith the same Author, and so hath john Annius of Viterbe very well marked: from whence came our names of the The Gaullois Philosophers. Diog. Laert. in the beginning of the lives of Philosophers. Games of the Savages. Towns of Rothomagus, Neomagus, Noviomagus. So likewise Samothes signifieth wise, and the old Gaullois Philosophers were (before the Druids) called Samotheans, as Diogenes Laertius reporteth, who confesseth that Philosophy did begin from them whom the Greek vanity did call Barbarous. I will add here for an exercise of our Savages, their play at hazard, whereunto they are so addicted that sometimes they play out all that they have: And james Quartier writeth the same of them of Canada, in the time that he was there. I have seen a kind of game that they have, but not thinking then to write this treaty, I took no heed to it. They put some number of beans coloured and painted of the one side in a platter: and having stretched out a skin on the ground, they play there upon, striking with the dish upon this skin, and by that means the beans do skip in the air, and do not all fall on that part that they be coloured: and in that consisteth the chance and hazard: and according to their chance they have a certain number of quills made of rushes, which they distribute to him that winneth for to keep the reckoning. CHAP. XVIII. Of the women's exercises. THe woman was given in the beginning unto Man, not only for to aid and assist him, but also to be the store house of generation. Their first exercise then that I will attribute unto her, after that she is married is to bring forth goodly children, and to assist her husband in this work: for this is the end of marriage. And therefore is she very well and fitly called in hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The woman is called Pierced. that is to say pierced, because it is meet that she be pierced, if she will imitate our common mother the Earth, which in the Spring time, desirous to bring forth, openeth her bosom for to receive the rain and dews which the Marriage requisite for planters in a new possessed Land. Great encouragement for the honestly minded that go to inhabit in those parts. heaven poureth upon her. Now I find that this exercise shallbe requisite for them that will inhabit New France to bring forth there store of creatures, which shall sing the praises of God. There is land enough to nourish them, so that they be willing to work: and their condition shall not be so miserable as it is with many in these parts, which do seek to employ themselves and do not find wherein: and albeit they find it, yet very often is their labour unrewarded and unfruitful. But in that country he that will take pleasure, and as it were sport himself with sweet labour, he shall be assured to live out of bondage, and that his children shall yet be in better state than himself was. The first exercise then of the woman is to work in generation, which is a labour so fair and so meritorious, ●. Tim. 2. 15. that the great Apostle. S. Paul, to consolate them in the pains they take in that labour hath said: that the woman shall be saved through bearing of children, if they remain in faith, and love, and holiness with modesty. That is to say, If she instruct them in such sort that the godliness of the mother may be known by the good institution of the children. This first and chiefest article being mentioned, let us come to the others. Our Savage women after they have brought forth the fruit of this exercise, by I know not what practice, do observe without law that which was Leuit. 12. purification. commanded in the law of Moses touching purification. For they shut up themselves a part, and know not their husbands for thirty yea forty days: during which time they do not leave for all that from going here and there, where they have business, carrying their children with them, and taking care for them. here above chap. 14. I have said in the chapter of the Tabagie that among the Savages, the women are not in as good a condition as they were anciently among the Gaullois and Germans. For (by the report of james Quartier himself) they labour more than the men, saith he, whether it be in fishing, be it in tilling or in any thing else. And notwithstanding they are neither forced, nor tormented: but they are neither in their Tabagies nor in their counsels, and do the servile businesses, for want of servants. If there be any venison killed, they go to flay it and to fetch it, yea were it three leagues off: and they must find it out by the only circumstance that shall be described to them by words. They that have prisoners do also employ them to that, and to other labours, as to go fetch wood with wives: which is folly in them to go fetch dry and rotten wood very far off for to warm them, although they be in the midst of a forest. True it is that the smoke is very irksome to them: which it may be is the cause thereof. Touching their smaller exercises; when the winter doth approach they prepare that which is necessary to oppose themselves against this rigorous adversary, and make mats of rushes, wherewith they garnish their Cabins, Mats. and others to fit upon, and all very artificially, yea also colouring their rushes, they make partitions in their works, like to them that our gardeners do make in their garden knots, with such measure and proportion as nothing is found amiss therein. And because that the body The currying and dressing of skins. must also be clothed, they curry and supple the skins of Bevers, Stags and others, as well as can be done here. If they be little they few many together, and make cloaks, sleeves, stockens, and shoes, upon all which things they make works which have a very good grace. Item they Panniers. make Panniers of rushes and roots, for to put their necessities in, as corn, beans, peason, flesh, fish and other things. They make also purses of leather, upon which Purses. they make works worthy of admiration, with the hairs of Porckepines, coloured with red, black, white and blue, which Dies. be the colours that they make, so lively that ours seem in nothing to be comparable to them. They also exercise Dishes. themselves in making dishes of bark to drink, and put their meats in, which are very fair according to the stuff. Item scarves, necklaces and bracelets which they Matachia. and the men do wear (which they call Matachia) are of their making. When the barks of trees must be taken off in the Spring-time, or in Summer, therewith to cover their houses, it is they which do that work: As likewise they labour in the making of Canowes' and small boats, when Canowes'. they are to be made: And as for the tilling of the ground (in the countries▪ where they use it) they take therein more pains then the men, who do play the gentlemen, and have no care but in hunting, or of wars. And notwithstanding all their labours, yet commonly they love their The women's love to their husbands. husbands more than the women of these our parts. For none of them are seen to marry again upon their graves, that is to say presently after their decease, but rather do tarry a long time. And if he hath been killed, they will eat no flesh nor will condescend to second marriage until they have seen the revenge thereof made: A testimony both of true love (which is scarce found among us) and also of chastity. Also it happeneth very seldom that they have any divorcements, but such as are voluntary. And if they were Christians they would be families with whom God would dwell and be well pleased, as it is meet it should be so, for to have perfect contentment: for otherwise Fair observation upon the names of the Man and the woman. Aben Hezra on the 2. cha. of the Prover. 17. verse. marriage is but torment and tribulation. Which the Hebrews great speculators and searchers into holy things, by a subtle animadversion, have very well noted, for Aben Hezra saith, that in the name of the man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the woman 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the name of God, jah, is contained: And if the two letters which do make this name of God be taken away, there shall remain these two words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which do signify fire and fire, that is to say, that God being taken away it is but anguish, tribulation, bitterness and grief. CHAP. XIX. Of their Civility. Math. 15. v. 2. ONe must not hope to find in our Savages that civility which the Scribes and Pharisees did require in the Disciples of our Lord. For which their over great curiosity he made them such answer as they deserved. For they had brought in ceremonies and customs which were repugnant to God's commandment, which they would have straightly to be observed, teaching ungodliness under the name of Piety. For if a wicked child did give and put into the common box of the temple that which appertained to his father, or to his mother, they (for to draw this profit) did justify this wicked Son, against the commandment of God, who hath above all things commended & commanded the children's obedience and reverence towards them that have brought them into the world, which are the image of God, who hath no need God will have no oblation made of another body's goods. of our goods, and doth not accept the oblation that is made unto him of the goods of another. The same Scribes and Pharisees did also bring in, a civility to wash hands, which our Lord doth not blame but in as much as they made the not observing of it, to be a great sin. Savages. I have no cause to praise our Savages in those kind of civilities, for they wash not themselves at meals, unless they be monstrously fowl: and not having any use of linen, when their hands be greasy they are constrained to wipe them on their hairs, or upon their dogs hairs. They make no curiosity of belching, being at meals: which the Germans and others in these parts do as well as they. Not having the art of joiners work they dine upon the broad table of the world, spreading a skin where they eat their meat, and sit on the ground. The Turks Gaullois. also do the same. Our ancient Gaullois were no better than they, who (Diodorus saith) did use the same, spreading on the ground dogs skins, or wolves skins, upon which they did dine and sup, making themselves to be Germans. served by yongue boys. The Germans were more rude. For they had not learning, Philosophy, nor so much delicateness as our Nation, which Caesar saith to have had the use of a thousand things by the means of their Navigations on the seas, whereby they helped the bordering people of Germany, who used some small civility, and more humanity than the others of their Nation, by reason of the communication they had with our people. Savages arriving in some place. As for the compliments that they use one towards another coming from far they may very briefly be recited. For we have many times seen Savage strangers to arrive in Port Royal, who being landed, without any discourse, went strait to Membertous cabin, where they sat down, taking Tobacco, and having well drunken of it, did give the Tobacco-pipe to him that seemed to be the worthiest person, and after consequently to the others: The Savages salutations. Then some half an hour after they did begin to speak. When they arrived at our lodgings, their salutation was, Ho, ho, ho, and so they do ordinarily: but for making of courtesies and kissing of hands they have no skill: except some particulars which endeavoured themselves to be conformable unto us, and seldom came they to see us without a hat, to the end they might salute us with a more solemn action. The Floridians Salutations. The Floridians do make no enterprise, before they assemble their Counsel divers times: and in these assemblies when they arrive they salute one another. The Paraousti (whom Laudonniere calleth king) placeth himself alone upon a seat which is higher than the others: where, one after another, they come to salute him, and the eldest begin their salutation, lifting up twice both their hands as high as their faces, saying Ha, he, ya, ha, ha, and the others do answer Ha, ha. And they sit every one upon seats which are about the Counsel chamber. Now whether the salutation Ho, ho, do signify any thing or no (for I know no particular signification in it) yet notwithstanding it is a salutation of joy, and the only voice Ho, ho, cannot be made but almost in laughing, testifying thereby that they are glad to see their friends. The Greeks have never had any thing else in The greeks salutations. Plato in Charmide. The salutations of the Latins and Hebrews. their salutations, but a witnessing of joy by their word Chair; which signifieth, be ye merry: which Plato disliking was of advice that it were better to say Sophroney, be ye wise. The Latins have had their ave, which is a wish of happiness: sometimes also Salve, which is a wishing of health to him whom one saluteth. The Hebrews had the verb shalum which is a word of peace and of health. According unto which Our Saviour did command Math. 10. 12. his Apostles to salute the houses where they should enter in, that is to say (according to the interpretation of the common translation) to pronounce peace unto them: which salutation of peace was from the first ages amongst the people of God. For it is written that jethro, Moses father in law, coming to rejoice with him for the graces that God had done unto him and unto his people, by the delivering of them from the land of Egypt, Moses went Exod. 18. 7. out to meet his father in law, and having bowed himself kissed him: and they saluted one another with words of peace. We Frenchmen do say, Dieu vous guard, that is, God keep you, Dieu vous doint le bon jour, God give you good morrow; Item Le bon Soir, good Evening. Notwithstanding there be many, who ignorantly do say, je vous donne, Le bon jour, Le bon Soir, that is to say, I give (or bid) you good morrow, good evening: A manner of speech which would be more decent, by desiring and praying to God that it be so. Angels have sometimes saluted men, as he who did say to Gedeon: Most strong and valiant man, the Lord is judg. 6. 12. with thee. But God saluteth no body: for it belongeth to him to give salvation, and not to wish it by prayer. Salutation in Sneezing. The Heathen had yet a civility in saluting them which did sneeze, which custom we have kept of them. And the Emperor Tiberius, the saddest man in the world (saith Pliny) would be saluted in sneezing, although he were in his Coach etc. All those ceremonies and institutions (saith the same Author) are come from the opinion of them which think that the gods will assist our affairs. Out of these words may be easily conjectured that the salutations of the Heathen were prayers and vows for health, or other felicity, that they made to the gods. The ancient fashion in the beginning of letters. And as they did such things in meetings, so did they use the word Vale (be ye well, be ye in health, as we use to say in English fare you well) at the departure: yea in letters and Epistles; which also they began always with these words: If you be in health, it is well: I am in Senec. ep. 15. health. But Seneca saith that this good custom was broken in his time: As at this day among us it is to write clownish like to put in the beginning of a letter, God keep you in health: which was in times past a holy and christian manner of writing. In stead of this Vale, which is often found in the holy Scriptures, we say in our language Of A Dieu, God be with you. A Dieu God be with you, wishing not only health to our friend, but also that God do keep him. But our Savages have not any salutation at the departure, but only the A Dieu which they have learned of us. And to finish this discourse where we began, they are to be commended for their obedience that they yield The Savages obedient to their parents. to their fathers and mothers, to whose commandments they obey, do nourish them in their old age, and defend them against their enemies. And here with us (oh miserable thing!) there is often seen the children's suits in law against their parents: books of the fatherly power are seen published, concerning the children's withdrawing from their obedience. An unworthy act for children that be Christians, to whom may be applied the speeches Tit. Lib. 1. Decad. 1. Deut. 27. 16. of Turnus Herdonius, recited in Titus Livius, saying, that there is no speedier deciding and taking up of any matter, then between the father and the son; a thing that might be dispatched in few words: for if he would not obey and give place to his father, undoubtedly evil should come to him. And the word of God which is a thunder bolt saith: Cursed be he who honoureth not his Father and his Mother, and all the people shall say Amen. CHAP. XX. Of the Virtues and Vices of the Savages. Virtue like unto wisdom, disdaineth not to be lodged under a mean roof. The Northerly nations are the last that have been brought to civility: And notwithstanding, before that civility, they have done great actions. Our Savages, although they be naked, are not void of those virtues, that are found in men of civility, For every one (saith Aristotle) hath in him, even from his Arist. 6 Eth▪ chap. 13. birth, the principles and seeds of virtue. Taking then the four virtues by their springs, we shall find that they participate much of them. For first concerning fortitude and courage, they have thereof as much as any nation of the Savages (I speak of our Souriquois and of their allied) in such sort, that ten of them will always adventure themselves against twenty Armouchiquois: not that they be altogether without fear (a thing which the fore-alleged Aristotle doth reproach to the ancient Celtien-Gaullois, The ancient Gaullois were without fear. who feared nothing, neither the motions of the earth, nor the tempests of the sea, saying, that this was the property of an hairebraine fellow) but with that courage they have, they esteem that wisdom giveth unto them much advantage. They fear then, but it is that which all wise men do fear, and that is death, which is terrible and dreadful, as she that rifleth all, through which she passeth. They fear shame and reproach, but this fear is cozen german to virtue. They are stirred to do good by What it is that the Savages do honour, for as much as he, amongst them, is always honoured, and getteth renown to himself that hath done some fair exploit. Having these things proper unto them, they are in a mediocrity, which is the very seat of virtue. One point maketh this virtue of force and courage unperfect in them, that is, they are too revengeful, and in that they put their soveraing contentment, which inclineth Savages revengeful. to brutishness. But they are not alone, for all those nations how far soever they may stretch themselves from one Pole to the other, are infected with this vice. The Christian Religion only may bring them to reason, as in some sort she doth with us (I say in some sort) because that we have men very unperfect, as well as the Savages. Temperance. Temperance is another virtue▪ consisting in the mediocrity in things that concern the pleasures of the body: for as for that which concerneth the mind he is not called temperate or untemperate, who is moved with ambition, or with desire to learn, or that emploieth his time in toys. And for that which concerneth the body, temperance or untemperance, is not applied to all things that might be subject to our senses, unless it be by accident, as to colour, to a picture: Item to flowers and good sentes: Item to songs and hearing of orations, or comedies: but rather to that which is subject to feeling, and to that which smelling seeketh by arts, as in eating and drinking, in perfumes, in the venerean act, to tennis play, to wrestling, to running, and such like. Now all these things do depend of the will; which being so, it is the part of a man to know how to bridle his appetites. Our Savages have not all the qualities requisite for the perfection of this virtue. For as for meats we must acknowledge their untemperance, when they have wherewith, and they do eat perpetually, yea so far as to rise in the night to banquet. But seeing that in these our parts many are as vicious as they, I will not be to rigorous a Censurer of them. As for the other actions there is no more to be reproved in them then in us: yea I will say less, in that which concerneth the Venerean action, whereto they are little addicted: not comprehending here, Heretofore chap. 13. for all that, them of Florida, and in hotter countries, of whom we have spoken heretofore. Liberality. Liberality is a virtue as worthy praise, as avarice and prodigality, her opposites are blame worthy. It consisteth in giving and receiving, but rather in giving in time and place, and according to occasion, without excess. This virtue is proper and befitting great personages, which be as it were Stewards of the goods of the earth, which God hath put into their hands, for to use them liberally, that is to say to distribute them to him that hath none, not being excessive in needless expenses, nor too sparing where magnifiicencie is to be showed. Our Savages are praise worthy in the exercise of this virtue, according to their poverty. For as we have said before, when they visit one another, they give mutual presents one to the other. And when some French Sagamoes cometh to them, they do the like with him, casting at his feet some bundle of Bevers, or other furs, which be all their riches: And so did they to Monsieur de Poutrincourt, but he took them not to his own proper use, but rather put them into Monsieur de Monts his storehouse, because he would not go against the privilege given unto him. This custom of the said Savages proceedeth but from a liberal mind, and which hath some generosity. And although they be very glad when the like is done unto them, yet so it falleth out, that they begin the venture, and put themselves in hazard to lose their merchandise. And who is he amongst us that doth more than they, that is to say, which giveth but with intention to receive? the Poet saith, Nemo suas gratis perdere vellet opes▪ There is no body that giveth, intending to lose. If a great parsonage giveth to a mean man, that is for to draw some service from him. Even that which is given to the poor, is to receive the hundred fold, according to the promise of the Gospel. And for to show the galantness of our said Savages: they do not willingly cheapen, and do content themselves with that which is given them honestly with a willing mind, disdaining and blaming the fashions of our petty merchants, which be an hour a Heretofore 1 book chap. 17. cheapening for to buy a Beaver skin: as I saw being at the river Saint john, whereof I have spoken heretofore, that they called a young merchant of Saint Maloes Mercatoria, which is a word of reproach among them, borrowed of the Baskes, signifying as it were, a hagling fellow. Finally, they have nothing in them but frankness and liberality in their exchanging. And seeing the base manners of some of our men, they demanded sometimes, what they came to seek for in their country, saying, that they came not into ours: and seeing that we are richer than they, we should give them liberally that which we have, Out of this virtue, there groweth in them a magnificence which cannot appear, and remaineth hidden, but for all that they are provoked by it, doing all they can for to welcome their friends. And Membertou was very desirous that so much honour should be done unto him as to shoot off our Canons when he did arrive, because he saw that the same was done to the French Captains in such a case, saying that it was due unto him, seeing that he was a Sagamoes. Page 224. here Hospitality may be mentioned, but having spoken theereof heretofore, I will refer the Reader to the chapter of the Tabagis, where I give them the praise attributed to the Gaullois and ancient Frenchmen for this respect. True it is that in some places there be some which be friends for the time, and take their advantage in necessity, as hath been noted in Laudonniere his voyage. But we cannot accuse them in that, lest we also accuse our The piety of the Savages towards their parents. selves, which do the like. One thing I will say that belongeth to fatherly Piety, that the children are not so cursed as to despise their patents in old age, but do provide for them with venison, as the Storks do towards them that have engendered them. A thing which is the shame of many Christians, who being weary of their Parents long life, do oftentimes strip them before they go to bed, and so do leave them naked. They use also humanity and mercy towards their enemy's wives and little children, whose lives they spare, but they remain their prisoners for to serve them, according to the ancient right of servitude, brought in amongst all the nations of the other world, against the natural liberty. But as for the men of defence they spare none, but kill as many of them as they can catch. As for justice, they have not any Law neither divine nor human, but that which Nature teacheth them, that one must not offend another. So have they quarrels very seldom. And if any such thing do chance to happen, the Sagamoes quieteth all, and doth justice to him that is offended, giving some bastanadoes to the wrong doer, or condemning him to make some presents to the other, for to pacify him, which is some form of dominion. If it be one of their prisoners that hath offended, he is in danger to go to the pot. For after he is killed no body will revenge his death. The same consideration is in these parts of the world. There is no account made of a man's life that hath no support. Execution of justice made by the Savages. One day there was an Armouchiquois woman, prisoner, who had caused a countryman of hers, prisoner, to escape away: & to the end to travel and pass on the way she had stolen from Membertous cabin a tinderbox (for without that they can do nothing) and a hatchet. Which being come to the knowledge of the Savages, they would not proceed on the execution thereof near unto us, but they went to Cabin themselves four or five leagues from Port Royal, where she was killed. And because she was a woman, our Savages wives and daughters did execute her. Kinibech-coech a young maid of eighteen years of age, fair and well spotted with colours, gave her the first stroke in the throat, which was with a knife: An other maid of the same age, handsome enough, called Metembroech, followed on, and the daughter of Membertou which we called Membertou-ech-coech made an end. We reproved them sharply for this cruelty, whereof they were all ashamed, and durst not show themselves any more. This is their form of justice. Another time a man and a women, prisoners, went clean away, without tinderbox or any provision of meat. Which was hard to be performed, as well for the great distance of way, which was above 300. leagues by land because it behoved them to go secretly, and to take heed from meeting with any Savages. Nevertheless those poor souls pulled off the bark of certain trees, and made a little boat, with the bark of them, wherein they crossed the Bay Françoise, and got to the other shore over against Port Royal, shortening their way above one hundred and fifty leagues: and got home into their Country of the Armouchiquois. Wherein the Savages are diligent and slothful. I have said in some place that they are not laborious, but in hunting and fishing, loving also the labour taken by sea: slothful at all other painful exercise, as in the manuring of the ground, and in our mechanical trades: also to grind Corn for their own use. For sometimes they will rather seethe it in grains, then to grind it by handy strength. Yet notwithstanding they will not be unprofitable. For there will be some means to employ them, to that whereunto they be inclined by nature: without forcing it, as heretofore did the Lacedæmonians to the yongue men of their Commonwealth. As for the children, having yet taken no bias, it will be easier to keep them at home and to employ them in those things that shall be thought fit. Howsoever it be, hunting is no bad thing, nor fishing neither. Let us see then how they behave themselves therein. CHAP. XXI. Of their Hunting. Gens. 1. v. 29. GOd, before sin, gave for food unto man every herb bearing seed upon all the earth, and every tree wherein is the fruit of a tree bearing seed: without making mention of the spilling of the blood of beasts: And notwithstanding after the banishment from the Garden of pleasure, the labour ordained for the punishment of the said sin required a stronger and more substantial food than the former: so man full of carnality accustomed himself to feed upon flesh, and did tame certain number of beasts for to serve him to that effect: though some would say that before the flood no flesh was eaten: for in vain Genes. 4. vers. 4. 20. had Abel been a shepherd, and jabel father of shepherds. But after the flood, God renewing his covenant with man: Genes. 9 Vers. 2▪ 3. The fear and dread of you (saith the Lord) shall be upon every beast of the Earth, and upon every fowl of the Heaven, with all that moveth on the earth, and upon all the fishes of the Sea: they are given into your hands: all that moveth having The beginning of the right of hunting. life shall he unto you for meat. Upon this privilege is form the right of hunting: the noblest right of all rights that be in the use of man, seeing that God is the Author of it. And therefore no marvel if kings and their Nobility Why it appertaineth to kings and to their nobility. have reserved it unto them, by a well concluding reason, that if they command unto men with far better reason may they command unto beasts. And if they have the administration of justice to judge malefactors, to overcome Rebels, and to bring to human society wild and Savage men: with far better reason shall they have it for to do the same towards the creatures of the air, of the forests and of the fields. As for them of the sea we will For what end kings have been chosen. speak of them in another place. And seeing that kings have been in the beginning chosen by the people for to keep & defend them from their enemies, whilst that they are at their necessary works, and to make war as much as need is for the reparation of injury, and recovery of that which hath been wrongfully usurped, or taken away: it is very reasonable and decent that as well them as the nobility that do assist and serve them in those things, have the exercise of hunting, which is an Image of war, to the end to rouse up the mind and to be always nimble, ready to take horse, for to go to encounter with the enemy, to lie in ambush, to assail him, to chase him, to trample him under feet. There is another and first aim The first end of hunting. in hunting, it is the food of Man, whereunto it is destinated, as is known by the place of Scripture afore alleged: yea, I say, so destinated that in the holy language it is but one and the self same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for to signify hunting (or venison) & meat: As among a hundred places this of the one hundred thirty two Psalm. Where our God having chosen Zion for his habitation and perpetual rest, promiseth unto her that he will abundantly bless Interpretation. her victuals, and will satisfy her poor with bread. Upon which place Saint Jerome termeth Venison, that which the other translators do call Victuals, better to the purpose then Widow in the common translation. Hunting then having been granted unto man by a heavenly privilege, the Savages throughout all the West Indies do exercise themselves therein without distinction of persons, not having that fair order established in these parts, whereby some are borne for the government of the people and the defence of the Country, others for the exercising of arts and the tillage of the ground, in such sort, that by this fair economy every one liveth in safety. This hunting is made amongst them chiefly in the The winter dwelling. winter. For all the Spring and summer time, and part of Autumn, having fish abundantly for them and their friends, without taking any pains, they do not much seek for other food. But in winter when that fish goeth away, feeling the cold, they forsake the sea shores and cabin themselves within the woods, where they know to have any prey: which is done as far as the Countries that approach near to the Tropic of Cancer. In the countries where Bevers are, as throughout all the great River of Canada, and upon the coasts of the Ocean, as far as the Country of the Armouchiquois, they do winter upon the shores of lakes, for the fishing of the said Bevers, whereof we will speak in due place: but first let us The descripon of the Ellan or stag. speak of the Ellan, which they call Aptaptou, and our Basques Orignac. It is the tallest creature that is, next unto the Dromadaire and Camel, for it is higher than the horse. His hairs be commonly of grey colour, and sometimes of done or fallow, almost as long as the fingers of one's hand. His head is very long and hath almost an infinite order of teeth. He beareth his horns double like the Stag, but as broad as a plank, and three foot long, garnished with sprigs growing upward all along upon one side. His feet be forked as the Stags but much more flat. His flesh is short and very delicate. He feedeth in the meadows, and liveth also of the tender cropes' of tree. It is the plentifullest thing that the Savages have, next to fish. Fit time to hunt. We may say then that the best and fittest time for the said Savages, to all hunting by land is the Winter season, when that the forests be hoary, and the snow deep, and especially if upon the snow there comes a hard frost which doth harden it. Then being well clothed with a cloak furred with Bevers, and sleeves on the arms tied together with a latch: Item stockens made with the leather of Ellans like to Buff (which they tie at their girdles) and shoes on their feet of the same leather, very finely made, they go with their Bow in hand, and the Quiver on their backs, that way that their Aoutmoin hath showed them (for we have said heretofore that they consult with the Oracle when they are a hungry) or some where else, where they think they shall not lose their time and labour. They have dogs or hounds, almost like to foxes in form and bigness, and of hairs of all colours▪ which follow them, and although they do not spend nor call nevertheless they can very well find the haunt of the beast which they seek for, which being found they pursue her courageously, and they never give her over until they have her down: And for to follow the game more easily, they tie Rackets at their feet. rackets (thrice as great as ours) under their feet, with the which they run swiftly upon that hard snow without sinking. If it be not hard enough, yet they give not over hunting, but will follow the chase three days together, if Their constancy in hunting. need be. Finally, having wounded her to death they so tyre her with their hounds, that she is forced to fall down. Then they cut and rip her belly, give relief to the hunters, and take their share of it. One must not think that they eat the flesh raw, as some do imagine, and as james Quartier himself doth write, for they carry always, going The Savages do carry Tinderbox in the woods. through the woods, a Tinderboxe before their breasts, for to make fire when hunting is done, where the night doth force them to tarry. We went once to the spoil of an Ellan left dead upon the brinck of a great brook about two leagues and an half within the lands: where we passed the night, having taken the snows for to lodge us. We made there a very dainty feast with this venison, more tender than any other kind of flesh: and after the roast we had sodden meat, and broth abundantly, made ready at an instant by a Savage, who did frame with his hatchet a tub or trough of the body of a tree, in which he boiled his Fair invention of a Savage for the kitchen. flesh. A thing which I have admired, and having propounded it to many, who thought themselves to have good wits, could not find out the invention of it, which notwithstanding is but brief, which is, to put stones made red hot in the fire in the said trough, and to renew them until the meat be sodde. joseph Accosta reciteth that the Savages of Perou do the same. The chief hunter being returned to the cabins telleth the women what he hath done, and that in such a place which he nameth to them, they shall find the venison. The woman's duty. It is the said women's duty to go and flaie the Ellan, the Dear, Stag, Bear, or other game, and to bring it home. Then they make good cheer as long as there is any provision: And he that hath hunted, is he that hath the lesser share: for their custom is, that he must serve the others, and eateth none of his own purchase. As long as the winter continueth, they lack none of it: and there hath been some one Savage that in a hard season hath killed fifty of them for his part, as I have sometimes heard. Why the Beaver is not taken in Summer. As for the hunting of the Beaver, it is also in Winter that chiefly they use it, for two reasons, one of them we have alleged heretofore, the other because that after Winter this beast sheddeth her hairs, & hath no fur in Summer. Besides that when in such a season they would seek out for Bevers, hardly should they meet with any, because this creature is Amphibie, that is to say, earthly and waterish, Amphibie. and more waterish than otherwise: And having no invention to take her in the water, they might be in danger to lose their pains. Notwithstanding if by chance they meet any in Summer time, Spring time, or Autumn, they fail not to eat it. The description and fishing of the Beaver. Behold then how they catch them in Winter time, and with most profit. The Beaver is a beast very near as big as a shorn sheep, the young ones be lesser, the colour of his hair is of a chest-nut colour. His feet be short, the fore-feet have claws, and the hinder feet with fins, like geese; the tail is as it were, skailed, almost of the form of a solefish, notwithstanding the skaile goeth not off. It is the best and delicatest part of the beast. As for the head it is short and almost round, having two ranks of jaws at the sides, and before four great sharp teeth one by another, two above and two beneath. With these teeth he cutteth small trees, and poles in sundry pieces, wherewith he buildeth his house. That which I say is an admirable and incredible The Bevers cabin or den. thing. This creature lodgeth himself upon the brinckes of lakes, and there he first maketh his couch with straw or other things fit to lie upon, as well for him as for his female: raiseth a vault with his wood, cut and prepared, which he covereth with turf, in such sort that no wind enters therein, for as much as all is covered and shut up, except one hole which leadeth under the water, and by that way he goeth forth to walk where he listeth. And because the waters of the lakes do sometimes rise, he maketh a chamber above the lower dwelling, for to retire himself, if in case any inundation should happen: In such sort that some Bevers cabin is above eight foot hight, all made with wood, pyramid wise, and daubed with mud. Moreover it is held that being amphibie, as we have said, he must always participate with water, and that his tail be dipped in it: which is the cause why he lodgeth himself so near a lake▪ But being subtle he contenteth not himself with that which we have said, but hath moreover an issue into another place out of the lake, without any cabin, by which way he goeth on the land and beguileth the hunter. But our Savages being aware of it, take order for the same, and stop this passage. How the Beaver is taken. When they will, then, take the Beaver, they pierce through the ise of the frozen lake, about his cabin, than one of the Savages thrusteth his arm into the hole▪ tarrying the coming of the said Beaver, whilst that another goeth upon this ise, striking with a n1 upon it for to astonish him, and make him to return into his lodging. Than one must be nimble for to seize on his neck, for if one catch him by any part where he may bite, he will bite very sore. The flesh thereof is very good, almost as if it were mutton. And as every Nation hath commonly something peculiar that it bringeth forth, which is not so common with others; So anciently the Realm of Pontus had the same for the producing of Bevers, as I learn it out of Virgil, where he saith. — Virosaque Pontus Castorea. Sidon. Apol. in carm 5. And after him of Sidonie de Polignac Bishop of Auvergne in these verses, — Fert Indus ebur, Chaldaeus amomum, Assirius gemmas, Sir vellera, thura Sabaeus, Attis mel, Phoenix palmas, Lacedaemon olivum, Argos equos, Epirus equas, pecuaria Gallus, Arma Calybs, frumentalibes, Campanus iacchum, Aurum Lydus, Arabs guttam, Panchaia myrrham, Pontus castorea, blattam Tyrus, aera Corinthus, etc. But at this day the land of Canada beareth the bell away for that respect, although that some of them are brought out of Moscovy, buy they are not so good as ours. Our Savages have also made us to eat of Bevers flesh, which was very good and tender, and like to beef: Item, of Leopards, resembling much the wild cat; and of a beast which they call Nibathes, which hath his paws almost Nibathes. like to the apes paws, by means whereof he climbeth easily upon the trees, yea he layeth his young ones there. He is of graiesh hairs, and his head like to a foxes. But he is so fat that it is almost incredible. Having described the principal game, I will not stand to speak of wolves (for they have some, and yet eat none of them) nor of Lucerns, Otters, Coneys, and others which I have mentioned in my farewell to New France, whereto I refer the reader▪ and to the recital of Captain james Cartier. Hogs. Nevertheless it is good to show here that our French cattle profiteth very well in those parts. We had hogs which have multiplied very much. And although they had a stigh, they did lie a broad, even in the snow and during the frost. We had but one weather, which proved A Wether. very well, although he was not taken in by night, but was in the midst of our yard in Winter time. Monsieur De Poutrincourt made him twice to be shorn, and the will of the second year hath been esteemed in France better by two sous in the pound, than that of the first. We Five sauce make six pence English. Outards a kind of wild geese. had no other houshould-cattells, but hens and pigeons, which failed not to yield the accustomed tribute, and to multiply abundantly. The said Monsieur de Poutrincourt took coming out of the shell small Outards which he did very will breed, and gave them to the King at his return. When the country is once stored with those creatures and others, they will increase so much that marvelous multiplication of beasts. one shall not know what to do with them, like as in Perou, where are at this day, and long since, such quantity of Oxen, kine, swine, horses and dogs, that they have no more owners, but do appertain to the first that do kill them. Being killed they carry away the hides to traffic withal, and the carcases are left there: which I have many times heard of them that have been there, besides the witnessing of joseph Acosta. The beasts of Florida and Virginia. Coming into the Country of the Armouchiquois, and going farther towards Virginia and Florida, they have no more Ellans nor Bevers, but only Stags, Hinds, Roebucks, Deeres, Bears, Leopards, Lucernes, Onces, wolves, wilde-dogges, Hares and Coneys, with whose skins they cover their bodies, making Chamois of them of the biggest beasts. But as the heat is there greater than in the Countries more Northernly, so they do not use furs, but pluck out the hairs from their skins, and very often for all garment they have but half bretches, or a small cushion made with their mats, which they wear on that side that the wind doth blow. But they have in Florida Crocodiles also, which do assail them oftentimes in swimming. They kill some of them sometimes, and eat them. The flesh whereof is very fair and white, but it smelleth of musk. They have also a certain Lions. kind of Lions which little differ from them of Africa. Brasilians. As for the Brasilians they are so far from New France, that being as it were, in another world, their beasts are quit Tapirroussou. differing from those that we have named, as the Tapiroussou, which if one desireth to see, he must imagine a beast half an Ass and half a Cow, saving that her tail is very short. His hairs draw towards red, no horns, ears hanging, and an asses foot. The flesh thereof is like to beef. They have a certain kind of small Stags and hinds, Stags. which they call Seou-assous, whose hairs be as long as goats hairs. But they are persecuted with an evil beast which they call janou-arè, almost as tall and swift as a grayhound, much like to the Once. She is cruel, and doth not spare them if she can catch them. They take sometimes some of them in snares, and do kill them with long torments. As for their Crocodiles they be not dangerous. Wilde-boares. Their wilde-boares are very lean and unfleshie, and they have a fearful grunting and cry. But there is in them a strange deformity, which is, that they have a hole upon the back, through which they blow and breath. Those three be the biggest beasts of Brasill. As for small ones they have seven or eight sorts of them, by the taking whereof they live, and also of man's flesh: and are better and more provident husbands then ours. For one cannot find them unprovided, but rather having always upon the Boucan (that is to say a wooden grate somewhat high built upon four forks) some venison or fish, or man's flesh: and with that they live merrily and without care. Anthropophages men eaters. The Savages of New France be truly noble. Now leaving there those Anthropophages Brasilians, let us return to our New France, where the Men there are more human, and live but with that which God hath given to Man, not devouring their like. Also we must say of them that they are truly noble, not having any action but is generose, whether we consider their hunting, or their employment in the wars, or that one search out their domestical actions, wherein the women do exercise themselves, in that which is proper unto them, and the men in that which belongeth to arms, and other things befitting them, such as we have said, or will speak of in due place. But here one must consider that the most part of the world have lived so from the beginning, and by degrees men have been civilized, when that they have assembled themselves, and have form commonwealths for to live under certain laws, rule and policy. CHAP. XXII. Of Hawking. SEeing that we hunt on the land let us not overstray ourselves, least if we take the sea, we lose out Prou. 1. 17. fowls: for the wise man saith, that in vain the net is spread before the eyes of all that have wings. If hunting then be a noble exercise, wherein the very Muses themselves take delight, by reason of silence and solitariness, which brings forth fair conceits in the mind: in such sort that Plin. second Epist. 6. of Diana (saith Pliny) doth not more frequent the mountains than Minerva. If, I say, hunting be a noble exercise, hawking the 1. book. Psal. 8. 9 is far more noble, because it aimeth at an higher subject, which doth participate of Heaven, seeing, that the inhabitants of the air are called in the sacred Scripture, Volucres coeli, the fowls of the air. Moreover, the exercise thereof doth belong but to kings, & to the nobles, above which their brightness shineth, as the suns brightness doth above the stars. And our Savages being of a noble heart, which maketh no account but of hunting and martial affairs, may very certainly have right of usage, over the birds that their land doth afford them. Which they do likewise, but with much difficulties, because they have not (as we have) the use of guns. They have enough, and too many birds of prey, as Eagles, Laynards', Falcons, Tiercelets, Sparow-haukes, and others, which I have specified in my farewell to New France, but they have neither the use nor industry to A sport they have in France to shoot at the picture of a bird, set at a stake. bring them to service, as the French Gentlemen: and therefore they lose much good fowl, having no other means to seek after them, or to take them but only with the Bow and arrows, with which instruments they do like unto them who in France shoot at the Geay in time of middle-lent: or creep along the grass, and go to assail the Outardes, or wild Geese, which do graze in the Spring time, and in Summer along the meadows▪ Sometimes also they carry themselves softly and without making any noise in their canowes and light vessels made with barks of trees, even to the shores where the Malards' and other water fowl are, and there strike them down. But the greatest abundance they have, come from certain islands, where such quantity of them are, to wit, of Malards', Margaux, Roquettes, Outards, or Great abundance of water foul. wild Geese, Curlies, Cormorants, and others, that it is a wonderful thing, yea that which captain james Quartier reciteth, will seem to some altogether uncredible. When we were upon our return into France, being yet beyond Campseau, we passed by some of those islands, where in the space of a quarter of an hour, we laded our bark with them, we had no need but to strike down with staves, and not to go about to gather until one were weary a striking. If any man doth ask why they fly not away, one must consider that they be birds only of two three, or four months old, which have been there hatched in the spring time, and have not yet wings great enough to take slight, though they be well fleshy and in good plight. As for the dwelling of Port Royal we had The foul of Port Royal. many of our men that furnished us with them, and particularly one of Monsieur de Monts his household servants, called François Addeni, whose name I insert here to the end he be had in memory, because he always provided for us abundantly with it. During the winter he made us to live only of Mallards', Cranes, Hernes, Woodcocks, Partridges, Blackbirds, & some other kinds of that country birds. But in the spring time it was a sport to see the grey Geese and the big Outardes (a kind of wild Geese) to keep their Empire and dominion in our meadows▪ and in Autumn the white Geese, of which some did always remain for a pawn: then the sea Larks flying in great flocks upon the shores of the waters, which also very often were paid home. Touching the birds of prey, some of our men took from the nest an Eagle, from the top of a Pineapple tree, of the monstrousest height that ever I saw any tree, which Eagle Monsieur de Poutrincourt did breed for to present her to the king, but she broke her ties, seeking to take her flight, and lost herself in the sea coming home. The Savages of Campseau had six of them parched near to their cabins, at our coming thither, which we would not truck for, because they had pulled off their tails to to feather their arrows. There be such a quantity of them in those parts, that often they did eat our pigeons, and it did behove us to look narrowly to them. The birds that were known unto us, I have enrolled them (as I have said) in my farewell to New France, but I have omitted many of them, because I knew not their names. There also may be seen the description of a little Niridau, an admirable little small bird. Flies. small bird, which the Savages do call Niridau, which liveth but with flowers, and she did come noising in my ears, passing invisibly (so small is she) when in the morning I went to take a walk in my garden. There will be seen also the description of certain flies, shining in the evening, in the spring time, which do fly up and down the woods in such a multitude that it is wonder. For the birds of Canada, I also refer the Reader to the report of Captain james Quartier. A wonderful foul. The Armouchiquois have the same birds, whereof there are many which are not known unto us in these parts. And particularly there is one kind of water foul which have their bills made like two knives, having the two edges one upon another: and that which is worth the wondering at, the uppermost part of the said bill is shorter by the one half than the lower-most: in such wise that it is hard to think how this bird taketh her food. But in the Spring Turkey-cocks. time the cocks and hens, which we call Indien or Turkey cocks do fly thither as wandering birds, and sojourn there without passing further hitherward. They come from the parts of Virginia and Florida. There be yet, besides Come from Virginia. Birds and fowls of Virginia and Florida▪ these, Partridges, Parrots, Pigeons, Stocke-doves, Turtle-doves, Blackbirds, Crows, Tiercelets, Falcons, Laniers, Hernes, Cranes, Storckes, Wild-geese, Mallards', Cormorans, white Aigrets, red, black, and grey ones, and infinite sorts of foul. As for the Brasilians they also have store of Turkey-cocks and hens, which they name Arignan-ouslou, of whom they make no account, nor of their eggs: In such manner that the said Turkie-hennes breed their young ones as they can, without so much a do as in these parts. They have also ducks but because they go heavily they eat none of them, saying that they would hinder them from running swiftly. Item a kind of Pheasants which they call jacous: Other fowls which they name Mouton as big as peacocks: some kinds of Partridges as big as Geese, called Mocacoüa: Parrots of sundry sorts, and many other kinds altogether unlike unto ours. CHAP. XXIII. Of their Fishing. OPpian, in the book that he hath made upon this subject, saith, that in the hunting of beasts and of Comparison between hunting, hawking, and fishing. birds, besides the facility, there is more contentment and delight then in fishing, because that a man hath many retreats, one may get himself into the shadow, one may meet with brooks to quench his thirst, one may lie down on the grass, one may take his repast under some shelter. As for birds one may take them in the nest and with bird-lime, yea of themselves very often they fall into the nets. But poor fishermen cast their bait upon an uncertainty; yea, double uncertainty, as well because they know not what adventure shall happen unto them, as because they are upon an unconstant and untameable Element, whose very sight only is fearful: They are always wandering from place to place, subjects to tempests, and beaten with storms and winds. But yet in the end he concludeth that they are not destitute of all pleasure, but rather that they have enough, when they are in a Ship well built, well tied, well closed, and swift in sailing. Then cutting the waves they go to sea, where the great skulls of devouring fishes are, and casting into the sea a line well twisted, the weight of it is no sooner in the bottom, but that as soon the bait is snatched up, and suddenly the fish is drawn up with An Emperor delighting in fishing. great pleasure. And in this exercise did Marc Antonia, the Son of the Emperor Severus delight himself very much: notwithstanding Plato's reason, who forming his commonwealth hath forbidden his Citizens the exercise of fishing, as unnoble, and iliberall, and fosterer of idleness. Wherein he did grossly aequiuocate, specially when he chargeth fishermen with idleness. Which is so evident that I will not vouchsafe to refute him. But I marvel not of that which he saith of fishing, seeing that with the same he also rejecteth hawking, upon the same reasons. Plutarch saith that it is more laudable to take either a Hart, a Roebuck, or a Hare, then to buy them: but he wadeth not so far as the other. Howsoever it be, the Church, which is the first order in human society, whose Priesthood is called Royal by the great Apostle Saint Peter, hath permitted fishing to churchmen, and forbidden hunting and hawking. And indeed, to say that which is most probable, the food of fish is the best and foundest of Aristotle 8. of the History of beasts. c. 9 all, for as much (as Aristotle saith) that it is not subject to any sickness: from whence cometh the common proverb: Sounder than a fish. So that in the ancient hieroglyphickes a fish is the symbol of health. Which notwithstanding I would mean, eaten whilst it is new. for otherwise (as Plautus saith) Piscis nisi recens nequam est, it is nothing worth. Now our Savages do eat it new enough, as long as it lasteth: which I believe to be one of the best Instruments of their health and long life. When winter cometh, Fishes do retire themselves in Winter. all fishes are astonished, and shun the storms and tempests, every one where he may: some do hide themselves in the sand of the sea, others under the Rocks, others do seek a milder country where they may be better at rest. But as soon as the mildness of the Spring time doth return, and the Sea doth calm itself, as after a long siege of a Town, Truce being made, the people being before a prisoner, issueth forth by troops to go and take the air of the fields and to rejoice themselves: So those Citizens of the Sea, after the gusts and furious storms be past, they come to enlarge themselves through the salted fields, they skip, they trample, they make love, they approach to the shore and come to seek the refreshing of fresh water. And then our said The fishes rendezvous. Savages that know the rendezvous of every one, and the time of their return, go to wait for them in good devotion to bid them welcome. The Smelled is the first fish of all that present himself in the Spring. And to the end we go no further to seek out examples then at our Smelts in great quantity. Port Royal, there be certain brooks where such skulls of these Smelts do come, that for the space of five or six weeks one might take of them sufficient to feed a whole City. There be other brooks, where after the Smelled Herrings. cometh the Herring, with like multitude, as we have already marked else where. Item the Pilchers do come in their season, in such abundance that sometimes willing to have some thing more for our supper then ordinary, in less than the space of an hour, we had taken enough of them to serve us for three days. The Dolphins, Sturgeons Dolphins, Sturgeons, Salmon. and Salmon do get to the head of the River in the said Port Royal, where such quantity of them are, that they carried away the nets which we had laid for them, by reason of the multitude of them that we saw there. In all places fish aboundeth there in like manner, as we our Fishing of the Savages. selves have seen. The Savages do make a hurdle, or wear, that crosseth the brook, which they hold almost upstraight, propped against wooden bars, archwise, & leave there a space for the fishes to pass, which space they stop when the tide doth retire, and all the fish is found stayed in such a multitude that they suffer it to be lost. And as for the Dolphins, Sturgeons and salmon, they take them after that manner, or do strike them with harping irons, so that these people are happy. For there is nothing in the world so good as these fresh meats. And I find by my The abuse of Pythagoras. reckoning that Pythagoras was very ignorant, forbidding in his fair golden sentences the use of fishes without distinction. One may excuse him, in that fish being dumb hath some conformity with his sect, wherein dumbness (or silence) was much commended. It is also said that he did it because that fish is nourished in an Element enemy to mankind. Item that it is a great sin to kill and to eat a creature that doth not hurt us. Item that it is a delicious & luxurious meat, not of necessity (as indeed in the Hieroglyphiques of Orus Apollo, fish is put for a mark of delicacy and voluptuousness) Item that he (the said Pythagoras) did eat but meats that might be offered to the gods: which is not done with fishes: and other such toys recited by Plutarch in his Convivial questions. But all those superstitions be foolish: and I would fain demand of such a man if being in Canada he had rather die for hunger then to eat fish. So many anciently to follow their own fancies, and to say these be we, have forbidden their followers the use of meats that God hath given to man, and sometimes laid yokes upon men that they themselves would not bear. Now whatsoever the Philosophy of Pythagoras is, I am none of his. I find better the rule of our good religious men, which please themselves in eating of flesh, which I liked well in New France, neither am I yet displeased when I meet with such fare. If this Philosopher did live with Ambrosia and of the food of the Gods, and not of fishes, of which none are sacrificed unto them. Our said good religious, as the Cordeliers, or Franciscans of Saint Maloes, and others of the maritime towns, together with the Priests, may say that in eating sometimes fish, they eat of the meat consecrated to God. For when the The French men that go there a fishing. Sanctorum. New found land men do meet with some wonderful fair Cod, they make of it a Sanctorum, (so do they call it) and do vow and consecrate it to Saint Frances, Saint Nicholas, Saint Leonard and others, head and all, whereas in their fishing they cast the heads into the sea. I should be forced to make a whole book if I would discourse of all the fishes that are common to the Brasilians, Floridians, Armouchiquois, Canadians, & Souriquois. But I will restrain myself to two or three, having first told that in Port Royal there is great beds of Muscles, wherewith Muscles. we did fill our Shallops, when that sometimes we went into those parts. There be also Scallops twice as big as Scalloppes. Oysters in quantity. Item Cockles, which have never Cockles. Sea Chestnuts. failed us: As also there is Chatagnes deemer, sea Chestnuts, the most delicious fish that is possible to be: Item Crabs and Lobstarts: those be the shell fishes. But one Crabs. Lobstarts. A Port of eight leagues▪ compass. must take the pleasure to fetch them, and are not all in one place. Now the said Port being eight leagues compass, there is (by the abovesaid Philosophers leave) good sport to row in it for so pleasant a fishing. The fishing of Cod. And seeing we are in the Country where the cods are taken, I will not yet leave off work, until I have spoken something thereof. For so many people and in so great number go to fetch them out of all the parts of Europe every year, that I know not from whence such a swarm may come. The cods that be brought into these parts are either dry or wet. The fishing of the we fish is on the bank in the open sea, on this side New found land, as may be noted by my Geographical map. Fifteen Bank: See heretofore in the 1. book chap. 12. or twenty (more or less) mariners have every one a line (it is a cord) of forty or fifty fathams long, at the end whereof is a hook baited, and a lead of three pounds' weight to bring it to the bottom: with this implement they fish their cods, which are so greedy, that no sooner let down, but as soon caught, where good fishing is. The fish being drawn a shippe-boord, there are boards in form of narrow tables along the ship where the fish is dressed. There is one that cutteth off their heads and casteth them commonly in the sea: Another cutteth their bellies and garbelleth them, and sendeth back to his fellow the biggest part of the backebone which he cutteth away. That done, they are put into the salting tub for four and twenty hours: then they are laid up: And in this sort do they work continually (without respecting the Sunday, which is the Lords day) for the space of almost three months, their sails down, until the lading be fully made. And because the poor mariners do endure there some cold among the fogs, specially them that be most hasty, which begin their voyage in February: from thence cometh the saying, that it is cold in Canada. Drying of the Cod. As for the dry Cod one must go a land. There is in Newfoundland and in Bacaillos' great number of Ports, where Ships lie at Anchor for three months. At the very break of day the Mariners do go two or three leagues off in the sea to take their lading. They have every one filled their shaloupe by one or two a clock in the afternoon, and do return into the Port, where being, there is a great Scaffold built one the sea shore, whereon the fish is cast, as one cast sheaves of corn through a barn window. There is a great table whereon the fish cast, is dressed as above said. After six hours they are turned, and so fundry times. Then all is gathered, and piled together; and again at the end of eight days put to the air. In the end being dried it is laid up. But there must be no fogs when it is a drying, for than it will rot: not too much heat, for it would become red: but a temperate and windy weather. Whether the Cod doth sleep. They do not fish by night because then the Cod will not bite. I durst believe that they be of the fishes which suffer themselves to be taken sleeping, although that Oppian is of opinion that fishes, warring and devouring one another, as do the Brasilians and Cannibals, are always Why fishes sleep not. watchful and sleep not: excepting nevertheless the Sargot only, which he saith putteth himself in certain caves to take his sleep. Which I might well believe, and this fish deserveth not to be warred upon, seeing he maketh wars upon none others, and liveth of weeds: by reason whereof all the Authors do say that he chaweth his cud like the Sheep. But as the same Oppian saith that this fish only in chawing his cud doth render a moist voice, and in that he is deceived, because that myself have heard many times the Seals, or Sea wolves, Heretofore first book, chap. 17. in open sea, as I have said elsewhere: He might also have aequiuocated in this. The same Cod leaveth biting after the month of September is passed, but retireth himself to the bottom of the broad sea, or else goeth to a hotter country until the Spring time. Whereupon I will here allege what Pliny Plin. lib. 9 c. 16. noteth; that fishes which have stones on their heads do fear winter, and retire themselves betimes, of whose number is the Cod, which hath within her brains two white stones made gundole wise and jagged about: which Stones in the Cod's head. have not those that be taken towards Scotland, as some learned and curious man hath told me. This fish is wonderfully greedy, and devoureth others, almost as bog as himself yea even lobsters, which are like big Langoustes, and I marvel how he may digest those big and hard shells. Of the livers of Cod our New-found-land-men do make oils, casting those livers into barels set in the Sun, where they melt of themselves. There is great traffic made in Europe of the oil of the fish of Newfoundland. And for this only cause many Fish oil or train. go to the fishing of the whale, and of the Hippopotames, which they call the beast with the great tooth or the Morses: of whom some thing we must say. Fishing of the Whale. Plin▪ li. 9 ca 3. The Almighty, willing to show unto job how wonderful are his works: wilt thou draw (saith he) Leviathan with a book, and his tongue with a string which thou hast cast in the water? By this Leviathan is the whale meant, and all fishes of that reach, whose hugeness (and chiefly of the whale) is so great, that it is a dreadful thing, as we have showed elsewhere, speaking of one that was cast on the Coast of Brasill by the tide: And Pliny saith that there be some found in the Indies which have four acres of ground in length. This is the cause why man is to be admired (yea rather God, who hath given him the courage to assail so fearful a monster, which hath not his equal on the land.) I leave the manner of taking of her, described Oppian of fishing the 5. book. S. Basil 10. Ho. upon the 6. days of creation. The river where the Whale is fished. by Oppian, and S. Basil for to come to our Frenchmen, and chiefly the Basques, who do go every year to the great river of Canada for the Whale. Commonly, the fishing thereof is made in the river called Lesquemin towards Tadoussac. And for to do it they go by skowtes to make watch upon the tops of rocks, to see if they may have the sight of some one: and when they have discovered any, forth with they go with four shaloupes after it, and having cunningly boarded her, they strike her with a harping iron to the depth of her lard, and to the quick of the flesh. Then this creature feeling herself rudely pricked, with a dreadful boisterousness casteth herself into the depth of the sea. The men in the mean while are in their shirts, which vere out the cord whereunto the harping iron is tied, which the whale carrieth away. But at the shaloupe side that hath given the blow there is a man ready with a hatchet in hand to cut the said cord, lest perchance some accident should happen that it were mingled, or that the Whale's force should be too violent: which notwithstanding having found the bottom, and being able to go no further, she mounteth up again leisurely above the water: and then again she is set upon with glave-staves, or pertuifanes, very sharp, so hotly that the salt-water piercing within her flesh she looseth her force, and remaineth there. Than one tieth her to a cable at whose end is an anchor which is cast into the sea, then at the end of six or eight days they go to fetch her, when time and opportunity permits it they cut her in pieces, and in great kettles do seethe the fat which melteth itself into oil, wherewith they may fill 400. Hogsheads, sometimes more, and sometimes less, according to the greatness of the beast, and of the tongue commonly they draw five, yea six hogsheads full of train. How the Indians do take the Whale. joseph Acosta▪ 〈◊〉 5. c. 15. If this be admirable in us, that have industry, it is more admirable in the Indian people, naked and without artificial instruments: and nevertheless they execute the same thing, which is recited by joseph Acosta, saying that for to take those great monsters they put themselves in a Canow or Bark, made of the barks of trees, and boarding the Whale they leap nimbly on her neck, and there do stand, as it were on horseback, attending the fit means to take her, and seeing their opportunity, the boldest of them putteth a strong and sharp n1, which he carrieth with him, into the gap of the Whale's nostrils (I call nostril the condut, or hole thorough which they breathe) forth with he thrust it in far with another very strong n1, and maketh it to enter in as deep as he can. In the mean while the Whale beateth the sea furiously, and raiseth up mountains of water, diving down with great violence, then mounteth up again not knowing what to do through very rage. The Indian notwithstanding remaineth still sitting fast, and for to pay her home for this trouble, fixeth yet another like stalk in the other nostril, making it to enter in, in such wise that it stoppeth her wind quite, and taketh away her breath, and he cometh again into his Canow, which he holdeth tied at the side of the Whale with a cord, then retireth himself on land having first tied his cord to the Whale, which he vereth out on her; which whilst she findeth much water, skippeth here and there, as touched with grief, and in the end draweth to land, where forth with, for the huge enormity of her body, she remaineth on the shore, not being able to move or stur herself any more. And then a great number of Indians do come to find out the Conqueror for to reap the fruit of his conquest, and for that purpose they make an end of killing of her, cutting her and making morsels of her flesh (which is bad enough) which they dry and stamp to make powder of it, which they use for meat, that serveth them a long time. Morses. As for the Hippopotames, or Morses, we have said in the voyages of james Quartier that there be great number of them in the Gulf of Canada, and specially in the I'll of I'll de Brion. Brion, and in the seven Isles, which is the river of Chischedec. It is a creature which is more like to a Cow then to a Hippopotame, or river Horse. horse. But we have named it Hippopotamus that is to say the horse of the river, because Pliny doth so call them that be in the river Nilus, which notwithstanding do not altogether resemble the horse, but doth participate also of an ox or a cow. He is of hair like to the seal, that is to say, daple grey, and somewhat towards the red, the skin very hard, a small head like to a Barbary Cow, having two ranks of teeth on each side between which there is two of them of each part hanging from the upper jaw downward, of the form of a young Elephant's tooth, wherewith this creature helpeth herself to climb on the rocks. Because of those teeth, our Mariners do call it La best a La grand ' dent, the beast with the great teeth. His ears be short and his tail also, he loweth as an Ox, and hath wings or fins at his feet, and the female calleth her young ones on the land. And because that he is a fish of the whales kind and very fat, our Basques and other Mariners do make oil thereof, as they do with the whale and they do surprise him on the land. Plin. li. 8. c. 25. Those of Nil (saith Pliny) are cloven footed, the main, the back, and the neighing of a horse, the teeth issuing forth as to a wild Boar. And he addeth, that when this creature hath been in the corn for to feed, he goeth away backwards, upon his return for fear he should be followed by his traces. I do not purpose to discourse here of all the sorts of fishes that are in chose parts, the same being too spacious a subject for my history, because also that I have specified a good number of them in my farewell to New France. I will say only that by manner of pastime on the coasts of New France, I will take in one day fish enough for to serve as food for a longer time than six weeks, in the places where the abundance of Cod is: for that kind of fish is there most frequent. And he that hath the industry to take Mackerel at sea, may there take so many that he shall Infinite multitude of Mackerel. not know what to do with them, for in many places I have seen infinite numbers of them close together, which did occupy more space there three times then the market hals of Paris do contain. And notwithstanding I see a The idleness of people in these days. number of people in our country of France, so reckless, and so idle in these days, that they had rather die for hunger, or live in slavery, at the least to languish upon their miserable dunghill, then to endeavour to get out of the mire, and to change their fortune by some generous action, or to die in it. CHAP. XXIIII. Of the quality of the Soil. WE have made provision in the three last chapters of venison, of foul, and of fish; which is much. But in our old ancient France, bread and wine being our usual sustenance, it would be hard unto us to make here our abode, unless the land were fit for the same. Let us then enter into consideration of it, and let us put our hands into our bosom, to see if the dugs of this mother will yield any milk to nourish her children, and as for the rest, we will take what may be Plin. l. 18. c. 5. Which is the good land. hoped for of her. Attilius Regulus, twice Consul in Rome, did commonly say, that one must not choose places over rank, because they are unhealthful; neither places over barren, although one may live healthily in them. And with such a modetate soil did Cato content himself. The ground of New France is such, for the most part of fat sand, under which we have often found clay ground: and of that earth did Monsieur de Poutrincourt cause a quantity of bricks to be made, wherewith he builded a furnance to melt the gum of the fir tree, and chimneys. I will say farther, that one may make with this earth such operations, The earth of New France having the same effects as terra sigillata. as with the earth which we call terra sigillata, or Bolus Armenicus, as in many occasions our Apothecary master jews Hebert most sufficient in his Art, hath made trial of it; by the advice of Monsieur de Poutrincourt: yea even when that Monsieur du Pont his son had three fingers cut off with a musket-shot, which did burst being overcharged, in the country of the Armouchiquois. This province having the two natures of Earth that God hath given unto man for to possess, who may doubt but that it is a land of promise, when it shallbe manured? We have made trial of it, and have taken pleasure therein, which never did all them that have gone before us, The blessing of God upon our labour. whether it be in Brasill, whether it be in Florida, or in Canada. God hath blessed our labours and hath given unto us fair wheat, Rye, Barley, Oats, Peason, beans, Hemp, Turnips, and garden herbs: and this so plentifully that the Rye was as high as the tallest man that may be seen, and we did fear that this height should hinder it from bringing forth seed: But it hath so well fructified that 150. ears of corn from one grain. one french-graine sowed there hath yielded one hundred and fifty Ears of corn, such as by the testimony of my Lord Chancellor, the Island of Cicilia nor the country of Beausse do yield none fairer. I did sow wheat, without suffering my land to rest, and without dunging it at all: and nevertheless it grew up in as fair perfection as the fairest wheat in France, although the corn and all that we did sow was to long kept. But the new corn which the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt did sow before his departure from thence grew up so beautiful that it was wonderful, according to the report of them that have been there a year after our departure. Whereupon I will say that which was of mine own doing, that in the month of April in the year 1607 having sowed too thick & too near one to the other, some few grains of the Rye that was gathered at Saint Croix (the first dwelling of Monsieur de S. Croix is 25. leagues from Port Royal. Monts, some twenty five leagues from Port Royal) these grains did multiply so abundantly that they choked one another, and came to no good perfection. The fertiity of the ground mended. But as for the ground mended, dunged with our hog's dung, or with the sweep of the kitchinne, shells of fish, or such like things, I would not believe▪ unless I had seen it, the excessive loftiness of the plants that it hath produced every one in his kind. Yea the Son of Monsieur de Poutrincourt, a young Gentleman of great forwardness, having sowed grains of Oranges and of Citrons in Oranges▪ Citrons. his garden, they sprung plants of a foot high at three months' end. We did not expect so much, and notwithstanding we took pleasure therein, emulating one another. I refer to any man's judgement if the second trial will be done with a good courage. And here I must say by the way that the Secretary of the said Monsieur de Monts, being come into those parts before our departure, did say that he would not for any thing in the world, but to have made the voyage, and that unless he had seen The abuse of them that have discredited the country of Canada. our corn, he would not have believed it. Behold how continually the country of Canada hath been discredited (under whose name all that land is comprised) not knowing what it is, upon thereport of some Mariners, who only do go to fish for cods, and upon the rumour of some sicknesses, which may be avoided in maintaining of mirth. So that men be well furnished of necessaries. But to continue our purpose of the mending of the ground, whereof we spoke even now, one certain ancient Author saith that the Censors of Rome did let to farm the dunghills and other uncleanness, which were drawn out of sinks for 1000 talents a year (which is worth 600000 French-crowns) to the Gardeners of Rome, because that it was the excellentest dung of all: And there was to that end Commissioners ordained for to cleanse them: Likewise the bottom and Channel of the River Tybre, as certain ancient inscriptions, which I have sometimes read, do record. The land of the Armouchiquois doth bear yearly such corn as that which we call Sarrazen wheat, Turkey Plin. l. 18. c. 7. &. 10. The Virginians have two harvests in the year. The manner of fatting, tilling, and sowing the grounds. wheat, and Indian wheat, which is the Irio or Erysimon fruges of Pliny and Columella. But the Virginians, Floridians, and Brasilians, more southerly, make two harvests a year. All these people do till their land with a wooden pickeaxe, weed out the weeds and burn them, fatten their fields with shellfish, having neither tame cattle nor dung: then they heap their ground in small heaps two foot distant one from another. and the month of May being come, they set their Corn in those heaps of earth as we do plant beans, fixing a stick, and putting four grains of corn severally one after another (by certain superstition) in the hole, and between the plants of the said corn (which groweth like a small tree, and is ripe at three months' end) they also set beans spotted with all colours, which are very delicate, which by reason they be not so high, do grow very well among these plants of corn: We have sowed of the said corn this last year in Paris in good ground, but with small profit, having yielded every plant but one ear or two, and yet very thin: Where in that country one grain will yield four, five and six ears, and every ear one with another above 200 grains, which is a marvelous increase. Which Theophrastus' in the 8. book of plants. showeth the proverb reported by Theophrastus to be very true, that it is the year that produced the fruit, and not the field: That is to say, that the temperature of the air, and condition of the weather, is that which maketh the plants to bud and fructify more than the nature of the earth. Wherein is to be wondered that our Corn groweth Our corn profiteth better in their ground then their corn in ours. better there, than their corn here. A certain testimony that God hath blessed that country, since that his name hath been called upon there: Also that in these parts, since some years, God beateth us (as I have said elsewhere) with rods of iron, and in that country he hath spread his blessing abundantly upon our labour, and that in one parallel and elevation of the Sun. This Corn growing high, as we have said, the stalk of it is as big as Canes, yea bigger. The stalk & Corn taken green, have a sugar taste, which is the cause why the Moles and field Rats do so covet it, for they spoiled me a plot of it in New France. The great beasts, as Stags and other beasts, as also birds do spoil it. And the Indians are constrained to keep them as we do the vines here. Barns under ground. The Harvest being done, this people layeth up their Corn in the ground, in pits which they make in some descent of a hill, for the running down of waters, furnishing those pits with mats: and this they do because they have no houses with lofts, nor chests to lay it up otherwise: then the corn conserved after this manner, is out of the way of Rats and Mice. Sundry nations of those parts have had the same invention to keep corn in pits. For Suidas maketh mention of it upon the word Seiroi. And Procopius in the second book of the Gothicke war, saith that the Goths besieging Rome fell within the pits, where the inhabitants were wont to lay their Corne. Tacitus reporteth also that the Germans had such pits. And without particularising any farther, in many places of France that keep at this day ●4. chap. their corn after that manner. We have declared heretofore in what fashion they stamp their Corn, and make bread with it, and how by the testimony of Pliny, the ancient Italians had no better industry than they. The cause why the Canadians have given over their tillage. They of Canada and Hochelaga, in the time of james Quartier, did also till after the same manner, and the land did afford them Corn, beans, Peason, Million, Pompions, & Cucumbers, but since that their furs have been in request, and that for the same they have had bread and other victuals, without any other pains, they are become sluggish, as the Souriquois also, who did addict themselves to tillage in the same time. Hemp. But both the one and the other nation have yet at this time excellent Hemp, which the ground produceth of itself. It is higher, finer, whiter, and stronger than ours in these our parts. But that of the Armouchiquois beareth at the top of the stalk thereof a cod, filled with a kind of Cotton. cotton, like unto silk, in which lieth the seed. Of this cotton, or whatsoever it be, good beds may be made, more excellent a thousand times then of feathers, and softer than common cotton. We have sowed of the said seed, or grain in divers places of Paris, but it did not prove. We have seen by our History, how along the great Vines and grapes. river, beyond Tadoussac, Vines are found innumerable, and grapes at the season. I have seen none in Port Royal, but the land and the hills are very proper for it. France had none in ancient time, unless peradventure along the Aurel. Victor in Prob. when the Vine was first planted in France. coast of the Mediterranean sea. And the Gaullois having done some notable service to the Emperor Probus, they demanded of him for recompense, permission to plant Vines: which he granted unto them: But they were first denied by the Emperor Nero. But why do I allege the Gaullois, seeing that in Brasill, being a hot country, there was none until that the Frenchmen and Portugeses had planted some there: So there is no doubt but that the Vine will grow plentifully in the said Port Royal, seeing likewise that at the river Saint john (which is twenty leagues more Northward than the said Port) there be many of them: yet for all that not so fair as in the country of the Armouchiquois, where it seemeth that Nature did delight herself in planting of them there. And for as much as we have handled this subject, speaking of the voyage that Monsieur De Poutrincourt made thither, we will pass further, to declare unto you that the most part of the woods of this land be Oakes and Walnut-trees, Oakes. Nut-trees. Plumb-trees. bearing small-nuts with four or five sides, so sweet and delicate as any thing may be: And likewise Plumb-trees which bring forth very good Plumbs: As also Sassafras, a tree having leaves like to Oake-leaves, but Sassafras. less jagged, whose wood is of very good sent, and most excellent for the curing of many diseases, as the pox, and the sickness of Canada, which I call Phthisie, whereof we Phthisie. 1. book. c. 13. have discoursed at large heretofore. They also plant great store of Tobacco, a thing most precious with them, and universally amongst all those nations. It is a plant of the bigness of Consolida maior, the Tobacco and the use of it. smoke whereof they suck up with a pipe in that manner that I will declare unto you, for the contentment of them that know not the use of it. After that they have gathered this herb, they lay it to dry in the shade, and have certain small bags of leather, hanging about their necks or at their girdles, wherein they have always some and a Tobacco-pipe with all, which is a little pan hollowed at the one side, and within whose hole there is a long quill or pipe, out of which they suck up the smoke, which is within the said pan, after they put fire to it with a coal that they lay upon it. They will sometimes suffer hunger eight days, having no other sustenance than that smoke. And our Frenchmen who have frequented them are so bewitched with this drunkenness of Tobacco, that they can no more be without it, then without meat or drink, and upon that do they spend good store of money. For the good Tobacco which cometh out of Brasil doth sometimes Foolish greediness of some men after Tobacco. cost a French-crown a pound. Which I deem foolishness in them, because that notwithstanding they do not spare more in their eating and drinking then other men, neither do they take a bit of meat nor a cup of drink the less by it. But it is the more excusable in the Savages, by reason they have no greater deliciousness in their Tabagies, or banquets, and can make cheer to them that come to visit them with no greater thing, as in these our parts one presents his friend with some excellent wine: In such sort that if one refuseth to take the Tobacco-pipe, it is a The Savages do think that God hath taken Tobacco. sign that he is not a friend. And they, which among them have some obscure knowledge of God, do say that he taketh Tobacco as well as they, and that it is the true nectar, described by the Poets. This smoke of Tobacco taken by the mouth, in sucking, The virtues and properties of Tabaco. as a child that sucketh his dug, they make it to issue thorough the nose, & passing thorough the conduits of breathing, the brains are warmed by it, and the humidity of the same dried up. It doth also in some sort make one giddy, and as it were drunk, it maketh the belly soluble, mitigateth the passions of Venus, bringeth to sleep, and the leaf of Tobacco, or the ashes that remain in the pan healeth wounds. Yea I will say more that this nectar is unto them so sweet, that the children do sometimes sup up the smoke that their fathers cast out of their nostrils, to the bell Forest. end that nothing be lost. And because that the same hath a tart biting taste, Monsieur de Belleforest, reciting that which james Quartier (who knew not what it was) saith of it, will make the people believe that it is some kind of pepper. But whatsoever sweetness is found therein I could never use myself to it, neither do I care for the use and custom to take it in smoke. Roots Afrodilles. There is yet in the land of the Armouchiquois, certain kind of Roots as big as a loaf of bread, most excellent for to be eaten, having a taste like the stalks of Artichokes, but much more pleasant, which being planted do multiply in such sort, that it is wonderful. I believe that they be those which be called Afrodilles, according to the description that Pliny maketh of them: These Roots Plin. l. 21. c. 17. These seem to be ground▪ nuts. (saith he) are made after the fashion of small turnips & there is no plant that hath so many roots as this hath: for sometimes one shall find four score Afrodilles tied together. They are good roasted under the embers, or eaten raw with pepper, or oil and salt. Consideration of the misery of many. Considering all this, it seemeth unto me that these are men very miserable, who being able to live a country life in quiet and rest, and take the benefit of the ground, which doth pay her creditor with so profitable an usury, do pass their age in towns in following of suits in law, in toiling here and there, to seek out the means how to beguile and deceive some one or other, taking such pains as do even bring them to their grave, for to pay their house rend, for to be clothed in silk, for to have some precious movables: briefly for to set out and feed themselves with all vanity, wherein contentment is never to be found. Poor fools! (saith Hesiod) which know not hesiod in the book of works and days. how one half of these things with quiet is more worth than all heaped together with freatfullnesse: nor how great benefit is in the Malous and the Daffodils. The Gods certainly have hidden from men the manner of living happily. For otherwise one days labour would be sufficient for to nourish a man a whole year, and the day following he would set his Plough upon his dunghill, and would rest his Oxen, his mules, and himself. The tilling of the ground full of innocency. This is the contentment which is prepared for them that shall inhabit New-France, though fools do despise this kind of life, and the tilling of the ground, the most harmless of all bodily exercises, and which I will term the most noble as that which sustaineth the life of all men. They disdain (I say) the tillage of the ground, and notwithstanding all the vexations wherewith one tormenteth himself, the suits in law that one follows, the wars that are made, are but for to have lands. Poor mother! what hast thou done that thou art so despised? The other Elements are very often contrary unto us, the fire consumeth us, the air doth infect us with plague, the water swalloweth us up, only the earth is that which coming into the world, and dying, receiveth us kindly, it is she alone that nourisheth us, which warmeth us, which lodgeth us, which clotheth us, which contrarieth us in nothing, and she is set at nought, and them that do manure her are laughed at, they are placed next to the idle and bloodsuckers of the people. All this is done here among us: But in New-France the golden age must be brought in again, the ancient Crowns of ears of corn must be renewed; and to make that to be the first glory Pli. 18. book ch. 3. which the ancient Romans did call Gloria adorea, a glory of wheat, to the end to invite every one to till well his field, seeing that the land presenteth itself liberally to them that have none. Being assured to have corn and wine, there resteth but to furnish the Country with tame cattle: for they will breed there very well, as we have said in the chapter of hunting. Of fruit-trees, there be but few, besides nut-trees, Heretofore ch. 21. Plumb-trees, and small cherytrees, and some hazellnut-trees. True it is that all that which is within the land Orenge-trees Fruit-trees. is not yet discovered, for in the country of the Iroquois there are Oreng-trees, and they make oils with the fruit of trees. But no Frenchmen nor other Christians have been there yet. That want of fruit-trees is not to be found very strange. For the most part of our fruits are come out of other places: And very often the fruits bear the name of the country from whence they have been brought. The land of Germany is good, and fruitful: but Tacitus saith, The trees and▪ fruits of the land in Port Royal. that in his time there were no fruit-trees. As for the trees of the forests the most common in Port Royal be Oakes, Elmes, ashes, Birch (very good for joiners-worke) Mapels, Sicomores, Pine-trees, fir-tree, White-thornes, Hazell-trees, Willows, Bay-trees, bay trees commonly grow in warm countries. and some others besides which I have not yet marked. There is in certain places store of Strawberries, and Raspises. Item in the woods small fruit, blue and red. I have seen there small Pears very delicate: and in the meadows all the winter long, there be certain small fruits like to small apples coloured with red, whereof we made Marmelade, for to eat after meat. There bestore of Gooseberries like unto ours, but they grow red. Item those other small round gooseberries which we do call Guedres. And Peason in great quantity along the sea shores, Guedres be a kind of Corinth's. the leaves whereof we took in Spring time, and put among our old Peason, and so it did seem unto us that we did eat green Peason. Beyond the said Bay Françoise, that is to say, in the river S. john, and Saint Croix, there is store of Cedar trees, besides those trees that I have named. As for them of the great river of Canada, they have been specified in the second book, in the relation of the voyages of captain james Quartier, & of Monsieur Champlein. Trees of Florida. Those of Florida be pine trees (which bear no kernels in the fruits that they produce) Oakes, Walnut trees, black Cherry trees, Lentiskes, Chest-nut trees (which be not natural as in France) Cedar trees, Cypress trees, Palm trees, Holy trees, and Wild vines, which climb up to the trees, and bring forth good grapes. There is a kind of Meddlers, the fruit whereof is better and bigger than that of France: there are also plumb trees which bear a very fair fruit, but not very good, Raspises: A small grain which we call with us bleves (blewes) which are very good to be eaten. Item roots which they call Hassez, whereof in their need they make bread. Trees of Brasill. The province of Brasill hath taken her name, as we think, of a certain tree which we call bresil, and the Savages of the country Arabouton, it is high, and as big as our Oaks, and hath the leaf like to the Box leaf. Our French men and others do go into that country for to lad their ships with it. The fire of it is almost without smoke. But he that would think to whiten his linen with the ashes of that wood, would far deceive himself. For he should find it died in red. They have also Palm trees of sundry sorts: And trees the wood whereof, of some, is yellow, and others violet. They have also some that have the sent of Roses, and others stinking, whose fruits are dangerous to be eaten. Item a kind of Guayac which they name Hinouraé, which they use for to cure a disease called among them Pians, as dangerous as the Pox. The tree which beareth the fruit that we call the Indian Nut, is called among them Sabaucaië. They have also Cotten trees, of the fruit whereof they make beds, which they hang between two forks or posts. This country is happy in many other sorts of fruit trees, as Orange trees, Citron trees, Leamon trees, and others, always green, whereby the loss of that country where the Frenchmen had begun to inhabit, is so much the more grievous unto them that love the welfare of France. For it is more than evident, that the dwelling is there more pleasant and delightful than the land of Canada, for the temperature of the air. True it is that the voyages thither are long, as of four and five months, & that in performing of them sometimes wants must be endured, as may be seen by the The benefit of taking the season of the year. voyages made thither in the time of Villegagnon: But to New France where we were, when one beginneth his voyage in due season, the voyages are but of three weeks, or a month, which is but a small time. If the sweetness and delicacies be not there, such as they are in Perou, one must not say therefore that the country is nothing worth. It is much that one may live there inrest & joyfully without taking care for superfluous things. The covetousness of men hath caused that no country is thought good, unless there be Mines of gold in it. And sots as they be, they do not consider that the The despising of gold and silver Mines. country of France is now unfurnished of the same: And Germany also, whereof Tacitus said, that he knew not whether the gods in their anger or in their favour had denied gold and silver to that Province. They do not see that all the Indians have not any use of silver, and live more contentedly then we. If we call them fools they may say as much of us, and peradventure with better reason. They know not that God promising to his people a happy land he saith that it shall be a land of Corn, of Barley, of Vines, of Figtrees, of Olive-trees, and of Honey, where they shall Deut 8 v. 8 ●. eat their bread without scarcity, etc. And for all mettles he giveth them but Iron and Copper, lest that gold and silver make them to lift up their heart, and forget their God: And he will not that when they shall have kings they Deut. 17 v. 17. should hoard up much gold or silver. They do not consider that Mines be the Churchyards of men: That the Spaniard hath consumed therein above ten millions of poor Indian Savages, instead of instructing them in the Christian faith: That there be Mines in Italy, but that the Plin. l. 33. c. 4. ancients would not give leave to work in them for the preservation of the people: That in the Mines is a thick air, gross and infernal, where one never knoweth when it is day, or night: That to do such things is to seek to dispossess the devil of his kingdom. That it is a thing unworthy to a man to bury himself in the entrails of the earth, to seek out for hell, and miserably to abase himself under all unclean creatures: He to whom God hath given an upright form, and his face looking upward, for to behold the Heaven, and to sing praises unto him: That in Countries where Mines be, the land is barren: That we do not eat neither gold nor silver, and that the same of itself doth not keep us warm in Winter: That he which hath Corn in his Barn, Wine in his seller, cattle in his Meadows, and afterwards Codde-fish and Bevers, is more assured to have gold and silver, than he which hath Mines Mines in New France. to find victuals. And nevertheless there be Mines in New France, as we have mentioned elsewhere. But that is not the first thing that one must seek for, men do not live with opinion only. And this consisteth but in opinion, nor the precious stones neither (which are fools babbles) wherein one is most often deceived, so well art can counterfeit nature: witness him that did sell, some five or six years since, vessels for fine Emerald, and had made himself rich by the folly of others, if he could have played his part aright. Fruits to be hoped for in New France. Now without making show of any Mines, profit may be made in New France of divers furs that be there, which I find are not to be despised, seeing that we see so much envy against a privilege that the King did grant to Monsieur de Monts for to help to establish and settle there The like may be to England from Virginia. some French Colony. But there may be drawn a general commodity to France, that in the scarcity, of victuals, one Province may succour the other: which might be done now if the Country were well inhabited: seeing that since we have been there the seasons have always been good in it, and in these our parts rough to the poor, which do die for hunger, and liveth but in want and penury: in stead that there many might live at their ease, who it were better to preserve then to suffer to perish. Besides fishing being made in New France, the New-found-land-ships shall Good considerations. have nothing to do but to lad, arriving thither, in stead that they are forced to tarry three months there: and shall be able to make three voyage for one. Of exquisite woods I know none there, but the Cedar and the Sassafras: but good profit may be drawn from the Fir and Pruse-trees, because they will yield abundance of gum, and they die very often thorough over much liquor. This gum is very fair like the Turpentine of Venice, and very sovereign for medicines. I have given some to some Churches of Paris for Frankincense, which hath been found very good. One may moreover furnish the City of Paris and other places of France with Soap-ashes, Soap ashes. which at this present be all bare and without woods. They who find themselves afflicted may have there a pleasant place to retire themselves into, rather than to yield themselves subject to the Spaniard, as many do. So many families as be in France overcharged with Children, may divide themselves, and take there their portion with those small goods and movables as they have. Then time will discover some thing a new: and one must help all the world, if it be possible. But the chiefest good one must aim at, is the establishment of Christian religion, in a Country where God is not known, and the conversion of these poor people, whose damnation crieth vengeance against them that may, and aught to employ themselves thereto, and to contribute, at least with their names, to that effect, seeing that they gather up the fat of the earth, and are constituted Stewards of the things of this world. CHAP. XXV. Of their War. OF possessing of land cometh war: And when one hath established himself in New-France, some greedy fellow peradventure will come to take away the labour of honest painful men. This is that which many do say. But the state of France is (God be praised) too well settled, for to be afraid of such tricks. We are not now in the time of leagues and partialties. There is none that will begin with our king, nor make adventuturous enterprises for a small purchase. And though any one would do it, I believe that the remedies have been thought upon already. And moreover this action is for religion, and not to take away another's goods. This being so, Faith maketh one to march boldly with assurance, and to pass through all difficulties. For behold what the Almighty saith by his Prophet Isaiah to them whom he taketh in his tuition, and to the Frenchmen And by consequent to the Englishmen of Virginia. of New-France: hearken unto me you that follow justice, and that seek after the Lord. Behold the rock out of which you were cut, and to the deep of the Cistern from whence you have been drawn; That is to say, consider that you are Frenchmen. Look to Abraham your father and to Sara who hath brought you forth, how I have called him he being all alone, and have blessed and multiplied him. Therefore assuredly the Lord will comfort Zion etc. To what end the Savages do make war. Our Savages do not ground their wars upon the possession of the land. We do not see that they encroatch one upon another for that respect. They have land enough for to live and for to walk. Their ambition is limited within their bounds. They make war as Alexander the great did make it, that they may say I have beaten you: or else for revenge in remembrance of some injury received, which is the greatest vice that I find in them, because they never forget injuries: Wherein they are so much the more excusable, because they do nothing but that which ourselves do also. They follow nature: And if we refrain any thing of that instinct, it is the commandment of God which maketh us to do it; whereunto many do stop their eyes. Therefore when they will make wars, the Sagamoes who hath most credit among them, maketh them to know the cause why, the rendezvous, and time of the assembly. The Savages Orations. Being arrived he maketh long orations unto them upon the occasion which is offered and for to encourage them. At every proposition he demandeth their advise, and if they give consent they all make an exclamation, saying Haver: if not, some Sagamoes will begin to speak, and Surprises of the Savages. say what he thinketh good of it: being both the one and the other well heard. Their wars are made but by surprises, in the dark of the night, or by Moonshine, by ambushments or subtlety. Which is general throughout all those Indies. For we have seen in the first book in what fashion the Floridians do make war: And the Brasilians do no otherwise, And the surprises being done they come to handy blows, and do fight very often by day. The manner to foretell or▪ presage the event of the war. But before they go from home, ours (I mean the Souriquois) have this custom to make a fort▪ within which all the yongue men of the army do put themselves: where being, the women come to compass them about and to keep them as besieged. Seeing themselves so environed they make sailies, for to shun and deliver themselves out of prison. The women that keep watch do repulse them, do arrest them, do their best endeavour to take them. And if they be taken they lay loads at them, do beat them, strip them, and by such a success they take a good presage of the war they go to make. If they escape it is an evil sign. They have also another custom concerning some one particular man, who bringing an enemy's head, they make great feasts, dances and songs for many days: and whilst these things be in doing they strip the Conqueror, & give him but some bad rag to cover himself withal. But at the end of eight days or there about, after the feast, every one doth present himself with some thing, to honour him for his valour. Succession of Captains. The Captains amongst them take their degree by succession, as the regality in these our parts (which is to be understood if the Son of a Sagamoes imitateth the virtues of his father) for otherwise they do as in the old time when that first the people did choose kings: whereof john de Meung Author of the Roman de la Rose, speaking he saith: that, They choosed the tallest, that had the biggest body, and biggest bones amongst them, and made him their Prince and Lord. But this Sagamoes hath not an absolute authority among them, but such as Tacitus reporteth of the ancient German Kings: the power of their Kings, saith he, is not free, nor infinite, but they conduct the people rather by example, then by commandment. In Virginia and in Florida they are more honoured then among The natural Virginians do honour their kings. The Savages arms. the Souriquois. But in Brasill he that hath taken and killed more prisoners they will take him for Captain, and yet his children may not inherit that dignity. Their arms are the first which were in use after the creation of the world, Clubs, bows, arrows: for as for slings and Crossbows they have none, nor any weapons of iron or steel, much less those that human wit hath invented since two hundred years, to counterfeit the thunder: nor Rams or other ancient engines of battery. Heretofore the first book. chap. 15. They are very skilful in shooting an arrow, and let that be for an example which is recited heretofore of one that was killed by the Armouchiquois, having a little dog pierced together with him with an arrow, shot a far off. Yet I would not give them the praises due to many nations of this hither world, which have been famous for that exercise, as the Scythians, Geteses, Sarmates, Goths, Scots, Parthians, and all the people of the East, of whom a great number were so skilful, that they had hit a hair: which the holy Scripture witnesseth of many of God's people, namely of the Beniamites, who going to war judges ch. 10. vers. 15. Eccellent Archers. against Israel: Of all this people (saith the Scripture) there was seven huudred chosen men, being lefthanded: all these could fling a stone at an hairs breadth, and not fail. In Crete there was an Alcon so skilful an archer, that a dragon carrying away his Son, he pursued after him and killed him without hurting his child. One may read of the Emperor Domitian that he could direct his arrow far of between his two fingers, being spread abroad. The writings of the ancient make mention of many who shot birds through, flying in the air, and of other wonders which our Savages would admire at. But notwithstanding they are gallant men and good warriors, who will go through every place being backed by some number of Frenchmen: and, which is the second thing next unto courage, they can endure hardness in the war, lie in the snow, and on the ise, suffer hunger, and by intermission feed themselves with smoke, as we have said in the former chapter. For war is called Militia, not From whence cometh this word malice, or Militia. Ulpian. l. 1. §. ult. D. de. tistum. mil. Mat. 6. v. 34. out of the word Mollitia, as Ulpian the lawyer, and others would have it, by an antiphrasticall manner of speaking: But of Malitia which is as much to say as Duritia, Kakia: or of Afflictio, which the greeks do call Kakosis. And so it is taken in Saint Matthew where it is said that the day hath enough of his own grief Kakia that is to ●●y his affliction, his pain, his labour, his hardness, as Saint Jerome doth expound it very well. And the word in S. Paul Kakopatheson Hierom. opist. ad 247. Amand. Hos kalos stratiotis jeson Christion, had not been ill translated Dura, that is, Suffer affliction as a good soldier of jesus Christ, instead of Labora, harden thyself with patience, as it is in Virgil, Durate, & rebus vosmet seruate secundis▪ And in another place he calleth the Scipio's Duros belli, to signify brave and excellent Captains: which hardness and malice of war Tertullian doth expound Imbonit as in the book that he hath written to the Martyrs, for to exhort them to suffer afflictions manfully for the name of jesus Christ: A soldier (saith he) cannot come to the wars with pleasures, and he goeth not to the fight coming forth from his chamber, but out oftents and pavilions stretched out, and tied to stalks and forks, Vbi omnis duritia & imbonit as & insuavit as, where no pleasure is. Now although the war which is made coming forth out of tents and pavilions is hard, yet notwithstanding the life of our Savages is yet harder, and may be called a true milicia, that is to say, malice, which I take for hardness. And after this manner do they travel over great countries through the woods for to surprise their enemy and to assail Subject of the Savages fear. him on the sudden. This is that which keepeth them in perpetual fear. For at the least noise in the world, as of an Ellan which passeth among branches and leaves, they Heretofore cha. 17. take an alarm. They that have towns after the manner that I have described heretofore, are somewhat more assured. For having well barred the coming in they may ask quiva là who goeth there? and prepare themselves to the combat. By such surprises the Iroquois being in number eight thousand men, have heretofore exterminated the Algumequins, them of Hochelaga, and others bordering upon the great river. Nevertheless when our Savages under the conduct of Membertou went to the war against the Armouchiquois, they embarked themselves in shaloupes and Canowes': But indeed they did not enter within the Country, but killed them on their frontieres' in the Port of Choüakoet. And for as much as this war, the cause thereof, the counsel, the execution, and the end of it hath been described by me in French verses, which I have annexed unto my poem entitled the Muses of New France I refer the reader to have recourse to it, because I will not writ one thing twice. I will only say that being at the river Saint john, the Sagamoes Chkoudun a Christian and Frenchman, in will and courage, made a young man of Retel, called Leseure, and myself to see how they go to the wars: And after their feast they came forth some fourscore out of his Town, having laid down their mantles of fur, that is to say stark naked, bearing every one a shield which covered all their body over, after the fashion of the ancient Gaulois, who passed into Greece under the Captain Brennus, of whom they that could not wade the rivers, did lay themselves on their Bucklers, Their manner of marching to the wars. A martialldance. which served them for Boats, as Pausanias saith. Besides these shields they had every one his wooden mace, their quivers on their backs, and their bow in hand: marching as it were in dancing wise. I do not think for all that, that when they come near to the enemy for to fight, that they be so orderly as the ancient Lacedæmonians, who from the age of five years were accustomed to a certain manner of dancing, which they used going to fight, that is to say with a mild and grave measure, to the sound of flutes, to the end to come to blows with a cool and settled sense, and not to trouble their minds: to be able also to discern them that were courageous from them that were fearful, as Plutarch saith. But rather they go furiously, Plutar. in the treaty of the refraining of cboler. and in the Apophth. with great clamours and fearful howl, to the end to astonish the enemy, and to give to themselves mutual assurance. Which is done amongst all the Westerly Indians▪ In this mustering our Savages went to make a turn about a hill, and as their return was somewhat slow, we took our way towards our bark, where our men were in fear, lest some wrong had been done unto us. How the Savages do use with the victory. In the victory they kill all that may make resistance, but they pardon the women and children. The Brasilians chose do take prisoners as many as they can, and reserve them for to be fatnéd, to kill and to eat them in the first assembly they shall make. Which is a kind of sacrifice among those people that have some form of religion, from whom those men have taken this inhuman custom. For anciently they that were overcome, were sacrificed to the gods who were thought to be authors of the victory, whereof it came that they were called victims, because that they were overcome: Victima à Victis: They were also called Hosties, ab Host, because they were enemies. They that did set forth the name of Supplice did it almost upon the same occasion, causing supplications to be made to the Gods of the goods of them whom they condemned to death. Such hath been the custom among many Nations to sacrifice the enemies to the false gods, and it was also practised in Perou in the time that the Spaniards came thither first. 1. Samuel. 15. vers. 33. We read in the holy Scripture, that the Prophet Samuel cut in pieces Agag king of the Amalekites, before the Lord in Gilgal. Which might be found strange, seeing that there was nothing so mild as this holy Prophet was. But one must consider here that it was by a special motion of the spirit of God which stirred Samuel to make himself executioner of the the Divine justice against an enemy of the people of Israel, in steed of Saul, who had neglected the commandment of God, which was enjoined to smite Hamaleke and to put all to the edge of the sword, without sparing any living soul; which he did not: and therefore was he forsaken of God. Samuel then did that which Saul should have done, he cut in pieces a man who was condemned of God, who had made many widows in Israel, and justly did receive the like payment: to the end also to fulfil the prophecy of Balaam, Num. 24. v. 7. who had foretold long before that the king of the Israelites should be raised up above Agag, and his kingdom should be exalted. Now this action of Samuel is not without example. For when they were to appease Exod. 32. v. 27. 1. King. 18. vers. 40. Act. 5. v. 5. the wrath of God, Moses said: Put every man his sword by his side: and slay every man his brother, and every man his companion, and every man his neighbour. So Elijah made the Prophets of Baal to be killed. So at Saint Peter's words Ananias and Saphira fell down dead at his feet. Now to return to our purpose, our Savages as they have no religion, so make they no sacrifices: and beside are more human than the Brasilians, forasmuch as they eat no man's flesh, contenting themselves to destroy them, that do annoy them. But they have such a generosity in them, that they had rather die then to fall into the hands of their enemies. And when Monsieur de Poutrincourt took revenge of the Armouchiquois, which murdered some of our men, there were some who suffered themselves rather to be hewed in pieces, then that they would be carried away prisoners: or if by main force they be carried away, they will starve or kill themselves. Yea also they will not suffer the dead bodies of their people to remain in the possession of their enemies, and in the peril of their own lives, they take them and carry them away: which Tacitus doth also testify of the ancient Germans, and it hath been an usual thing with all generous nations. The victory being gotten of one side or other, the victorious cutteth off the heads of the enemies slain, how great soever the number of them is, which are divided among the captains, but they leave there the carcase, contenting themselves with the skin, which they cause to be dried, or do tan it, and do make trophies with it in their cabins, taking therein all their contentment. And some solemn feast happening among them (I call feast whensoever they make Tabagie) they take them, and dance with them, having them hanging about their necks at their arms, or at their girdles, and with very rage they sometimes bite at them: which is a great proof of this disordinate appetite of revenge, whereof we have sometimes spoken. Diodor. 6. book Biblios. Tit. Live. 1 decade. 10. book. Our ancient Gaullois did make no less trophies with the heads of their enemies than our Savages. For (if Diodorus and Titus Livius may be believed) having cut them, they bring them back from the field hanging at the petrall of their horses, and did tie or nail them solemnly, with songs and praises of the vanquishers (according to their customs) at their gates, as one would do a wild boars. As for the heads of the nobles Strabo lib. 4. Geogr. they did embalm them and kept them carefully within cases, for to make show of them to those that come to see them, and for nothing in the world they would restore them, neither to kinsmen nor any other. The Boians (which be the Bourbonnois) did Idem lib. 3. Decad. 3. more. For after they had taken out the brains, they did give the skulls to Goldsmiths for to garnish them with gold, and to make vessels of them to drink in, which they used in sacred things and holy solemnities. If any man thinketh this strange, he must yet find more strange that which is reported of the Hungarians by Viginere upon Titus Livius, of whom he saith, that in the year 1566. being near javarin, they did lick the blood of the Turks heads which they brought to the Emperor Maximilian: which goeth beyond the barbarousness that might be objected to our Savages. Yea I must tell you that they have more humanity than many Christians, who within these hundred years have committed in divers occurrences, upon women and children cruelties more than brutish, whereof the histories be full: and our Savages do extend their mercy to these two sorts of creatures. CHAP. XXVI. Of their funerals. THe war being ended, humanity doth invite us to bewail for the dead, and to bury them. It is a work wholly of piety, and more meritorious than any other. For he that giveth succour to a man whilst he is a life may hope for some service of him, or a reciprocal kindness: But from a dead creature we can expect nothing more: This is that which made that holy man Toby to be acceptable to God: And for that good office, they that employed themselves in the burying of our Saviour are praised in the Gospel. As for tears and mournings Eccles. 38. ve. 16. 17. behold what saith the wise Son of Sirach, My Son power forth tears over the dead, and begin to mourn as if thou hadst suffered great harm thyself: and then cover his body according to his appointment, and neglect not his burial. Make a grievous lamentation, and be earnest in mourning, and use lamentation as he is worthy, and that a day or two, lest thou be evil spoken off. This lesson being come, whether it be by some tradition, or by the instinct of nature, as far as to our Savages, they have yet at this day that common with the nations of these parts to weep for the dead, and to keep the bodies of them after their decease, as it was done in the time of the holy patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, and since. But they make strange clamours many days together, as we saw in Port Royal, some months after our arrival into that country (to wit in November) where they made the funeral ceremonies for one of theirs, named Panonic who had taken some merchandises out of Monsieur de Monts his store house, and went to truck with the Armouchiquois. This Panoniac was killed, and the body brought back into the cabins of the River Saint Croix, where our Savages did both weep for him and enbalmed him. Of what kind this balm is, I could not know, not being able to inquire of it upon the places. I believe they iagge the dead corpses and make them to dry. Certain it is that they preserve them from rottenness: which thing they do almost throughout all these Indies. He that hath written the history of Virginia saith that they Virginia. draw out their entrails from the body, flay the dead, take away the skin, cut all the flesh off from the bones, dry it at the Sun, then lay it (enclosed in mats) at the feet of the dead. That done they give him his own skin again, & cover therewith the bones tied together with leather, fashioning it even so as if the flesh had remained at it. It is a thing well known that the ancient Egyptians did embalm the dead bodies, and kept them carefully. Which (besides the profane Authors) is seen in the holy Scripture, where it is said that joseph did command his Servants and Physicians to embalm the body of jacob Genes▪ 50. v. 5 his father. Which he did according to the custom of the country. But the Israelites did the like, as it is seen in the 2. Paralip▪ 16 v. 14. &. 21. vers. 19 holy Chronicles, where it is spoken of the death of the kings Asa and joram. From the River of Saint Croix the said deceased Panoniac was brought into Port Royal, where again he was wept for. But because they are accustomed to make their lamentations for a long continuance of days, as during a month fearing to offend us by their cries (for as much as their cabins were but some five hundred passes off from our fort) Membertou came to entreat Monsieur de Poutrincourt not to dislike that they should mourn after their wont manner, and that they would be but eight days in performing of it. Which he easily granted them: And then afterwards they began the next day following, at the break of day, their weep and cry, which we did hear from our said fort, taking some intermission on the midst of the day. And they mourn by intermission every cabin his day, and every person his turn. It is a thing worthy marveling that nations so far distant do agree in those ceremonies with many of the hither world. For in ancient times the Persians (as we read in many places of Herodotus, and Q. Curtius did make such lamentation, did rend their garments, did cover their heads, did clothe themselves with a mourning garment, which the holy Scripture doth call Sackcloth, and josephus Schema tapeinon. Also they shaved themselves, and their horses and mules, as the learned Drusius hath noted in Ester. 4. v. Drus. obseru. 12. cap. 6. his observations, alleging for this purpose both Herodote and Plutarch. The Egyptians did as much, and peradventure more, in that which concerneth lamentations. For after the death of the holy I Fatriarke jacob, All the ancients, men of calling, and the Counsellors of the house of Pharaoh, and of the Country of Egypt went up in great multitude even as far as to the corn floor of Atad in Canaan, and did weep for him with great and grievous complaints: In such sort that the Canaanites seeing it did say: This mourning is grievous to the Egyptians: and for the greatness and novelty of the same mourning they called the said floor Abel Misraim, that is to say the mourning of the Egyptians. The Romans had hired women to weep for the dead, and to relate their praises by long mournful complaints: and those women were called Praeficae, as it were Praefectae, because that they did begin the motion when it was needful to lament, and to relate the praises of the dead. Mercede quae conductae flent alieno in funere preficae multo & capillos scindunt, & clamant magis, saith Lucilius by the report of Nonius: Sometimes the very trumpets were not neglected at it, as Virgil testifieth in these words: It coelo clamour, clangórque tubarum. I will not here make a collection of all the customs of other nations: for it would never be at an end: But in France every one knoweth that the women of Picardy do lament their dead with great clamours. Monsieur des Accords amongst other things by him collected reciteth of one, who making her funeral complaints, that she said to her deceased husband: Good God My poor husband thou hast given us a pitiful farewell! O what farewell! It is for ever. O what long congee! The women of Bearn are yet more pleasant. For they recount during the time of a whole day the whole life of their husbands. Lamiamou, la mi amou: Cara rident, oeil de splendou: Cama leugé bet dansadou: lo mé balen balem, lo m'esburbat: mati de pes: fort tard cougat: and such like things: That is to say; My love, my love: smiling countenance: bright eye: nimble leg: and good dancer: mine own valiant, mine own valiant: early up, and late a bed etc. john de Leri reciteth that which followeth of the Gascoin women: year, year, o le bet renegadou, o le bet iougadou qu'here, that is to say: o the brave swaggerens, o what a fair player he was! And thereupon he reporteth that the women of Brasill do howl and bawl with such clamours, that it seemeth that it be some assembly of dogs and wolves. He is dead (will some women say drawing their voices) he was so valiant, and who hath made us to eat of so many prisoners: Others making a Choir apart will say: Oh what a good hunter and what The Tovoupinambaoults are enemies to the Portuges. an excellent fisher he was! Oh what a brave knocker down of Portuges and of Margaias he was! of whom he hath so well avenged us. And at the pause of every complaint they will say: he is dead, he is dead for whom we do now mourn! whereunto the men do answer, saying: Alas it is true! we shall see him no more until we see him behind The Brasilians believe the resurre. ction. the mountains where we shall dance with him! and other such things. But the most part of these people do end their mourning in one day, or some what more. As for the Indians of Florida, when any of their Paraoustis dieth they weep three days and three nights continually and without eating: And all the Paraoustis, that be his allies and friends, do the like mourning, cutting half their hairs as well men as women in token of love. And that done there be some women ordained, who during the time of six Moons do lament the death of their Paraousti three times a day, crying with a loud voice, in the morning, at noon, and at night: which is the fashion of the Roman Praefices, of whom we have, not long since, spoken. For that which is of the mourning apparel, our Souriquois do paint their faces all with black; which maketh them to seem very hideous: But the Hebrews were more reprovable, who did scotch their faces in the time of mourning, jerem. 41. v. 3. and did shave their hairs, as saith the Prophet jeremy: which was usual among them of great antiquity: By reason whereof the same was forbidden them by the Leuit. 19 v. 27. 28. law of God in Leviticus: You shall not cut round the corners of your hairs, neither mar the tufts of your beards, and you shall not cut your flesh for the dead, nor make any print of a Deut. 14. 1. mark upon you. I am the Lord. And in Deuteronomie: you are the children of the Lord your God, you shall not cut yourselves, nor make any baldness between your eyes for the dead. Which was also forbidden by the Romans in the laws of the twelve tables. Herodotus and Diodorus do say, that the Egyptians (chiefly in their King's funerals) did rend their garments, and besmeered their faces, yea all their heads: and assembling themselves twice a day, did march in round, singing the virtues of their King: did abstain from sodden meats, from living creatures, from wine, and from all dainty fare during the space of 70. days, without any washing▪ nor lying on any bed, much less to have the company of their wives: always lamenting. The ancient mourning of our Queens of France (for as for our Kings they wear no mourning apparel) was in white colour, and therefore after the death of their husbands they kept the names of Roines blanches (white Queens.) But the common mourning of others is, at this day in black, qui sub personarisus est. For all these mournings are but deceits, and of a hundred there is not one but is glad of such a weed. This is the cause that the ancient Solin, cap. 17. Valer. li. 2. c. 1. Thracians were more wise, who did celebrate the birth of man with tears, and their funerals with joy, showing that by death we are delivered from all calamities, wherewith we are borne, and are in rest. Heraclides speaking of the Locrois, saith, that they make not any mourning for the dead, but rather banckets and great rejoicing. And the wise Solon knowing the foresaid abuses doth abolish all those renting of clothes, of those weeping fellows, and would not that so many clamours should be made over the dead, as Plutarch saith in his life. The Christians yet more wise did in ancient time sing Alleluia at their burials, and this verse of the Psalm, Revertere anima mea in requiem tuam, Psal. 11●. v. 7 quia Dominus benefecit tibi, And now my soul sith thou art safe, return unto thy rest: For largely lo the Lord to thee, his bounty hath expressed. Notwithstanding because that we are men, subject to joy, to grief, and to other motions and perturbations of mind, which at the first motion are not in our power, as saith the Philosopher, weeping is not a thing to be blamed, whether it be in considering our frail condition, and subject to so many harms, be it for the loss of that which we did love and held dearly. Holy personages have been touched with those passions, and our Saviour himself wept over the Sepulchre of Lazarus, brother to the holy Magdalein. But one must not suffer himself to be carried away with sorrow, nor make ostentations of clamours, wherewith very often▪ the heart is never a whit touched. Whereupon the wise son of Sirach doth give Ecel. 22. v. 11 us an advertisement, saying: Weep for the dead, for he hath lost the light [of this life] but make small weeping, because he is in rest. The Savages do burn the movable goods of the deceased. After that our Savages had wept for Panoniac, they went to the place where his cabin was whilst he did live, and there they did burn all that he had left, his bows, arrows, quivers, his Bevers skins, his Tobacco (without which they cannot live) his dogs and other his small movables, to the end that no body should quarrel for his succession. The same showeth how little A fair lesson for the Covetous. they care for the goods of this world, giving thereby a goodly lesson to them who by right or wrong do run after this silver devil, and very often do break their necks, or if they catch what they desire, it is in making bankrupt with God, and spoiling the poor, whether it be with open war, or under colour of justice. A fair lesson I say to those covetous unsatiable Tantalusses, who take so much pains, and murder so many creatures to seek out hell in the depth of the earth, that is to say, the Luk. 16. 9 Hierom. epist. 2. add Nepotian. treasures which our Saviour doth call the Riches of iniquity. A fair lesson also for them of whom Saint Jerome speaketh, treating of the life of Clerks: There be some (saith he) who do give a little thing for an alme, to the end to have it again with great usury; and under colour of giving some thing, they seek after riches, which is rather a hunting than an alms: So are beasts, birds, and fishes taken. A small bait is put to a hook to the end to catch at it silly women's purses. And in the Epitaph of Nepotian to Heliodore: Some (saith he) do heap money upon money, and making their purses to burst out by certain kind of services, they catch at a suare the richesse of good matrons, and become richer being Monks, than they were being secular. And for this covetousness the regular and secular have been by imperial Edicts, excluded from legacies, whereof the same doth complain, not for the thing, but for that the cause thereof hath been given. Let us come again to our burning of goods. The first people, that had not yet covetousness rooted in their hearts, did the same as our Savages do. For the Phrygians (or Troyians) did bring to the Latins the use of burning, not only of movables, but also of the dead bodies, making high piles of wood for that effect, as Aeneas did in the funerals of Misenus: Virgil. 6. Aeneid. — & robore secto Ingentem struxere pyram— Then the body being washed and anointed, they did cast all his garments upon the pile of wood, frankincense, meats, and they powered on it oil, wine, honey, leaves, flowers, violets, roses, ointments of good smell, and other things, as may be seen by ancient histories and inscriptions. And for to continue that which I have said of Misenus, Virgil doth add: Purpureásque super vestes, velamina nota Conijciunt: pars ingenti subiere feretro, etc. — congesta cremantur Thura, dona, dapes, fuso crateres olivo. Aeneid. 1●. And speaking of the funerals of Pallas a young Lord, friend to Aeneas: Tum geminas vestes, ostróque, auróque rigentes, Extulit Aeneas— Multaque praeterea laurentis praemia pugnae Aggerat, & longo praedam jubet ordine duci: Addit equos & tela, quibus spoliaverat hostem. And underneath: Spargitur & tellus lachrimis, sparguntur & arma. Hinc alij spolia occisis direpta Latinis Conijciunt igni, galeas, ensésque decoros, Fraenáque fervent esque rotas: pars munera nota Ipsorum clypeos, & non faeliciatela, Setigerósque sues, raptásque ex omnibus agris In flammam iugulant pecudes— 1. Samuel, last chap. In the holy Scripture I find but the bodies of Saul and of his Sons to have been burnt after their overthrow, but it is not said that any of their movables were cast into the fire▪ The old Gaullois and Germains did burn with the dead body all that which he had loved, even to the very beasts, papers of accounts and obligations, as if by that means they would either have paid, or demanded their Caesar in the 6. book of the war of the Gaullois. debts. In such sort, that a little before that Caesar came thither, there was some that did cast themselves upon the pile where the body was burned, in hope to live else where with their kindred, Lords, and friends. Concerning the Germans, Tacitus saith the same of them in those terms: Quae vivis cordi fuisse arbrit antur in ignem inferunt etiam animalia, servos, & clientes. These fashions have been common anciently to many nations, but our Savages are not so foolish as that: for they take good heed from putting themselves into the fire, knowing that it is to hot. They content themselves then in burning the dead man his goods: And as for the body they put him honourably in the grave. This Panoniac of whom we have spoken was kept in the cabin of Niguiroet, his father, and of Neguioadetch, his mother, until the Spring time, when that the assembly of the Savages was made for to go to revenge his death: In which assembly he was yet wept for, and before they went to the wars they made an end of his funerals, and carried him (according to their custom) into a desolate Island, towards Cap de Sable, some five and twenty or thirty leagues distant from Port Royal. Those Isles which do serve them for Churchyards are secret amongst them, for fear some enemy should seek to torment the bones of their dead. Plin. l. 7. ●. 56. Pliny, and many others, have esteemed that it was foolishness to keep dead bodies under a vain opinion that after this life one is something. But one may apply unto him that which Portius Festus Governor of Caesarea did foolishly say to the Apostle Saint Paul: Thou art besides Act. 26. v. 34. thyself: much learning hath made thee mad. Our Savages are esteemed very brutish (which they are not) but yet they have more wisdom in that respect then such Philosophers. We Christians do commonly bury the dead bodies, that is to say, we yield them to the earth (called Humus, from whence cometh the word Homo a Man) from which they were taken, and so did the ancient Romans before the custom of burning them. Which amongst the West Indians the Brasilians do, who put their dead into pits digged after the form of a tun, almost upright, sometimes in their own houses, like to the first Romans, according as Servius the Commentor of Virgil doth say. But our savages as far as Perou do not so, but rather do keep them whole in sepulchres, which be in many places as scaffolds of nine and ten foot height. the roof whereof is all covered with mats, whereuponthey stretch out their dead ranked according to the order of their decease. So almost our Savages do, saving that their sepulchres are lesser and lower, made after the form of Cages, which they cover very properly, and there they lay their dead. Which we call to bury, and not to inter seeing they are not within the earth. Now although that many nations have thought good to keep the dead bodies: yet it is better to follow that which nature requireth, which is, to render to the earth that which belongeth unto her, which (as Lucrece saith) Omniparens eadem rerum est commune sepulchrum Tul. in the 2 book of the laws which Xenophon aleadgeth. Also this is the ancientest fashion of burying, saith Cicero: And that great Cirus King of the Persians would not be otherwise served after his death then to be restored to the earth: o my dear children! (said he before he died) When I have ended my life, do not put my body, neither in gold nor in silver, nor in any other sepulchre, but render it forthwith to the earth. For what may be more happy and more to be desired then to join himself with her that produceth and nourisheth all good and fair things? So did he esteem for vanity all the pomps and excessive expenses of the Pyramids of Egypt, of the Mausolees and other monuments made after that imitation: As the same of Augustus, the Great, and magnifical mass of Adrian, the Septizone of Severus, and other yet lesser, not esteeming himself after death more than the meanest of his Subjects. The Romans did leave the entombing of the bodies, having perceived that the long wars did bring disorder unto it, and that the dead corpse were unburied, which Arnob. lib. 8. by the laws of the twelve Tables it was behoveful to bury out of the town, like as they did in Athens. Whereupon Arnobius speaking against the Gentiles: We do not fear (saith he) as you think, the ransacking of our graves, but we keep the most ancient and best custom of burying. Pausanias (who blameth the Gaullois as much as he can) saith in his Phociques, that they had no care to bury their dead, but we have showed the contrary heretofore: And though it were so, he speaketh of the overthrow of the army of Brennus. The same might have been said of the Nabateens, Who (according to Strabo) did that which Pausanias doth object to the Gaullois, and buried the bodies of their kings in dunghills. Our Savages are more kind than so, and have all that which the office of humanity may desire, yea even more. For after they have brought the dead to his rest, every one maketh him a present of the best thing he hath. Some do cover him with many skins of Bevers, of Otters and other beasts: others present him with bows, arrows, quivers, knives, Matachiaz, and other things. Which they have in common, not only with them of Florida, who for want of furs, do set upon the sepulchres the cup wherein the deceased was accustomed to drink, and all about them they plant great number of arrows: Item they of Brasill who do bury with their dead, things made of feathers and Carcanets: and they of Perou, who (before the coming of the the Spaniards) did fill their tombs with treasures: But also with many nations of these our parts, which did the same even from the first time after the flood, as may be conjectured by the writing (though deceitful) of the Sepulchre of Semiramis Queen of Babylon, containing that he of her successors that had need of money should make it to be opened, and that he should find there even as much as he would have. Whereof Darius willing to make trial, found in it nothing else but other letters speaking in this sort: Unless thou wert a wicked man and unsatiable thou wouldst not have, through covetousness, so troubled the quiet of the dead, and broken down their sepulchres. I would think this custom to have been only among the Heathen, were it not that I find in josephus his history that Ioseph. 7. book 12 th'. of the antiquity of the jews. Solomon did put in the Sepulchre of David his father above three millions of gold, which were rifled thirteen hundred years after. This custom to put gold into the sepulchres being come even to the Romans, was forbidden by the twelve tables, also the excessive expenses that many did make in watering the bodies with precious liquors, and other mysteries that we have recited heretofore. And notwithstanding many simple and foolish men and women did ordain by will and testament, that one should bury with their bodies their ornaments, rings, and jewels (which the greeks did call entaphia) as there is a form seen of L. Medico. D de auro, arg. etc. leg. L. feruo alieno. D. de leg. 1. L. & siquis. D. de relig. & sump. fun. it, reported by the lawyer Scaevola in the books of the Digests. Which was reproved by Papiniam and Ulpian likewise civil lawyers: in such sort that for the abuse thereof the Romans were constrained to cause that the Censors of the women's ornaments did condemn, as simple and effeminated, them that did such things, as Pluturch saith in the lives of Solon and Sylla. Therefore the best course is to keep the modesty of the ancient patriarchs, and even of king Cyrus, whom we have mentioned before, on whose tomb was this inscription, reported by Arrian. Thou that passest by, whomsoever thou be'st, and from what part soever thou comest, for I am sure that thou wilt come: I am that Cyrus who got the dominion to the Persians: I pray thee envy not this little parcel of ground which covereth my poor body. So then our Savages are not excusable in putting all the best ornaments they have into the sepulchres of the dead, seeing they might reap commodity by them. But one may answer for them that they have this custom even from their father's beginning (for we see that almost from the very time of the flood the like hath been done in this hither world) and giving to their dead their furs, Matachias, Bowes, Arrows, and Quivers, they were things that they had no need of. And notwithstanding this doth not clear the Spaniards from blame, who have robbed the sepulchres of the Indians of Perou, and cast the bones on the dunghill: nor our own men that have done the like, in taking away the Bevers skin, in our New-France, as I have said heretofore. Heretofore 1. book. ch. 17. I sidor. ad Casium scholasticum, Epist. 146. For as Isodorus saith of Damiette in an Epistle: It is the part of enemies void of all humanity to rob the bodies of the dead, which cannot defend themselves, Nature itself hath given this to many, that hatred doth cease after death, and do reconcile themselves with the deceased. But riches make the covetous to become enemies to the dead, against whom they have nothing to say, who torment their bones with reproach and injury. And therefore not without cause have the ancient Emperors made laws, and ordained rigorous pains against the spoilers and destroyers of sepulchres. All praises be given to God. The Errata. PAge 8. for I'll of Sand or Sablon, or Sand. read I'll of Sablon or Sand. p. 9 for Pourtrincourt r. Poutrincourt, p. 14. for Peron r. Perou. p. 42. for have raised r. have been raised, ib, for toones r. tons. p. 52. for Point r. Pont.