CERTAIN LETTERS WHEREIN IS SET forth a Discourse of the Peace that was attempted and sought to have been put in effect by the Lords and States of Holland and Zelande in the year of our Lord 1574.  
ALSO A SUPPLICATION put up by the said States of Holland and Zealand, and other places of the Low Countries to the King: together with the answer and a Reply upon the same, and divers other particularities.  PSALM 28. 
O Lord God take me not away with the wicked, nor with them that commit iniquity, which speak peace to their neighbours, & imagine mischief in their hearts.  
IMPRINTED AT LONdon in Fleetstreet by Thomas Marsh.  
ANNO 1576.   

TO the intent to give some light to such as are not acquainted with the state of the affairs and controversies of Holland and Zelande, and to stop the mouths of malicious adversaries, which cease not to report all manner of untruth and reproach of the noble valiant and virtuous prince the Prince of Orendge & his adherents, & of the just case which they maintain: here is translated a short Discourse, of the orignial cause and ground of their entering into Arms, together with a number of weighty & substantial reasons, whereby they justify their doing by good conscience and equity. And it is the rather set forth at this time, because some of the parties and authors thereof be now here, as Mounsieur Saint Aldegond, and Mounsieur Champagny and others, who may justify the same (as need shall require) to the open mainfestation of the truth with out further travel. Read with advisement, and judge indifferently, as the right of the matter shall lead the.  Sum Dea, quae rara, & paucis, Occasi● nota.  

To his very friend E. B. esquire affectionate friend and devotiste servant unto the fair and virtuous Lady the Countess of Culenberghe.  
THis old proverb (as commonly all other) hath his ground upon known experience, Malus animus, malamen, an evil affection maketh an evil construction. Men wrist or drive the interpretation of doings to the frame of their own coceits, which they derive from the favour or disfavour that they have settled in their own persuasions. It is not unknown what extraordinary discourses, & what private fancies in common meetings, are daily made of the case of our neighbours in the low Country. Such manner of debating where contrary opinions have distracted you seem to be the cause of your question, whereof you desire to be resolved in your letters. You could not have written to a man more indifferent than I am: who am as far from partiality, as he that loveth, (that is to say preferreth) neither party before other, but our country before them both. I do therefore (as I wish you to do) set the pin of the beam even, and examine the weight of either scale. Let us then compare the sides, and begin with the sharper, that we may have the milder ending.  
First I will call to mind, what th'one of those sides objecteth:  
Secondly what tother answereth: And thirdly what to draw to concern ourselves.  
In the matter of objection, let us see what strength it hath in justice:  
In the matter of defence, let us see what weight it hath in equity:  
And for the matter of Ourselves, let us see what necessity, what commodity, what right, and what facility it is said to bear, to draw us to any side.  
It is said by some, which are loath that Spain should be weaker or England stronger, that the Prince of Orendge & his adherents are rebels in Arms against their natural Prince, and maintainers of a most dangerous precedent against all Princes.  
To this is answered on tother part (as in this book you shall see discoursed) that there is difference of the band & manner of their subjection from other. None of them holdeth that a king may be shaken of by his subjects: but they all say, that Lords electible upon pacts & conditions are also reiectible according to the same pacts & conditions, specially in Dominions subject to the civil laws, which are not the Laws of England. The order of each state is to be regarded: not all States have kings. Some have other forms of government. Not all kingdoms have like manner of admissions or receivings of kings. Some follow natural succession of blood: some Choice: some Lot or chance. Some kings or rulers have simple & absolute power: some limited & circumscribed. Thearls of Holland and Zealand (as is well known & many examples have proved, at their joyous entry that is to say, at their receiving to inauguration or seizin of their Estate) be bound by oath to prescribed pacts & orders: whereby not only their form of rule is bounded, but also upon divers points the subjects homage & allegiance expressly discharged. And that discharge in fact hath been executed, & by such fact, (say they,) the ancestors of the Prince himself that now chargeth them, have been received. The Prince and states of that Country allege the oath of their Earl, the precise form of assoylment upon his breach of their Privileges: they produce one chief point, that they aught not to be pestered with governance or garrison of strangers: they reckon up th'intolerable, outrageous & manifest oppressions done upon them, and the evident practice to bring that free Nation to most unsufferable servitude: they shield themselves under the liberty & right of Nature, the provision of agreements, the oaths of their Princes, their power of refusal upon their Prince's perjury, with many like matters, whereof they make the world judges by their many Protestations, Apologies, justifications, & Supplications to the states of th'empire, & other means: always severing their case from other subjects of Natural and absolute Kings.  
FOR (say they) in their case of resisting the King, these things are to be considered: the nature of the Government and subjection, & the cause of resistance, and thirdly the manner of the resistance. The nature of the Government & the subjection standeth in these two considerations. Whether it he Merum Imperium, that all things may be done Pro voluntate Regnanti●: or it be Moderatum, which is Temperatum Legibus, wherein the Ruler hath his rule prescribed him which way to rule, & the Subject a Pattern described him which way to obey. If the Government be Merum & absolutum, then is the Person inferior, a slave and no subject. For in all due subjection there is Taxis, which is never in Voluntate. If the Government be Temperatum, then is thinferior a subject and no slave.  
IN all subjection there is an honest liberty given by Law itself, whereby all Actions and Pleas in Law are as open to the subject as to the ruler, for the maintenance of truth and equity. In slavery there is none such: because he is not to be measured but by the will of the Ruler, which howsoever it turneth, is his right: & he hath no action of Appeal or Plea to the contrary.  
Then it followeth that the Law is the rightest Authority, and the same is to be maintained by all the just and rightful executors of it: for if the Law be not maintained, the life of the whole common wealth is lost.  
This maintenance of the Law no man doubteth whether it aught to be or no: for it is th'end why Counsellors & under magistrates are appointed: yea it is the cause of placing the highest Magistrate himself. So that to maintain the Law, is judged meet by all men: if the Law be just.  
But whether the Law may be maintained against the Highest Magistrate or not, that is the doubt. For here upon this maintenance of Law is called resistance, and is called Rebellion?  
This question doth imply a contradiction: for it importeth that th'one is against tother, & no man can serve two Masters: & so standeth the whole case in the righteousness of the Law, which for the present purpose is presumed to be most just & most holy. Why then? The Person that is against this Law, goeth about to disannul that that is most just and most holy, & laboureth to bring in that, that is most unjust, most unholy. For touching his own person the question and debate standeth not, but for thenforcing of the subjects to the same.  
WHY then, there is no doubt but as it is confessed of all men, both that never knew God, and of them that do profess God, that justice is to be maintained against injustice, Godliness against ungodliness, & God against the devil: else were the law no law, neither the subject a subject: being (as I said before) a person licensed to live in liberty of law.  
Thus by the nature of Government & the subjection, it is evident that the rightest Magistrate may be resisted, & this resistance is truly a maintenance of Law & equity and so to be termed, and untruly and unjustly called Rebellion. For these words of rebellion and such like cannot justly be used, but where the will of the Ruler and the law are concurrent and agreed in one.  
By this that hath been said of the Government itself, ensueth a right answer to the cause of resistance. Nothing may 'cause resistance to the Magistrate but the maintenance of right and equity: for there is no equity in this, that the will of the subject should stand for a law to the Prince, where the subject thinketh it unmeet that the will of his Prince should stand for a law of his subjection. This is against justice distributive, which the Heathen teach in their common wealth, & flatly against the rule of GOD: Thou shalt not do to thy Neighbour that thou wilt not have done to thyself.  
SO than he that hath law & maintaineth the law, is resisted on which part soever he be: & he that resisteth the law is a rebel and traitor whosoever he be: for the law is the life of the common weal. And the consideration of resistance standeth not in the person, unless he have the law with him: if he be not Lex loquens, he is not resisted, but resisteth.  
But every man may not resist. They only that are made keepers of the Laws, to them it belongeth: otherwise there would be a confusion, and every man encroach upon an other's office. The shedding of blood is murder in every private man: but if a Magistrate do it, he doth it lawfully, and is excused before man, and doth his duty to God: For he beareth not the sword in vain.  
IN sum, where the kind of Government is tempered by Law, & the Prince hath aswell to live by law as the subject: if the Prince will break this Law which is just, & enforce an obedience to a law unjust against the will of the Subjects: the law may be maintained against him, by such as are appointed from God & the law, to be Guardians & keepers of the law. But the case of the Prince of Orange & his associates standeth in the same terms. The king with whom he hath to deal had authority Temperatam Laegibus: he was sworn aswell to the keeping of those laws and bringing in of no new, as the subjects were, & if he broke his oath, they were quit of all obedience. This appeareth in Forma juramenti, which he took at his joyous entrance.  
This oath & Law was broken by bringing in a new la of Inquisition, which tended to the utter supplanting of the Prince and states of the country, which notwithstanding they endured for a season, using all dutiful means by complaints made from the counsel & states at divers & sundry times, as are to be seen, but could have no redress in deed, though oftentimes they had fair promises. When justice could not be had by way of just complaint from the Counsel & States: the Prince & States took the maintenance of the la into their own hands, and so retain it by justice, reserving the ancient liberties & laws to the benefit of all the subjects, so that none complaineth of wrong done unto him, but the will of that Prince who would his will should prevail against Law to the subversion of the whole state, as appeareth in their Records.  
Therefore this maintenance of law by the Prince of Orange, is right, against the breaker of Law and bringer in of Tyranny, the Spanish king. They say, bringer in of tyranny & breaker of Law, for that contrary to his oath, whereby both he & all the Earls of Holland & Zealand have been received into that government, & no otherwise but upon those conditions limited to them by their said oath, he altereth the whole state of government, leaveth no law but his own will, & so useth himself, as though he had never been sworn, nor taken the countries with condition, but had entered as an absolute conqueror: far inferior therein to Heathen & barbarous Princes. We read of Cyrus the great Monarch of the east, that above all his singular virtues, which purchased him so great a Fame as ever any Prince had, he had this in him, that he suffered all Nations under his Monarchy to enjoy their own Laws, customs, liberties & religion, and made no alteration against their wills. The like we find recorded of Alexander the Great, who used himself after the same sort in all his conquests, contenting him only with the Sovereignties over the Nations which he subdued, without any alteration of their Estate. And did not the ancient Romans walk after the same sort, when they subdued any Nation to their obedience? Did they ever altar the state, of any country which they conquered, & enforce their people to receive their laws and Religion? What course used julius Caesar in his Conquests of France▪ Did he change any one jot of the state of those Cities which he conquered?  
Thus was the behaviour of those barbarous Princes, even in their Conquests. such moderation and equity used they even in the mids of their fire & sword.  
The king of Spain came not in by force, he was received by courtesy, & received as a Patron and Protector of their liberties, and upon this condition only, had the signiories given him, as to his predecessors before him, that he should keep those Laws and liberties safe & sound, by virtue of which, & for preservation whereof they cast upon him the earldom, as they had done in former times upon his ancestors. Upon this condition he took it, & to this conditi he swore, as all his ancestors did, submitting & yielding himself to the like dishonour that other had incurred before him, & by whose fall his ancestors came into that preferment, if he committed the like trespass against the states. To this, (I say) he was bound by oath, let himself be demanded, if he can deny it, they are content to stand to the condemnation of all the world, as falsaccusers of so mighty a Prince, in charging him with perjury, a most horrible crime both before God & man. But he will not, he doth not deny it, it is confessed of himself and published by Print in his own books, under his own Privilege. How then standeth his case & theirs? was he not bound by oath to observe their laws? And in case he or any of his officers & Ministers did not observe but break them, did he not expressly charge & enjoin all his subjects by the same oath to make resistance against him & them, and in no wise to yield him any obedience, until he stood and yielded to the fulfilling of his oath? The matter, as I said, is to evident, books imprinted under his own Privilege vouch it to all the world. And shall they that stand for the maintenance of a law so justly, being further charged thereto by the kings own oath, be notwithstanding deemed for rebels? Surely if there be no more than so, we have no reason so to esteem or judge of them. Men might do no more, if either the king's authority over them were absolute, or they had contrary to all right of obedience, made resistance there, where they aught to have showed all obedience. But as the world is not able to charge them with the one, so the king I suppose will not challenge unto himself the other. We find recorded by all that are learned as well heathen as Christians, as well in laws of the Gentiles as in the laws of God: that it is one thing to be Princeps supremus, a Superior & highest governor: & an other thing to be Senior absolutus, an absolute lord. The one importeth a sovereignty & chiefty of all that are within one list of la, as the highest minister of the la, but yet he himself within the compass of the same la: the other noteth a person without the compass of all jurisdiction, a controller of all men, & to be controlled of none. Whoso would challenge this latter point to be the right of the kings tititle in those countries, (I mean, that he would make him an absolute Lord & not a Supreme and highest governor,) he should greatly discredit his honour in taking his oath. For force any person what soever he be, to take an oath and not to mind to keep it, is in that degree of dishonour, as carrieth with it an impiety against GOD himself, and engendereth a just suspicion in all men that shall have to deal with him: for who would contract with that man in any sort, that can & will make so small account of that, which he hath called God himself to witness of, & vowed to his Majesty to keep, in the presence of the Angels. I can not think so evil of the honour of a Prince, as that he would enter into so great impiety: I judge honourably of the King of Spain, and therefore I may not deem, that he was of the Nature of that wicked Heathen, that said for excuse of himself, in a case of like quality. Lingua iuravi, mentem iniviuratam gero: I sworn with my tongue, so that my tongue standeth bound by oath, but I carry a mind and heart about me that hath not sworn, ne standeth so tied. Be it far from any Christian, to have so evil an opinion of any Christian, we have not so to think of any Heathen, unless we hear him speak and protest so, as that wretched caitiff did. We see evidently by his own confession, & testimony of all the world, that such an oath he took, and the honourable opinion that we ought to conceive of the Majesty of a King must needs persuade us, that he meant them as he swore. As he swore (I say) when he in the same article exempted them from all obedience, and armed them that should attempt aught to the contrary: If he sworn this, and ment this, then are they no rebels, in fulfilling that, which he charged them upon their oaths.  
But what say they, that will (notwithstanding) justify the Kings doings and blame the subjects with so grievous a crime. For no one jot of that that is aforesaid can be denied. They say that the Pope, who hath from GOD Plenitudinem potestatis, Fullness of power, did dispense with him from this oath. first if that be so, that the Pope hath freed him from his oath, then hath he by the same fact freed them from their obedience: for they were in no wise, nor by virtue of any title subject to him, but by virtue and title of his oath. Take the ground of their subjection away, and they are not subject but free.  
But whether it he so or not, that the Pope hath through his absolute power, (which he calleth Plenitudinem, fullness of power) freed him from that oath, I know not: only this I know, that the Bishop of Arras, afterwards Cardinal of Granuile gave him such Counsel, & said the Pope should do so. And if it followed so in effect, as it may be well conjectured by the sequel, (for no doubt a king would not stand so stoutly to the defence & maintenance of such impiety against God & man, as perjury is, unless he had some better ground & warrant) this willbe a Caveat, and a lesson for all Princes & States to teach them to beware how they deal any more with the king of Spain, or any other that giveth such credit to the Pope. For what assurance can they have of all their Contracts and Leagues that pass and are made between them, if the oaths taken, may be dispensed withal at the Pope's pleasure? That were nothing else in deed and effect, but to bring all true Christian Kings and Princes, which make conscience and put a Religion in the breech of their oaths, into bondage & slavery: to make them serve the pleasure and profit of the other romish king: who mindeth no further to observe his, then shall stand with his benefit, or pleasure of that higher power of Rome. If the case stand so, what faults soever Princes have committed in former time in this behalf, I doubt not but they willbe wiser and more circumspect hereafter. I mean they will make no leagues nor take any oaths of the Pope ☜ or any Princes and States of his adherentes, seeing they have so plain a precedent in this case, that their oaths may & shallbe dispensed withal, when and how oft soever they list. I suppose there was such a clause in the Contract that was made with the king of Spain for the marriage of Queen Mary, that he should not altar or change any one jot of the Laws and Customs aswell public as private of the Realm of England, if he had broken this branch, & vouched the equity of his dealing therein, upon a licence & dispensation from the Pope, I doubt sore whether the people and States of England would have taken that for good payment: I doubt I say, whether the Nobility and Commons of England, would have suffered him under that cloak, to have banished all the Laws of England and brought in the government of Milan or Naples? I doubt, whether the Nobles and people of England would have been accounted rebels for withstanding such breach of Contract. I doubt, whether they would have suffered him so quietly to have carried away the Crown from the Queen's Majesty to have set it upon his Spaniards heads? And yet he might as justly have done that, as this, if this rule be good. We may thank God we are delivered from him, we cannot tell what he would have done, though we may surmise by this precedent, what he might have pretended. I tell you, this excuse of perjury may seem reasonable to them that are of his Court, for such a God they have: but it is a perilous precedent for us, unless we beware of it. If it seem a good plea for king Philip to say, he hath not broken his oath herein, because the Pope dispensed with him, what may all Princes that have made Contracts with him look for, but just quarrel against themselves to be revenged both with fire and sword, when soever the Pope shall list to dispense? And I am afraid the benefit of this dispensation willbe used, if at any time they may have opportunity (which God forbidden) for the Q. Ma. & the realm of England as they say, stand excommunicate: if so then all oath is dispensed withal, you know that very well. How be it if Christian Princes, which profess God & conscience, shall judge this dealing to be good, & if they can so easily persuade themselves, that such manner of dallying with oaths, is Christian & Princelike, surely then will I as they say & conclude that the K. of Spain hath right, and the Prince of Orange & States of Holland & Zelande have wrong, that his breech of oath, law & custom, is lawful, & they in withstanding it, are rebels & traitors.  
But if they shall judge with the truth, as truth is in deed, that no mortal man can dispense with an oath that bindeth the conscience of man, for it is a matter within the jurisdiction of God alone, & again, if they shall consider this with themselves, that all the right and title that the King of Spain hath to those countries is only by virtue of this oath and no otherwise, so that his superiority over them standeth but by way of Stipulation, if he perform those conditions, (for he hath no better title than all his predecessors had) then will they easily resolve, that there is great fault in that pretence, yea very preiudicious and an evil president to all Princes that have to contract with him: & on the other side, that the Prince and the States do in justice and equity both before God and man what they do: and are not to be charged with these grievous terms of Rebels and Traitors.  
NOW for our own case, (say they that like of that part) it is good to remember for the necessity, what neighbours we have & what mind's our neighbours have: what affections have been uttered, in subscriptions to the Counsel or conspiracy of Trent, wherein the destruction of all Protestant Princes (& namely of the Queen & Realm of England (have been determined: what practices have been used & furthered to advance the pretenced title of the competitrice of her majesties crown: what intelligences entered with the rebels of England: what aids promised to them in their actual rebellion: how the rebels have been received, succoured and relieved with pensions, & maintained there, sithence their overthrow here: what letters of Marck or disguised Piracy against English subjects granted to Don Thomas Coppley, grand Lord of the Maze, Gatten, Roughey, and of many othergaping sounds of petty titles, & such other little fellows, besides Story's Commission: How in those dominions daily books have been published with open warrant, privilege, and allowance most slanderous to the Queen, and seditious against her state: How the traitorous Papists are there upholden in credit and dignity, who doubt not continually to affirm, that he cannot err that hath pronounced our Queen deprived: what devices have been used by one Ambassador, a holy bishop, the Bishop of Aquila, against her Majesty and her Counsel: How by an other Ambassador De Speses, lewd and uncomely letters have been written under saucy signs of the names of Oriane Amadis, and such unprincely toys, audaciously to reach at the honour of such a most virtuous, high & noble Queen: How the same rash parsonage hath not been misliked there for his so doing: How the Bull of her majesties deprivation, & of the assoiling of her subjects from their all giaunce, hath been printed, spread abroad, set upon posts, & magnificently delivered to knowledge in the low Countries remaining under that Prince's rule: How in Spain itself, her Ma subjects are daily taken & imprisoned, manacled tormented & exquisitely murdered in contempt of her majesties honour, and the safe freedom of mutual traffic: How the holy Inquisition is permitted daily to rage against Englishmen, for praying to God even on Seabord, according to the laws of the Church of England: How the Prince excuseth them, by saying he cannot disobey the Church. And must he obey the Church, in following their sentence that the Queen of England is deprived of her Crown? The evident appearance that he lacketh only opportunity to invade England: a thing most apt for extending his conquest, and a thing most needful for him, wherewith to retain the rest of his own.  
One most urgent need, not to have him to strong. One most important policy, to hold war farther of, rather than to draw it home. Infinite are both the reasons & occasions that this cause delivereth.  
For the commodity, behold (say they) the fruitful land: the dominion of Sea by situation: the nearness of the Continent to hold our wars, or do displeasures farther of from England: the rule of trade both of the river of Rhine, and land of Germany: the commodities passing that way both for Merchandise and Navigation: as Cables, Pitch, Tar, Masts & other matter for Ships, to be plentiful to ourselves, & scarce to our enemies at our pleasures, the greater increase & safety of the trade of our merchants every where. But of these profits there is no end. And among other this is the greatest, that they will not (like Ireland) be chargeable, but a most Noble increase of revenues to the Crown, able at their own charge to defend themselves under her majesty's name & protection, and to serve the Realm of England: a Navy joined with her majesties Navy, and mariners able to hold and drive from Sea all Princes in Christendom. Finally Safety, Richeses, Strength, and honour.  
For right, their offers (say they) make it apparent both by descent in her Ma. (if the holder against his oath will stand upon descent alone): election by the States upon breach of oaths & pacts: on tother part rightful conquest upon just causes, for so manifest injuries & perils: a conquest I say, yet with a sweet and easy yoke to the people willing to receive it. For facility, is to be marked (say they) their own offer, the readiness of the people to embrace, their own strength to have stand thus long alone, the distracting of the adversary, & all commodious opportunities, delivered by God himself. And to all these good means, the most glorious act to relieve the Church of God against Papists, the violators and enemies of public natural and Christian faith, the great mean to appease the controversies of Christendom for Religion.  
Add also the noble policy & fitness, to enter into universal league of Christians against the Pope & Popish conspiracies: the aid of so noble a Prince, the Prince of Orange, so able, so worthy and so likely a man to serve Christendom against the Empire of the turk, & tyranny of Rome: the greedy joy of her majesties people to follow her pleasure in pursuing of such a noble enterprise.  
Thus you see what I have heard say on all sides: I leave to you the judgement of all these conceits: I leave to Counsellors the governing of us all by the best advises and directions: who (I doubt not in their wisdoms) do see the best: & in this Parliament can lack no help of consent & sinews, that this Realm can give. And I leave to God the guiding of hearts & successes.  
But beside all that I have noted before as the opinions of other, this you shall take as mine own full believing: that it is not in our will to have peace by letting them alone, when the adversary tarrieth but to subdue them, that he may advance himself against us. But to hold war further of, both in place and time is now offered to her majesties Election. Peace she cannot have sure, by peace.  
And one notable matter I hear of: they be most desirous that England will receive them: but rather than they will return to their old thraldom, they will creep under the yoke, even of the Muscovite or Turk himself. Much rather will they yield them to France, that hath now so many armies ready to take hold of them, if England reject them. That consequence may prove ill for us: And I do not take it certain that France shall for ever have civil wars. It may be that God after the blood of so many Martyrs, will give peace to his Church in France. You see there is but one life between them & the successive reign of many tollerabl● Princes. If God should bereave the world of the present French king suddenly, or otherwise bless France with an other or that the King of necessity yield to a firm peace: How easily upon our refusal will the alliance of the Prince of Orange with the house of France, draw Holland and Zealand to France. O marvelous advancement of Fraunc● by sea and land! Shall they be lords o● Traffic, Lords of furniture, of Shipping▪ Lords of great & many ships & goo● harbours, & (that most is) so greate● so near us? I pray God it never be, tha● may be so dangerous.   

❧ To the Reader.  
LIKE AS in time paste, our adversaries have always from the beginning picked quarrels against our cause, with intent to procure a greater mislike thereof in all men's minds, and to that effect have framed many feigned slanders, in laying to our charge, that we are not only fallen away from the faith, but also become rebels against the Majesty of the King of Spain our sovereign and natural Prince, to th'end that under the shadow of such fine colours, they might both blemish the eyes of the simple sort which are altogether ignorant of the cause, and also seem closely to cover their own disordinate greediness of gain, even to the face of the wisest, unless they be the better acquainted with those affairs: Even so we ascertain ourselves, that they will not stick (by all means they may) hereafter likewise to practise the drowning and utter suppressing of all such true dealing, as doth now but begin by little and little to come to light. They publish and proclaim, (although most untrulye) that we are the persons that will give no ear to any agreement, be it never so reasonable: and that we endeavour ourselves to seek nothing else but how we may maintain this civil dissension and dangerous wars within our own bosom, although it procure the utter destruction of this our poor Country: and all for our pleasure (they say,) because we are minded to bend our wills & appetits to cross his Majesty. Thus do they still cavil. Wherefore to th'end that none may hereafter by giving to light credit to their false reports, so much abuse themselves, as to condemn those that are innocentes, and to justify such as be most cruel enemies to justice: We thought it most necessary (after many supplications at divers & sundry times exhibited unto his majesty) yet once again to publish this our last request made unto him, & therewithal to lay before your eyes, all such means as have been made on our part for the appeasing of this war, as ye may most plainly perceive by seeing of such letters, as have been written on either part to that effect, without adding or diminishing any thing therein, to th'end that every man may judge without any suspicion, according to the truth of the matter. Meaning thereby most manifestly to show forth, both in whom lieth the original cause & beginning of this war, & also who is most to be blamed, for that we attain not unto a perfect peace and unity. Moreover, that we have always acknowledged the king of Spain to be our Sovereign Prince and liege Lord, as one given unto us of God to rule and govern us with all justice and equity, according to such contracts as we wear both bound unto, and according to such ancient Rights, Usages, Liberties, and Privileges, as he hath been most solemnly sworn unto: and that we have always had our recourse unto him most humble and with all due reverence. For albeit that some pretending a feigned desire of quietness and unity in our Country, have privately persuaded us, that in our treaty of peace, we must look especially to the observing of two points, that is to wit, that respect of the dignity and Majesty of the King be kept most inviolable, and that in any wise no mention be made of the altering of Religion: and although we have had most evident proofs to persuade us, that this is not the way to mitigate the mortal hatred of our enemies, but rather to increase and sharpen it: Yet nevertheless we have in all points behaved ourselves so reasonably, and with so great humility, as even our enemies themselves cannot accuse us (and say truly) but that we have in all points observed a dutiful order, as most plainly shall appear by the discourse following. Considering that we have frankly remitted the whole justice of our cause, unto the judgement of his Majesty, & the general estates of our Country. Hoping that they, both being better acquainted with our estate, & also better affectioned, both to the King and country than Strangers can be: might the rather have both the means & the will, to give such counsel unto the king, as may be most expedient for the service of his Majesty, for the establishing of a perfect peace & unity amongst us, and last of all, for setting our country in her ancient prosperity. hereupon our adversaries (contrary to our expectation) have behaved themselves with such partiality, as they would not once so much as have any regard or respect unto our request made unto his Majesty, but usurping the sovereign dominion of our Country, they have clean deprived his Majesty from all liberty of judgement, and according to their own appetite & will, clean barred our cause from all knowledge of justice, of set purpose to hinder all concord. And that have they done principally (as they themselves confess) for because we have urged the general assembly of the Estates, which beyond all memory of man, hath always been used heretofore amongst our ancestors and Predecessors. Besides this, to make their malice more manifest, they have ever since committed greater cruelties in burning and scorching such as were of our Religion, than ever they did before. Moreover, they have sought to bring in all the rest of the Estates of our country with threatenings & force, of purpose to make them serve their turn towards th'execution of their tyrannical appetites. Whereby it appeareth most plainly, that they are not content with having once raised this great bloody war to the prejudice of his Majesty, & utter destruction of his Country: but do shall endeavour themselves to proceed with their tyrannous devices, to th'end they may subdue the Country at their own pleasure, and bring it into perpetual servitude & bondage. Moreover whereas they make show at some times, of a desire to enter into some treaty with us of agreement: they do not pretend that to any other end, but only to deceive us, and by such a feigned dissimulation, to hold the other Towns and Villages in some good hope, that they may not join themselves with us to resist their tyranny, hoping that by this means they may come to their purpose, Like as they have already procured in France by their undirect and privy practices. But such is our trust in the bountiful mercy of our good God, by whom we have been so miraculously defended hitherto from their wicked enterprises, as we not only hope to escape from the danger of their devilish devices, but also that all people & nations of Christendom, all Kings & Potentates, and especially the Majesty imperial with the electors & Princes of the Empire, seeing here by most clearly our faithful and sincere humlity, & our most sure and certain equity, joined with our fervent desire to attain to peac● and unity, & comparing the same with the disdainful pride & cruel tyranny of our adversaries: will yield unto us their indifferent favours and maintain the justice of our cause by aconuenient means they may. And if peraduiture it fall out hereaster, that we be forced by the unjust & unreasonable proceedings of ou● adversaries, even against our wills to seek & search for some other relief more to our assurance & safety, than we have done heretofore: we hope that even than they will not impute the fault thereof unto us, but unto our enemies, who have forced us thereunto. Whereof we require all and every person by manner of protestation, ●o be advertised herein, that we only have recourse unto the justice, equity, & wisdom of the most high, and renowned Majesty of the Emperor, & to all the most noble and excellent electors and Princes of the Empire of Almaigne, together with all the potentates of Christendom, that they may take some care of our cause, & not give credit or hearing unto the slanderous reports of our adversaries, but consider somewhat nearer the indifferency of our cause & maintain the same, so far forth, as duty to God & the world doth require. Also we do advise all the Estates of these Low Countries, to consider herein as it were in a glass what estimation our enemies make of them, & withal to imagine how they determine to handle them, if their devices take such effect as they do desire. Wherefore let them beware that for want of courage or other occasion they suffer not themselves to be abused by their feigned and double dealings, Although they make show of a fervent affection for the perfect peace & quietness of our Conutry. But rather having regard unto their tyrannical call evil meanings, which they bear in general unto the Estates of our Country. Let them resolve themselves, courageously to resist such insolences, and call to mind both their oath and duty that they own to their Country and by all industry seek the maintenance of the good and lawful rights, contracts aend liberties of their foresaid country. In the doing whereof, they shall not only do a good deed in their life time, but also leave unto their posterity a good report to their immortal glory. Now then to th'end you may the better understand th'effect of the letters following, and the ground of all the matter: You must be advertised, that at such time as Mounsieur Philip of Marnix, & Mounsieur of Mont Saint Aldegondy, being prisoners at Vtrecht, had (by the licence and commandment of Mounsieur of Noircarmes) written divers & sundry times unto the Prince of Orange as touching the means to enter into some communication for finishing of these present wars: the matter was brought to such perfection, as that after the death of the forenamed Seig. of Noircarmes, the persons were nominated, which were to be employed in this matter. But in the mean time happened the overthrow of Mounsieur the Count Ludowyk, and for that cause it seemed not good unto the great Commaundador, to proceed any further herein: alleging that thereby, the authority of the King should be somewhat diminished. Nevertheless the said Commaundador wished and advised all the towns of Holland and Zealand to address themselves unto the King by manner of supplication, to this end, that the effect of the agreement which might ensue thereof, might be attributed rather unto the bounty, and liberality of the King, than to any right or equity that we might look for of duty. This Kind of dealing was cause sufficient, why this treaty ceased, until such time as Mounsieur de Champaign, sent a letter unto Mounsieur Charles de Boisot Governor of Mydleburch, the tenure whereof followeth her-afterword forword, with an anuswere thereof made by his Brother Mounsieur Lois de Boisot, being marked with. A. and B. But understanding that he was absent by reason that he was sent of a message into England from his excellency, he thought best, himself to make a voyage unto Vtrecht, whether it were to assist his brother in law Mounsieur the Coente de la Roche towards the obtaining of a pardon then published as himself said, or for some other private affairs of his own, I know not. But this I am sure of, that when he came thither, he talked at landge of the matters aforesaid with Mounsieur de Saint Aldegond who remained then prisoner, as with one whom he found yet still so affected to the furtherance of our peace, as that he requested most earnestly, that notwithstanding the difficulty before rehearsed, yet the pursuit of a thing so necessary for our public weal might not be left of upon such a sudden. Herein, he made promise on the behalf of the Prince of Orange and of the Estates of Holland and Zealand, that they would rather be content to lose some part of their own right, than seek to usurp any thing upon the King's Majesty, for the which cause it was thought good to ymploy the forenamed prisoner, who presently was sent to Roterdan towards his excellency, to treat upon exchange of prisoners, to th'end that there with all he might work some good effect in the matters before rehearsed. Provided always that he took great regard to the authority of the King, and that no points of religion wear in any wise mentioned It happened also that Signior jan de Mattenes, Mounsire de la Rinicre and the Advocate Treslong came a little before this, by licence also unto Rotterdan for certain particular affairs, as they said & had by & by committed unto them a specialchdarge to deal with his excellency, & with the foresaid Estates, touching some good mean of pacification. The answer that these estates gave unto them followeth hereafter, word by word, and is marked with the. C. But as it appeareth, this aunsuere pleased not Mounsire de Champagni. Wherefore during the abode of Mounsier de S. Aldegonde as yet in Rotterdan he wrote a letter unto him to the same effect, declaring therein his mind more at large This letter likewise followeth in order, and is marked with D. hereupon it followed that Mounsier de. S. Aldegond treated yet somewhat furtherwith the foresaid Estates in such earnest sort, as that they wear content to make their complaint unto the Kings Ma. in form of supplication with out attributing the name of the Estates there unto, which of duti belonged un to them, and also with out making any metion of any point of religion, but only requesting most humbly that it would please his Ma. to set order in all things by his own anothoriti and by the general advice of the estates, but first that it would please him to 'cause all the strangers which troubled the country to avoid from thence: submitting themselves in all things besides to any such order as his Maitstie, and the Estates general should think most meet for them (as appeareth by their request) which is marked with the letter. E. the which request the forenamed Mounsieur de S. Aldegond carried himself unto Mounsieur de Champagini to Mountsort, yielding himself again in to his prison at Vtrecht. But with in a while after, Mounsieur de Champagni having been at the court in Brussels, sent back the foresaid request unto Mounsieur junius Governor of the Vere, who together with Mounsieur de Carnes, had remained in hostage at Mountsort for Mounsiur de S. Aldegond during his absence, and by that means also were admitted by Mounsieur de Champagni to treat of this matter, as may well appear by a letter he sent to Mounsire juniꝰ which followeth likewise marked with. F. whereupon the said junius made him an answer by writing again, as appeareth with the marks of G. and H. We leave the rest unto the good reader to consider of, desiring God te give us the grace that all may redound unto his glory, and the edifying of his Church.   

A. To Mounsire ' M. Charles Boisort, my very friend.  
Mounsire Boisot: the great league of amity which hath been between M. de Granuill and M. Thresorier our fathers (whom God pardon) the friendship of the cardinal my brother, and mine own goodwill towards you, which still I observe inviolable with my Ladies your sisters, and with all the rest of your friends here, have caused me ostentymes to be sorry for your absence, and grieved for your troubles. Now therefore sithence that his Majesty at this present showeth a great desire of the peace and tranquillity of these low countries, and a great affection that all such as have absented themselves from his favour, should return again unto his good grace (the which thing I assure you I have both wished for long, and also procured to my power, in all times and places convenient for that purpose:) and since that I myself by the appointment of his excellency, am come un Vtrecht of purpose to confer with my Brother in law Mounsire ' de la Roche, touching the bringing home again of these lost sheep: All these things, and our old friend ship considered, I thought good to writ unto you, to th'end that through your furtherance answering to my well meaning, we might endeavour ourselves to deliver this poor cunntre from those great miseries, which we see embrace it on every side: promising unto you by the faith of an honest man and true friend, to strain myself to the uttermost of my power therein, and to procure for you (if you do here any notable service towards the bringing aganie of this people to the obedience of his Majesty) not only a full restitution of that which was yours, but also peradventure a good reward, and this doth he will me to offer unto you upon so good a ground, as (in mine opinion) neither you aught to refuse, nor the Towns which are revolted from his service, to omytt. And if I had any means to confer with you, I would not doubt, but we two should make so good an entrance into those matters, as that not only yourself and those towns, but also a great many of others, should find better fruit thereof, than you would think for. I have found both better access and credit than I can tell you by writing, and also a singular bownty in the Governor that now is, at all times when any speech happeneth between him and me touching the appeasing of those calamities, unto the which I pray you to give ear, and to accompany nay zeal with yours: which if you do, I doubt not but (by the grace of God) we shall work a great good turn unto this common weal. M. Boisott I recommend myself heartily unto you and commit you to God, whom I pray, to send unto you your heart's desire, and unto us alla good end of all our afflictions.  
From Cantecroi this. 14. of june. 1574. Entirely your best friend I Perrenot.   

B. To Mounsire M. Perrenot my very friend.  
Mounsire de Champagni your letters of the date of the. 14. of this month which you sent to my brother, are happened to my hands, which in his absence I have opened and read, rejoicing very much to found therein the desire that his Majesty: hath now of the quietness of his country, and that he would have his subjects return again into his good favour▪ which you say, that both he hath wished fo● long since, and yourself have procured to th'utmost of your power. Whereas you desire to se● my brother apply himself (if it wear possible) to the joining with you in zeal toward the helping of his poor country out of those miseries, that on every side compass it about, promising your aid and endeavour vnde● the oath of a sincere honest man and true friend, and that his Majesty doth offer him no● only a restitution of his own, but also a good reward, which courtesy, neither he shall do● well in refusing, neither the revolted Towns in rejecting: And whereas, you wish for hi● person to confer withal, assuring him of the good hope you have in the singular bounty of this new governor: To all these things my brother (if he were present) might make aunsuere at large, with the consent of the Prince of Orange. But forasmuch he is absent, I will say no more, but that this zeal of his Majesty, in desiring the peace and quietness of his subjects, is a noble and worthy such a Christian prince as he is, and that no man would be gladder nor better content therewith than the Prince himself, as at your coming to Vtrecht your self shall very well perceive and understand by your brother in law the Conte de la Roche, who knoweth very well what hath already passed from him in communication hereof and also by letters written in that behalf. But this dare I say of mine own head, that in my simple judgement there is no means to appease these troubles, but only by drawing of these strangers out of our country. For they are such a kind of people, as both by hearsay in times past, and by proofs in times present we find to be no men of their word, nor such whose promises any man may trust. For always they find some bypaths to escape by following therein the manner of the counsel of Constans whereof they prattle daily. Where upon, I may conclude, that at their hands there can be no assurance looked for, so long as they remain in the country. I did sand your letters unto his Excel. to th'end he might both see and know the great desire you say you have of the welfare of our country, requesting you M. Champagni to continue that good zeal that you pretend to bear to our quiet. praying God to give, unto you the contentment of your mind, and unto us an easement of our afflictions.  
From Mydleburche this 17 of june. 1574. entirely your good friend, Lois de Boisott.   

D. The answer of the Estates to the Questions propounded.  
AS touching that which hath been propounded unto the Estates of Holland & Zealand, concerning the troubles of this present wars, & how to bring the same to a good & sure pass, for the rest & quietness of the country, & the saffety of his majesties subjects: These Estates do openly declare that they wear never of opinion, nor be at this present, of taking any weapons in hand, in any cause that might be prejudicial against his Majesty, his country, or provinces: but that they in acquittal of their bownden duty and charged, with intent to conserve the reputation & highness of their signiories & Lord ships, together with their Privileges, oaths, rights, worthy customs, and liberties of their countri, and subjects, have been constrained to with stand by main force, the hard Government, tyranny, & violence of the duke of Alva, and of the strangers his adherentes, who by unaccustomed exactions and oppressions of the poor subjects, have troubled our common wealth, not seeking for any thing else, than by their Insolency to make themselves Masters of his majesties country & subjects: and by that means to bring them into perpetual bondage, to the great prejudice both of his service & of their maintenance, as the foresaid Estates have heretofore declared and protested, in such sort that they will not at this present make any articles of pacification with his Majesty, whom they have always heretofore sought to obey and serve in all humility as their liege Lord and Prince: but like humble suitors, they request that it will please his Majesty, like a good father to have regard unto the poverties & afflictions of these his low countries, with a merciful eye, to th'end that they may be brought again to unity, quiett, and liberty, to traffic as they were wont to do. The which, will both advance the dignity of himself, & increase the prosperity of his subjects. And certainly this cannot be brought to pass: so long as these strangers shallbe suffered to exercise their force, and tyranny, whose gain and profit doth more consist upon troubles and disordres, than in any good government of the country. For they be such persons, as naturally are most sludious of their own particular profit. Lo here the special cause and motion of this war. Wherefore it may please his Majesty: to 'cause these strangers to retire themselves, and afterward by a frank communication together with the advice of the general estates of the country, dutifully assembled, to set so good order, policy, and government amongst us, as that the Subjects of his Majesty may from henceforth assure themselves from all perils and inconveniences that may happen unto them. And forasmuch as (of we may speak frankly) nought else can be looked for, by the continuance of this war, but only a dispeopling, a solitarynes, and an utter Ruin of all his majesties countries in these parts, specially for because that the more thinhabitants thereof do give themselves daily to th'exercise of Arms, clean forgetting and laying aside their wonted traffic and trade of merchandise: the less good is to be looked for at their hand: For we see ordina●●l to what licentious lives and liberties, soldiers are commonly inclined). By mean whereof it is to be feared, lest there will happen a most damageable and dangerous diminishing of all kind of traffic and merchandise, both by sea and land, redounding to the utter shaking of his majesties estates, or the slipping aside of his service:) The said Estates do humbly request, that better regard be had here unto, so as both Holland, and Zealand and also their provinces and countries adjoining, being by authority of his Majesty in all parts discharged from the troublesome multitude of foldiars and strangers: all manner of preparation and provision made for wars may presently surcease, and have end on all sides, in such sort as the natural inhabitants of the countries may once again be settled in some surety, & the one being reconciled, to tother, may with free liberty talk and traffic together. This suit being obtained, the said Estates do promise on their parts to perform in all points the Duties of good and faithful Subjects, hoping that the letters, of the great Commaundador, and all other faithful vassals and servants to his Majesty, will herein put to their helping hand, the which we do request and pray with all reverence, and humility.   

D. To Mounsire ' M. de Saint Aldegondi.  
MOunsiere de Mont S. Aldegonde we marvel not a little, that all this while we have not herd any thing from you. Yesterday there arrived here M. de la Rinicre, & the Advocate Treslonge: who under the pretence of some private affairs went to Rotterdam, where they did assay certain means touching the appeasing of these present troubles, following therein no more than I permitted them to do. But upon certain questions propounded of them of that side unto M. de Rihicre, they grew into farther talk of the matter at their own pleasure, being moved there unto (as I guess) by a fervent zeal they had to do their country good. But the return of their answer groweth nothing near to any quietness. Wherefore you can not make me believe that you desire to have peace, to the obtaining whereof you promised me faithfully to ymploy yourself. For neither can the title that they take upon them, as appeareth by that writing which was brought unto me, be so usurped by them: neither can those reasons which they allege for their revolting, be admitted by any means, for that they touch to near the reputation of his Majesty, although they say they would maintain the same, wherein I find no reason. And as touching the means that they make, they are not accompanied with such respects as I hoped for. It seemeth by their speeches and writing, that the towns revolted from the obedience of his Majesty, do nevertheless behave themselves like good subjects to their prince and Sovereign. Wherefore you must bring some other news to that affect, that you & I taulked of, or otherwise I fear, that we shall do no good in this matter. I know very well your capacity to be sufficient to persuade any reasonable matter. I know likewise what you are able too do (if you list to ymploy yourself,) considering what credit you be of with all them of that side. Remember your promise: by following the which, you may chance to come to that which I assured you of. For my part I will procure you all the means I may, to th'end that all things may end well. Thus leaving for this time I pray unto God, to give unto you a long and happy lief with health from  
Montfort this 21, of july. 1574. Entirely your very good friend I Perrenot.  
M. de Carmes and M. junius be in health   

E. A Supplication to the King  
In most humble wise do all the Knights and Towns of Holland and Zealand, protest that at all times and places they have yielded both unto your Majesty, and to your Predecessors all humble obedience, reverence and service, whensoever it hath been required for the maintenance of the greatness, glory and Majesty of your highness, as become good, and faithful vassals and subjects to do: in respect whereof they nothing doubt but that your majesties affection is increased thereby, the rather to conserve & maintain than in all their rights and liberties, with all quietness and tranquillity, under sound justice and good policy. Now whereas the Duke of Alva being then Governor for your Majesty aught by good reason to have showed himself conformable to all things before said: Yet hath he clean contrariwise under the title of his government, committed such injuries and violences upon your countries and subjects, as well spiritual as temporal, as well noble as not noble; as that your poor subjects for the preserving▪ and keeping of their privileges, rights, ancient customs, and allowed liberties, have been forced against their will to withstand with force and arms, the proud and violente kind of government of the said Duke of Alva, and his adherentes and strangers. Who have sought by all means to hinder the quietness of your common weal, by raising up pernicious newelties, unwonted exactions, and general oppression of your majesties subjects. We see they shoot at noon other mark, but only to subdue th'inhabitants of your Country to their appetits, and insolences, only to impoverish them, and bring them to bondage to the great hindrance of your majesties service, dignity, and dominion. Whereof your said orators have already most openly made suit and protestation, even as other estates and provinces have often sued for the same respect. This notwithstanding, the said Duke of Alva persisteth and continueth still in his wicked determination, whereby not only the forenamed Countries of your Majesties, and th'inhabitors thereof are brought into great alterations, calamities & troubles of war: but also the kingdoms, countries and nations adjoining, have conceived a marvelous hatred & horror of the disdainful pride of these strangers and ill willers, enemies to the common quiet, for that by them they find both loss, and laying a side of all traffic and handicrafts, of all merchants trade, and prosperity.  
Now therefore, seeing that your poor Orators have not hitherto sought, neither do at this present seek for any other thing, than to procure as much as they may, th'advancement of their Country cause, for the better service of your Majesty, as becometh loyal subjects to do: They most humbly request with all reverence, that it would please your Majesty like a most gentle father, to behold & look upon the miserable and pitiful Estate present of these Low Countries, and to set them again in some good unity, trade, and tranquillity. Whereby both the greatness of your Majesty may marvelously increase, and also the prosperity of our countrymen grow and flourish in your service. And surely this cannot be brought to pass, so long as these strangers shallbe suffered to use, and exercise their tyrannical government, in our country: Considering, that all their gains, and commodity, consisteth more in disquietness & confusion, than in any good order or rule. And surely by daily experience we find, that they by nature are rather given to their own greedy gain and appetites, than to seek for any good to these Countries, where they be but mere strangers. And this is th'occasion of our troubles and present war. May it therefore please your Majesty, to 'cause these strangers to be drawn away from hence, and by free communication and advise of the natural Estates of this Country being generally and lawfully called together, to set and establish some such good order policy and rule, as the said Countries and subjects of your Majesties, may from henceforth be the better maintained in one unity and assured tranquillity, and void of all troubles and inconveniences that are to come hereafter. Moreover, considering that at the length by the continuance of these present wars, naught else can be hoped for, than the pilling, dissolution and utter destruction of your majesties Countries on every side: and so much the rather, for that we see thinhabitants thereof to give themselves every day more and more unto th'exercise and feats of arms, forgetting quite, and laying aside their wonted traffic and trade of Merchandise: And sure it is, that men by nature are most commonly inclined to all kind of licentious liberty that war bringeth with it, in such sort, that by long use, and practise of the broils in war, such rigour and hatred will increase daily among your Mayest. subjects one against another, as that it is to be feared, lest all trades, trafiques, merchandises and sailings will be clean left of to the great hindrance of your majesties service: The said suitors do most humbly crave, that it will please your Majesty to have regard thereunto with all clemency: so much the rather, for that all other provinces and Countries adjoining, & bordering, being by your majesties authority discharged from the combensome multitude of all strange soldiers, may presently by your good provision, lay aside all arms, & surcease from all enmity; so as the meeting and conversations of this country may be restored again with all surety: And that being reconciled th'one to tother, they may enjoy with quietness their ancient possessions, & patrimonies, by the obtaining whereof, the said Orators will not fail to perform on their parts all the duties of good and faithful subjects to your Majesty etc.   

To Mounsire M. junius Atavere.  
M. junius I did not a whit miscaste my account, when as at our last beings together in the presence of yourself, and M. de Carmes, I did declare unto Monsire de Monte Saint Aldegonde, that I feared greatly jest the writing which he brought from Rotterdam would found but little favour in the Court. For from the time that I first arrived there until this hour, having tried in every corner how it might be taken, I find that the opinions of all men here do so far differ from the desires of all men there, as I dare not deal any further therein: and therefore I thought it best, to send you this letter together with the self-same request, that M. de Mont S. Aldegond brought unto me annexed thereunto, to whom I would not writ, for that he may receive no papers without perusing, neither could I writ into your quarters, but by the same conditions. As I have declared unto you before this time: so do I think at this present, that some other form of writing had been more fit for all parts. For albeit that that which he brought was in the manner of a supplication, (as in deed all subjects aught to do towards their Princes:) Yet this which they of Holland & Zealand have offered, is to far besides the quality that should be looked for in that respect. For first & foremost they would that the king should disarm himself, & that he should not be served but with such as they like: not considering at all, that it lieth in his power both to take or leave arms, when he himself listeth. Who knoweth what is convenient for his subjects, and his affairs, better than himself? or who can tell better than he, what kind of people will serve his turn best for the profit and commodity of the same? Whereas in deed, it is not permitted to subjects, not not in a good cause, to take arms but by the appointment of their Lord, neither to call in any strangers as those of Holland and Zelande have done: therefore their fault is so much the more grievous, & inexcusable, in taking them up against their Prince, or against his officers which is all one, since that they be ordained by him to represent his person, & to occupy his place, because he himself cannot be in all places at once.  
But forasmuch as they have offended already by entering into arms of their own private authority, and by taking the kings Towns, whereof, or of the restitution whereof they make no mention at all: in very deed, in steed of their demanding of that thing at his majesties hand, which they of your side ought to perform if reason mighie take place: they should trust to the clemency of their Print, and refer themselves wholly thereunto. On tother side, it seemeth also very strange, that subjects, will seem to enforce their Price to follow their appetite in assembling of Estates, yea and that generally amongst a sort of signiories, which in degrees, jurisdictions, & customs have nothing in common, but only neighbour hood th'one with tother. In deed they have one Lord who oftentimes hath given them leave to talk at their pleasure for their own benefit, about their affairs, not meaning that this his bounty should be wrested unto any prejudice against himself: for it seemeth certain by the request of this assembly, that they would make laws, and keep him as ward. Of all other points which I pass under silence, (whereof nevertheless I have often given my verdict, that his Majesty may not in any point yield unto) I will rehearse no more at this present. Of all those matters, I talked at large with Mon. de Monte S. Aldegonde. Nevertheless the great desire that I had to do some good as touching the quietness of this Country, if God would permit, and his earnest requiring that I would not lightly leave of from this enterprise, have made me to do the best that I can, although I despaired of any good issue before I began. Surely I am sorry, besides the general cause, even in particular, for such as I thought very well of. And for the friendship that I have borne unto the house of Mon. de Monte Saint Aldegond, I would have wished that he had concluded somewhat more touching the affairs of Mons. le Count de Bossu. For after that report was made here, of the answer that was made touching that matter, by M the Prince of Orange unto M. de Monte S. Aldegonde: it was determined here, that upon my coming it should proceed no further, since that the good Signior de Bossu is never a whit the better. I have thought it good to make this rehearsal unto you of all that is past since I returned from Mountforde, partly to let you understand of my forward good will, and partly to advertise you to seek other means that were more expedient for the pacification of these your calamities. And thus I leave, praying to God M. junius that he grant you that which is for your health.  
From Antwerp this xviij. of August. 1574. Your friend to his power. john Perrenot.   

¶ Too Monsire my Lord the Baron of Renare of Aspremont, Signior of S. Loup, and of Champagny. Governor of the City of Antwerp.  
SIr I have received not long since your Lordship's letter, dated the xiv. of August, iogether with the request of the Estates, and towns of Holland and Zealand, which Monsire de Monte S. Aldegonde brought unto you at Mountford, all the which I delivered presently into their hands. I found that they marveled greatly, & were persuaded that the reasons alleged within your letter were in no point sufficient, to reject and sand back their foresaid request after such a sort, the which peradventure might very well have served to have done some great good. Wherefore, seeing themselves to be so handled, not like subjects or vassals of the king, as they have always showed themselves, especially where there hath been any question of the honour, pre-eminence, and greatness of his Majesty, but rather like to the greatest Infidels, Turks or jewer that live in the world: yea and like enemies sworn against his Majesty: they have hereupon concluded, that they are not hereafter to hope for any good at their hands, who seek by such means to abuse the name of the K. to their utter ruin, and confusion. And therefore they have agreed by Counsel, and determined amongst themselves, to employ their whole power, to seek out other means, by which they may better provide for their surety hereafter, against that so barbarous iniquity and tyranny of those, who cover their own private passions, with the cloak and colour of the name of the Royal Majesty: protesting, that since of themselves they have no access to the ears of his Majesty, and are likewise forestalled from that means which both by God and man's laws hath been ever granted to the vilest felons, traitors, & disloyal rebels, that either are, or ever were in the world: surely they seel themselves to be forced by such excessive wickedness, and tyranny to seek for such means as shall please their good God to put into their hands. Desiring you that you willbe a witness to all the world, how that they have presented the foresaid request, and thereby have satisfied some part of their duty: And so may you moste truly excuse and justify them, if any question do arise hereof. And to th'end that your Lordship may know the ground and cause of their complaint, and wherefore they think themselves so extremely injured by the sending back of their foresaid request: I have thought good to gather together in form of discourse, the principal Articles of all their complaint upon your last letters, the which I meant to have sent you before this time, but that I waited for your man's coming to me for my answer to yours, who being come received his dispatch without any long staying. Desiring you, well to consider and think of the reasons and grounds alleged by them upon your said letter. I have annexed them hereunto: but so nevertheless, as that this my writing may in no point be prejudicial to the said Estates, and Towns, or to their resolution. For my zeal is good, for the quiet of the country, & my affeclion great to do your Lordship service. Well, I will remit myself unto the discourse, whereof I pray you excuse the length, and impute the fault thereof either to my unabillitie, or else to the difficulty of th'affairs that are treated of therein. Thus recommending myself most humbly etc.  
He that would be glad to take away the stop that hindereth me from doing agreeable service to your Lordship. I junius de lenghe   

H DISCOURSE.  
SIR, first men may think it strange, that the opinions of your Court in general have been so far alienated from those agreements which our men did most desire, that (as your letter mentioneth) you durst not once open your mouth any further touching, that matter. For it is altogether unlikely that you whom I have accounted always, and do account to be a noble gentleman, desirous both of the preservation of his Majesty, and of the quiet, and tranquillity of the common weal: have withdrawn yourself from a business so much importing the service of the king, and the general quiet and safety of the whole country: upon the opinion of certain private men, and of small countenance in the Court. For therein you should not only do wrong to that noble mind, and valiant courage which I have always seen in you: but also it might be a discredit to the great duty, and trust you own to his Majesty. Wherefore, I say that their opinions of whom you spoke, have proceeded from certain of the privy Council in these estates, upon whom the king hath reposed his chiefest confidence, touching the government and rule of these Countries. The which councillors, are sworn to reveal & make known every thing, which in their consciences may any way be prejudicial to the kings highness, or commodity. They make us think assuredly, that you have not conferred at all with them of any such matter: for if they had received any incklinge at all thereof, of necessity it must have come to the kings ears, or at the lest to their ears who had full power and authority to deal therein. We cannot comprehend nor imagine what should so much cool your courage, and make you afeard to prefer openly our request, the which of necessity (as you know) must come to their understanding. And the rather because that with you they do altogether condemn and mislike the doings of certain confederate gentlemen, who preferred the like suit unto Madame de Parma, in the year 1566. especially, because that they did not rather use a mean more ordinary, either by some of the Estates, or else by some one principal man in the Court, who in their names might have exhibited their supplication, and not to have advanced themselves so boldly, and in such manner, as they did. Notwithstanding, by this your example you seem to allow, and justify them. For you say, that if the Court cannot digest a supplication or suit, it is great folly for any one man, though of authority (as yourself is) to take upon him, the preferring up of any such matter, but rather by sending it back again to incur all dangers, which may happen for want of exhibiting the same in convenient time. But whereas you say, that you have not broken the matter to any man, but only groped their minds a far of: surely it seemeth to be nothing answerable to that professed zeal, and great affection you have always seemed to bear unto the Mat. of the king, & good of his country. The which in my judgement, seemeth most manifest, in that you were aserd to present a request so expedient both for the king and his country. Wherefore, if the event of things hereafter shall happen to frustrate & deceive their opinions whose minds you have but groped a far of: assure yourself it is impossible for you to eschew some exceeding great blame, in that you rejected and sent back without any occasion, a request of such importance. For though you meant not to follow the matter yourself, yet might you have uttered it openly, except by your own authority you would seem to deprive both King and country of so necessary a means, as to have consulted and determined, concerning the points of a general pacification. Moreover, if those Courtiers in authority and of the privy counsel have seen the foresaid request, and would not make the King acquainted therewith: yet should they at the lest either have published that self same thing, which they would not communicate, or else have given some good advice & counsel unto us, without usurping after that sort their authority, in a matter that so particularly did touch the Kings own person. For if you respect but the oath only (whereby his Majesty was sollemly sworn (& there upon admitted in to this country) never to refuse, or reject any Bill, or supplication whatsoever, of any of his Subjects, how mean soever, and much less of corporations and whole Provinces: Surely you night have showed a singular care and earnest desire for the performance of the same. Moreover, it is altogether disagreeing from the law of nature, (the which worketh effect in all people and nations) that a Prince (to whom the people have committed their forces to th'end they may be governed by justice and equity, and have their causes hard) should reject them without making any care or countenance to understand them. This did Adrian the Emperor know very well, being a Pagan and one that knew not God: who having a supplication presented him in the streets by a poor woman, answered that he had not convenient time to look upon such small matters: but she nothing dismayed, replied, that if he had not leisure to peruse the particular requests of his poor subjects, he should have far less leysuer to rule & command: her reason was because it was the duty of a King to do justice. With which answer he feeling himself touched to the quick, forth with acknowledged his fault, and afterwards perusing her request, gave her presently her right. By these we are tolearne in how great fault they are, which make the King culpable both before God and the world, in taking away from him the means to hear and understand the requests of his subjects, yea & of his towns and whole Provinces. The which is not only disagreeing from the natural care of Princes to their Subjects: but also against the profession of a Christian, yea and contrary to the particular othewhich he is sworn unto. And sure in these respects our Prince is more heavily charged, and hath more to answer for, than had that Emperor Adrian. But since you allege some appearance of reasons, whereby it seemeth we aught many wise to commit the judgement of this Present quarrel to the arbitrament of the Prince: I beseech you consider of what force your persuasions may be with them of Holland and Zealand. Mark whether they can be made to believe the contrary, but that by these means they have been most yniurioustye dealt withal, and the Majesty of their Prince the King of Spain and Count of Holland, most extremely abused and set at naught.  
You say, they would that the King shoudle disarm himself. Surely if it wear so: Yet might they answer, that so long as the King did hold the sword in his hand, ready to murder them at his pleasure, it were great folly, (but more danger) for them to humble themselves, and to show that duty which aught to be in subjects to their Prince. For what could minister a greater likelihood to have all their throats to be cut by credit, than this? For if he be not armed against them, they will never wish him to say aside his weapons. And contrariwise, if he be, it followeth that he becometh, not as their King (that is to say, as their father and pastor,) but (which is more proper for him) their utter enemy and destroyer.  
But God forbidden, that those good Subjects of Holland & Zealand which have always borne an especial duty and honour to their prince, & likewise have found in him a singular kind of clemency towards them, should be constrained to think that their king is in arms against them, and so bend to their ruin and destruction, as that he will not give ear or hearken to their complaints. Nay, they complain rather that certain strangers, such as are not known to the King, neither allied by blood nor affinity, nor that once can carry good meaning to these low countries, are come in the King's name, armed at all points to exercise barbarous and Turkish Tyrannies of their own authorities: nothing esteeming the solemn oath & firm composition which the King had made, but have brought in with them a new world, aswell contrary to the ancient policy & custom of laws & privileges, As also against the authority of the King's Maiestratie and officers, whom they pray with all humility, that it would please him by his authority, to 'cause them to lay aside their weapons, and to retire themselves, leaving the country to that government which was used before time, of long contynewaunce, by the predecessors of the King's Majesty: of glorious memory. The which if it were brought to pass, there should be no subjects more dutiful▪ none more ready to acknowledge the authority of the Prince over them, nor none more joyful to accomplish what soever should be commanded them. And I pray you, how could you lay (I will not say any foundation of peace) but only some feigned appearance of an agreement, except that these as ringleaders do first give up their weapons and get them packing out of this country? unless you think that the means to attain to peace, doth consist in setting strangers (yea & strangers of such condition) in possession of the subjects goods (movables, & ymmoveables,) & to let them violate their wines and children: and that for a full end of such their benefits and favours, the subjects might do well to interteme & cherish them to cut all their throats, so as they might at once pled full possession, and the King be rid of his true subjects.  
But you say, that they demand that the King should not be served of any, but of such as they themselves would appoint him. It shall never be found, that ever they did so much as imagine, that the Ki might not make war against his enemies, whosoever or of what condition soever they wear, with such and so many as he thought good, and that they be not so evil advised as to prescribe any laws to his Ma. especially in a thing sounreasonable. But they humbly beseech his Ma. that Strangers be not licensed, (only upon private quarrels) to make war against the country, and towns of the King & his subjects: And that Spaniards▪ Italians, Swissers, & an infinite number of others, miht not divide among them the booties, and spoils gotten within his Ma. dominions, or at lest that their goods, their wives, and children, be not made prays nor subjects to the thraldomme of so barbarous, and unknown people in these parts. The which suit, can not be construed anyways that the King should altogether lay a side weapons. For if at any time his Ma. would make wars in these parts or in any other, he might be able to levy as great an army of Holland & Zealand & these Countries on horse back or on foot, by sea or by land, as easily should be able to resist, or rather overcome his greatest enemies, as it hath been apparently seen by the Predecessors of the King's majesty the dukes of Burgondy, & Lords of this country. Who when they had no strangers neither Spaniards, nor Italians, yet wear never destitute of such soldiers, as were sufficient for the defence of their country. But on tother side Duke Charles the hardy, as long as he did put his trust & confidence in these countrymen & thinhabitants of these parts, & gave no entertainment to any but Burgonions & Wallons: he prospered always & had the victores, in so much as he was feared of all his neighbours. But after he began to give credit to strangers, & would be served of Italians, & such like which were under the charge of one called Campobasso, the case was altered anon after. For by the treason of this foresaid Campobasso (corrupted either by money, or by somother means) the Duke having received the worse at two battles, at the third being before Nancy lost both his lief, & all the honour which his faithful Subjects of those countries had gotten before. Not with standing if it be not lawful to entreat the King not too be served in these wars of any but these countrymen his Subjects: Why then have the Estates generally desired the same of the Commandador at Brussels? or why hath their suit been accepted, since it bore all one show of Rebellion against the King? For as concerning this, where you say, it is lawful for the King to be at wars or at peace with whom or when he listeth: Surely you accuse in this the Ancestors of his Majesty, who have always vowed and sworn to the estates, not to make war or to take any quarrel in hand, without their consents. A thing which hath been observed amongst Princes since the world was a world, and by all such as would not publicly be esteemed as tyrants. For seeing that not only the expenses of the war, but also all thinconveniences, damages, and mischances of the same do fall principally upon the necks of the people: surely both natural reason, & equity requires, that some in their behalf (as the Magistrate in some place, in other places the Estates, in other places the Counsels, assistants & Parliaments of Princes) should be admitted to speak & sit in counsel for their be hoof. Except they had rather follow Xerxes: who after he had assembled his Counsel of Estates, and all the Princes and Magistrates of Persia concerning the wars he took in hand against the Grecians: protested to them, that the chiefest and only cause why he sent for them, was not to th'end they should give him any advice, or counsel: but that they might hear and allow of his device and enterprise which he had already determined and resolved on. Where upon, he was not only accounted a Tyrant, but fell into most opprobrious and detestable in famye, which continued, to the loss all most of all his dominion. But for all this, here is nothing spoken to appoint the King what wars, or with whom he should wage them. For let him but only say the word, when or with whom, and he shall find both Hollanders & Zelanders in such readiness, as if the drun do but sound, their bodies & their goods shallbe sufficient pledges to show their willing minds, & true hearts they bear to their Prince, the which their predecessors before them have always showed to the King, & his ancestors. But here is war made against the Kings own countries, to overrun the provinces of his own demesnes, to pill, to sack to put to Ruin and destruction, his own Subjects. And to be short, he maketh war against himself. A Prince without his Subjects is no Pince. Wherefore I marvel you do so much mislike that these poor molested people should humbly beseache his Majesty, that by his authority and commandment, this war so hurt full to them, so unprofitable to the King, so detestable before God, and so to be lamented and pitied of all honest minds, might cease. You say the King knows what his subjects have need of. Would you by this maintain that it is convenient that the King's Subjects should be rob, undone, and murdered by strangers, their houses burnt, their towns spoilled, their fields wasted, their inheritances decayed, their wives & daughters deslowred, and their children led under the servitude of Strangers? The which if it be convenient and necessary for the King's Subjects: surely it were better for than to be under the protection of the most cruelest tyrant that ever reigned. Except (as in deed it appeareth) the King hath not so commanded, since he understands so well what is most convenient for his Subjects. Therefore have they great reason, with all humility to refer themselves to his most gracious order, commanding all foreigners too get them packing out of the country. But if you say the worst you can, and think to cut all their throotes by a word speaking, in saying these men are rebels to the King, & therefore cannot be accounted as his subjects: Leaving to debate this question presently, which would be both long and tedious, they will only answer you thus. That if they be rebels, you aught to leave that to the judgement of his Majesty, unto whom they submitted themselves by their foresaid request, & that you aught not (by sending the same back again) to take away from his Ma. all his right of equity, & justice, & from them all the means they had for their justification. And as touching that which you take for a Maxim That it is not lawful for any subject to take arms in hands, without thorder and appointment of their Lords: It will appear to all men of judgement, that it is such a kind of speech, as can have no good ground of truth, because it is so general. For if the Lord be out of the country, and the said country be suddenly in vaded by enemies, I do not think that your meaning is in this case by this your law, that men should make adoubt of taking weapons in hand, until their country wear clean overrun & spoilled. For by that means you must condemn the Dukes of Burgondy the Predicessore of his Majesty, of felony and treason, for that they being then the vassals of the King of France, yea (and that more is) linked very near unto him in bands of blood, and having yielded unto him their homage & fealty, did take arms, not only without his appointment, but also against his own person and estates in the field. Surely no man can make me believe, but that the good Duke Philip knew very well, what was the duty of a subject, when as (to revenge the death of Duke John his father, who a little before had slain the Duke of Orleans brother to the King (he caused the King of England to come into France, and made him Lord of the City of Paris, and of the best part of the whole kingdom. If this law which now set down here, were so general as you would make it surely he had never attained unto the name of so good a Prince as he was accounted, neither had he left behind him to his posterity so good a report of immortal glory as we know of. Likewise his son Charles the hardy, when he took arms against Lois the. 11. and defeated a part of his army at Monthelery: knew not he very well that subjects might make no stir without appointment or authority from their Lord? will you say then that our King doth wrongfully enjoy the county of Burgundy, the which was granted by the same Lois and Charles, under the title that the subject did bear arms against his liege Lord? But how often hath it been seen, and judged to be right and reasonable, that the subjects in particular, and the Towns and Provinces in general have taken Arms in such cases as this, not only without the appointment of their Lord, but also even against their sovereigns themselves, and yet hath neither your law nor Maxim been of sufficient weight against the reasons, and arguments that they alleged in defence of their equity. Wherefore of force your conclusion cannot hold, when as you infer by this your Maxim, that they of Holland and Zealand have committed an offence unexcusable, in having taken arms against their Prince. For first you should have declared that the grounds, and occasions that forced them thereunto were not reasonable, or at the lest not sufficient to maintain the equity of their cause: and then might you have had some better appearance of reason. But surely it seemeth, that for because you would have the equity of their cause quite suppressed from the ears of the world, and from the knowledge of his Majesty, you have clean trodden under foot and sent back again their request: grownding yourself only upon the opinions of such of the court, as you knew before to be adversaries to their attempts. And I pray you, what if these of our side shall say, that they not only have not taken arms against his Majesty, but also that they have not stirred, but by his consent and authority? Doth it not seem unto you reasonable, that the oath (which the King hath taken, and the express article wherein he commandeth that no man shall any longer yield obedience unto himself, than he observeth the points of the artiles that he is sworn unto) may justify their doings, especially seeing that both his Majesty is absent, & that strangers, under the title of his name, have not only broken these articles, but also sought utterly to disannul that solemn contract, the which he made at his entry into Brabant, which is the chiefest of all the Provinces he possesseth in these parts? for as touching that which you say, That to bear arms against his Majesty or his Ministers is all one: I cannot comprehend, where of that should be grounded, considering that the King himself at his foresaid entry and acceptation, doth promise, swear, & declare, that presently & ipso facto all officers, Magistrates and ministers, shallbe taken but for sciphers, & of no validity, who either have been here before, or shallbe hereafter placed in prejudice of those articles, which he is sworn unto, or that shall commit any thing against the same. So that the King himself doth by his oath disgrade all such ministers, and doth put weapons into our hands, to resist their iniquity & violence. And if that you grant that all this is true, in respect of them of Brabant, but that Holland and Zealand may be no partakers thereof: them must you needs justify the Prince of Orange, and all those that serve him, being both inhabitants & naturally borne in Brabant, in that they would not acknowledge such ministers, as have violated and broken the oaths and contracts of the King. And since that they wear not bound to acknowledge or allow them, but might take arms against them it followeth that they might with good reaso occupy & enjoy all those lands & Provinces which did yield any favour, or devotion at any time to such ministers, being disannulled and disgraded. And as touching the rest of Holland and Zealand, their fault and offence can be none other, but that they be not borne in Brabant. For I cannot think that you will deny, but that the said ministers against whom they bear arms, have broken and violated in a manner all those articles which the King was sworn unto at his first entry. And if these things were not thus: what is he that seeth not plainly, how that in this point the King's hands be fast tied together, since that yourselves do confess, that in all matters Ecclesiastical and touching faith, he is bound to be obedient unto the Pope, his legates, and vicar's. Do not we know how that, that Commission which was concluded upon, and ordained amongst your ecclesiastical persons, and Bishops, to root out this our religion, which you call new, was invented and forged by Pope Pius the fourth, being solicited thereunto by Doctor Sonnius who for that cause remained at Rome by the space of three or four years, & afterward brought amongst us into these quarters the pestilent seed of these troubles, & calamities, that we feel at this day? Do not we know that it was only the Pope, which gave commandment to the king, that thordinauncesordinances of the Council of Trent should be published here, against the which all the Estates both Ecclesiastical and Temporal did set themselves to withstand, as a thing prejudicial against the ancient laws, customs and privileges which the king hath sworn unto us? Briefly, have not all the Instruments and Authors of this Tragedy been created only by the Pope? And who is ignorant I pray you, that the Pope in his decres doth openly vaunt that all kings and Princes are bound to hold all their Crowns and Sceptres of him, and to obey him in every point? Have we no learned of our ancestors, how that the ●opes of Rome have commanded at their pleasure, the most noble Emperors and Prince▪ of Christendom, and sought to execute their wills by excommunicating and accursing of them, as often as they would resist their pleasures? Fron whence proceeded those cruel and bloody wars between the three Henry's, Frederick and Philip, and an infinite number of other Emperors against the Popes of Rome: but for because that the same Emperors, would not obey their Commandments, sometimes when they willed them to make war in all haste upon the Sarrasins, sometimes when they would have them leave of that title which they had received by succession of their ancestors, sometimes when the Popes themselves would be put in possession of certain towns and territories, which they said, they should inherit as the patrimony of S. Peter, and finally upon any cause that it pleased them to pick, whereof all the Chronicles and Histories be filled. And what was the cause why Pope Alexander marched in public place upon the neck of the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, adding thereunto many words full of reproach and shame? And what is the cause again, why even at this day they make the monarchs and kings to kiss their feet, but only in sign and token of subjection which they claim as due? And presently if they be not obeyed, they thunder against them: and pronounce absolution unto all their subjects, although they revolt from that fidelity which they own of duty. Wherefore seeing that the king is so much subject to the Pope of Rome (whom in no wise we can acknowledge to be our superior) & since that he feareth so much his thunderings & excommunications: How can you either say or believe, that his Ma. doth command absolutely amongst us what he listeth himself, specially in such a matter wherein the Pope pretendeth to have more interest than any man alive? I beseech you if the king would here our requests, & finding them grounded upon good reasons, were willing to grant us the exercise of our religion: do you think that it were lawful for him so to do? Yourself have told me very plainly, that if the king would condescend to any such matter, you would take arms against him, & cause (to your power) the whole country to rebel. And this I am sure yourself will not deny to have said, when I was with you at Mountford. Where then remaineth the free authority of the king to command? where is the greatness of his Ma. yea rather what becometh of his liberty & of your Maxim, that no subject may take arms in hand without the appointment of his king & lord, seeing that one only vassal will to his power 'cause all his Estates to rebel, if that the advice & opinion of his Majesty, touching the cause of his Country & subjects, shall not agree with his conceit? But I am content to pardon you herein, considering the zeal which you bear to the romish Religion, upon condition that you will imagine that our zeal which we bear unto our Apostolical Religion of the Gospel, is not a whit less, although peradventure it is neither so plausible in man's capacity, neither so profitable to them that maintain it. Yet have we examples very fresh of the Emperor Charles of noble memory, who escaped very hardly from being excommunicated by Pope Paulus 3. for that he granted unto the Almains but only the Interim, which was almost conformable in all points unto the decrees of the Pope. And I pray you what ado was there when he willed that a general Council should be called in Almain, where the Almains might be hard in free disputation? And finally was it not the Pope, that constrained him to make war upon the Christians, and did oftentimes threaten him with thunderings, if he went not to work with speed, in such sort that the Emperor was constrained to cover the pretence of his war with the cloak of rebellion, to th'end he might draw unto him Mawrice and th'other Princes which were confederates of the Smalcaldiens? I speak nothing here of the holy Inquisition of Spain, nor of the Prelates of the Counsel, which be of the Pope's creation, and have made a solemn oath unto him, never to agreed to any matter that they shall think to be prejudicial to the advancement of the Sea of Rome, but that they shall reveal the same, and resist it with all their power. Who seeth not how that our king is so possessed with them, as he is not able by any means in the world, to judge any thing in this matter contrary to their opinions & advice, upon pain of being condemned for a rebel unto the sea of Rome? How then can that be true where you say, that we make war upon the king? Take away once the respect of the Pope and his Prelates, and bring to pass that either the king himself be not subject unto him or else that he be content that we may be free from his laws: and then shall you see how soon and how soundly, we will yield ourselves unto the perfect obedience of our king & natural Prince, as to one anointed of God himself to do us right & justice? And if you esteem this to be utterly unreasonable, and that you mean to make the mind of our Prince to be at the commandment of other men's wills: do not marvel I pray you, if we pretend to be no rebels in seeking that he may govern us by his absolute Authority, without receiving laws from others. I come now to that other point where you say, That it is a very strange thing for subjects to force their Prince to assemble Estates at their pleasure. Surely this seemeth very wonderful, considering that you cannot be ignorant, how that the king himself by his own pure will, hath tied himself thereunto, as to the firmest ground and surest staff whereupon, his authority & power Regal doth chief (yea I may say, only) lean & rest. For seeing the Estates in a form of politic government, are none other thing but the chief and principal heads of the people representing the body of the multitude: What thing is there, that can be so naturally united unto a good king, who desireth to be both father and Pastor of his people, as are the Estates of his Country? Even as for example, there is nothing that hath such affinity with the head of a man's body, as those members which are called vital, for that they be the chiefest Instruments by the which the vital spirits proceeding from the brains to divers sinews, are communicated in general to the whole body, and to every member, and by the which likewise, every member retaineth his perfect unity, and natural knitting to the body. Even so a good king, being the head of his people, doth by the means of his Estates, communicate and impart unto the whole body of his common wealth, not only his favour, grace & privileges, whereby he keepeth them in unity: but also his bounty, justice and wisdom, from the which as out of a quick fountain, do springe good laws & Ordinances, whereby the people are still governed in good discipline, as it were in the lively being and natural motion of the same. This is the cause why our ancestors excelling in wisdom and perfect pollioy, have very well ordained heretofore, that especially the king should very straightly be bound and united with the Estates of the Country, not to do any thing of importance without communicating the matter unto them first, as they on the other side ought to behave themselves unto their Prince, as to their head given to them of GOD. From hence is proceeded the great and uniform love and Fidelity, which Princes in these parts have borne to their people, and they likewise to them. And surely this principle appeared in the person of the good Duke PHILIP, who at the first united all those low Countries into one body, and made many laws, the assured unity which either is or ought to be between a Prince and his people. esteeming it better to be beloved & called father by them, than to be feared and redoubted of them. For he knew well enough, that love is the surest ground and faithfullest guard of all governments and pre-eminences, in such sort, that they be greatly to be detested, and to be accounted public pestilences, who to bring themselves in credit by villainies and servile flatteries, under the pretence of maintaining the authority of our Prince, have whispered in the ears of his council, that whosoever talketh of the general assemble of the Estates, doth catch at the Crown from his majesties head. For surely these be the auctors of all tyrannies, troubles, and insolences: these be the disturbers of our common quiet: these be the enemies both of God and the world, although they attribute never so much wisdom and experience unto themselves: doing in this case not unlike unto him that would dismember the parts of the body from the head, and deprive them of their virtues and natural actions, under the pretence of doing good to the head. True it is, that for a time they seem to yield as it were a stay and prop unto the power of Princes in causing them in general to be more feared than loved: but in th'end they show themselves to seek nought else, but the fall of Princes, and the overthrow of all their people at one time: as we see most clearly by th'example of the kingdom of France, the calamity and ruin whereof, hath not proceeded from any thing else, but by the breaking of thordinances of the Estates general, and by sufferance that the king might govern at his own appetite with absolute authority, without having regard either to the body politic, or to them that should represent the same. I would to GOD that this poor Country of ours would behold itself in this glass, which is so clear & so near unto it, without falling into the same inconveniences. But our sins being already grown to a certain ripeness, have hastened our utter overthrow, in blinding the eyes of such governors, as have persuaded our Princes to think, that their ruin consisteth in the Assembly of the general Estates of the country, whose order is a common consent to resolve upon such points, as do concern the tranquillity of the same: whereas, if at the lest this had been looked unto in the beginning, before that those troubles did break out into so great a flame according to those instructions which the Gentlemen of the confederates gave unto his Majesty: surely then might all the inconveniences which have happened since, have very well been avoided. Yet at length let us look, although very late, first which be the grounds and occasions that hinder us from having recourse unto that so ready and wholesome a remedy, which in times past hath always been the refuge, both of Prince & People, when any inconvenience did threaten them. You say That since that these Countries do consist upon divers signiories, which in degree, jurisdictions and customs have nothing to do the one with the other, but only a neighbourhood under one Lord: therefore they are not to compel the king to assemble the estates generally. I beseech you then sirs, If we should demand of the king to assemble only the Estates of Holland and Zealand, which Provinces have always been joined together, and that by their advise he would ordain some convenient remedies for these present troubles & calamities, even as his majesties predecessors the Princes of Bavier were wont to do in the like cases, not adding any other to these Provinces, except it were Hainault and Ostrenant: would you judge then that we had any reason on our sides? At the least your argument whereon you seem to ground most, would seem to be of no force. And I surely do think that this particular assembly (since that you cannot abide the general) were much fit for the people of Holland and Zealand, than th'other wear which they demand. But I pray you consider what wrong they of Holland & Zealand have committend in submitting themselves in their foresaid request unto thorder of their Prince, without presuming to prescribe any law unto him, or in referring themselves to the judgement of the general Estates of all the low Countries, to whom they were content to submit themselves, to th'end that they might not seem to seek to be judges in their own cause? And if there be no reason at all to assemble the general estates of so many and divers Provinces, in a matter that toucheth only one particular Province: then I pray you, why should that protestation which the Estates of Brabant & Flaunders presonted, wherein they would admit Religion but that of Rome: be prejudicial unto them of Holland and Zealand? How be it surely (if all be well considered) this disease is grown so general in all these provinces, as it cannot be remedied but by a medicine generally taken. For who knoweth not how that in this cause, there are joined to Holland and Zelande, in a manner all Gelderland, Phriseland, and Ouerijsel with many both of the towns and peoples of Brabant, Flaunders, Hainault and Arthois? who understandeth not, that (when this request was presented by those gentlemen in the year 66. there were almost as many of our Province, as of any other, yea and that the number of them of Hainaulte, Arthois and Nanin did far exceed them of Holland and Zelande? Wherefore if some have been frighted by force and threatenings, some other oppressed by the tyranny of the Duke of Alva, and some again have not been able to find out the opportunities and open ways which they of Holland and Zealand have found: is it therefore to be said that they aught to be barred from giving aid and remedy to quench this great fire, and general cause of Ruin? Not: for this is certain, that the harm which proceedeth of these wars, doth touch the other Provinces as near as it doth Holland and Zealand. For if it happen that these Countries be either destroyed or alienated from the obedience of the King. Consider I pray you whether Braband and Flaunders with many other Provinces shallbe subject to any invasion that first will assault them or not, and how in such necessity, having lost the commodity of the Sea, they may be relieved with victual, or succoured from Spain or Italy? In so much that to bar alother Provinces from this generality, is naught else than to seek the means to deprive the King and his successors from all possession of any estate or Province in these parts. But let us see how these matters will hung together. You say, That it is but by special grace and favour, that the ancestor of our king have suffered and permitted a general Convocation of the Estates in urgent affairs. Admit that it were so: yet surely it were a great discourtesy to persuade the king to show less favour unto these Countries than his predecessors have done: and it were the way to force him to seek some other kind of superiority, and government, clean contrary to that which they followed, in such sort that thereof naught else can be hoped for, than a contrary fruit to that which they gathered, that is to say, the hatred of subjects in steed of love, and tyranny in place of good government, and finally utter destruction in steed of flourishing prosperity. But sure I cannot imagine that you are so ignorant of the Chronicles, or such a stranger to the knowledge of the state of these Countries, as that you know not how that since the time of Charlemagne, these Countries and Provinces have ever been united in one body together, with many other neighbours & borderers, under the title of being called Austrasia or Lorein, which took that name, for that in division, that part fell to one of his nephews called Lhothayre: and how that afterward by diversity of successors, being dismembered th'one from the other, yet they did always keep a certain unity of Amity and alliance together, even until the time of the good Duke Philip, who brought them again into one body, and tied them fast and unseparable by many good ordinances, laws and privileges, which he gave unto them in general, showing himself therein to be both a father to his Country, & a pastor to his people, in such sort that it was offered unto him by the Emperor and Pope for that time, to make thereof a kingdom, the which he would never agreed unto, both because that he would not offer by such innovations any kind of prejudice unto the Privileges of the Provinces and Towns particularly, neither yet go against the oaths that he had sworn unto them. And if you list to allege, that our King doth at this present occupy certain provinces which then had nothing a do with them: I will answer, that likewise the foresaid Duke did at that time enjoy certain others, almost of like importance, the which have since that time been separated, and dismembered in such sort, that the said good Duke Philip being received into the possession of Holland and Zelande almost in the end of his reign, did leave this conjunction of these Provinces unto his son and only heir CHARLES the hardy, who being of a more haughty mind went about openly to make these Countries a kingdom, had he not been hindered partly by the Estates of the said Countries who withstood the same, and partly by the disfavour of the Emperor Frederick 3. who reigned at that time. But let the cause be as be may: he left unto his daughter and heir, the succession of all the said countries, as one body united and knit together with many fast and straight bands: after the which sort Maximilian her husband the Emperor, and his son the archduke Philip, received the same, and in such sort left them unto the Emperor of noble memory Charles the fift father to our King: who being not content with the foresaid conjunction and bands, and as it were foreseeing how that afterwards some would go about to sow hatred amongst them, and to set th'one against tother, under this pretence that they had nothing common among themselves: took away and abolished from them all the diversity of Questions that might encounter them, some from under the Crown of France, some from the title of the Empire, and some from other places. And at a general diet of Almaigne, by the consent of all the electors and Estates of the Empire, he united and brought together all these provinces into one compass or Circle of the Empire, ordaining and appointing that from that time forward, all they should jointly and unseparably be acknowledged too be of the Empire, and that for that cause, they should pay in th'ordinary contributions of the Empire, as much as two Electors did. And this hath been inviolably kept both of his Majesty: of noble memory, And also by own king and Maistar that now is, so far forth as that his Majesty did send one S. of Hoochstrate into Almaigne in his name, to acknowledge the foresaid provinces as one body politic joined to the Empire. And for such were they taken at that time: so that I cannot sufficiently marvel, how you can say that in degrees and jurisdictions they be so divers, and that there is nothing common amongst them, but only neighbourhood. And I pray you how happeneth it then, that in all Contributions and reliefs, they be ever assembled generally, and that the participations of each relif, is gathered according to the ability and faculty of every province? Would you wish that in the time of contributing, the provinces should be but one body, and that when they seek to remedy the evident Ruin of the whole country in general, each should seek for their remedy in particular, with out joining th'one to tother? surely in my simple judgement this thing is not only without all reason, but also doth simell of tooto tyrrannius wickedness. But what shall we say? when his Majesty propounded the necessity of his war with France in the year 1557: in what sort did the Estates than chardg themselves with that great burden, but only in general? the which war in th'end of nine years with a single fidelity showed towards their King, & a wonderful unity kept among them selves, they brought to happy end by their nine years contribution, to the great glory & honour of his royal Majesty. Is it reason then that in making war upon a strange Prince, these provinces shallbe but one body, and the Estates united together: and that in turning away from themselves an utter overthrow procured by this civil war, they shallbe counted divers & dismembered, & not be suffered to assemble the estates general, to th'end that by a general remedy they may help and cure a common malady? But is it not plain how that in all things wherein any provinces bordering together, may by any means be joined and united: these countries be and have been always in the same sort unitid more than any others? for from whence proceedeth that custom which they have ever had to assemble the Towns and provinces in the exercise of the bow, and other arms left unto us by our predecessors, but only by this unity? How cometh it to pass, that at feasts and public places, the towns & provinces have been always called together by public authority: but only to show the unity of the poor country, even as Grece did by the assembly at their Olympiad's? Is not the name of the Base Almains or Flemings (as the Spaniards do call us at this day) common unto us all? The speech although it be distinctly of divers sorts, yet is so common amongst us, that in the self same towns they be used equally. The jurisdictions out of our sovereign court, do they not almost generally proceed from Machlyne? and all spiritual processes, Do not they of ancient custom proceed either from Coleigne or from Maians? What should I say more, than that our whole country is but one circuit or Province of the Empire? Do you then think it so strange, that an Imperial circuit should assemble estates jointly, considering that should otherwise seem monstrous, if one Province should be assembled without the rest? But peradventure you will say, that this war in the respect of Brabant is no Civil wars: the which saying no man of judgement will affirm. And if there were none other thing to allege, but that our King and the Emperor Charles had made all their Edicts and Plackartes of Religion in general to all the provinces, wear not that a sufficient Argument to confute your saying, that they have naught in common the one with tother? yea rather is it not a full justification of the request of those of Holland, and Zealand in that point, if you will be ruled by right and reason Quod omnes attingit, ab omnibus probari debet? for if the rigowr of those Placartes laid upon all these Provinces in general, hath caused a general alteration of the people: Why should not we assemble and call together the general estates of these provinces, to remedy such inconveniences as generally do light upon us all? And sure this is the better confirmed by those two causes that you alleged, for the which Princes in times past were wont to assemble general estates, that is to wit, the benefit of their Country and the weal of their affairs. For they could never be better spoken, of than at this present, when we treat not of one simple benifitt, but of the whole saffetye of our country and especial restitution of his majesties dignity. Wherefore if ever there wear cause to assemble estates in generallitye, surely now there is greater cause so to do than ever there was. This notwithstanding (if I may speak of mine own head, witheowt th'advise of the Estates and Towns in these parts) I do think that if the King or his counsel be offended with this generality, they will be content to have agraunt from his Majesty that they may lawfully assemble the states only of Holland and Zealand, and that it will please him to ratify that which they shall found by sound counsel and deliberation, to be fit for his majesties service, and for their country's saffetye. Considering that herein (as I have said) they have had a greater respect to the authority of the King, than to any thing else. But it seemeth that there is some other hidden cause which moveth you to be so suspicious of this assembling of estates in that you say that this request seemeth to be made as it were to tie him to a la, and to keep him as a ward I cannot believe but that this proceedeth rather of some ill grounded conceits, or sinister suspicions of such in the court; as cannot digest our simple petition, than of your own good judgement or advise. I cannot be persuaded that you can digress so far from all reason. For surely you know well enough, how that the most true and legitimate power and dignity of all kings, monarchs, and Emperors, & the greatest unity & prosperity of all people and provinces, doth especially consist, and principally depend upon the assemble of estates: even as it appeareth in Almaigne & in all other Kingdoms & Provinces which are well & quietly governed. For those assembles which we call Edicts in the common wealth, are even the same which in the churce of God were called counsels, the which our ancestors, holy fathers & doctors in the primative church held in such reverence & estimation, as that they ordained that from half year to half year, or at the furthest from year to year, general Synods should be called as often as any necessity required. Whereunto they ever had a most sovereign recourse, until such time as that the great power of the Popes did subdue the Synods by their absolute authority, against the which our forefathers at many times, and especially in the council of Basil, did most openly resist. They ordained that from ten year to ten years a general counsel and Synod should be called thorough out all Christendom whereunto the Pope himself should be subject. Which thing was so odious unto the ambition of the successors of that Pope, as that to their power they have hindered ever since the assemble of the councils, so far forth that that in the great necessity of Christendom, and at the earnest soliciting of the Emperor Charles, the council of Trent was at length called and prolonged almost by the space of 30. years after with a 1000 Kinds of delays & excuses to delay the same. After that likewise in the council of constance, Thoan the 32. one of the 3. Pope's that were degraded at that time, being accused of 50. articles at the lest, and all those criminal, sighing sore, answered thus: that besides all those faults, he had committed a greater offence, & that was for because that he had suffered such a free council to be called as himself was bound to be ruled by, & thereby he himself was with great infamy deposed. I do allege all this, to show that it is the part of tyrants only to mislike general assemblies, and that all good Prince's Kings and Emperors have always desicred these diettes and assemblies, as all good prelate's have (to their power) procured the assemble of Synods and counsels in the Church of God. For this is certain, that whereas many do assemble together and consult, (whether it be for the affairs of the common wealth, or of the church of God,) there ordinarily is God himself precedent, & sendeth his goodspirit, lightening most commonly the eyes of a number in such cases, as peradventure one alone or a few cannot discern a whit. Wherefore me thinketh that in this case they of Holland & Zealand have declared what great confidence they have in the merciful government and clemency of the King, in having set be fore his face the true and only mean to pacify the troubles of this country. For since that in any wise they must make no questions of Religion what could they in this world offer with more humility and better right, than to submit than solves to the judgement of his Majesty: in a general assemble of all our estates, showing therein that they feared not at all to have their cause brought to light before the face of the whole world and of his Majesty, because they felt themselves clear from all crimes which wrongfully were laid to their charge? And if their religion were so wicked as the King is informed that it is: what can they do more sincerely than with humble suit to request that it might be judged and tried, even by those who have protested most plainly, that they will by no means admit or receive the same? Can there be any thing more convenienc for the dignity and honour of his Majesty, or for to express their own faithful service, than to submit themselves wholly to the judgement of his Ma. and of those Estates which he shall lawfully call together? It seemeth certainly that you amongst you do fear and fly from the judgement and advice of the king, and that you take him to be so childish, as that he cannot discern white from black, or else that yourselves must prescribe him what he shall do. For you hindered our request from coming to his cares. It falleth out now, that yourselves are they that make the king a Ward, in that you will not suffer him to here the complaints and suits of his subjects. This is to take the Crown from his majesties head, & to make yourselves kings: Considering that the dignity and prehemiennce of Royalty, doth not so much consist upon titles and riches, as in the discerning & judging of the complaints and requests of his subjects & in administering justice unto them. The pretence then of these Hollanders & Zelanders is so far from making him a Ward, as that the only mark that they tend unto, is to set him at his full liberty again, which is to judge lawfully (according to the custom of his Ancestors) upon all the controversies, & complaints of his people: which liberty you have clean bearest him of, & yielded the same unto the Italian Pope, & to the Prelates of the inquisition, & barred him clean both from hearing & judging of his subjects causes. As touching the last point, wherein you say, That in your opinion his Majesty aught not to yield unto our request, not not one jot: Surely I do most of all marvel, that you would wish the K. to judge no otherwise than as you list. If you be vassal to the K. leave the choice to his Majesty, whether he will yield or not, and do not you prescribe a law, before that he himself have first herd our requests, & afterwards given his judgement upon the same. Otherwise you will give the world to understand, how that you take the king to be so ignorant, as that he cannot judge of his own affairs, or else that your opinion must be a law, whereby his Majesty must of force be ruled. Well, if your opinion which you have grounded upon your own conceit, be so fast settled in your stomach as that you will not altar the same: Yet I would ye considered, that all the Estates and Cities in these quarters, be of an other mind. And peradventure it may be, that if the opinion of all the Estates in general may be understood the greater part of them willbe of our mind. If you think otherwise, why do ye not suffer the matter to come to proof, by leaving to his majesty full liberty to judge & discern of all suits & requests? except your meaning be, that we must of force take your opinion for the king's determination. But surely for mine own part, I cannot yet be so well persuaded of your great modesty & wisdom. Wherefore I am to request you, that (without suffering yourself to be any longer blinded with these cavilling pretences) you endeavour yourself in good faith & true meaning, to further the tranquillity and quiet of these Countries, the which cannot by any means be re-established, but by this, that the king may have his authority kept to himself inviolably, in hearing and considering the requests and controversies of all such his Subjects, as cry and call for his help and mercy: that he may see some remedy for the same, by the common advice of the general Estates of the Country, and that he suffer us not to be oppressed by the cruel tyranny of Strangers, who seek nothing else but to satisfy their covetous minds and greediness of gain, with the price of our blood and with the utter overthrow & desolation of his majesties inheritance in these Provinces, to the great diminishing of his majesties Royal Estate, not caring a point though all this go to wrack, so that they may return into their Countries again, laden & charged with the spoil of us, from the which I hope that Almighty God will defend us with his puissant Arm, as he hath done heretofore.   

❧ IMPRINTED AT London in Fleetstreet by Thomas Marsh.  
Anno. 1576.