A DISCOURSE OF THE USAGE OF the English Fugitives, by the Spaniard.  
LONDON, Printed by Thomas Scarlet for john Drawater, and are to be sold at his shop in Pater noster row, at the sign of the Swan. 1595.   

THE COPY OF A Letter sent out of the Low countries by a Gentleman entertained by the King of Spain in pension:  
To a young Gentleman his Kinsman in ENGLAND.  
MY very good Cousin, understanding as well by your Letters, as by the message lately done unto me by the mouth of A. T. of the great longing and desire you have to draw yourself into these parts, & to employ yourself here in service of the Spanish king: & perceiving also as well by your said Letters, as by the Gentleman that brought the same; and by the report of diverse other, young Gentlemen of our Country there be many that are of your mind in that point: Some thereunto, as I do guess, moved of a youthful and vain tickling humour, to be wandering abroad in strange and foreign Countries: Others in hope there to grow to great preferment, advancement, employment, and wealth: Other some pretending matter of conscience, seem to have sure confidence, that there they may live with more liberty and ease of mind, then that within our Country they enjoy. I have thought good for the particular love which I bear, and always have borne towards you, unto whom I wish as to myself, but chiefly in respect of the sincere, faithful, reverent, and loyal fidelity and regard I have to the person of our sacred, renowned, and most gracious Sovereign, the Queen's most excellent Majesty, and to my natlue Country and Countryemen, to set down some notes and observations, which by long and painful troubles and experience in this place I have gathered: by which I hope I shall make manifest not only to you, but also to all others my most dear Country men, if I may have the favour to have it published: in which point I mean to labour by my best friends, to such of the greatest persons as may permit the same, how greatly you and they that desire to repair hither by any of the motions before expressed, or in any hope of good to be received from the said King, do err and are deceived. I heartily and most earnestly desire you, & all other that shall read the same, deeply to judge & consider of these points which I shall set down, which (God willing) I will do with such fidelity, true meaning, and sincerity, as that no part of the same shall be truly to be gainsaid or refelled, and myself by the persons, times, and places, and other circumstances shall make most manifest and plain, to any that shall doubt of the truth of the same or any part thereof, & I shall take great joy & comfort, if myself having undertaken an untowardly & dangerous course, though with better success than hath happened to many hundreds, may be as a caveat to all the young Gentlemen of our Nation, how they hazard themselves so dangerously. And that my painful experience may be to you as a looking Glass, wherein they may behold the spots & errors of their conceived fancies, or as marks set up for them, whereby they may avoid the perils & most dangerous rocks and shelves, to them yet unknown, & lying hidden under the smooth, fair, and delightful conceived and fantasied pleasures forged in their imaginations.   

THE METHOD OF the ensuing Discourse.  
THE method and manner that I intent to use in this Discourse, shall be after this sort, First, I will direct my speeches to the unexperienced Gentlemen, desirous to serve here in Spain, showing them in what point of their hope and expectations they do fail, and are deceived.  
Secondly, to our credulous Papists at home, upon whose grossness and simplicity, our rebellious traitors here abroad do build their chiefest foundations of all their villainies, whom while they entertain with vain expectations, in the mean time with spies, Priests, and traitors, which they daily send over, they abuse with treacherous practices, to the irrepiable ruin and overthrow of them and theirs. Thirdly, because many of our country men living in great happiness at home, do yet in their conceits mislike, surfeiting with ease, the blessed estate they live in, and what withal, the manner of her majesties most gracious and merciful government, I have thought it my duty somewhat to express these few things which have come to my knowledge, touching the innumerable benefits & blessings with which it hath pleased God to adorn her royal Majesty, together with the flourishing estate of that noble soil since the time of her majesties reign, so flourishing with peace, prosperity, and abundance, in glory of wars, so renowned and victorious in arts, so curious and excellent in justice, even to the very enemy, so admirable, and (which surpasseth all the rest) in the free, sweet, and comfortable use of the true religion, so above all others blessed and fortunate, that I have heard the very Spaniards themselves say, they fear jesus Christ is become a protestant. Withal, I make some comparison between this and the tyrannical government of the Spanish tyrant, his cruel and inhuman usage of his miserable subjects, their abolition of their privileges, and in fine, the unspeakable bondage, slavery, and desolate despair in which they live languishing. A matter though far unfit for me to handle or treat, but worthy of the most grave and experienced men of quality and highest degree, yet considering I shall not presume to treat of matters of high state or secrets, but such as every good subject may find and pick out of the heroical actions of the one, and the tyrannical insolence of the other, both done in the appearance of the world, I hope and so with all lowliness most humbly desire her most gracious and benign Majesty to pardon me, if I come far short of that which men fit for the handling thereof could say or entreat. And so most humbly also make petition, that I may therein be censured according to the loyal zeal I bear to her most princely Majesty, and not to the baseness and simplicity of my style or the handling thereof.  
But to come to my Discourse, to the end that you and the rest of your opinion, may clearly and plainly discern those things which hitherto your eyes blinded with the vail of partiality, have not been able to view. I will begin with the good usage, honour & advancement that you and other Gentlemen addicted to this service are here to expect, bringing unto you for example sundry brave and worthy Gentlemen, Captains and soldiers, that have taken the like course before you, whereby you shall perceive it is not all gold that glistreth, but that whatsoever show the Spaniarde make unto us, yet in his heart he mortally abhorreth us, & by all means possible seeketh our destruction, ruin & subversion, as it evidently appeareth by his usage of troops & companies of our nations that have served him. For example: at the siege of Antwerp there came unto him under the conduct of Norris and Cornish, a troop of six thousand, the tallest and best appointed soldiers, that ever I remember to have seen in all my life, their coming being the only cause that the town was so soon delivered unto him as it was. For whereas the Duke of Anjou lay under the walls of Gaunt, with sufficient force and most deliberate resolution to secure the said town of Antwerp upon his mutiny, fearing further inconvenience, he marched away with his whole camp, leaving the enemy now battering the town, who seeing themselves frustrate of their expected hope, presently rendered the same to the duke of Parma. But how were they recompensed? Within one year they were let all to famish for hunger, which some of them seeking to relieve, by foreranging out upon the Country, four and twenty of them were taken and carried to Antwerp, of whose beginning they were the chiefest, and there openly hanged in the market place. Whereas all other nations had liberty to rob and steal, and do what they list. Another troop of them of thirty, being forth, and lying in a village near Poppering in Flanders, a company of Spaniards hearing of them, came into the village where they were, & after friendly and soldier salutation of each side, as they were all making merry together, on a sudden the Spaniards took them at advantage unarmed, and most treacherously and inhumanelye murdered them every one. Sundry complaints were made to the Duke, by the friends of those that were thus murdered, and by the Captains of the Regiment, but there could be no remedy nor justice obtained. But to make amends, because they would be the cleanlier rid of the residue of this poor miserable troop, the camp being then before Winockberghen, they made them two little forts of purpose, in which they willingly placed them in the utmost quarter of the whole camp, and nearest confining to the town, to the end they might have all their throats cut, as in deed they had very few nights after. At which time the enemy assaulting them with great fury, and they defending themselves most manfully above the space of an hour, in such sort, as the alarm passed through the whole camp, yet they were never relieved with any succour at all, insomuch that the greatest part of them being slain in defence, the enemy at last entered and put the residue to the sword.  
To rehearse unto you the sundry and several calamities that these poor men, as well Captains as soldiers endured, during the small time of that their unfortunate service, especially at Ganskecke, Ask. and Graver, would seem (I am sure) unto you for the unspeakable strangeness thereof, scarcely credible, for they never received all the time of their service any one months pay. I have seen Lieutenants and Ensigns of them go up & down the camp begging their bread, covered only with old mantles about their shoulders, and have myself relieved some of them. Shortly after came Pigot, who brought with him Sir john Norris his regiment, being well near a thousand, as tall and well appointed men as were in Europe, whose service, how meritorious and beneficial it was unto the Spaniards, I leave to their judgements that know the Country. For by rendering of Alost unto him, they were the occasion that he got Darmounde the Sasse, the forts of Leiskins hook, Saint Anthony's, & Saint Margaret's, the best part of the land of Waste, & in manner Gaunt itself, as the sequel showed. Notwithstanding all which service, they were within two years space, what with hunger, the gallows, & rigorous dealing, consumed and brought to nothing. And last at Stalbrooke, even against the yielding up of Antwerp, when all other Nations were to receive their count and reckoning, they only were infamously cashiered without any one months pay. And which of all others is most monstrous & scarce credible, whereas some of the Captains, not long before had made them of their own purses new and fair Ensigns, those Ensigns were violently taken away from those that bore them and detained. Which abuse and wrong though captain Tresham and the other Captains complained off to the duke with great protestations, yet they could never obtain any restitution.  
Somewhat before this time, when the whole camp was at the siege of Dermound paid two months, they only though of all others most traveled in the trenches, wading every night bosom high to their waist, and having had more men slain in that siege than any other regiment in the whole camp, could not receive one penny, notwithstanding they had passed in muster with he rest, and some of the Captains bribed the C●ommissarie, thinking thereby to make a great hand. But in stead of money, when they showed the Duke, they were scornfully by him turned of, to the Contadores, of whom they received the most base & opprobrious speeches that ever were given soldiers, & were in fine rejected without ever receiving one halfpenny. And lastly, when the Regiment was cast, whereas the pay of a reformed Captain amongst them, of what Nation so ever he be, is forty crowns, they give only to our English captains five and twenty a month. Not long before it chanced that one of the Captains, whose name was Edward Vincent, was taken in a skirmish by the enemy at Pernence, and set at ransom at a hundred and fifty pounds, to make which ransom, his father being then in Flanders, a poor old man of seventy years of age, fell upon his knees before the Duke, weeping and imploring his help. But in stead of yielding him relief, the Duke bad take away the old drunken fool: the grief whereof struck the old man so to the heart, that he went home and died within six days, and his son for lack of his ransom was shortly after hanged at Perges. Pigot himself being some three years since taken, and Barn, between Gaunt and Bruges, were never relieved with any one penny towards their charges or ransoms, Pigot was suffered miserably to end his days in prison, and so had Barn also, but that his wife, by her solicitation, found such favour among his private friends, that he got as much as paid his ransom, but never could obtain one penny of the Duke, though she were an importunate suitor unto him.  
Lastly, came sir W. Standley and R. York rendering unto the King the Town of Deventer, & fort of Sutphen, the one with a Regiment of foot, the other with a company of Lances. Let us see how the one and the other was used. First, sir William Standley was confirmed governor of the Town he rendered, and his Regiment left there in garrison with the receipt of two months pay. For a while he lived in the greatest applause that might be: Cardinal Allen was written unto to set down Priests to instruct this religious regiment: he informed the Pope thereof, who both wrote jointly to the King to be good unto this regiment. Which being well and liberally entreated, as they had already at Rheims and Rome, a Seminary of scholars to pray and write for the catholic cause of our Country: So this conducted by so worthy and Catholic a Gentleman as sir William Standley was, might be a continual nursery and seminary of soldiers to fight for the same. Down came Priests thick and threefold, from France and Italy, many masses and much preaching there was: Gentlemen from all parts drew down thither, in hope of this good payment, and golden world that then was talked of. But what followed within short space, to weaken their number, three of their companies under colour of service, were cunningly drawn out of the Town by Verdugo Haaltephen, never from that time after being suffered to return to it again: and within a while after sir, William himself with the remnant, was commanded under the like colour of service, to come forth, being told that he should presently return into it again. And by this fine means was eased of his government, and such goods as he and his soldiers left, were spoiled & made booty of. And sithence that time his seminary soldiers, with all their religion, were never trusted in any town, nor never shallbe I warrant them. From thence they were presently drawn down into Brabant, where they wintered in the field without money, and in such great misery and poverty, that ten weeks together their chiefest food and sustenance in Turnolt, was unpoudered acorns, which they found in cellars: which diet the Priests not liking of, came to their Colonel to Antwerp, who to avoid the lamentations and complaints of his soldiers, had gotten him there a lodging, where you should never have found his table without a squadron of priests. Some did wonder, so worthy a soldier could suffer their indignities, which to avoid, some years since he went into Spain: partly to secure unto himself some estate of living, of which he now considering this dealing, began to doubt: partly by the invitation of the jesuits, with which order he is exceedingly enchanted, & to them wholly subjecteth: who dealt for him in such sort with the Cardinal, that he presently sent Parsons away into Spain, to inform the King of his worthiness, virtue, and experience of the sea coasts of England, but especially of his intelligence about Ireland, which in truth he presumeth to be very great. Parsons played his part in such sort, that sir William was presently sent for: who upon his arrival, did what he could, to persuade the king to send forces for Ireland: but belike there was not such credit given him as he expected, insomuch that he wrote Letters to H. Holt the jesuite in Brusels (which is one of those on whom he chief relieth) of great discontentment, signifying, that his entertainment was far colder than he expected. Within short space after, he was sent down to the king's Navy, lying at Coconia, whereas yet he remaineth. In the mean time his regiment began to drop and droop away, in such sort, that what for lack of sustenance, & what for ill usage, the number of them was melted to an hundred and fifty: which base and villainous usage the gravest and wisest of his Captains seeing, especially abhorring the treacherous practices of their Colonel, made by secret means humble intercession to her most gracious MAJESTY, to pardon their offences committed, and to grant them liberty to live in their Country: which of her most princely and royal benignity she granted, so as now they live here in honest and good sort, & can testify all this which I have said to be true.  
Having gotten sir William out of Deventer, yet York still remained a blemish in their eye, who always, notwithstanding their base usage, still flourished & bore his head aloft, ranging over the whole country with his Company, bringing in daily many great and rich booties: Him therefore fairly on a day at dinner, they caused to be poisoned, where likewise were poisoned with him young Richard Souch, & Robert Fen priest: but he belike having swallowed the best Boncon, they only met with the drams, so that he died miserably, and they fell sick and broke out into many pustles & biles, yet afterwards recovered, and did give this testimony. His breath was no sooner out of his body, but Fiorias a Spaniard, and Vandenberg, the new governor of Deventer, rushte into his lodging to break up his coffers, in which being withstood by York's lieutenant Edward Boncer, and ●is brother, they caused their guards at no one days to enter in upon them, and to murder them both in their own presence: which done, they broke up his coffers, took out his jewels, plate, and money, of which they found great store, appropriating the same to their towns use, which he by Testament had given to a little youth his nephew, being now at this present in England. Lastly, they chased his whole company out of the town, and spoiled their baggage at the gates. The poor soldiers being thus inhumanly deprived of their Captain and Lieutenant, and seeing themselves so vilely dealt with, repaired to Verslugo for relief, who for recompense presently cashiered them all without the receipt of one penny.  
Afterwards they gave out and published, that York was poisoned by subornation of the counsel of England, but, if there had been no other proofs (as there were infinite) yet the sequel of their doings, their murdering of his friends, and their robbing of his treasure, showed by whom it was done, and whereat they aimed.  
If these examples be not enough▪ to serve the turn, but that perchance you will say, he hath dealt better with private men. If you can name me but any one that he hath raised or advanced to honour, or that liveth richly or wealthily in his service, I will name you an hundred, that being Gentlemen of good houses and of worthy merit, have consumed, languished, and been brought to nothing in his service, some of them perished & died for lack of sustenance. You perchance will name Hugh Owen, and in good faith he is the only man that ever I knew advanced, credited, or graced in his service. And yet (God wots) all that he getteth, is no more than to maintain him in a mean estate and show, with a man only or two to serve him. Where on the other side I will reckon you up of those that are only for want of things necessary, and of pure poverty consumed and dead, M. Copley, L. Dacers, Michael Tempest, old Norton, Tremaine, straddling, Henry Carew, Edward Allen, Southwell, with sundry others of good race and credit in their Country: Copley being sick at Bevere, and in unspeakable distress and calamity, desired a Gentleman his kinsman, one Lo. Lewkner, to beseech Pedro de Olane, who then was Treasurer, to pay him upon an assignation which he had, only five pounds, protesting that at that present his life might there with be saved. The Gentleman performed his request with all instance and fidelity, as he hath often times told me, but could not obtain one penny. Whereupon he moved the Duke, but nothing would come, so that without finding any man that took compassion of his distress, his own Countrymen being unable to help him, he ended his life, though with patience virtuously and well, yet the state of so honourable a Gentleman considered, most pitifully, and in great misery.  
To recite unto you the names of those that do yet live so poorly and uncomfortably in his pension, would be too long, and therefore take them all in general (Charles Paget only excepted) and examine them one from another, from my Lord of Westmoreland downward, even to the very lowest: and if there be in the whole world a more miserable and discontented troop of Gentlemen than they are, let me never be credited in any thing else that I shall tell you. And because you shall yourself the better judge, I will tell you what payment they have, of such pensions as the king hath given them.  
They had granted them at Bruges the first day of August, in the year one thousand five hundred eighty and eight, a general Liberanca, to receive three months pay a piece of their pensions, since that time they have followed the Duke from Town to Town, making unto him sundry requests for the payment thereof. But if they have until this present day obtained the same, then let me not be credited in any part of the rest which I shall here entreat of. In deed some small time passed, Cosimo being wearied with their importunities and lamentations, addressed them to Baptista Spinola, a baker dwelling it Antwerp, giving them his Letter, and sending the same by one H. Haselwood, requesting him to relieve those distressed English Gentlemen, and to buy their Liberanca, which he doubted not but they would sell good cheap, greatly to his profit: the whole sum was ten thousand crowns, which Cosimo promised him should be allowed, and paid in the reckoning he had with the king. Haselwood in the name of the rest, offered him the said sum for six hundred. But Spinola utterly refused the same, saying he would not take it for two hundred, and withal he desired that he might not medldle any more with the king, wishing that he had not meddled with him so much. So that they were fain to return penniless, and do at this instant live in so poor and pitiful sort, that truly my heart grieveth to see it, insomuch that I knew a Gentleman that sold his part there, being four and twenty pounds, for three pounds. But perchance you will say, he giveth great pensisions, and entertaineth many of our Nation: it is true in deed, in show he doth so, and therewith doth blear the worlds eyes with a show of great liberality. But his payment and usage considered, (God is my judge and witness) I speak unfeignedly, I account it a far happier estate to be a doorkeeper in that your blessed soil, than to be here a pensioner to the king of Spain, I leave the judgement of the truth thereof, to those that have tried it: you have many amongst you, confer with them, and examine them upon their consciences: as for my part, in good faith I cannot imagine cause why he entertaineth us, unless it be to use us as stales, to allure others, considering the hatred that he and his bear us, and so under the dissembled colour of a false affection, to overthrow us all at last.  
Thus much I dare boldly say, because through the conference I have had with them, I do know assuredly, that even those of our nation which do most serve his turn, howsoever in outward appearance they seem for some particular causes to magnify and extol his liberality, yet in their own secret conceits they do imagine & know nothing in the world to be more reproachful, base, and contemptible, than to be an Entertain do in the king of Spain's service. As for example: you shall easily see what account is made of them. At such time as preparation was made at Brussels for the voyage of England, when they all expected to be made knights, colonels, captains, and conductor of the army, and to be filled with crowns, they were so far from those matters with which they flattered themselves, that in stead of being honoured and advanced, they were the only rejected and contemned people that followed the Court, all men being relieved with some months pay (they only excepted) and which is more, whereas they moved the Duke sundry times to know his pleasure, how he would dispose of them in this journey, telling him beside, that upon the well usage of them, depended much matter of importance, as the alluring & drawing unto them other gentlemen of their kinsmen and friends, who upon hope of the like good usage, honour, and advancement, would be able to do great service upon their landing: where contrariwise, in seeing them come over so poor in show, without credit, money, or arms, like lackeys, for so were the words of their request, it would be a cause to terrify them from undertaking any such course. They were by the Duke scornfully and with derision rejected, neither did he vouchsafe to give them any other answer, than only that he would think upon it. But on the night that they thought to embark, he departed, leaving them all behind, not thinking them any way worthy to be called upon, or to be taken with him. Whereupon the Lord Westmoreland and Paget, and sundry others, laid their heads together, and made their complaint to the Duke of Pastrava, by whom they were as basely and scornfully handled as by the other, insomuch that a great Spaniarde standing by, asked them whether they thought the king of Spain not puissant enough to win England, without them and their friends. Upon which answer the Lord Paget, that verily thought he should have been made one of the privy Council, and now finding himself to be had in so small account, conceived such an inward grief, that from that time forward he never joyed till his dying day. Sir William Standley also took it in such heavy and disdainful sort, that he was not called to the counsel of wars, whereas he presumed, and so gave out, that no man in the army knew more, or was better able in this voyage than himself, that he sequestered himself from the Country, and came malcontent, and hired an house in Antwerp, where he lived a most melancholy life four or five months, and oftentimes would burst out into such impassionate speeches, that the world verily imagined he would have professed himself into a cloister.  
Besides, the love the Spaniarde beareth us, appeareth by the speeches he daily useth in public assemblies concerning us. Once seeing certain englishmen pass by, as they stood a great many of them in a ring, (as they use) together upon the bridge in Antwerp, they said, They wondered what the king made with such vermin in his country, one of them swearing a great oath, that look how many Englishmen there were in the Low countries, there were so many spies and traitors. Another said, it were an alms deed to put them all in sacks, and throw them into the river. I could recite a thousand more such speeches, but that they are not worth the remembering. They are so jealous and suspicious of us, that if any thing prove untowardly in their service, they think it strait to be done by our especial means and intelligence. As upon the taking of Axhil by that brave and worthy soldier Sir Philip Sidney, of worthy memory, Mondragon presently imprisoned Paget within the Castle, took away all things whatsoever that he had worth any thing, and the rest he caused his men to rifle and steal, saying openly that we are all traitors and spies. To confirm the confidence they have in us, tell me what companies of English they have trusted within these ten years in garrison? I am sure you cannot name one. And whereas sundry Gentlemen amongst us have instantly sued to have their pensions granted them in the castle of Antwerp or Gaunt, because the payment is there somewhat better: No one hath hitherto been able to attain the same: so vile & base is the reckoning they make of us. I could allege unto you many other examples, of sundry disgraces offered unto our Nation, whereby we might (if we list) easily discover the hatred they bear us, the suspicion they have of us, and the danger wherein we stand, to have one day our throats cut. But this I hope, which I have already rehearsed, shall suffice fully to assure and persuade you, that here is no advancement, wealth, or reputation to be gotten, but poverty, peril, jealousy, and disgrace.  
Now let us see, touching the point of conscience, and repose in religion, if the same be to be found here, such as you expect. In matter of religion, I will not take it upon me to dispute, because it were to digress from my purpose, and beside, I never studied divinity: only making comparison between the comfortable freedom of the one, and the despairing slavery of the other, laying on the one side indulgences, pilgrimages, forged relics, fabulous devices, and auricular confessions: on the other side, the merits and passion of our Saviour jesus Christ, the invocation of his holy name, and true penitence proceeding from a contrite heart: on the one side men's traditions, and on the other side, the sincere and holy word of our saviour. I think the choice is not hard to make for him whose heart is not hindered with obstinacle and self-will opinion. But leaving this, and allowing your religion to be good, let us com● to the conten●ment which you might here receive in free usage of the same, together with the conservation of such other your country men which here do profess the same religion. First, I think you are not ignorant of the broils, divisions, seditions, and factions, which are here among them, some they call Patriots, some jesuits, some over negligent & careless in religion, other some over pure and hypocritical, some dunces state men; but the notablest of all these factions, is that between our Cardinal Doctor Allen, and D. Lewes' Bishop of Casane: on these two parties are all dependent, and so must you be also, if you were here, or otherwise cleaving to neither of them, you should be counted enemy to them both, and so within short space might put up your pipes, for you should be sure to be put up for a spy, or at the least so to be crossed in all your matters & pretences, that you would quickly, I warrant you, be weary of such entertainment: on the other side, embracing the one, what envy, what defamation, what slander should you not be subject unto? On the other side what oaths and solemn depositions must you make? Finally, you would think there were no greater purgatory than to live among these dissensions, jars, and tumults. These two factions I tell you off, have sought to overthrow one another's credit in the chiefest courts in Christendom, tossing to and fro such foul and filthy defamations, that all men almost cried out against them both. On the other side of the Cardinal, are dependent Hugh Owen, with the jesuits and their retinue of favourites. On the other side the Bishop of Dunglane a Scottish-man, the Lord Paget whilst he lived, Charles Paget, Thomas Morgan, the two Throgmorton's, Ra. Liggins, etc. The beginning hereof arose about the Cardinalshippe, to which both Allen and Lewes were comptitours: each one for the obtaining thereof applied his friends to the uttermost, but at length through the instant pursuit of the jesuits, and of their faction, were for ever after mortally hated, all those that had been ways or fautors to Doctor Lewes, but chiefly and among the rest Thomas Throgmorton, who had been one of the earnestest in that pursuit. The jesuits since have had many a pluck at him, but Morgan being wise, strengthened himself always with such friends, that they could never do him any hurt, but rather secretly he galled them: the which they seeing, and perceiving that that was not the way to be revenged of him, they took another course, and that was this: One evening as he came from the Church, they caused him to be assaulted by a young man called Gage, who giving him on the sudden a grievous blow upon the face, presently made haste away, and so for that time escaped, but was afterwards by my Lord Pagets' means and earnest pursuit apprehended. The jesuits and their part seemed at the first to deny that they had been the causers of that fact, but the sequel of their proceedings made it most apparent unto the whole world. For when Morgan, my Lord Paget, and diverse of their part, laboured very instantly and with often petitions unto the Duke, to have the rigour and severity of justice to proceed against him, of whom they had received this great injury, they to stop their mouths, and to prevent the mischief that might ensue, found no better means than to accuse Morgan of treason, laying to his charge sundry points of treachery touching the Queen of Scotland. Besides, they accused him to have been a setter on of Gifford & his assistances, in such practices as he had undertaken by sir Franc●s Walsinghams' warrant, and to that end sent Chryton the Scottish jesuite, to Paris, to take Gyffords examination. And withal, they made some of their adherents to take their oath before their Auditor general, that in their conscience they thought Morgan to be a traitor and a spy: unto the taking of which oath also, they laboured earnestly with sundry others, which (they not having their consciences so saleable as some of them) had refused and utterly denied to do: yet in the mean time while these things were in hand, with their forged accusations they wrought so, that Morgan was apprehended & clapped up in close prison, whereas yet he remaineth. But this broil hath opened such foul matters, both of the one side and of the other, that the whole Nation is therewith infamed, and held to be traitors & spies, and in good faith, in my judgement, not unworthily.  
Good sir, take it not in ill part, that I writ thus boldly unto you: for as near as I can, my endeavour is to let you know what hell, torment, and vexation it is to live here, among this unquiet, troublesome, & traitorous crew. I mean not this by them all, for there are among them some well disposed and honest gentlemen, whom they use in such malicious and wicked sort, that they make them in a manner weary of their lives. But the prettiest of all is, to see how smoothly they handle the matter with you in England, and how they do abuse your simplicity. They make you and other Catholykes of England believe, that what practices and drifts so ever they take in hand, are all ●or the zeal of religion and advancement of the Catholic cause, & the silly souls think all they say is Gospel, whereas (God wots) religion is the least matter of an hundred they think upon. The only point they shoot at, being lost Companies at home; is to make themselves great here, and to make you hazard your lives, reputation, and credit: and therefore they are always breeding of practices and conspiracies both within and without the realm, caring not what success they take: if they prove well, than they will have the praise, merit, honour, and reward thereof: if otherwise, than they say their good will must be accepted, and therewith they think to win the reputation to be counted great state-men, and contrivers of weighty matters, not caring in the mean time, for the security of them by whom they work, as appeareth by the example and fall of many brave Gentlemen of England, whom they by their treacherous practices have brought to ruin and destruction. They very well knew, that when they first began to set abroach the matter of Babington and his disloyal confederates, that the effectation thereof was altogether unpossible, as Mendoza the Spanish ambassador told Ballard the priest, their instrument in contriving the same, when he was first brought unto him in Paris by C. Paget, to desire him with all speed to inform the Kings his master of their intention, & withal, that at a day appointed they might have some force and assistance of men ready to corespond with them: but that was all one, so they might be counted men of great reach, and dealers in such high state matters, they spared not to proceed in enchanting those poor unexperienced young Gentlemen, in such sort, as to the whole world is manifest, and need not to be recited. Let all Gentlemen in England, especially papists, take heed and beware of their mischievous brood of caterpillars, for they speak so devoutly, look so smoothly, and write with such counterfeited gravity and holiness, that it is hard for any man to eschew their deadly baits; unless he thoroughly do first know their treachery, under which they do colour and shroud them. What hath brought master shellie into these his extreme troubles and peril of life, if her gracious Majesty of her great clemency & merciful disposition had not regarded him with the eyes of pity? Likewise, what hath brought the late Earl of Northumberland into trouble and calamity, and finally to that desperate and miserable end, but only these outlandish practices, & their conference with counterfeit Mopo, I mean C. Paget, who was sent out of France by this seditious troop, to undermine and overthrow both the one and the other? What beside hath been the cause of bringing so many other Gentlemen to the loss of their lives and livings, that lived before in ease, repose, and security of conscience: and which is more, were it not that that plot contrived the death of the Queen of Scotland, by setting her in continual practice one upon another, against the sacred person and royal state of our most gracious sovereign Queen, so that of violent necessity, her Majesty though unwilling and with great grief, at the general and instant petition of all her Graces most loving and faithful subjects, whose only weal and comfort dependeth upon her long life and prosperity, to satisfy them, and to preserve the state of her noble & flourishing realm in quiet, was constrained by cutting off that rankled and infected part, to yield ease, remedy and comfort to the rest of the whole body. I say not this only of myself, though I and all the world else do know it to be very true: but these their dealings have made them hateful and detestable even to those of their own religion. For that a fresh jesuite termeth them all in general in a Book, which he hath written touching the Queen of scotland's death, a viperous, mischievous, and faithless kind of people, treacherous to those they deal withal, disdainful, arrogant, ambitious, and worthy to be extermined out of the utmost bounds of the world. Besides many other such goodly epithets, with which he beautifies them in their colours, his whole book being nothing else but railing against English papists, wishing all princes, noble men and Gentlemen whatsoever, to beware and take heed of them: and that in such earnest, vehement, and invective manner, that it is not possible to be more.  
But some man perchance may demand of me what their meaning herein may be, or what credit, commodity or gain might have alured them to enter into these before said, so wicked and detestable imaginations.  
For answer hereunto: first I told you, that so they might be accounted and reputed for great state-men, high spirited, and great of action, to procure that reputation and estimation they care not whose estate they endanger. But besides all this which we have already spoken of, they have also further meanings and drifts, as those that do look deeplyest and dilygentest into their actions, do verily imagine, and have been by sundry their procedings evidently discovered, amongst which, the chiefest is, that as they are of all people living the most ambitious, so seeing this beggarly service doth not fit their humour, they do feed themselves with an imagination of the time to come, I mean a Spanish or popish world in this our country, at which time then they doubt not, the long time of their exile, sufferance, and lack of living considered (for so is their phrase and manner of speech) to become mighty and great men, and to have the principal rule, sway dignity, and great authority in our country. Marry again on the other side, considering that they are but base companions of births and living, and that there are in England many gentlemen of great quality and houses of the same religion, that would disdain to have such mates preferred before them in race, quality or degree: they ●aue gone (by all means possible they can) about by practice or colourable devices to root them out, so serving their turns two ways: the one to win reputation of men of service: the other, to rid themselves of other competitors. But (God be thanked) the chiefest harm their conspiracies have done hitherto, hath been to themselves, and they confounded in their own devices. And yet for all this, so many tragical ends of their so many traitorous proceedings, are they not moved with any spark of repentance. Neither hath the ruin of so many of you their countrymen wrought and contrived by their practice, allurement, and persuasion, bred in them any feeling of remorse of conscience, but rather are thereby animated & encouraged to set new devices abroach, with meaning in deed by sowing seditions among you, & by opposing you against the state, to make you the only instruments of the others ruin, and so to make the way open to the Spanish tyrant, to which end there is no week but they receive spies and spials from you. Insomuch that (I speak upon good assurance) there are at this instant among you above three hundred seditious beggarly priests, sent over by them to no other purpose. A little before the coming of the Spanish fleet, they sent four priests and two jesuits, in disguised apparel, thoroughly instructed to sound the meaning of such Gentlemen, as they thought to be of their religion, and to incline their minds to the Spanish cause, encouraging them to take Arms against her MAJESTY, to which end they printed in English many hundreds of books in Antwerp, barrelling them up until such time as the Army should have been landed, and then their meaning was to have dispersed them, full of the most blasphemous speeches and proud traitorous menaces, as well against her Majesty, as against you all in general, as never (I think) the like was heard of.  
Besides, they have obtained of the Pope, and of the king, that as many as had their voices in the parliament house, at such time as the Queen of Scotland was adjudged to die, of what degree so ever they were, should be deprived not only of their lives and livings, but that their posterity also should be for ever disinherited and disannulled. The like also they threatened in their books to all such, as well noble men as others, that should after the landing of the Spaniards army, persist in arms against the same. But all this by the goodness of God hath but served to discover their wicked intentions, and to animate all true Christian Englishmen, to persist with the greater love, unity and courage in their obedience to her Majesty.  
But returning again my speeches to you, (O unnatural Englishmen) to those whom you should obey treacherous and unfaithful, and of those that you do obey contemned and made slaves! how can you endure to thirst after the destruction of so sweet a country, in which you received your being, and that gave you nurture being young? What religion must that be, that animateth you to seek subversion of so benign a princess and of so glorious an estate? The old worthy Romans thought it the most heroical thing that might be, to vow themselves sometimes to death for their country, and even to spend their lives in defence of their altars, temples, and monuments of their Elders: and you seek to see your Country bathing in the blood of your parents, kindred, and friends, to see your cities, temples, and ancient monuments flaming in the fire, to see your virgins deflowered, and further, to bring the noblest nations to perpetual slavery and servitude, yea, and that of the most base, wicked, proud and cruelest nation that liveth, a nation not yet fully an hundred years since wholly they received Christianity, and as yet are in their hearts a great number of them, pagans & moors, from profession of which, they are only held by the severe bridle of the sanguinary and most cruel Heathen Inquisition.  
But that Paganism of theirs, which in their profession they dare not show, they do in their tyranny, blasphemy, sodomy, cruelty, murder, adultery, and other abominations sufficiently discover. If the Nunamantines, Saquntines, and Nessatiagis burnt their towns, slew their wives and children, and family themselves, rather than they would receive the yoke of worthy and virtuous Nations that invaded them, What should we then do, whom our virtuous ancestors have left honoured with the innumerable trophies of many victories, rather than to endure the insolent, wicked, and tyrannous government of that Nation, whom all Europe hath in horror, leaving to our posterity after us a perpetual servitude and bondage, and an everlasting memory of our cowardice.  
But leaving this until a fit time, I hope this that is already said shall be sufficient to make you clearly and plainly understand, that there is not to be obtained the sweetness, liberty, and tranquillity of conscience which you expect and look for, but rather turmoil and grief of mind, with a perpetual grudging and remorse of conscience, scandalised with infinite and innumerable examples of ill life, impiety, sodomy, blasphemy, defamation, and perjury. On the other side, towards her Majesty and the state of your country, you shall be held & reputed as a traitor, and of those whom you shall here serve, no better, who make no further reckoning of any of us, than as of base people, fugitives out of our country for debt, thievery, or some one heinous crime or other, thinking it a matter impossible (howsoever we disguise the same under pretext of religion) that any man being in his country of honest calling or means to live, should be so senseless as to exchange the same for a condition so base, beggarly, and infamous, as that which we do here endure: And so did a Spanish Captain in plain terms signify ●o sir William Standley, as they passed in the ordinary boot between Antwerp and Brussels.  
But now to the third point of my Discourse, concerning the mislike which sundry of you have of her majesties government, and the state of your country at this present, to seek to transport yourselves hither as into a haven of bliss & security. I will by comparing the one with the other, as near as I can, let you see the difference between them both, and so consequently, your error, as near as I can guess, & by report of sundry coming thence informed, this your disliking proceedeth of two points: The one, that your laws are too rigorously and severely executed against such as profess the catholic religion: The other, that the adversary hath buzzed a fear into your heads, making you believe that the forts of your state are too feeble to resist so mighty and puissant an enemy as the Spanish king, whose mighty treasures, many dominions, & armies of men they magnify to the skies, and therefore perchance you covet to join betimes, with the party which you do think most advantageous for your future security & advancement.  
First, touching the persecutions of Catholics, which our traitors here so much exclaim upon, filling whole volumes therewith, and aggrevating the same in terms most bitter and lamentable to foreign Nations. Let us see what reason they have. I would feign demand one question, If ever they did read, hear, or know of any one King or Queen, that did with greater mildness of lenity tolerate or suffer within his or her dominion a sect of religion opposite to the laws by him or her established, especially the same having sundry times rebelliously attempted against their crown, state, and dignity.  
Let them look (if there be men of judgement) into the ages passed, even amongst the Heathen, and into the present time among all the Princes of Europe, and if there be not any to be found that hath dealt with the like lenity as her Majesty hath done, why then do they so falsely slander her? Do they not know that she is the sacred and anointed Queen appointed by God to govern them? If they do, why do they not then with all penitency and humility, love, honour, and obey her, and praying to God to converther (seeing such is their desire) and not by traitorous mischief seek to murder and deprive her. They learned not that of the ancient Christians in the primitive church. But they will say, she hath executed many seminary priests: I confess she hath in deed by cutting them off preserved her realm from many diseases that rankled within the same. But yet hath she proceeded therein in so gracious and merciful a sort, that she hath witnessed sufficiently to the world, how loath she is to come unto blood, so long as there is any other remedy in the world to be used. For her MAJESTY knoweth, her council knoweth, you and I, and the whole world knoweth, that the coming of these seminaries, priests, and jesuits, to reconcile men, as they term it, to the obedience of the Roman church, is directly and absolutely to alienate and divert their minds from her Majesty, and to incline them to be ready to assist any enemy either within or without the Realm, that shall colour his cause under the pretext of religion. Her Majesty, I say, and Council, and all good subjects knowing this and foreseeing the danger that might thereof ensue, forbade by Act of Parliament these seminaries to enter into her Realm, or to use or exercise any such seditious doctrine, limiting there withal a time to such as were within the Realm, to depart out of the same. But this sufficed not, these good fellows think no laws good or to be obeyed, but such as they make themselves.  
In they came as fast as before, great numbers of them were taken and imprisoned, whom though her Majesty deservedly and with great justice, (especially the daily mischief stirred up within the Realm by their seditious practices considered) might have executed as traitors and rebels, yet the greatness of her princely clemency and compassion was so loath to come unto blood, that she caused them all once more to be pardoned, and to be put out of the Realm, but with express commandment never to return in like sort: in doing otherwise they should be sure to find no favour. All this would not serve their turns, but in despite of her Majesty and contempt of her laws, sundry of them returned, of which some of them being taken, have received the hire of their graceless disobedience and rebellious attempt.  
But that her Majesty seeketh not blood, as they most falsely give out, appeareth by her clemency used to sundry of them, taken by her soldiers in the Low Countries, who though they were of sir William Standley his crew and adherents, her most professed enemies, yet seeing they were not taken within England, she graciously pardoned them, and caused to be set at liberty, in giving some little recompense to those soldiers that had taken them prisoners. Where is then her rigour you speak of? I hope the king of Spain keepeth another manner of rule in his Countries, over all Spain, Portugal, Lombardie, Naples, and Cicilia, whosoever speaketh a word, or maketh the least sign in the world to mislike his religion there established, or any one point or ceremony thereof, his cruel ministers the inquisitors, cause without remission to be burnt alive: as for example, There was this last year a Citizen in Antwerp, one Gyles Rat a shoemaker, that going into Spain about some business, was apprehended for smiling at the Image of our Lady, brought before the inquisitors, and by them presently condemned to fire, and with him an Englishman for the like cause, whose name the Gentleman that saw them burned knew not: but he told me that at the time of their execution, there mounted on a scaffold thereby two jesuits, forbidding the people upon pain of Excommunication to pray for them, saying that they had delivered them both over in body and soul to the devil, as those that died obstinate and wilful heretics. I would feign know how he would do with Ministers, if he should catch them in Spain, as the Queen hath done priests in England. As for his Low Countries, I never heard but of two taken, and that was at the siege of Dermond, and they were both put in to sacks by the Spaniards, and thrown into the river.  
This is in deed tyranny, and not that which her Majesty doth, who is always ready to receive into grace and favour those of whom she hath any hope that they will become good subjects, and hath (as I have heard) offered even at the hour of their death her princely mercy and favour to some of them, if they would have promised to become good subjects.  
Oh how different from this is their proceeding here which you see so highly commended! But it is the nature of men, especially of those, whose judgements are not settled as they should be, always to mislike and loathe those things to which they are accustomed, thinking other to them unknown far better. If you did but once see the tyrannous usage & explication that is used in matter of religion to the poor people under the Spanish government in this Country, I doubt not but you would be of another opinion, especially the woeful slavery considered in which the clergy, or rather the ravening multitude of jesuits, Friars, Monks and priests do keep their mind subjecteth. It is not sufficient that they hold their minds in a perpetual despair, pronouncing upon every frivolous point damnation unto them: but withal, they compel them perforce to offerings, to buying of pardons and indulgences, to give them money towards the reparation of their Churches, pictures, images, and wax candles, always having one device or other in hand to rob them, and to draw from them their substance: for whosoever yieldeth not to every of these demands, is presently an heretic.  
The best houses in the Town they take violently from the true owners, and appropriate unto themselves, saying it is meet that God should first be served before man. There is no one day but the poor citizens are punished and pestered with one or other of their orders of Friars, Monks, Mendicants, Capuchins, Candles, and money towards the reparation of their Churches, and which they must not be denied, unless you will be presently accused for an heretic.  
But the best is, to see how busy and diligent they are when they hear of a wealthy man that lieth sick, and is in danger of death▪ This is their chiefest harvest and most optima praeda: then they commend unto him the poverty of their cloister, and the merit that he should gain, as being for ever to be remembered in their masses, as one of their benefactors: the jesuits and Cordelleres are at this present in process in Spain about this matter of visitation of sick men, in articulo mortis. The jesuits say that it appertains unto them, because their profession is active, and always stirring among the flock, and to do good in the world abroad, whereas that of the Cordelleres is contemplative, and so by consequence, most decent that they should contain themselves within their cloisters.  
The Cordelleres on the other side reply, that their profession is meekness, innocency, and poverty, and to do good unto all men. As for the jesuits, that they are proud, ambitious, aspiring, meddlers in matters of state, men of great riches, and covetous of more, and therefore by no means to be admitted to such as lie at the article of death, The matter hath been much argued of, and greatly debated in Spain, and beside, the jesuits have openly inveighed against them in the public schools of Louvain: yet notwithstanding how ever the cry goeth against them, they hold their own. But this by the way, seeing it comes so well to our purpose, I cannot choose but tell you a pretty jest that happened this last Summer in these parts.  
A Merchant of Antwerp, whose name was Hamiel, being sick of a consumption or fever ethic, the jesuits knowing him to be a man of great possessions, and without children, presently repaired unto him under colour of spiritual consolation, laying before him the vanity of this life, and the certainty of the world to come: with sundry other persuasions, as of all men living they have their tongues most at will, withal, commending unto him their order, as of all other the most meritorious, perfect, and acceptable to God, and to which our holy father the Pope and his predecessors have granted more indulgences than to any other order whatsoever: they brought the poor man, being of himself simple, into their society, thinking that there was no other way to be saved, and withal, before hand enfeoffed their college with his land, which was two hundred pound a year, giving them beside, much goods and rich movables, and when he had so done, died within three months after the same: his next heirs, by counsel of their friends, put the jesuits in suit, against which, though they opposed themselves withal vehemency, yet to their great shame and reprehension, sentence was given against them. Notwithstanding they would not give over, but by the means, aid, and support of precedent Pameley, who is one of their best children, they appealed from thence to the council of Brussels, getting the cause after sentence given to be removed, a thing unusual or scarcely ever heard off before, as yet there the process hangeth, by hook or by crook it is thought they will have it in the end. Another time a rich and wealthy Merchant of Antwerp, but one in that point whose devotion and scrupulocitie over-went his wisdom, coming to them in confession, and telling them of some unjust gain with which he felt his conscience touched, they presently with sundry terrifying speeches, told him that he was in the state of damnation, out of which he could not be delivered, until such time as he had made restitution as well of that confessed, as of all other money and goods that he had by usury unlawfully gotten, laying before him, Quod non dimittitur peccatum nisi restituatur oblatum: with sundry other such sentences, of which they had store: in fine, they put the poor man into such fear of conscience, that he yielded to make restitution, if so the same might be done without his undoing, discredit, or shame. Whereupon to comfort him again, but in deed fearing lest that if they dealt too rigorously with him they should get nothing, they told him, that if in stead of all such interest and injuries, with which he felt his conscience burdened, he would only be content to deliver unto them some such sum of money, as without his undoing, he thought conveniently he might spare, they would take it upon their souls to see the said sum employed upon good, virtuous, and charitable uses, to the greater benefit and merit of his soul, and as a thing more acceptable to God, and less scandelous to the world than if he should make restitution to whom it appertained, and that were by that his usury interessed. Whereupon the Merchant being well satisfied in conscience, gave them the money, and they him their absolution.  
But I will hold you no longer with the recital of these things, of which, if I would entreat, their impiety would yield me too much matter. My principal meaning and intention only, being to let you see, that under heaven there is no state so wickedly, impiously, and devouringly governed in matter of religion and conscience, as these here under the Spaniard. I think the recital of their miseries would rather breed in you admiration than belief, so far doth the same exceed the compass of all other tyrannies that ever were used, there being no calamity in the world of which they have not tasted of. Their noble men & rulers, in whose virtue and courage consisted their chiefest refuge in times past, when they were wronged and tyrannised, have been murdered, strangled, poisoned, and slain by the bloody ministers of their cruel king: they are taxed in great sums, and numbers of men sent violently into France and foreign wars, and the relics of their nobility forced to go with them in person, to their apparent slaughter, leaving in the mean time their countries in pray to the enemy, their villages flaming in fire, & their towns battered about their ears with the Cannon, their privileges are by wrong and tyranny taken from them, their cities that sometimes strived with oppulencie and glory with the goodliest and greatest of the world, are governed by base and barbarous Spaniards, bridled with their garrisons and castles, and foraged and spoiled by them, at such time as their payment faileth. No face of justice in their commonwealth, but the same is pliable to the will of such strangers as are governors of their towns, & captains of their castles, their goodly havens, harbouring sometimes with innumerable ships laden with merchandise from all parts of the world, are now frequented even of the fisher-boats, their traffic ceased, and their towns almost desert: in the most of which, of ten houses together, there are scarce three inhabited, their villages abroad burned and overgrown with bushes, their goodly meadows and fruitful pastures drowned many miles wide and long, by letting in of sluices, and cutting down ditches. The mansion houses and castles of their Nobility abused and thrown down, they errable ground waste and untilled, insomuch that there a man may have as much land as he will, and thanks withal, for the only manuring thereof. As for the poor labouring people of the country, for the most part they are all starved and consumed with hunger, of which disease, I myself have known two thousand die in one summer, so that you may ride in some places an hundred miles without seeing of a man, woman, or child, unless it be some poor silly soul that cometh creeping out of the woods hunger starved, more like confusitated ghosts, than a living christian creature. And yet all these in a manner happier, because they are at an end of their miseries, than such as do live within the inhabited places of the country, as Cempine and the land of Waste: and these of all the people in the world I take to be the most wretchedst. Over every village of these are appointed certain horsemen, to whom they are all to pay monthly contribution, some ten pounds, some twenty, and some thirty, some more and some less, I knew one village that paid an hundred pounds every month, called Turnolt: but they paid it so long, till all the dwellers ran away, and have now in a manner left it void of inhabitants. Over this village and the whole Country is appointed a commissary called Sygonio, for the payment of their contributions, of all tyrants living the most cruelest, and of least conscience. Who if they fail, and do not bring in their money at the last day of the month, he sends forth troops of horsemen to take the best of them prisoners, and withal, to drive home to their quarters or garrisons such sheep, oxen, or cattle whatsoever as they find in those villages, which he causeth, if the money follow not within five or six days at the furthest, to be sold at the drum or Trumpet, and with●●● forceth them to pay a great fine, the one half 〈◊〉 ●hich he retaineth to himself, and the other to the soldiers, for their outroads and forbearance of the money. But the misery of these poor people endeth not here, for besides all this, they are forced many times to lodge soldiers in their houses, as they march along the country upon service, at which time it is incredible what outrages they receive, their cattle killed, their corn threshed out and given to horse, their chests broken up, their goods even to the very sheets and tikes of beds, stolen and carried away by the soldiers when they march, themselves beaten, and their wives and their daughters abused: and in fine, what else is to the nature of man grievous and intolerable, they are constrained to endure. Neither is the condition of the poor citizens or townsmen any better, who being forced to receive garrison, and to lodge soldiers in their houses, imparting to them the best chambers and commodities of the same, never hearing from them any other word, especially if they please not them in all their exorbitant demands, than Perhamengo, Lutherano, Borchio, etc. Yet beside, they are daily wearied out with continual exactions and taxations, as the hundredth penny, the tenth penny, and once a year without fail, the fifthly penny of all their goods and lands, besides infinite other pillages and gatherings towards the making of rampires, bulwarks, ballasadowes, countercerpes, and the reparation of their walls, and to giving of munition, bread, beer, and cheese, to such soldiers as shall pass by their towns distressed of victuals, with infinite such like. I have known (I speak it of my faith) poor people of Antwerp forced to sell their beds they lie upon, to satisfy their tyrannous exactions, which if they should not do, execution of their goods, attachment of their persons, should presently follow. But which is most beyond reason, whereas within the towns the most part of their houses are vacant and unhired, yet the owners of them are taxed according to the value in which they were wont to be hired. Insomuch, that in Antwerp and other towns, it is a matter very usual for men to disclaim, and quit their own houses, thereby to be exempted of such payment as otherwise by reason of them they are charged with, and that they do iurisdicially before the magistrate, at which time the Ainan entereth in, and ceaizeth upon them to the king's use. Besides, when as sundry Gentlemen and other the inhabitants of this country, having certain annual rents issuing out and charged upon the kings domains in the Duchy of Brabant, at least to the yeerelye value of ten thousand pounds, some of the which rents have been by themselves bought of the states general, some left unto them by their parents and predecessors. The king unjustly and by tyranny disannulling the said rents, hath, and doth, without form of justice, take into his own hands the said demains, appropriating the use, commodity, and revenue thereof to the maintenance of his troops of horse men. But what shall I trouble you any longer with recounting unto you the assize, impositions, taxes, extortions, pillages, and heavy intolerable burdens laid upon this afflicted poor people, by their unjust and cruel king. Compare now (I pray you) herewith, your estate of government at home, and tell me which of them two you think to be most fortunate. Doth her MAJESTY deal in this order with you, whose government you so much mislike? Oh God, how can you be so perverse, seeing the blessedness wherein she maintains you, as not to acknowledge the same? How gentle are the helps and subsidies which she exacteth of you, without the undoing or hindrance of any man of whom they are exacted? And on the otherside, how profusely spendeth she her own treasure for the maintenance of your wives, and children, and parents, in repose, justice and security. Oh pray to God for her long life and prosperous estate, for in her consisteth the type of your felicity!  
But now to the other point of your mislike. Whereas the adversary hath beaten into your heads, that the state stands dangerous, as being far to feeble and not sufficient to withstand and resist so mighty and opposed an enemy as is the king of Spain, terrifying with millions of gold and innumerable nations over whom he commandeth, I hope by the clear and evident reasons I shall show you, to make you understand that the same of him is far greater than his force, and that there is no prince this day in the world whose estate standeth more tickle and ready to ruin than his, and that there is no cause why we should fear him, but many why he should fear us, First, that he is the most mighty and oppulent prince of Europe, I do not deny, if he had used moderation in his greatness, and acknowledged the benefits which God hath bestowed upon him with thankfulness. But such is the state whereunto his ambitious aspiring hath at this present brought him, or rather the revengeful hand of God which hangeth over his head for his horrible tyrannies and odious offences, especially for his wicked pariacide and murder committed upon the person of his wife, his son, and sundry others of his best and truest subjects: that he is in the midst of these his riches, indigent, poor, and indebted, unable to give satisfaction to such soldiers as he maintaineth, to which end he is forced to extort upon his poor subjects, and tyrannize over them. Of this his indigency and beggary, we see every day experience here before our eyes, his own natural subjects, the Spaniards, being the best disciplined soldiers he hath, and of whom he maketh greatest account, are forced for want of their payment, which is now three years behind, to cease his towns and artillery, to contemn his commandments and proclamations, & finally, to bend their arms & display their Ensigns upon the walls against the Duke. To remedy which mutiny, there was post upon post sent into Spain, yet in seven months there could no money be found. Notwithstanding many and most important detriments, he received by occasion of this mutiny, as the loss of Breda, the retardaunce of the French succours, the danger of Numigen, etc. whereas the whole sum they demanded was not much above fifteen thousand. Besides, do but look into the manner of his proceed in these Low countries with his soldiers, (of which because I have best experience I will chiefly speak) and you shall find nothing in the world more beggarly and indigent. Neither (as I hear) is it better in his other provinces, which verily I believe, seeing of all others it importeth him to use them best, as being his eldest, perfectest in discipline, and best experienced troops, and in fine, those unto whom he chiefliest reposeth, as the only upholders and maintenance of him in his tyranny. Yet was there never in the world, I dare undertake, king nor prince, how base, bankrupt, or needy so ever, in whose service so many brave soldiers have died of hunger, or that have used such cozening tricks & shifts to stop necessities, and to deceive his soldiers as he hath done.  
First, the country not being yet fully consumed, wasted, and destroyed, he authorised his soldiers to spoil and steal the goods and cattle of the poor peasants, forcing them to ransom their houses from fire, and their persons from murder, by which means the soldiers lingered in such sort, that I have known them remain three years together without one months pay. But afterward Antwerp being rendered, and by reason of the general devastation of the country, the soldiers failing to find their wont relief and pray, grew into so great and miserable extremity, that it was a great matter to find twenty soldiers under any Ensign. The Spaniards mutined upon the Staunda, whom they found means to appease with some few months payment. The Wallounds mutined in Laiskine, Hou●ke, and the land of the Wast, the Almains went by hundreds begging up and down the streets of Antwerp bore legged and bare footed, or in manner naked, the Italians starved in their quarters, and diverse of them being in garrison in Breda, ran thence to Huisd●n, & to other towns of the enemy. To remedy all which inconveniences, he found means to deal with the Italian Bakers of Antwerp for cloth and silk, as Northern kerseys, pack clothes, bay, refuse Italian silks, taking up the same upon excessive interest yearly to a certain sum: for receipt of which, and delivery out again, he appointed a Spaniard, one Christopher Cras●, a man of most wicked conscience, to be his Treasurer. Then he began to grant payments to the whole camp, horse and foot, and unto such Gentlemen and pensioners as were in great extremity, and had been long suitors: which they having received, were forced for want of money presently to make sale thereof for the third of that value in which they received it: so that a soldier having fourteen shillings a months pay, received only four shillings and six pence. And he hath his factors and brokers abroad to buy those said clothes and silks again, which he delivereth presently out of the first price to the next that comes, and so still forth delivering and buying the same again for the third part of the price, insomuch that with an hundred pounds he maketh ten thousand pounds in a year, and yet sometimes he maketh them stay four or five months before he will deliver them cloth, or any contentment at all. And sometimes he never troubleth himself with the delivery of the cloth, but causeth their assignation to be bought, as now at this instant sir William Standley before his departure had obtained a Liberanc● for two months for his Regiment, amounting to an hundred and fifty pounds, the payment thereof hath been deferred till this present, and is now sold in Antwerp to one of his factors for three score pounds, and yet he that sold it made a good bargain. I have known diverse that have sold diverse such Liberancas for thirty pounds, and eight and twenty pounds in the hundred. Yet this payment how bad so ever hath somewhat con●ented the soldiers four or five years, rather having that than nothing. But now also the same is dried up and come to nothing. Payments have been this half year very scarce and with much difficulty, for the merchants have at this instant utterly refused to furnish him with any more wares, both because the same wherein he standeth already indebted unto them amounteth to an excessive matter, as also he beginneth to wrangle with them, about the interest of which he craveth moderation: seeing beside before their eyes so many precedents of men ruined, undone, and dishonoured, such as he hath dealt withal, of which, what more apparent example may there be than that of S. Siveres a Portugal merchant, and one of the chiefest & best respected merchant of Antwerp, both for the wealth and credit which he possessed, as also for the security and uprightness which he handled: the Duke of Parma reducted of Antwerp, the passage of the river shut up, and the countries and towns afflicted with great dearth & scarcity of corn, at which time rye was at 44. S. sterling the virendell in Antwerp, & withal being daily cried upon by the general of Vibres for munition & come to victual the camp, the old store being clean consumed: knew no other means than to deal earnestly with this S. Siveres, and other merchants that had trade with Hanborough, Lubeck, and the Easterlings, which countries were replenished with corn, to make some adventure thither for the relief of the country: he amongst the rest showed not himself unwilling to enter into an action so charitable and virtuous, if so be his pains might be requited, and he sufficiently warranted and kept free from such danger as might ensue, either by peril of sea, taking of the enemies, or loss in the same: when it came to this end, the duke sent into Spain, and procured him the king's Letters of assurance in the most ample manner possible, encouraging him with much thanks and many promises to proceed, which he did with the adventure of most part of his credit and goods, insomuch, that he laded three ships, of which one was scattered by tempest, and cast away upon the coast of scotlan, the other two came safely home to Calais, but at that time such was either the ill luck of him, or the good luck of the country, that upon a new plenty harvest which they had, corn was abated from forty four shillings the Virendell, to six shillings, at which price the Duke, by the king's appointment, bought his provision and munition, utterly refusing that of Syveres, so that he was feign, whilst he made his suit to the king, to keep the same so long upon his own hands, that it venowed and waxed musty, in such sort, that he was feign to throw the greatest part away, without ever to this day being able to receive of the king one penny of recompense, insomuch that he was forced, to the wonderful grief, shame and confusion of him, his wife, his children and friends, having before time lived in the greatest honour and magnificence of any Merchant in the Town, to break bankrupt, and is at this present suing to the Duke, and the privy Council at Brussels, for a protection to keep his body from attachment.  
These are the rewards and recompense that this mighty Monarch giveth to those that employ their endeavours in his service. Of which if you do desire to have better experience, look but into the office of his Treasurer at Brussels, and there you shall daily and hourly see a token sufficient of his oppulencie and great magnificency, there shall you find a miserable troop of sutours, with assignations for money, granted them by the Duke, some of which have lost a leg or an arm, either through age or infirmity, that hath gotten their Licence and Passport to departed into their Countries, some pretending one cause and some another, but no one man able in two years following to get one penny: so that there is no year but a great number of them die in the pursuit for hunger, yea, and some of them even at his gates. Of my salvation I speak it, I have known some poor people, that for the some of six pounds have followed him three years: when either he goeth out or cometh into his house, he is feign to go through gardens and buy-wayes, to deceive his poor suitors, who otherwise assayed him, though in vain, with such ruthful cries, that it would pierce any man's heart to hear them. Which beggerlynesse and misery, sundry worthy soldiers of strange nations seeing, especially the base and unworthy usage which they themselves received, have abandoned that bankrupt service, as john Baptista de Monte, and Camillo de Monte, two warlike Captains, but now retained under two mighty States, the one General to the Duke of Florence, the other to the Venetians, who both lie in wait to cry quittance with him, and by God's grace shall one day have means to accomplish their desire. Then sir Martin Skinke, of whose just discontentment and valorous revenge, you yourselves in England are witness. Where are then the mountains of treasure that the mighty king possesseth? Or if ye say he spareth them to some other end, I pray you tell me to what, and when he will use them? If not now the danger of the loss of his country, fame, & religion, and the greatness of the causes he hath undertaken and considered. No, no, it is pure want & extreme indigences that forceth him to deal so, though he be rich, yet the greatness of the cause he is entered into, doth far exceed the means he hath to maintain the same. Upon the coming down of this last fleet he set up his rest, and lost it, not only his own, but that also of his friends, the pope, the Duke of Savoy, the Geneoises, etc. which set him into such arrearages, that I think he will not easily come out of them.  
As for the treasure of his Indians, where in deed consisteth the very marrow, strength, and substance of all his puissance, I confess the same to be great, yet his charges considered, making an estimate between the one and the other, it can no way be able to answer and countervail them. And yet the same hath been reasonable well impaired also, since such time as sir France's Drake and other of your worthy English captains by sea, have begun to firk him in those. For whereas before he was wont usually to wait his Indian fleet homeward with a Gallyasse or two, only their return accustomed to be every six months, he is now forced to maintain a great and mighty Navy of many ships and galleys, to his inestimable and continual charges. Notwithstanding all which, his return is seldom above once a year, and that oftentimes minglingly as may be, and yet they are sometimes met withal, some of them scattered, some sunk, and some of them also taken by our english ships.  
If you will know what these his great charges are, on which he is enforced to employ them. First, consider that he scarcely holdeth any country in which he is not constrained to hold garrisons of soldiers. As for these Low countries, I know it upon good and assured grounds, there hath been no year these twenty years, but they have cost him one with another two millions and more yearly above the revenue and other commodities received thereout, and yet how beggarly his soldiers are used, you have heard before.  
The rest, for Naples, Cicilia, Portugal maiorque, minorque, the frontiers of Arragon and Navarre, and Lombardie; he is fain to be at charge of many strong and mighty garrisons by land, and in the most of them many Galleys or other shipping in the Havens, and all along the Sea-coasts, none of which he can for his life diminish, for his government is so hateful, that none of these provinces are his any longer than he hath their heads in the bridle. And beside, his provinces stand so severed and disunited, that the transporting of his Navy from one to another is infinite chargeable unto him, insomuch that I have heard some of his Commissioners here swear, that there is no crown of his that cometh from Spain into these Countries by land, but standeth them in five roialles, so infinite is the charge of carriages, convoys, and commissaries, to deliver and receive the same.  
Besides all this, he disburseth yearly mighty sums of money to the Presian, to the end to keep the Turk occupied, of whom he standeth mightily in fear: and truly he hath reason, if her Majesty would condescend to such conditions as have been by this Turk to her proposed. But she like a christian princess, how greatly so ever to her advantage the same might be, will not do any thing whereby Christianine might hereafter seem to receive any detriment.  
As for Polonia, the same hath been incredible chargeable unto him, as well for the mighty bribes bestowed upon the nobles of the country, as also the charges of a great army of Rewtiers: he sent his kinsman Maximilian of Austria, what by force and what by help of the part which he had gained, & with his treasures, thought to invest him in the kingdom. The success of which enterprise I would not write, being to the whole world notorious and known. In the consistory of Rome he is feign to entertain a great number of those hungry Cardidinals in pension and fee, thereby to gain their voices when need requireth, which liberality of his he cannot by any means withdraw, for in so doing he should be assured to have them his enemies, and contrary to his proceed.  
Lastly, for conclusion, he maketh at this instant open wars with France, England, and the Low countries: What dame you then hereof? Hath he not (trow you) vent for his treasures? His father was a better soldier and a greater man of war than he is, and as mighty a prince every deal (his Portugal Indians only excepted) in place of which he quietly enjoyed these his Low countries, which in respect of their great oppulencie, abundance of riches, & convenientnes of situation, were to them accounted nothing inferior. And yet he never dared attempt to make wars upon France alone, but he first sought by all possible means to assure himself in friendship with England, giving to that end great and mighty presents to Cardinal Wolsey, and others of the council, that in those days were with her majesties father of worthy memory K. Henry the eight: whereas his son makes war with all the world carelessly at once, but the Italians have a true proverb, Cum tutto abracci●nes iunque string. And so I hope it shall far with him.  
Now as touching those his mighty and puissant numbers of men, which they say he is able to make, I take upon me to know the state of his forces aswell as other, and I herein of all other men know him to be most needy and wanting. For as for Spain, Naples, and Lombardie, of which his only force consisteth, and which are his chiefest storehouses of men, it is sufficiently known, that his drums have gone a whole year beating up and down, according as their manner is, to get together six thousand men, and those all shepherds, hedgebreakers, and such idle trewantly rogues, the most part of which he is forced to put in garrison for a year or two to fashion them, before he send them to service. I saw about two years agone a fresh levy that came out of Pastravia, who put them presently in the castle of Antwerp, drawing out the old garrison, the most silly naked snakes that ever I saw in my life, such, as in my conscience, a man in deed would beat ten of them.  
As for Germany, out of the which heretofore he hath drawn great numbers, and by their help done great matters before Mastrig in Freisland and those places, his usage hath been so base and miserable unto them, that the old soldiers are all starved and consumed in his service, whose calamity hath so terrified the rest at home, that no prince in Europe hath less credit to raise men there than he. And though there were no such matter, yet they are no way bound unto him more than to an other, their profession being to serve only him that will best pay them best, and yet if he should raise any of the alliaunces of her Majesty, and the situation of their Country considered, it should be a matter of great difficulty to join them with his other troops. Where are then his innumerable legions with which he means to overcome the world? Alliance he hath none, unless it be with the rebellious league of France: of them he can receive no aid nor comfort, themselves being miserable and distressed, by reason whereof most burdenous unto him, & yet there is no man living in the world less beholden unto them than he. For notwithstanding all his assistance, they would never yield to receive his forces into their towns or fortresses, serving only their turns on him for the present time.  
As for the pope and the Princes of italy, what fair weather so ever they do bear him, he both trusteth them, and they him, and great reason they have so to do. And withal, this malediction hangeth upon him, that as he is of all foreign nations disinherited, doubted, and abhorred, so both he and the very name of a Spaniard, is most loathsome and hateful to the rest of his own subjects. Insomuch, that in Milan the young Gentlemen have a pastime by night, which they call Caccia Marran, that is, putting on a vizard on their face by night, they go with their long rapiers or picked bastinadoes under they cloaks out in the Town to seek Spaniards in the stews or any other place where they think they are likely to find any of them, unto whom they give as many stabs and blows that they can lay upon them, insomuch that the Spaniards dare not for their ears abide out of the castle after shutting in of the gates. As for his dealing in Portugal, who knows not his cruel tyranny, and the hatred they bear him?  
But now come to her MAJESTY, and you shall find another manner of state of matters: her realm plentifully abounding in men of warlike disposition, of whom she is loved & adored: her wars are just, charitable, godly, & defensive, for maintenance of which, besides the trust that she reposeth in God, who hath hitherto mightily and miraculously defended her, she is allied in strait league, friendship & confederation with the most victorious & christian king of France, with the kings of Denmark & Scotland, with the Swissers, and with sundry princes and states of the Empire, all being her neighbours dominions, united with hers, and thereby ready to assist, aid, & succour one another in all such occasions as shall or may happen. All this then considered, tell me, I pray you, what occasion of fear or misdoubt you have. If you think the English valour not to be compared with that of the Spaniard, read but the Chronicles, and you shall find how much you are deceived: you shall find that a small army of Englishmen, under the conduct of that worthy prince of Wales, eldest son to Edward the third, passed in despite of them through Cavarre into Spain, and there in the midst and bowels of their own country, overthrew at Nadres their usurping king, Henry the bastard (of whose race this man is descended by his grandmother) being accompanied with the nobility of the country, and 60000. of the bravest fight men in Spain, & so utterly overthrew him, that they erected king in his place Don Pedro, their just & lawful prince of that kingdom, whom by main force they constrained all their cities and noble men of the country to receive. Read beside the valorous conquests achieved by john Duke of Lancaster, brother unto the said prince, in Gallicia, against Don john, son of the said Henry the usurping bastard: beside, the chronicles of Portugal are full of the material prowess of the English & glorious victories obtained in service of their king, to whose aid they were called against the said king of Castille  
But what need I run back into the passed ages to seek examples? Look but into the encounters that have been of late days between them and us either by sea or land, and you shall find that they have always carried the blows. As by land, at the encountering of Grain and that of Sutphen, where the honour of the world and ornament of England, sir P. Sidney by his adventurous valour was slain, besides many other bicker and skirmishes of less moment needles to recite. Of sea matters I account it bootless to speak, so greatly and above measure glorious is the same, & bruited through the world, of the worthy voyages of sir F. Drake, sir I. Haukins, sir M. Frobisher, C. Raiman, and the rest of the brave and courageous Gentlemen, who for the benefit of their country have not spared to make adventure of their lives and fortunes.  
But if you desire one example of all, let that then serve of his huge late fleet, with which, Golyas like, he threatened heaven and earth, & with which he thought to have circumvented and surprised at unawares her Majesty, whilst falsely, wickedly, and abusively, he entertained her Grace's Commissioners in Flanders with a treaty of peace. To which her Highness like a Christian princess, and for to avoid the effusion of Christian blood, was very unclinable. But God, as he hath always done, so at this time did he miraculously protect her Majesty in such sort, that through the great, careful, and exceeding valorous resolution of that most worthy and renowned Gentleman the Lord Admiral of England, of whose courageous behaviour and terror, with which he amazed them, the very enemy himself, though against his will, makes worthy mention. They were with a small number of English so fiercely and vigorously encountered, that their resistance not prevailing them, they were scattered, chased, and utterly discomfited, in such sort as the whole world knoweth, so that Lucan's verse, me thinks, may very fitly be applied unto them, Territa quaesitis ostendunt terga Britannis.  
Besides, what better trial can you have of the valour of their nation than this, being thirty thousand, the cream of all their forces, and about the assembling of which he had been three years busied, yet when they came upon the coast of England, dared not to land a man: whereas we the next year following, with a little Navy, containing not above eleven thousand men, under the conduct of the two most renowned Captains, sir john Norris and sir Frances Drake, landed in Spain, burnt his shipping, put his people to the sword, & his towns to the fire, and coasted thence along into Portugal, and there landing, marched in his country, even to his gates of Leisbone, with drums sounding, and ensigns displayed: from whence we returned unfought withal by any of his forces either by sea or land.  
These things well considered, me thinks you have greater reason to hope one day to see English Ensigns displayed in Madrill, together with the utter ruin of that proud tyrant of Spain and his holy Father the pope, with all their rabble, than any way to fear him or his proceed. And yet there is one point besides all the above rehearsed, out of which we may receive singular comfort, as that of which all other most deeply vexeth and afflicteth his cogitations, and which, no doubt before it be long, will give us a great advantage against him, and that is, the contention which he seethe to spring up in his own house, of which I will briefly discourse unto you the occasions, because you shall understand the same the better.  
He hath by several wives three children living, two Daughters and one son, the Son young of years, sickly of body, pale and weak of complexion, of wit poor and unfurnished, in a manner a very idiot.  
His eldest daughter, whom they call La Infante of Spain, a woman as by birth great, so proud exceedingly, haughty minded, and above measure aspiring, prudent, in her speeches majestical, in her countenance and actions courageous: her he hath always nourished under his own wing, acquainting her even from her cradle with matters of state and government. In which now, by reason of her long train and experience therein, she is exceedingly practised and ripe. With her, what weighty matter so ever he undertaketh, he participateth the same before, demanding her advice and counsel, spending sometimes whole half days they two in communication together. Upon her (the youth's weakness & simplicity of the young prince considered) are the eyes of all men thrown, upon her depend the nobility, gentility and commons, and innumerable troops of suitors, into whose hearts she hath so insinuated herself, that they do bear an exceeding love and reverence towards her, many mighty men have been offered her in marriage, as the Emperor Rodolph, the king of Scotland, and divers other, but she until she see what will become of her father, whom she seethe old, oppressed with infinite cares, and not likely long to live, upon whose death, her actions and manner of life doth assuredly show, that she is not of metal sufficient to give place to the young idiot her brother, but at least she means to part stakes with him.  
In Spain she knows there is no law Salic, to bridle her ambitious thoughts, but women may succeed as men, for so grandmother jovina did Ferdinando her father. Having these examples before her eyes, she feedeth her mind with high & ambitious desires, of which she hath made so clear and evident demonstrations, that her Father to prevent this mischief that he feareth, was forced this last year to assemble the whole estates of Spain, & to make them swear to be true unto his son, whom he presently caused to keep his Court apart, sending him sundry of his council, and commanding the nobility to be attendant on him, acquainting him, as much as in them lieth, with managing of matters of weight, estate, and government. Besides it is here bruited for certain among us, that the precedent of Artois Richardol, whom the Duke of Parma had sent into Spain, to make his excuses and justifications against certain points of treason, of which he was by the Duke of Pastravia and prince of Ascoly accused to the king, is now returned with commission to assemble the nobles & states of these Countries, and to cause them to take the like oath to his son, thereby to prevent as well his daughter as the Duke of Parma of their conceived hopes.  
But now to come to his second daughter, whom he hath long sithence bestowed in marriage upon the Duke of Savoy, with absolute promise & solemn vow between him and her, to leave her a kingdom for her dowry. She is a princess in ambition and high desire nothing unequal to her sister, but in wit & courage far her inferior, she & her husband both already take upon them in their manner, style, and usage, a state and title far beyond their dignity, convenient only unto kings. Altessa is the meanest phrase they will be spoken in unto, refusing any letters that are not so entitled, for such is the will and pleasure of the king her father. Naples & the Duchy of Milan they have already devoured in their hopes, which if her Father at his death leave not quietly unto them, they will be so bold as strain courtesy with his son, to get them perforce if he can. On the other side, the states of Italy like not such a mighty neighbour amongst them, and therefore to prevent both him and his father in laws desseignment, have made a most strait secret league & alliance among themselves, terming the same Ragoyne de Stato: in which are comprised the pope, the Venetians, the Duke of Florence, the Duke of Parma, the Dukes of Urbin, Mantua, and Ferrara: the duke of Parma dared not to enter in among them, but is forced, though none more agreed to dissemble and temporize than he for a while, he knoweth that the king hath been exceeding jealous, and seeketh, though slily and dissemblingly, his life, honour, & reputation. But above all, the dissension of Portugal, to which he persuadeth himself to have right, as in truth his title is better than that of the king of Spain's, sticketh deep in his stomach, Manet alta monte repostum, and we doubt not but one day when occasion shall serve, he will make the world witness of his discontentment, which the king well knoweth, and greatly feareth, but he must have patience, for he can hardly remedy it, unless the duke will wittingly overthrow himself, especially having these means in his hands which he hath, not only to work his own security, but to cry quittance also when time shall serve.  
But having now exceeded the limits of a letter, it is time I refrain my pen, hoping that these alleged demonstrations shall, if not to work the good effect which I desire in you & other Gentlemen of my country, yet at the least to manifest the dutiful zeal & love I bear unto the state of my Country, as to all faithful members thereof, in participating unto them such things as by painful and dangerous experience I have gathered, and do think necessary to be known, wherein I have used such truth, that I hope no man living shall be able to disprove me, though I doubt not but the same shall be by some maliciously censured, and myself subject to abide the brunt of their malice, being assured that I shall not avoid the poisoned rancour of their infamous defaming tongues and pens. For seeing they spare not in their traitorous speeches & infamous pamphlets, princes, noble men, & counsellors, men of great authority & virtue, it were folly for me to look to scape scotfree. But such is the joy I conceive in my good meaning, that I shall receive comfort thereof, as a thing greatly redounding to my credit, of such men as they are to be ill spoken of.  
Now lastly for conclusion, whereas you writ that if there were no other benefit to be gotten in these parts, but attaining the languages of foreign nations, with the knowledge of military discipline and affairs of matter of state, wherein you hear myself & others your countrymen have in these parts greatly profited themselves, it were a motion sufficient not only to make you leave your country for a time, but to hazard yourself to any dangers in foreign parts, I have thought good therein to let you understand, that albeit I must confess, that I have in those things profited more perchance, (without ostentation be it spoken) then others of our nation, for the most part have done: yet as the time now serveth, and the case now standeth at this present, there is no possibility that you or any other may in far longer time than I have spent, attain to the like: and if you could, yet the dangers that in adventuring the same you should endure, were far greater than the benefits you could possibly reap might in any wise countervail, were they such as might answer you expectation. In which respect, I pray you first consider, that when I came first over hither, the wars then here undertaken seemed & were in appearance to all the manner sort of men in the world. But intestine wars between the prince and his subjects, such as no other foreign prince, and most especially our most noble Queen & Sovereign was then nothing interessed: whereas since it hath been made manifest to the world that these wars and injuries offered by the king of Spain to those of the Low countries, whose laws, customs and privileges he hath most violently, tyrannously, wrongfully and periuredly broken, whereby he hath freed them from his subjection, yoke, and tyranny, and justly and deservedly for ever lost all such pre-eminences, prerogatives, authority, and jurisdiction as he pretended over them, as more amply appeareth in the ancient records of the privileges of these nations, which both he & his predecessors at their entry of government into these provinces have solemnly vowed and sworn to maintain all in general, and every in particular inviolate, & upon that covenant and condition they have reciprocally sworn to him due fidelity and obeisance, he failing in the one, they to be exempted from the other. Noreover, her Majesty seeing the lamentable and most pitiful cause of her distressed neighbours and allies, finding no other possible means by labourers, suits, messages, & sundry Ambassadors which she most honourably sent to the king of Spain for pacifying the said troubles, and reconciling the said king and those: sometimes his said subjects have been enforced to take pity and commiseration of their most miserable and afflicted estate and distress, and for their relief, to her excessive & almost importable charges, to undertake a most just, godly, and charitable defensive war against those that daily seek the blood, lives, goods, lands and liberties of the inhabitants of the said distressed nations. Since which being published, I think it not only unlawful, but also a most heinous and capital crime and offence for any her majesties subjects to serve on the contrary part.  
Besides, it shall be good for you & all other good subjects of her Majesties, to remember that consideration being had by her Majesty and her most honourable prudent council, of the looseness of many of her subjects, and small respect they had to her Highness & country, & as little to their own safety, her Majesty hath caused to be published & set forth diverse laws, ordinances, proclamations, and inhibitions, whereby all her subjects (except known merchants and strangers) are straightly forbidden to pass the seas into any foreign parts without especial licence of her Majesty at this time. Therefore if you or any other her Grace's subjects, shall now attempt to pass the seas without lawful licence, there is no reason why you should expect any other than the rigour of the laws & justice, & to be holden guilty of cases capital, especially such as shall serve under so open and professed an enemy to the crown and state.  
Further, I pray you to have in consideration, that when I came over hither, the case so stood as all Gentlemen of any quality or merit, were gratefully received, and employed in good & honourable services: whereas since the Spaniard hath professed himself open enemy to her Majesty and the state of her realm, he hath had all Englishmen in very base account, being jealous & extremely suspicious of those that be most inward with him, & who for his sake have made shipwreck not only of their honour and credit, but also of their loyalty, duty and allegiance to her Majesty and their native Country. Examples whereof are infinite, and partly touched in my Discourse before set dowue.  
Besides, there is of late crept into that nation a viperous brood of jesuits and priests, most dangerous & malicious enemies to her Majesty, and to their own country vile and pernicious, instruments of the pope and his adherents, who daily (as it is manifest to them that have knowledge and experience of them & their actions) seek nothing more than the utter ruin, pulling down, and destruction of her Majesty and their country, which bred and nourished in them, & all true professors of the Gospel and christian religion throughout christendom, he therefore that thinketh to live amongst these pernicious people in any credit or account, let him, as he worthily doth deserve, be accounted besides his wits, or else disobedient and traitorous to God, her Majesty, & his country.  
As for my part, seeing the impiety of this place and the wicked and detestable end whereto their drifts & practices are directed, I have long since retired myself, living aloof from them, abandoning and utterly rejecting the merit of my long service, & all such hopes and preferments, which I might as well as any man else of my quality of my nation have pretended and should have as soon obtained. And have ever since by all possible means, as well by myself as by my friends, laboured with her majesties most honourable privy council about my return, which by the special grace & benignity of my Sovereign, I am in comfort shortly to obtain, desiring to spend my poor talon, and the residue of my life in the service of her Majesty, my most honourable princess & sovereign Lady, whom God of his everlasting goodness bless with many years, & endless prosperity, to the joy of her subjects, and all faithful christians dispersed throughout the whole world.  
Finis.