TWO BOOKS Of Constancy.  
Written in Latin, by justus Lipsius.  
Containing, principally, A Comfortable Conference, in common calamities.  
And will serve for a singular consolation to all that are privately distressed, or afflicted, either in body or mind.  
Englished by JOHN straddling, Gentleman.  
Printed at London by Richard johnes, at the sign of the Rose and Crown near S. Andrew's Church in Holborn. 1595.   

To the right worshipful Sir Edward straddling Knight.  
Having lately undertaken (right Worshipful) the translating of this treatise into the english tongue, intending to gratify you therewith, I think it not amiss to show the reasons that first moved me thereunto: Now after it had been extant in the latin so many years, and of them not a few hath lain neglected in my study without attempting any such matter. It may therefore please you to call to remembrance, how about Christmas last, master james Thomas a studious gentleman, your kinsman and my good friend, coming to your house to visit you, we happened to fall in talk of some books wherein I had done mine endeavour by translating to pleasure you: Among which I chief approved that 
(a) Antimachiavell.  wherein I last laboured, being by the Author thereof very learnedly handled, & having a notable Subiette, to wit, 
(b) Lipsius' politics.  matter of policy and government in peace and war. Whereupon the gentleman recommended unto me an other excellent book of that argument, upon which he wished me to bestow some pains for your pleasure, whom he perceived to be greatly delighted with such exercises. I promised him so to do. But at his return to London soon after, he advertised me that the same book was englished, which in deed is very well and sufficiently performed by a learned gentleman, with no small labour to him, and some ease to me. Afterwards seeing the method of this writer so much pleased me, (as I think it can displease no man that taketh pleasure in reading) I called to mind this treatise of CONSTANCY, which came to my hands about ten years past, being a student in Oxford. And considering of it with better advisement than ever I did before, it seemed unto me a work not unworthy your good consideration. And therefore albeit I know well your judgement to be very sufficient in understanding latin writers far more profound than this: yet aswell to make the same somewhat more familiar & plain unto you, as also that you may impart it to such of your friends as pleaseth you, and finally to show my ready disposition in gratifying you to my power, I have reduced it into english, I fear me, with more haste then good speed, not having spent full five weeks there about, as you very well know. Wherein I traveled with the more pains for bringing forth this untimely birth, to the end it might receive his perfect consummation against this day of your birth, whereunto I had respect when I first took the work in hand. And thus I earnestly recommend the preservation of it to your favourable protection, praying you to accept in good part my little labour, proceeding from no little good will. And so I wish to yourself & to my good lady your spouse all happiness, beseeching God long to preserve you both. From my chamber in your castle of Saint Donatts. The xiii of june. 1594.  
Your poor kinsman to command: john straddling.   

The Epistle to the Reader.  
AFter I had translated this treatise (friendly reader) and presented it to him for whose private use I intended it, being moved thereunto upon occasion in the former epistle declared: it seemed not amiss to the patron to have the same published for the benefit of many. Whose judgement I could not but very well approve in respect of the matter, being both comfortable and pleasant to be red, and withal very orderly laid down, and handled after an unaccustomed yet most familiar) manner.  
Understand, that I have for brevities sake purposely omitted the epistles before the book, which are three: (being loath to pesterre thee with a packet of letters at the first) Only I do here allege out of them a few things written by my Author in his own defence. And first whereas some men pretend he hath not handled this argument devoutly enough in that he apply not places of holy scripture to his purpose: 
A defence for the Author.  As he accepteth well of their admonition, so his answer is that seeing he professeth himself herein no divine, but a philosopher, (yet a Christian philosopher) they ought to bear with him. He acknowledgeth the only direct pathway to salvation to be comprised in those sacred books: but that good letters withal, and the writings of philosophers are both an ease and help for us to attain unto the understanding of them, and do further us in the way of virtue and godliness, howsoever some new Domitian's maintain the contrary, seeking to abolish all good arts & knowledge in humanity. That he writeth so highly in commendation of RIGHT REASON, although some times with the words of the Ancients: yet he accounteth no reason pure or right except it be directed by God & illuminated by faith. If in writing of destiny & other like profound matters his tongue (through an ardent and earnest intent of a good meaning mind) happened any where to trip or his pen to slide; Be not thou too rigorous towards him for it, he yieldeth to amend whatsoever shallbe proved amiss. He professeth himself of the number of those that have godliness rather in heart, then in their mouth; And liketh not the time that is fruitful of religious, and fruitless impiety. Finally he is none of those subtle sophistical janglers, that place philosohie in the quirks and quiddities of crabbed questions. But he directeth his study to the forming of good manners, and moderating of affections, (especially fear, and sorrow in adversity) whereby he may at length be safely harboured in the haven of a contented mind. A notable testimony whereof he hath left us in these two books, to the singular comfort of all that list to read them.  
In englishing whereof I have endeavoured the best I could to perform the duty of an interpreter, keeping always the sense and meaning of my author; 
A reason of the translators doings herein.  yea the very words precisely in all definitions, distributions, distinctions & such like principal heads of matter, deciphering them in a greater letter; As the places quoted out of other writers, in a lesser. The marginal notes appear to be of two sorts; Some answering to the places in the text directly against them, serving for quotations or expositions: (with these letters a. b. c. etc.) Others containing a brief sum of the whole matter of each chapter by a perpetual continuation, as if all of them were but one entire note. And even so the contents before every chapter have not always in them a perfect and full sense, but depend many times upon the contents next following. In all these I swerver not from my printed copy, saving that I have added a few marginal notes for expositions sake where need required. Lastly I have with some more care and diligence of mine own, reduced the sum of both books into a large and plain table containing the argument of the whole conference under one view, the better to help thy memory, if it please thee to consider of the matter with more mature deliberation.  
If thou reap any pleasure or profit by this discourse, give thanks (next unto God) to my Author; then to the patron, for whom only and by whom the same was both englished and published. For mine own part I desire no more but courteous acceptation of my travail, I hope I deserve no less. A little goodwill and a few good words for many days work, is no unreasonable reward: And he that grudgeth to give such bare wages, as I would be loath to be his man, so if himself were bound to serve a bad master seven years after the same rate, I wots well he would mislike his penniworths before that prenticeship were expired, and ever after look on other men's labours with a more favourable eye. But for thee (courteous reader) at whose hands I doubt not to receive better entertainment, I beg heartily of him which giveth every good gift, that by reading & meditating upon this little treatise, it will please him to work in thy mind such a firm impression of CONSTANCY, as neither the violent floods of common calamities may be able to wash away, nor the fiery flame of private afflictions to consume the same: But that as a plant set in good ground, watered with the fruitful streams flowing in 
(a) I mean the Greek and latin phrases.  golden and silver cisterns from the sweet fountain of Lipsius, and conveyed to thee through these clayey conduite-pipes of my tempering, thou mayst take deep root, and stand immovable against all the blasts of fortune, neither terrified with fear of future mishap, nor dismayed for any perils present or past. Which victory though it seem full of difficulty, yet if thou take unto thee the armour and weapons here offered, having an indifferent courage of thine own, thou shalt assuredly remain a conqueror of those self affections, which do tyrannize over the greatest tyrants, holding their minds in more servile subjection, than they do the bodies of their vilest captives. Farewell. From the castle of Saint Donatts the xxiiii day of August. 1594.  
Thine to do thee good: Io. straddling.   

The Printer to the courteous Reader.  
IN perusing this book, if thou find any faults which have escaped in the printing, I pray thee to correct them with thy Pen. Afterwards read the book thoroughly, and believe me no more, if thou find not therein sufficient cause te think thy labour well bestowed:   

justus Lipsius his first Book of CONSTANCY.  

Chapter. I. A Preface and introduction: Also a complaint of the troubles of the Lowe-cuntreyes.  
A Few years past, as I traveled towards Vienna in Ostrich, I turned aside (not with out God's direction) to the town of Liege, being not far out of my way, and where I had some friends, whom both for custom, and good will I was persuaded to salute. Among whom was Charles Langius, 
The praise of Charles Langius.  a man (simply and without boasting be it spoken) for virtue and learning the chief of the Flemings. Who having received me into his house, tempered mine entertainment, not only with courtesy and good will, but also with such communication as was profitable unto me, and will be whiles I live. For he was the man that opened mine eyes by driving away the clouds of some vulgar opinions: he showed me the pathway whereby I might directly come (as Lucretius saith) 
To the lofty temples of Sages right,  
By the clear beams of Learning's light.   
For, as we walked in the porch of his house after noon, the hot sun towards the end of june, being in his full force, he asked me friendly of my journey, and the causes thereof. To whom when I had spoken much of the troubles of the Low-countries, of the insolency of the governors and soldiers, 
●he mischiefs of civil wars.  I added last that I pretended other excuses, but this in truth was the ●ause of my departure. For (said I) who is of so hard and flinty a heart that he can any longer endure these evils? we are tossed, as you see, these many years with the tempest of civil wars: and like Seafaring men are we beaten with sundry blasts of troubles and sedition. If I love quietness and rest, the Trumpets and rattling of armour interrupt me. If I take solace in my country gardens and farms, the soldiers and murderers force me into the Town. Therefore (Langius) I am resolved, leaving this infortunate and unhappy Belgica (pardon me my dear Country) to change Land for land, 
Flaunders.  and to fly into some other part of the world, where I may neither hear of the name, nor facts of 
(a) Petwixt whom horrible incest and murder were committed.  Pelops brood.  
Hereat Langius much marveling and moved: yea (friend Lipsius) and will you thus leave us? Yes truly (said I) I will either leave you, or this life. How can I fly from these evils but only by flight? For, to see and suffer these things daily as heretofore, I cannot, Langius, neither have I any plate of steel about my heart. Langius sighed at these words, and therewithal said unto me, O fond youngling, what childishness is this? Or what mindest thou to seek safety by flying away? Thy country (I confess) is tossed and turmoiled grievously: What part of Europe is at this day free? 
The troubles of Europe, which do threaten a subversion, or conversion.  So as thou mayst conjecture that saying of Aristophanes to prove true.  Thundering jupiter will turn all things up side down. 
Wherefore (Lipsius) thou must not forsake thy country, but thy affections. Our minds must be so confirmed and conformed, that we may be at rest in troubles, and have peace even in the midst of war. Hereto I, rashly enough, replied: Nay surely, I will forsake my country, knowing that it is less grief to hear report of evils, than to be an eye-witness unto them: Besides that, 
A common remedy of avoiding troubles, to flee from them.  thereby we ourselves shall be without danger of the lists: Mark you not what Homer wisely warneth? Be out of the weapons reach, lest that happily some man add one wound unto another.   

CHAPT. II. That traveling into foreign countries is not available against the inward maladies of the mind: That it is a testimony of them, but not a remedy against them, except only in state and first motions of the affection.  
LAngius beckoning somewhat with his head: I hear thee (Lipsius) but I had rather thou wouldst hearken to the voice of wisdom and reason. 
The former opinion confuted.  For these mists and clouds that thus compass thee, do proceed from the smoke of OPINIONS. Wherefore, I say with Diogenes, Thou hast more need of reason, than of a rope. That bright beam of reason (I mean) which may illuminate the obscurity of thy brain. Behold, thou forsakest thy country: Tell me in good sooth, in forsaking it, canst thou forsake thyself also? 
The original of trouble is ourselves.  See that the contrary fall not out: And that whither soever thou go, thou carry not in thy breast the fountain and food of thine own grief. As they that be holden with a fever, 
Therefore change of places cannot take them away:  do toss and turn themselves unquietly, and often change their beds through a vain hope of remedy: In like case are we, who being sick in our minds do without any fruit, wander from one country to another. This is indeed to bewray our grief, but not to allay it. 
But only bewray them.  To discover this inward flame, but not to quench it very fitly said that wise 
(a) Sen●ca.  Roma●ne: It is proper to a sick person not to suffer any thing long, but to use mutations in steed of medicines: Hereof proceed wandering peregrinations, and walkings on sundry shores: And our INCONSTANCY, always loathing things present, one whiles will be upon the sea, and incontinent desires the land. Therefore you fly from troubles always, but never escape them, not unlike the Hind that 
(b) 4. of his Ae●eidos.  Virgil speaketh of, Whom ranging through the chase, some hunter shooting far by chance All unaware hath smit, and in her side hath left his lance, She fast to wilderness and woods doth draw, and there complains, But all in vain: because as the Poet addeth, — That underneath her ribs the deadly dart remains. So you that are wounded with this dart of affections, do not shake it out, but in traveling carry it with you to an other place. He that hath broken his thigh or his arm, listeth not, I trow, to go on horseback, or into his chariot, but to a Surgeon: And what madness is this in thee, to seek remedy of this inward wound by motion, and trudging from place to place?  
It is the mind that is wounded, 
For it is a disease of the mind.  and all this external imbecility, despair & languishing, springeth from this fountain, that the mind is thus postrated and cast down. The principal and sovereign part hath let fall the Sceptre, and is become so vile and abject, that it willingly serveth his own servants. 
Which no place hath power to cure  Tell me, what good can any place or peregrination work in this case? Except happily there be some region in the world which can temperate fear, bridle hope, and draw out these evil dregs of vice, which we have sucked from our infancy. But none such is there, no not in the fortunate islands: Or if there be, show it unto us, and we will all hasten thither in troops.  
But you will say, that the self mutation and change, hath that force in it: And that the daily beholding of strange fashions, men, and places doth refresh and lighten the mind loaden with oppressions. 
No nor the self change or alteration  No (Lipsius) you are deceived. For, to tell you the truth plainly, I do not so much derogate from peregrination and traveling, as though it bore no sway over men and their affections yes verily, it availeth, but yet thus far, to the expelling of some small tediousness and weariness of our minds, not to the curing of maladies rooted so deeply, 
Although th● same do lighten and lesser some kind o● tediousness.  as that these external medicines cannot pluck them up. Music, wine, and sleep have oftentimes quenched the first enkindled 
(a) The Stoical these first motions against Reason▪ Affections. Bu● being reiterated and continued long, they name them diseases.  sparks of anger, sorrow, and love: But never weeded out any settled or deep rooted grief. Likewise I say, that traveling might perhaps cure superficial scars, but not substantial sores. For, these first motions having their original from the body, do stick in the body, or at the most do but cleave to the utter velme of the mind (as a man may say) And therefore no marvel is it, though with a sponge they be lightly washed away: Otherwise it is of old festered affections, which hold their seat, 
Yet old festered affections are not dimished by such outward means.  yea & sceptre in the castle of the mind. When thou hast gone far, and wandered every sea and shore, thou shalt neither drown them in the deep sea, nor bury them in the bowels of the earth. They will follow thee at an inch: And (as the Poet saith) foul care will sit close in the skirts of footman and horseman.  
One demanding of Socrates how it came to pass that his traveling did him no good. Because (said he) thou forsookest not thyself. So say I, that whither soever thou flee, thou carriest with thee a corrupt mind, no good companion. And I would to God he were but as thy companion, I fear lest he be thy captain, in that thine affections follow not thee, but thou them.   

CHAPT. III. But deep settled diseases of the mind are not taken away thereby, no nor any whit mitigated: But rather revived. That it is the mind which is sick in us, which must seek remedy from Wisdom and Constancy.  
YOu will say then, what? Doth traveling detract nothing at all from these great evils? 
An objection prevented.  Doth not the sight of fair fields, rivers and mountains put a man out of his pains? it may be they withdraw us from them, but yet for a very short time, and to no good end. Even as a picture be it never so exquisite, delighteth the eyes a little while: 
And in change of places there seemeth to be some solace, which in truth is not.  So all this variety of persons and places pleaseth us with the novelty, yet but only for a short season. This is a certain declining from evils, but no avoiding of them: And peregrination may well be said to slack the bands of sorrow, but not to lose them. What doth it boot me to behold the Sun for a season, and immediately to be shut up in a close prison? So it cometh to pass that these external pleasures do beguile the mind, 
But the mischiefs are aggravated thereby.  & under pretence of helping, do greatly hurt us.  
Like as medicines that be weak in operation do not purge ill humours, but provoke them: So these vain delights do kindle and inflame in us the fuel of affections. The mind strayeth not long from itself, but whether it will or not, is soon driven home to his old harbour of adversities. Those very towns and hills which thou shalt behold for thy comfort, will reduce thee in conceit into thine own country: And even in the midst of thy joys thou shalt either see or hear something that will rub-rawe the old gall of thy griefs: Or else if it be so that thou take thy ease a while, it will be but short as a slumber, and when thou awakest thy fever will be as it was, or more fervent. For we see that some lusts do increase by intermitting them, & by delays gather deeper root. Therefore (Lipsius) let pass these vain, yea noisome, not remedies, but poisons: and be content to endure the true curing cortasives. Would you feign change countries? nay rather change your own mind wrongfully subjecteth to affections, 
The true remedy consisteth in the change and alteration of the mind.  and withdrawn from the natural obedience of his lawful Lady, I mean REASON. The corruption and defiling whereof causeth in thee this despair & languishing. The mind must be changed, not the place: And thou shouldest transform thyself into an other manner of man, not into another place. Thou hast an earnest desire to see the fruitful country of Austria, 
The curious cark of travelers about external matters.  the good strong town of Vienna, Dunawe the chief rivers, with many other rare novelties which may work admiration in the hearers▪ How much better is it that thine affection were as firmly settled to the obtaining of wisdom? That thou shouldest walk through her fertile fields? That thou wouldst search out the very fountain of all humane perturbations? 
Which were better to be referred to internal: And to seek things profiting, more than pleasing  That thou wouldst erect forts and bulwarks wherewith thou mightest be able to withstand and repulse the furious assaules of lusts? These be the true remedies of thy disease, all the residue do but feed and foster the same. This thy wandering into other countries shall not avail thee, it shall nothing boot thee. 
To pass so many towns of Greekish land,  
Or scape by flight through mids of hostile band.  For thou shalt still find an enemy about thee, 
Troubles are always companions ready at hand with us.  yea even in that closet of thine. (And therewithal he struck me on the breast) what good will it do thee to be settled in a peaceable place? Thou carriest war with thee. What can a quiet habitation benefit thee? Troubles are ever about thee yea in thee. For this distracted mind of thine warreth, and ever will be at war with itself, in coveting, in flying, in hoping, in despairing. And as they that for fear turn their backs to their enemies, 
Therefore we ●ust resist & ●●ght against ●orrow, with ●he weapons of Constancy.  are in the greater danger, having their face from their foe, and their backs unarmed. So fareth it with these ignorant novices, who never have made any resistance against their affections: but by flight yielded unto them. But thou young man, if thou be advised by me, shalt stand to it, and set sure footing against this thy adversary SOROW. Above all things it behoveth thee to be CONSTANT: For by fight many man hath gotten the victory, but none by flying.   

CHAPT. FOUR The definitions of Constancy, Patience, Right Reason, Opinion: also how Obstinacy differeth from Constancy, and Baseness of mind from Patience.  
I Being somewhat emboldened with these speeches of Langius, said unto him, that truly these admonitions of his were notable and worthy to be esteemed, and that I began now to lift up myself a little, but yet in vain, as it were a man in a slumber. For surely (Langius) to tell you the truth, my cogitations do slide back again to my country, and the cares of the same both private and public fast in my mind. But, if you be able, 
(a) He alludeth to the fable of Prometheus, whose heart is continually fed only Eagles, and yet consumeth not.  chase away these evil birds that thus feed upon me, and lose those bands of cares wherewith I am tied fast to this Caucasus.  
Hereto Langius with a smile countenance replied: I will drive them away, and like a new borne Hercules will set at liberty this chained Prometheus: only give attentive ear to that which I shall say unto thee. I have exhorted thee to CONSTANCY, and placed therein all hope 

This Treatise is divided into two books: 

The first book hath three parts: namely, 

A preamble or preface, containing 

A complaint of Lipsius for the troubles of the low-countries, with his intent (for grief thereof) to forsake that his native soil: And (in hope of comfort) to travail elsewhere. Cap. 1  
A dissuasion of Langius, showing that travailing cannot ease him of his grief but rather increase the same. Cap. 2. & 3.    
A conference, touching constancy: wherein 

First, Constancy is defined to be An immovable strength of mind neither listed up, nor pressed down with external accidents. (Whose contrary is Obstinacy, that is, An hardness of a stubborn mind proceeding from pride. Cap. 4.) And this Constancy 

Standeth grounded upon Right Reason, which is a true sense and judgement of things humane and divine. Whose contrary is Opinion, that is, A false and frivolous conjecture of the foresaid things. Cap. 4. Proceedeth from humility and Patience, which is a voluntary sufferance without grudging of all human accidents: Whose contrary is Baseness, or the dejection of a dastardly mind. Cap. 4. 

The original of Reason and Opinion. Their diverse effects to, and in Constancy. Cap. 5. & 6.      
Secondly, the Impediments be removed that do hinder constancy: Being such things as are not in us, but about us: neither do properly help or ●urt the inner man, that is, the ●●nd. They be twofold, 

False Goods, as riches, honour, health, long life, etc. from whence do spring two affections, that is. 

Desire. Both of them respecting some opinable good. Cap. 7.  
Ioy. Both of them respecting some opinable good. Cap. 7.    
False Evils, as poverty, infamy, sickness, death, etc. from whence spring two affections respecting opinable evil, namely, Fear, and Sorrow. Cap. 7. which Evils be twofold. 

Private, that do touch particular persons: As sorrow, poverty, infamy, death, etc. Cap. 7.  
Public, the feeling whereof toucheth many at once: as war, famine, plague, tyranny, etc. And these do afflict us most. Cap. 7. Yet are they extenuated by removing 3. Affections▪ namely. 

1 Dissimulation, whereby we seem to sorrow for the public, when it is for our own private evils. Cap. 8.9.10.  
2 Too much love of our country: where is showed 

That the love of our country is not natural, but proceedeth from the love of ourselves. Cap. 11.  
What our country is truly: how far we ought to love and defend it. Cap. 11.    
3 Pitying, which is the fault of a base mind: Cast down a● the show of an others mishap. Yet Mercy is approved, being An inclination of the mind to secure the misery of an other. Cap. 12.        
Thirdly are produced arguments persuading to constancy, which be (4 principal named. Whereof 2 handled in the first book.) 

1 Providence, that is, A watchful care whereby God upholdeth all things and ordereth them by an immutable course to us unknown. Cap. 13. Where 

Fortune and Chaurce are utterrly abolished. Cap. 13.  
All things are subdued unto Providence. Wherefore it is both folly and impiety to weep or repi●●at misery's past and already inflicted. Cap. 14.    
2 Necessity, being An immutable power of Providence. It is proved to have a stroke in all public calamities, by two arguments. 

First from the nature of the things themselves, which are grayle, mutable, and subject to corruption. Cap. 15.16.  
Secondly from Fate or Destiny. Cap 17 which destiny is showed to be fov●er fold. 

1 Mathematical. Natural. 3 Violent. Cap. 17.18.  
4 True, which is An immovable decree oprovidence inherent in●hinges movable, effectig each thing in due order pace and time. Cap. 19 

It is distinguished from Stoical fate, it forceth not our will: nor maketh not God author of any evil. Cap. 20.  
It is full of obscurity, and not curiously to be searched. Cap. 11.  
It worketh by secondary or mean causes. and therefore it is no fit starting hole for the ret●blesse or slothful. Cap. 22.            
An Interruption or breaking off of the talk between Langius and Lipsius, upon occasion, See near the end of the last chapter of the first book.    
The second book hath three parts: namely, 

A kind of preamble: containing 

A digression from the matter. 

In the praise of gardens. cap. 1. & 2.  
In dispraise of the curious that abuse gardens. cap. 3.    
A preparation to the matter of the conference, by exhorting to wisdom, (being the way to Constancy not in mere speculation, or wishing: But in walking and working thereafter. cap. 4. & 5.    
A returning to the 3. and 4. Arguments for Constancy, to wit. 

3 Profit, where it is proved that afflictions and calamities are for our good, in respect of 

Their beginning, which is of God: Who being eternally and immutably good, is the cause of any evil. Cap. ●.  
Their end, which is always for our good, although in some of our afflictions when God useth the instrument of evil men, they of malice do intend our harm. This end is twofold. 

Manifest to men. And that is three fold. 

The exercising of God's children, ●●ereby they be three ways benefited, namely strengthened tried, made mirrors and examples to o●●●rs. cap. 8.  
The mild chastisement of frail ●nders. cap. 9  
The sharp punishment of obstinate ●ughtie persons. cap. 10.    
Hid from man: And pertaineth to the preservation or beauty of the whole world. cap. 11. 

1 Touching evil men no●●unished, which is answered first generally. cap. 12. Then more particularly by denying. cap. 13. By distinguishing of punishments into internal and external. cap. ●4. And into temporal and eternal. cap. 15.  
2 Touching innocentes or harmless men, which is answered by proving that all are offenders: And who be mo●● or less guilty, man knoweth not. cap. 16.  
3 Touching translating of punishments from one person to an other, which is proved to be just: and the cause showed why God doth so. cap. 17.    
Where are answered three old and common objections against God's justice.      
4 A more plain and familiar argument than the former, standing chief upon examples: showing that our miseries are 

Easy and not grievous, which is proved 

By reason. cap. 15.  
By comparison with times past: And that 

First touching wars Iewis●. cap. 21. Greekish and Roman. cap. 22.  
Secondly, touching pestilence, ●amine, and tributes. cap. 23.  
Thirdly, touching cruelties an● but cherly slaughters. cap. 24.  
Fourthly, touching tyranny. cap. 25.      
Usual, and common to all people, country, and ages. cap. 26.      
A shutting up of the whole Treatise and conference, with a short conclusion and earnest exhortation to the often repe●ting and meditating upon the same. Cap. 27.       of thy safety. First therefore we must know what it is. CONSTANCY is a right and immovable strength of the mind, neither lifted up, 
What constancy it.  nor pressed down with external or casual accidents.] By STRENGTH, I understand a steadfastness not from opinion, but from judgement and sound reason. For I would in any case exclude OBSTINACY (or as I may more fitly term it, frowardness) Which is a certain hardness of a stubborn mind, 
What Obstinacy or frowardness is.  proceeding from pride or vain glory.] And this HARDNESS is only in one respect incident to the foward and obstinate. For they can hardly be pressed down, but are very easily lifted up, not unlike to a blown bladder, which you cannot without much ado thrust under water, but is ready to leap upwards of itself without help. Even such is the light hardiness of those men, springing of pride and too much estimation of themselves, and therefore from OPINION. But the true mother of Constancy is PATIENCE, 

Constancy springeth of Patience.  
Which is defined.   and lowliness of mind, which is, A voluntary sufferance without grudging of all things whatsoever can happen to, or in a man] This being regulated by the rule of Right Reason, is the very root whereupon is settled the high and mighty body of that fair oak CONSTANCY. Beware here, lest OPINION beguile thee, presenting unto thee in steed of Patience, A certain abjection and baseness of a dastardly mind. 
And distinguished from baseness of mind. ] Being a foul vice, proceeding from the vile unworthiness of a man's own person. But verve keepeth the mean, not suffering any excess or defect in her actions, 
Constancy is a mean between hantines and baseness of mind.  because it weigheth all things in the balance of REASON, making it the rule and squire of all her trials. Therefore we define RIGHT REASON to be, A true sense and judgement of things human and divine. (So far as the same appertaineth to us.) But OPINION (being the contrary to it) is defined to be, 
What Reason it, & what Opinion.  A false and frivolous conjecture of those things.]   

CHAPT. V From whence Reason and Opinion do spring. The force and effects of them both. That one leadeth unto Constancy: This other to Inconstancy.  
NOw for as much as out of this two fold fountain of OPINION and REASON, floweth not only Hardiness and Weakness of mind, but all things that deserve either praise or dispraise in this life: It seemeth to me that it will be labour well bestowed, 
A more curious and copious tractation of them both.  to discourse somewhat at large of the original and nature of them both. For as wool before it be endued with the perfect colours of dying is first prepared thereunto with some other kind of liquors: Even so am I to deal with thy mind (Lipsius) before I adventure to die it with this perfect purple in grain of Constancy.  
First you are not ignorant that man consisteth of two parts, 
Man consisteth of two parts.  Soul and Body. That being the nobler part, resembleth the nature of a spirit and fire: This more base is compared to the earth. 
The mind lofty and fiery: the body base & earthy  These two are joined together, but yet with a jarring concord, as I may say, neither do they easily agree, especially when controversy ariseth about sovereignty & subjection. For either of them would bear sway, and chief that part which ought not. 
Strife between them.  The earth advanceth itself above the fire, and the dirty nature above that which is divine. here-hence arise in man dissensions, stirs, & a continual conflict of these parts warring together. The captains are, REASON and OPINION. 
Reason striveth for the soul: Opinion for the body.  That fighteth for the soul, being in the soul: This for, and in the body. Reason hath her offspring from heaven, yea from God: and Seneca gave it a singular commendation, saying, 
(a) If you take the word● precisely, this is no● true: yet is the remaining in man the imag● of God.  That there was hidden in man part of the divine spirit. This reason is an excellent power or faculty of understanding and judgement, which is the perfection of the soul, even as the soul is of man. The Grecians call it 
(a) N●●.  Noun, the Latins mentem, and as we may say jointly, The mind of the soul. For, you are deceived if you think all the soul to be Right reason, 

men's is properly that part of the soul which is partaker of reason.  
What right reason is.  
Which yet in some sort is remaining in man.   but that only which is uniform, simple, without mixture, separate from all filth or corruption: and in one word, as much as is pure & heavenly. For albeit the soul be infected and a little corrupted with the filth of the body and contagion of the senses: yet it retaineth some reliks of his first offspring, and is not without certain clear sparks of that pure fiery nature from whence it proceeded.  
Here hence come those stings of Conscience in wicked men: Here hence those inward gnawings & scourges: here hence also cometh it that the wicked even against their wills approve virtuous living and commend it. For this good part in man may sometimes be pressed down, but never oppressed: & these fiery sparks may be covered, but not wholly extinguished. Those little coals do always shine and show forth themselves, lightning our darkness, purging our uncleanness, directing our doubtfulness, guiding us at the last to Constancy and virtue. As the Marigold and other flowers are by nature always inclined towards the sun: so hath Reason a respect unto God, 
Right reason is always constant, and a ready pathway to Constancy.  and to the fountain from whence it sprang. It is resolute and immovable in a good purpose, not variable in judgement, ever shunning or seeking one and the self same thing: the fountain & lively spring of wholesome counsel & sound judgement. To obey it is to bear rule, 
The praise & worthiness of it.  and to be subject thereunto is to have the sovereignty in all human affairs. Whoso obeyeth her is lord of all lusts & rebellious affections: whoso hath this thread of Theseus may pass without straying through all the labyrinths of this life. God by this image of his cometh unto us, yea (which more is) even into us. And well said one who soever he were, That there is no good mind without God.  
But the other part (I mean OPINION) hath his offspring of the body, that is of the earth: 
The original of OPINION is of the earth and the body.  And therefore, savoureth nothing but of it. For though the body be senseless and immovable of itself, yet it taketh life and motion from the soul: And on the other side, it representeth to the soul the shapes and forms of things through the windows of the senses. Thus there groweth a communion and society betwixt the soul and the body, 
How it springeth of them  but a society (if you respect the end) not good for the soul. For she is thereby by little and little deprived of her dignity, addicted and coupled unto the senses, and of this impure commixtion OPINION is engendered in us, 
The definition of it.  Which is nought else but a vain image and shadow of reason: whose seat is the Senses: whose birth is the earth. Therefore being vile and base it tendeth downwards, and savoureth nothing of high and heavenly matters. It is vain, uncertain, deceitful, 
OPINION is frail, and a pathway to ●●constancie  evil in counsel, evil in judgement. It depriveth the mind of Constancy and verity. To day it desireth a thing, to morrow it defieth the same. It commendeth this, it condemneth that. It hath no respect to sound judgement, 
The dispraise thereof.  but to please the body, and content the senses. And as the eye that beholdeth a thing through water, or through a mist, mistaketh it: So doth the mind which discerneth by the clouds of opinions. This is unto men the mother of mischiefs, the author of a confused and troublesome life. By the means of it we are troubled with cares, distracted with perturbations, overruled by vices. Therefore, as they which would banish tyranny out of a city do above all things overthrow castles and forts therein: So if we bear an earnest desire to have a good mind, we must cast down even by the foundation this castle of opinions. For they will cause us to be continually floating on the waves of doubtfulness, without any certain resolution, murmuring, troublesome, injurious to God & men. As an empty ship without ballast is tossed and tumbled on the sea with the least blast of wind: Even so is it with a light wandering mind, not kept steady and poised with the ballast of reason.   

CHAPT. VI The praise of Constancy: And an earnest exhortation thereunto.  
THou seest then (Lipsius) that INCONSTANCY is the companion of OPINION, & that the property of it is to be soon changed, and to wish that undone, which a little before it caused to be done. But CONSTANCY is a mate always matched with reason. 
An exhortation to Constancy.  Unto this therefore I do earnestly exhort thee. Why fliest thou to these vain outward things? This is only that fair beautiful Helena which will present unto thee a wholesome cup of counterpoison, 
The fruit force the●●  wherewith thou shalt expel the memory of all cares and sorrows, and whereof when thou hast once taken a taste, being firmly settled against all casualties, bearing thyself upright in all misfortunes, neither puffed up nor pressed down with either fortune, thou mayst challenge to thyself that great title, the nearest that man can have to God, To be immovable.  
Hast thou not seen in the arms and targets of some men of our time, that lofty poesy? 
(a) Nec spe, 〈◊〉 metu.  Neither with hope, nor with fear. It shall agree to thee: Thou shalt be a king indeed free indeed, only subject unto ●od, enfranchised from the servile yoke of Fortune and affections. As some rivers are said to run through the sea and yet keep their stream fresh: 
Especially against sorrow & trouble.  So shalt thou pass through the confused tumults of this world, and not be infected with any brinish saltness of this Sea of sorrows. Art thou like to be cast down? CONSTANCY will lift thee up. Dost thou stagger in doubtfulness? She holdeth thee fast. Art thou in danger of fire or water? She will comfort thee, and bring thee back from the pits brink: only take unto thee a good courage, steer thy ship into this port, where is security and quietness, a refuge and sanctuary against all turmoils and troubles: where if thou hast once moored thy ship, let thy country not only be troubled, but even shaken at the foundation, thou shalt remain unmoved: let showers, thunders, lightnings, and tempests fall round about thee, thou shalt cry boldly with a loud voice, 
(a) Mediis tranquillus in ●●dis.  I lie at rest amid the waves.   

CHAPT. VII. What, and how many things do disturb Constancy. That outward good and evil things do it. Evils are of two sorts, Public and Private t Of these two, Public evils seem most grievous and dangerous.  
LAngius having uttered these words with a more earnest voice and countenance than accustomed, I was somewhat inflamed with a spark of this good fire. And then, my Father, said I, (let me rightly without dissimulation call you so) lead me and learn me as you list: Direct and correct me: I am your patiented prepared to admit any kind of curing, be it by razor or fire, to cut or sear. I must use both those means, (said Langius) for that one while the stubble of false opinions is to be burned away, and another while the tender slips of affections to be cut of by the root, But tell me, whether had you rather walk or sit? Sitting would please me best, (quoth I) for I begin to be hot. So then Langius commanded stools to be brought into the porch, and I sitting close by him, he turned himself towards me, and began his talk in this manner.  
Hitherto (Lipsius) have I laid the foundation whereupon I might erect the building of my future communication. Now, if it please you, I will come nearer the matter, and inquire the causes of your sorrow, for I must touch the sore with my hand. There be two things that do assault this castle of Constancy in us, FALSE GOODS, and FALSE EVILS: 
Two enemies of Constancy▪ Falls good● False evils.  I define them both to be, Such things as are not in us, but about us: And which properly do not help nor hurt the inner man, that is, the mind.] Wherefore, I may not call those things good or evil simply in subject and in definition: But I confess they are such in opinion, and by the judgement of the common people. In the first rank I place Riches, Honour, Authority, Health, long life. In the second, Poverty, Infamy, lack of promotion, Sickness, death. And to comprehend all in one word, whatsoever else is accidental and happeneth outwardly.  
From these two roots do sp●ing four principal affections which do greatly disquiet the life of man. 
Four chief affections opposite among themselves, to which all the rest are referred.  DESIRE and JOY: FEAR and SORROW. The two first have respect to some supposed or imagined good: The two latter unto evil. Al of them do hurt and distemper the mind, and without timely prevention do bring it out of all order: yet not each of them in like sort. For whereas the quietness and constancy of the mind resteth, as it were, in an even balance, these affections do hinder this upright poise and evenness: 
How they trouble Constancy.  Some of them by puffing up the mind, others by pressing it down too much: But here I will let pass to speak of false goods, 
False goods ●y desire and ●oy.  which lift up the mind above measure (because thy disease proceedeth from another humour) and will come to false evils, 
False evils with fear and sorrow.  which are of two sorts, Public and Private. 
Two sorts of evils, public and private.  Public are those, The sense and feeling whereof toucheth many persons at one time. Private do touch some private men. Of the first kind are war, pestilence, famine, tyranny, slaughters, and such like. Of the second be Sorrow, poverty, infamy, death, and whatsoever else of like nature that may befall any one man,  

The distinction proved, and applied to the matter  I take it there is good cause for me thus to distinguish them, because we sorrow after an other sort at the misery of our country, the banishment and destruction of a multitude, than of one person alone. Besides that, the griefs that grow of public and private adversities are different, but yet the first sort are more heavy and take deeper root in us. 
The grief that groweth of public misery, is ●ost heavy ●nd happeneth often.  For we are all subject to those common calamities, either for that they come together in heaps, and so with the multitude oppress such as oppose themselves against them: or rather because they beguile us by subtlety, in that we perceive not how our mind is diseased by the apprehension of them. Behold if a man be overcome with any private grief, 
Because it assaulteth with violence. Because it beguileth us with a show of honesty.  he must confess therein his frailty and infirmity: especially if he reclaim not himself, then is he without excuse. Contrarily, we are so far from confessing a fault in being disquieted at public calamities, that some will boast thereof, and account it for a praise: for they term it piety and compassion. So that this common contagion is now reckoned among the catalogue of virtues, yea and almost honoured as a God.  
Poets and Orators do every where extol to the skies a fervent affection to our country: neither do I disallow it, but hold and maintain that it ought to be tempered with moderation: otherwise it is a vice, a note of intemperancy, a deposing of the mind from his right seat. On the other side I confess it to be a grievous malady, 
Because also it is manifold.  and of great force to move a man, because the sorrow that proceedeth therehence is manifold, in respect of thyself and of others. And to make the matter more plain by example: 
Which is proved by example.  See how thy country of 
(a) Or Flaunders.  Belgica is afflicted with sundry calamities, and swinged on every ●ide with the scorching flame of civil wars: The fields are wasted and spoiled, towns are overthrown and burned, men taken captive and murdered, women defiled, virgins deflowered, with such other like miseries as follow after wars. Art thou not grieved herewith? Yes I am sure, and grieved diversly, for thyself, for thy countrymen, and for thy country. Thy own losses trouble thee: the misery and slaughter of thy neighbours: the calamity and overthrow of thy country. One while thou mayst cry out with the Poet, O unhappy wretch, that I am. Another while, Alas that so many of my countrymen should suffer such affliction by the enemy's hand. Another while, O my father, O my country: And who so is not moved with these matters, nor oppessed with the multitude of so many and manifold miseries, must either be very stayed and wise, or else very hard hearted.   

CHAPT. VIII. A prevention against public evils: But first of all, three affections are restrained. And of those three, particularly in this chapter is repressed a kind of vain glorious dissimulation, whereby men that lament their own private misfortunes, would seem that they bewail the common calamities.  
WHat think you (Lipsius) have I not betrayed CONSTANCY into your hands in pleading the cause of your sorrow? Not so. But herein I have played the part of a good Captain, in training out all your troops into the field to the end I may fight it out manfully with them. But first I will begin with light skirmishes and afterwards join with you in plain battle In skirmishing I am to assault foot by foot (as the Ancients speak) three affections utter enemies to this our CONSTANCY. 
Three affectious enemies to Constancy.  DISSIMULATION, 
First faming or dissimulation.  PIETY, COMMISERATION or PITY. I will begin with the first of them. Thou sayest thou canst not endure to see these public miseries that it is a grief, yea even a death unto thee. Speak you that from your heart, or only from the teeth outward? herewithal I being some what angry, asked whether he jested or gybed with me. Nay (quoth Langius.) I speak in good earnest for that many of your crew do beguile the physicians, 
Which holdeth many men for vain glory.  making them believe that the public evils do grieve them, when their private losses are the true cause. I demand therefore again, whether the care 
(a) Qu●●e nunc coquit, & ●er●at sub pectore fixa.  which now doth boil and bubble in thy breast, be for thy country's sake, or for thy own? what (said I) do you make a question of that? Surely (Langius) for my country's sake alone am I thus disquieted. See it be so (quoth he) for I marvel that there should be in thee such an excellent sincere duty which few attain unto. I deny not but that most men do complain of common calamities, neither is there any kind of sorrow so usual as this in the tongues of people. But examine the matter to the quick, & you shall find many times great difference betwixt the tongue and the heart. Those words, My country's calamity afflicts me, 
Because they bewail their own private miseries, and not public  carry with them more vainglory than verity. And as it is recorded in histories of Polus a notable stage-player, that playing his part on the stage wherein it behoved him to express some great sorrow, he brought with him privily the bones of his dead son, & so the remembrance thereof caused him to fill the theatre with true tears indeed. Even so may I say by the most part of you. You play a Comedy, & under the person of your country, you bewail with tears your private miseries One saith The whol-world is a stage-play. Truly in this case it is so. Some cry out, These civil wars torment us, the blood of innocents spr●t, the loss of laws and liberty. Is it so? I see your sorrow indeed, 
Therefore we must search the inward causes of thes sorrows.  but the cause I must search out more narrowly. Is it for the commonwealths sake? O player, put off thy vizard: thyself art the cause thereof. We see oftentimes the country Boors trembling and running together with earnest prayers when any sudden misfortune or insurrection approacheth, but as soon as the danger is past, examine them well and you shall perceive that every one was afraid of his own field & corn. If fire should happen to be kindled in this city, we should have a general outcry: the lame & almost the blind would hasten to help quench it. What think you? For their country's sake? Ask them and you shall see, it was, because the loss would have redounded to all, or at the least, the fear thereof. So falleth it out in this case. Public evils do move & disquiet many men, not for that the harm toucheth a great number, but because themselves are of that number.   

CHAPT. IX. The visard of Dessimulation is more plainly discovered, by examples. By the way mention is made of our true country. Also the malice of men rejoicing at other men's harms, when they themselves be without danger thereof.  
WHerefore yourself shall sit as judge in this cause, but yet with the vail removed from your face. You fear the war I know it. 
We bewail public evils not as they are public▪ But because our private losses are joined thereto, or at least the fear thereof.  Why? Because war draweth with it punishment and destruction. To whom? To others at this present, but it may be shortly to you. Behold the head, behold the fountain of thy grief: For as a thunderbolt having stricken one man, maketh all that stood near him to tremble: So in these universal and pulike calamities, the loss toucheth few, the fear redoundeth to all, which fear if it were away, there would be no place for sorrow. Behold, if war be among the Ethiopians or Indians, it moveth thee not: 
(Flaunders)  (thou art out of danger) if it be in (Belgica) thou weepest, criest out, rubbest thy forehead, and smitest thy thigh. But now if it were so that thou didst bewail the public evils as public, and for themselves, there should be no difference had of thee between those countries and this.  
Thou wilt say, it is none of my country. O fool: Are not they men, 
An objection prevented, touching our country.  sprung first out of the same stock with thee? living under the same globe of heaven? upon the same mould of the earth? Thinkest thou that this little plot of ground environed by such and such mountains, compassed with this or that river, is thy country? thou art deceived. The whole world is our country, wheresoever is the race of mankind sprung of that celestial seed▪ 
Which stretcheth farther than the common people do take it And it is Opinion only that closeth it in such a strait.  Socrates being asked of what country he was, answered: Of the world. For a high and lofty mind will not suffer itself to be penned by OPINION within such narrow bounds but conceiveth and knoweth the whole world to be his own. We scorn and laugh at fools, who suffer their masters to tie them with a straw or small thread to a pos●e, where they stand as if they were fettered fast with iron. Our folly is not inferior to theirs, who with the weak link of Opinion are wedded to one corner of the world.  
But to let pass these deep arguments (which I doubt how thou wilt conceive of them) I demand, 
But it is showed that we sorrow not for the love of this narrow country of ours.  if God would assure thee in the mids of these broils, that thy fields should be unspoiled, thy house and substance in safety, and thyself on some high mountain placed out of all danger: wouldst thou lament for all this? I am loath to affirm it of thee, but certain I am there be many that would be glad thereof, and feed their eyes greedily with the spectacle of such bloody butcheries. Why turnest thou aside? Why marvelest thou hereat? Such is the natural corruption of man, that (as the Poet saith) it rejoiceth at other men's harms. And as some apples there be though bitter in the belly, yet relishing sweet in taste: 
Our malice at the harms of others, proveth it to be● true.  So are other men's miseries, we ourselves being free from them. Suppose a man be on the shore beholding a shipwreck, it will move him somewhat, yet truly not without an inward tickling of his mind, because he seethe other men's danger, himself being in security. But if he in person were in that distressed ship, he would be touched with an other manner of grief. Even so verily is it in this case, let us say, or make what show we list to the contrary. 
(a) Pindarus hath this saying Our own private misfortune is always a like grievous unto us: but an innocent and harmless har● toward others is a clean or pure vessel.  For we bewail our own misfortunes earnestly and from the heart, but public calamities in words only and for fashion's sake. Wherefore (Lipsius) take away these stage-hangings, draw back the curtain that is afore thee, and without all counterfeiting or dissimulation, acquaint us with the true cause of thy sorrow.   

CHAPT. X. A complaint against the former sharp reprehension of Langius: But he addeth that it is the part of a Philosopher so to speak freely. He endeavoureth to confute the ●ormer disputation speaking of duty and love to our country.  
THis first skirmish seemed to me very hot, wherefore interrupting him I replied, what liberty of speech is this that you use? Yea what bitter taunting? Do you in this wise pinch and prick me? I may well answer you with Euripides words, 
Add not more grief unto my strong disease,  
I suffet more (God wots) than is mine ease,   
Langius smiling at this, I perceive then (said he) you expect Wafer cakes or sweet wine at my hands: but ere whiles you desired either fire or razor: and therein you did well. For I am a Philosopher (Lipsius) not a Fiddler: my purpose is to teach, not to entice thee: To profit, not to please thee: To make thee blush, rather than smile: And to make thee penitent, not insolent. The school of a Philosopher is a● a physicians shop (So said Rufus once) whether we must repair for health, 
The sharp spe●ch of a wise man tendeth to wholesomeness, not delightfulness  not for pleasure. That Physician dallieth not, neither flattereth: but pierceth, pricketh, razeth, and with the savoury salt of good talk sucketh out the filthy corruptions of the mind. Wherefore look not hereafter of me for Roses, Oils, or Pepper: but for thorns, lancing tools, wormwood, and sharp vinegar.  
Here I took him up, saying: Truly (Langius) if I may be so bold as to be plain with you, you deal scarce well or charitably with me: Neither do you like a stout champion overcome me in lawful striving, but undermine me by sleights and subtleties, Saying that I bewail my country's calamities feignedly, and not for good will to it: wherein you do me wrong. For let me confess freely that I have some manner of regard to myself, yet not wholly. I lament the case of my country principally, 
By occasion be passeth to treat of the second affection:  and so will do, although the danger she is in extend not in any sort unto me. Good reason is there why I should do so. For she it is that first received me into this world, and after that nourished and bred me, being (by common consent of all nations) our most ancient and holiest mother. 
The praise o● our country in particular And our conjunction with it by nature.  But you assign me the whole world for my country. Who denies that? Yet withal you may not gainsay, that besides this large and universal country, there is an other more near and dear unto me, to the which I am tied by a secret bond of nature, except you think there be no virtue persuasive nor attractive in that native foil which we first touched with our bodies, and pressed with our feet: where we first drew our breath: where we cried in our infancy, played in our childhood, and exercised ourselves in manhood. Where our eyes are are acquainted with the firmament, floods, and fields: where have been by a long continuance of descents our kinsfolk, friends and companions, and to many occasions of joy beside, which I may expect in vain in another p●rt of the world. Neither is all this the slender packthread of OPINION (as you would have it seem) but the strong fetters of nature herself. Look upon all other living creatures. The wild beasts do both know and love their dens: and birds their nests. 
Likewise in other Creatures as well as men.  Fishes in the great and endless Ocean sea, desire to enjoy some certain part thereof. What need I speak of men? Who whether they be civil or barbarous, are so addicted to this their native soil, that whosoever beareth the face of a man, will never refu●e to die for it, and in it. Therefore (Langius) this new found curious phylosohie of yours, I neither perceive as yet the depth of it, nor mind to make profession thereof. I will listen rather to that true saying of Euripides. 
Necessity forceth every wight,  
To love his country with all his might.    

CHAPT. XI. Here is confuted the second affection of too much love to our country: which love is falsely termed Piety. Whence this affection springeth, and what is our country properly and truly.  

The former allegations disproved  THen Langius smiling replied: Certes you are a marvelous piteous young man: and I fear me that the 
(a) Antonius' surnamed Pi●us is meant.  brother of Mancus Antonius is now in danger to be deprived of his surname. But it falleth out fitly that this affection offereth itself in sallying before his Ensign: I will assault him therefore, and overthrow him lightly. And first will I take from him the spoil of that precious g●●ment wherewith he is unworthily attired. This affection to our Country is commonly called Pietas, 
This affection is very unfitly termed by the name of Piety. What Piety is.  that is PIETY: why it should be so named I neither see, nor can suffer it: For, wherefore should we call it by the name of PIETY, ●●ich is an excellent virtue, and properly nothing else but▪ A lawful and due honour and love towards God and our parents.] Why should our country be placed in the 
(b) For there are reckoned; kinds of piety. Towards God our country & parents.  mids between these? Because (say they) it is our most ancient and holiest mother. O fools, injurious to reason and nature herself: is she our mother? How? or wherefore? Truly I see no such reason: And if thou (Lipsius) if thou be sharper sighted than I, lighten my dark senses. Is it because she first received us into this world? (for so thou seemedst to affirm before) So might any Taverner or Innkeeper. Is it because she cherisheth us? much better doth some silly maid or nurse. 
Our country deserveth not the title of mother.  Is it because she nourisheth us? So do cattle, trees, and corn daily: And (among greater substances which do borrow nothing of the earth) the firmament, air, and water. Finally, change thou thy habitation, and every other part of the world will do thus much for thee. These are floating, and fleeting words, favouring of nothing, but an unpleasant juice of POPULAR OPINION. They alone are our parents that begar, shaped and bore us: we be seed of their seed, blood of their blood, and flesh of their flesh. If any of these things agree any ways to our country, than I confess that I go about wrongfully to bereave it of this duty of PIETY.  
You will say that great learned clerks have so spoken of it. They have in deed so spoken, following the common opinion, but not that they were so persuaded themselves. But if thou wilt follow the truth, thou shalt attribute that sacred and high title to God, and also, if thou think good, to our parents: But as for this affection to our country (being first bridled and restrained to a mean) let it be contented in God's name with the title of LOVE or CHARITY. 
We owe piety to God, and to our parents▪ But love to our country.   
Yet is this only a contention about the name; let us come nearer to the thing itself. Which I do not wholly take away, but temperate, and as it were, scarify it with the lancelot of RIGHT REASON. 
Which also must be tempered.  For as a vine if it be not pruned, spreadeth itself too far abroad: So do affections fly about with full sail being blown with the plausible puffs of popularity.  
And notwithstanding here by the way I confess (for I am not degenerated from a man, nor from a citizen) I confess, I say, that every one of us hath an inclination and good will to his lesser country. The causes whereof I perceive are to you unknown. You would have it to be from nature: 

From whence that love springeth.  
From custom not from nature.   But the truth is, it groweth of custom, or of some decree & ordinance. For after that men forsook their wild and savage manner of living, and began to build houses and walled towns, to join in society, and to use means offensive & defensive: 
●ea the cause ●hy we love ●ur country 〈◊〉, for that we ●aue in it somewhat of our own.  Behold then a certain communion necessarily began among them, and a social participation of divers things. They parted the earth between them with certain limits & bounds: They had Temples in common: also market places, treasuries, seats of judgement: And principally ceremonies, tites, laws. All which things our greediness began in time so to esteem & make account of, 
And so the original thereof is, love of ourselves.  as if they were our own in particular? and so be they in some sort, for that every private citizen had some interest in them, neither did they differ from private possessions, saving that they were not wholly in one man's power. This consociation and fellowship gave the form and fashion to a new erected state, which now we call properly the COMMONWEALTH, or our Country. Wherein when men saw the chiefest stay of each persons safety to consist, laws were enacted for the succour and defence thereof: Or at the least such customs were received by tradition from the predecessors to their posterity, that grew to be of like force as laws. 
Strengthened and increased by custom and law: And that for the better society of men.  Here hence it cometh to pass that we rejoice at the good of the commonwealth, and be sorry for her harm: Because our own private goods are secure by her safety, and are lost by her overthrow. From this fountain do spring the streams of our goodwill and love towards her: which affection in respect of the common good (the secret providence of God leading thereunto) our ancestors increased, by all possible means establishing and maintaining the majesty of their country.  
It appeareth therefore in my judgement, that this affection had his beginning from custom, and not from nature, 
Evident arguments that it is of custom▪ no● of nature first in that all men are not equally touched therewith.  as you pretend. Else why should not the same measure of that affection be indifferently in all men? why should the Nobility & rich men have more care of their country, than the poor people, who commonly take care for their private matters, but none at all for the public affairs? which thing falleth out otherwise in all passions that be governed by the instinct of nature. Finally what reason can you allege that so small and light an occasion should oftentimes assuage, yea wholly extinguish it?. 
secondly in that it is easily diminished▪ yea wholly extinguished.  See how every day some for anger, some for love, some for ambition forsake their country? And what a multitude are drawn away by that Idol Lucre? How many Italians forsaking Italy the Queen of countries only for greediness of gain have removed their dwellings into France Gerusanie, yea even into Sarmatia? How many thousand Spaniards doth ambition draw daily into another world from us: These arguments prove invincibly that the band whereby we are linked thus to our country is but external and accidental, in that it is so easily broken by one inordinate lust.  
Moreover (Lipsius) you are greatly deceived in describing this country of ours: 
The opinion touching ou● particular country, is confuted.  For you tie it very narrowly to that native soil where we were borne and had our education, with other like frivolous allegations, from whence you labour in vain to pick out natural causes of our affection towards her. And if it be the native soil where we were borne that deserveth this title of our country, 
It is no● our native soil.  than were Brusseilles only my country, and Isscanum yours: and to some other man, a poor cottage or cell: yea unto many, not so much as a cottage, but a wood, or else the open field: what then? Shall my good will & affection be shut up within those narrow walls? Shall I settle my disposition & love upon one town or house as my country? what folly were that? You see also that by your description none are happier than those that are borne in the woodsand open fields, which are always flourishing, & seldom or never be subject to desolation or wasting. No, no, our country is not as you take it, But it is, 
What our country properly & truly is.  Some one state, or as it were one common Ship, under the regiment of one prince, or one law: which I confess we ought to love, to defend, and to die for it: yet must it not drive us to lament, wail and despair. Well said the Poet.  

● must be defended manfully.  A happy quarrel is it and a good,  
For Country's cause to spend our dearest blood.  
He saith not that we should weep and lament; but die for our country. 
And not esteminately bewailed.  For we must so far forth be good common-wealths-men, that we also retain the person of good and honest men, which we lose if we betake us to childish and womanlike lamentations.  
Last of all (Lipsius) I would have thee learn this one hidden and deep mystery, 
The decree of all wise men touching our country.  that if we respect the whole nature of man, all these earthly countries are vain and falsely so termed, except only in respect of the body, and not of the mind or soul, which descending down from that highest habitation, deemeth all the whole earth as a jail or prison: but heaven is our true and rightful country, whether let us advance all our cogitations, that we may freely say with Anaxagoras to such as foolishly ask us, whether we have no regard to our country? yes verily but yonder is our country, lifting our finger and mind up towards heaven.   

CHAPT. XII. The third affection bridled, which is Commiseration or pitying, being a vice. It is distinguished from Mercy. How, and how far forth we ought to use it.  
LAngius with this conference having scattered abroad some dark mists from my mind. I bespoke him thus. My Father, what by admonitions, and what by instructions you have done me great good; so that it seemeth I am now able to moderate my affection towards the native soil, or commonwealth wherein I was borne: 
A passage to the affection of commiseration or pitying.  But not towards the persons of my fellow-citizens and countrymen. For how should I not be touched and tormented with the calamities of my country for my countrymen's sake, who are tossed in this sea of adversities, and do perish by sundry misfortunes? Langius taking my tale by the end: This is not (quoth he) properly sorrow, but rather commiseration or pitying, 
Which is not incident to a wise man.  which must be despised of him that is wise and constant; whom nothing so much beseemeth as steadiness and steadfastness of courage, which he cannot retain, if he be cast down not only with his own mishaps, but also at other men's. What Stoical subtleties are these? (said I.) Will you not have me to pity an other man's case? Surely it is a virtue among good men, and such as have any religion in them.  
I deny that (said Langius) and I trust no good man will be offended with me, if I purge the mind of this malady? 
Neither is it agreeable to a Christian if it be rightly considered  for it is a very dangerous contagion, and I judge him not far from a pitiful state, that is subject to pitying of others. As it is a token of naughty eyes to wax watery when they behold other blear eyes: so is it of the mind that mourneth at every other man's mourning. It is defined to be, The fault of an abject and base mind, 
What pity is  cast down at the show of another's mishap. What then? are we so unkind and void of humanity, that we would have no man to be moved at another's misery? Yes, I allow that we be moved to help them, not to bewail or wail with them. I permit MERCY, 
Mercy must be showed. what it is.  but not pitying. I call MERCY, An inclination of the mind to secure the necessity or misery of another. This is that virtue (Lipsius) which thou seest through a cloud, and in steed whereof PITY intrudeth herself unto thee.  
But thou wilt say, it is incident to man's nature to be moved with affection and pity. Be it so: yet certainly it is not decent and right. 
The difference between both.  Thinkest thou that any virtue consisteth in softness and abjection of the mind? In sorrowing? 
The effects of them both  In sighing? in sobbing, together, wish such as weep? It cannot be so. For I will show thee some greedy old wives and covetous misers, from whose eyes thou mayst sooner wring a thousand tears, than one small penny out of their purses. But he that is truly merciful in deed, will not bemoan or pity the condition of distressed persons, but yet will do more to help and secure them, than the other. He will behold men's miseries with the eye of compassion, yet ruled and guided by reason. He will speak unto them with a sad countenance, but not mourning or prostrate. He will comfort heartily, and help liberally. He will perform more in works than in words: and will stretch out unto the poor and needy his hand, rather than his tongue. All this will he do with discretion and care, that he infect not himself with other men's contagion: and that (as Fencers use to say) he bear not others blows upon his own ribs. What is here savouring of inhumanity or churlishness? Even so all wisdom seemeth austere and rigorous at the first view. But if you consider thoroughly of it, 
Many of the Stoics paradoxes, are no impossibilities.  you shall find the same to be meek, gentle: yea more mild and amiable than Venus herself. Let this suffice touching the three fore-rehearsed affections: whom if I have in part expelled from thee, it will greatly avail me to get the victory in the battle that shall ensue.   

CHAPT. XIII. The former impediments or lets being removed, we come in good earnest to the extenuating or taking away of public evils: which is assayed by four principal arguments. first here is spoken of Providence, which is proved to be in, and over all human affairs.  
I Come now from skirmishes to handie-gripes, and from light bicker, to the main battle. 
The main battle in the behalf of Constancy.  I will lead forth all my soldiers in order under their Ensigns, dividing them into four troops. ●irst, I will prove that these public evils are imposed upon us by God himself. secondly, 
The division and order of the four principal reasons.  that they be necessary and by destiny. Thirdly, that they are profitable for us. Finally, that they be neither grievous, nor strange. These troops if they discharge their parts each one in his place, can the whole army of your sorrow make any resistance, or once open the mouth against me? No truly: I must ●aue the victory. In token whero● sound the Trumpets, and strike up the drums.  
Whereas (Lipsius) all affections that do disturb man's life, 
Of all griefs. that is the fondest, which is taken for public calamities.  proceed from a mind distempered and void of reason: yet none of them more (in my conceit) than that sorrow which is conceived for the Commonwealths sake. For all others have some final cause and scope whereto they tend. (as the Lover to enjoy his desire: The angry man, to be revenged: The covetous churl to get, and so forth) Only this hath no end proposed unto it. And to restrain my talk unto some certainty, thou (Lipsius) bewailest the state of thy country decaying: 
Because it is done to no end, and is without hope  Tell me to what effect? Or what hopest thou to obtain thereby? To amend that which is amiss? To preserve that which is about to perish? Or by weeping to take away the plague or punishment that hangeth over thy country? None of all these but only that thou mayst say with the common sort, I AM SORRY: In all other respects thy mournining is in vain and to no purpose. For that thing which is past, God himself would not have to be undone again.  
Neither is this weeping of thine, vain only, but also wicked and ungodly, 
●t is also wicked because it contendeth against God.  if it be rightly considered. For you know well that there is an eternal Spirit, whom we call GOD, which ruleth, guideth and governeth the rolling Spheres of heaven, the manifold courses of the Stars and Planets, the success in alterations of the Elements, finally, all things whatsoever in heaven and earth. Thinkest thou that CHANCE or FORTUNE beareth any sway in this excellent frame of the world? Or that the affairs of mortal men are carried headlong by chance-medley? 
Fortune banished out of all human affairs.  I wots well thou thinkest not so, nor any man else that hath either wisdom or wit in his head. It is the voice of nature itself, and which way so ever we turn our eyes or minds, 
God's providence confirmed.  all things both mortal and immortal, heavenly and earthly, sensible and insensible do with open mouth cry out and affirm, that there is somewhat far above us that created and form these so many wonderull works, which also continually governeth & preserveth the same. This is GOD, to whose absolute perfection nothing is more agreeable than to be both able and willing to take the care and charge of his own workmanship. And why should not he be willing, seeing he is the best of all? Why should he not be able, seeing he is the mightiest of all? In so much that there is no strength above him, 
Whose greatness, quickness and power are infinite.  no nor any but that proceedeth from him, neither is he letted or troubled with the greatness or variety of all these things. For this eternal light casteth forth his bright beams every where, and in a moment pierceth even into the bosom and bottom of the heavens earth and sea: It is not only precedent over all things, but present in them. And no marvel. What a great part of the world doth the Sun lighten at once? What a mass of matter can our mind comprehend at once? O fools: Can not he that made this Sun & this mind perceive and conceive far more things than they: Well and divinely spoke 
(a) Aristotle in his book of the world.  one that had small skill in Divinity: As is the Pilot in a ship, the Car-man to his wain, the chanter in a choir, the law in a Commonwealth, and the General in an Army: so is God in the world. Herein only is the difference, that their charge is to them laboursome, grievous, and painful: But God ruleth without all pain, and labour, or bodily striving. Wherefore (Lipsius) there is in God, A watchful and continual care (yet without cark) whereby he beholdeth, searcheth, and knoweth all things: And knowing them, disposeth and ordereth the same by an immutable course to us unknown. And this is it which here I call PROVIDENCE, 
A description of God's providence.  whereof some man through infirmity may grudge or complain: but not doubt, except he be benumbed of his senses, and besotted against nature.   

CHAPT. XIIII. That nothing is here done but by the beck of this Providence. That by it desolations come upon men and cities: therefore we do not the parts of good and godly men to murmur or mourn for them. Finally, an exhortation to obey God, against whom we strive unadvisedly, and in vain.  
IF you conceive this rightly, and do believe heartily that this governing faculty insinuateth itself, 
An argument to the present matter, from God's providence.  and (as the Poet speaketh) passeth through every path of sea and eke of shore, I see not what further place can be left for your grief and grudging. For even the self same foreseeing intelligence which turneth about the heaven daily, which causeth the sun to rise and set, 
For from it, destructions and calamities are sent.  which bringeth forth and shutteth up the fruits of the earth, produceth all these calamities and changes which thou so much marvelest and mutterest at. Think you that God giveth us only pleasing and profitable things? No: he sendeth likewise noisome and hurtful: Neither is any thing contrived; tossed or turned (sin only excepted) in this huge Theatre of the world, the cause and fountain whereof proceedeth not from that first cause of causes: for as Pindarus saith well, 
Pindarus.  The dispensers and doers of all things are in heaven. And there is let down from thence a golden chain (as Homer expresseth by a figment) whereto all these inferior things are fast linked. 
Homer.  That the earth hath opened her mouth and swallowed up some towns, came of God's providence. That otherwhere the plague hath consumed many thousands of people, proceedeth of the same cause. That slaughters, war and tyranny rage in the Low-countries, therehence also cometh it to pass. From heaven (Lipsius) from heaven are all these miseries sent. Therefore Euripides said well and wisely, 
Euripides.  that all calamities came from God. The ebbing and flowing of all humane affairs dependeth upon that Moon. The rising and fall of kingdoms, cometh from this Sun. Thou therefore in losing the reins thus to thy sorrow, and grudging that thy country is so turned and overturned, considerest not what thou art, and against whom thou complainest. 
Man is unworthy to lift up himself against it.  What art thou? A man, a shadow dust: Against whom dost thou fret? I fear to speak it, even against God.  
The ancients have feigned that Giants advanced themselves against God, to pull him out of his throne. Let us omit these fables: In very truth you querulous and murmuring men be these Giants. For if it be so that God do not only suffer, but send all these things: than ye which thus strive and struggle, what do you else but (as much as in you lieth) take the sceptre and sway of government from him? O blind mortality: The Sun, the Moon, Stars, Elements, and all creatures else in the world, 
For all other creatures beside, are obedient.  do willingly obey that supreme law: Only MAN, the most excellent of all God's works lifteth up his heel, and spurneth against his maker. If thou hoist thy sails to the winds, thou must follow whether they will force thee, not whithet thy will leadeth thee. And in this great Ocean sea of our life wilt thou refuse to follow that breathing spirit which governeth the whole world? Yet thou strivest in vain. 
Likewise it is folly to strive for all is in vain.  For if thou follow not freely, thou shalt be drawn after forcibly. We may laugh at him who having tied his boat to a rock: afterwards halleth the rope as though the rock should come to him, when himself goeth nearer to it: 
Because the heavenly mind draweth and directeth all things, will they, ●il they  But our foolishness is far greater, who being fast bound to the rock of God's eternal providence, by our haling and pulling would have the same to obey us, and not we it. Let us forsake this fondness and if we be wise let us follow that power which from above draweth us, and let us think it good ●eason that man should be pleased with that which pleaseth God. The soldier in camp, 
Therefore we must willingly obey.  having a sign of marching forwards given him, taketh up all his trinkets: But hearing the note of battle layeth them down, preparing and making himself ready with heart, eyes and ears, to execute whatsoever shall be commanded. So let us in this our warfare follow cheerfully and with courage whithersover our general calleth us. We are hereunto adjured by oath (saith Seneca) even to endure mortality, 
A golden sentence of Seneca.  nor to be troubled with those things which it is not in our power to avoid. We are borne in a kingdom, and to obey God is liberty.   

CHAPT. XV. A passage to the second argument for Constancy, which is taken from necessity. The force and violence thereof, This necessity is considered two ways, And first in the things themselves.  
THis is a sure brazen Target against all outward accidents. This is that golden armour wherewith being fenced, Plato willed us to fight against Chance and Fortune, to be subject to God, to think on God, and in all events to cast our mind upon that great MIND of the world, I mean PROVIDENCE; whose 
(a) He alludeth to the ancient legion that was cognominated Pia Foelix.  holy and happy troops having orderly trained forth. I will now bring out another band under the banner of NECESSITY. A band valiant, strong, and hard as Iron, which I may fitly term, 
Another argument taken from necessity, whose force is generally showed  The thundering Legion. The power of this is stern and invincible, which tameth and subdueth all things: Wherefore (Lipsius) I marvel if thou withstand it. Thales being asked what was strongest of all things, answered, NECESSITY: for it overcometh all things. And to that purpose there is an old saying (though not so warily spoken) 
(b) In this place it fitteth best to translate the word plurally as in the latin: which in other places I do purposely avoid.  That the Gods cannot constrain Necessity. This necessity I join next unto Providence, because it is near kin to it, or rather borne of it. For from God and his decrees Necessity springeth: And it is nothing else (as the Greek Philosopher defineth it,) but 
(c) Plato 5 & 7. lib. de legib. What necessity is.  A firm ordinance and immutable power of providence. That it hath a stroke in all public evils that befall, I will prove two ways: from the nature of things themselves, and from destiny. And first from the things in that it is a natural property to all things created, 
It is two fold, as concerning our pre●ent purpose First natural to the things themselves.  to fall into mutability and alteration: As unto Iron cleaveth naturally a consuming rust: to would a gnawing worm, and so a wasting rottenness. Even so to living creatures, cities and kingdoms, there be certain inward causes of thei● own decay. 
In that all things are created to alteration and decay.  Look upon all things high and low, great and small, made with hand, or composed by the mind, they always have decayed, and ever shall. And as the rivers with a continual swift course run into the sea: So all humane things through this conduit of wastings and calamities slide to the mark of their desolation. Death & destruction is this mark: And the means to come thither are plague, war and slaughters. So that if death be necessary, than the means in that respect are as necessary. Which to the end thou mayst the better perceive by examples, I will not refuse in conceit and imagination to wander a while with thee through the great university of the world.   

CHAPT. XVI. Examples of neessarie alteration, or death in the whole world. That heaven and the elements are changed, and shall perish: the like is to be seen in towns, provinces and kingdoms, Finally, that all things here do turn about the wheel: And that nothing is stable or constant.  
IT is an eternal decree, 
Which is declared by examples of things above and beneath.  pronounced of the world from the beginning, and of all things therein, to be borne & to die; to begin and end. That supreme judge of all things, would have nothing firm and stable but himself alone, as saith the tragic Poet. 
From age and death God only standeth free,  
But all things else by time consumed be. 
Sophocles.    
All these things which thou beholdest and admirest, either shall peri●h in their due time, or at least be altered and changed: Seest thou the Sun? He fainteth. The Moon? She laboureth and languisheth. The Sarres? 
Beginning with the examples of the firmament and the air.  They fail and fall. And howsoever the wit of man cloaketh and excuseth these matters, yet there have happened and daily do in that celestial body such things as confound both the rules and wits of the Mathematicians. I omit Comets strange in form, situation and motion, which all the universities shall never persuade me to be in the air, or of the air. But behold our Astrologers were sore troubled of late with strange motions, and new stars. 
Anno Dom. ●572. all the ●est Mathematicians agreed that it was above the elementary regions.  This very year there arose a star whose increasing and decreasing was plainly marked, and we saw (a matter hardly to be credited) even in the heaven itself, a thing to have beginning and end again. And Varro (in Augustine) crieth out and affirmeth, that the Evening star called of Pla●tus Vesperûgo, and of Homer Hesperus, had changed his colour, his bigness, his fashion, & his course Next unto the heaven, behold the Air, it is altered daily and passeth into winds, clouds, and showers. Go to the waters. 
From the waters and sea.  Those floods and fountains which we affirm to be perpetual, do sometimes fail altogether, and otherwhiles change their channel and ordinary course. The huge Ocean (a great and secret part of nature) is ever tossed and tumbled with tempests: and if they be wanting, yet hath it his flowing and ebbing of waters, & that we may perceive it to be subject to decay, it swelleth & suageth daily in his parts.  

From the earth.  Behold also the earth which is taken to be immovable, and to 
(b) Therefore was the earth called in Latin Vesta, id est, vi sua stans.  stand steady of her own force: it fainteth and is stricken with an inward secret blast that maketh it to tremble: Some where it is corrupted by the water, other where by fire. For these same things do strive among themselves: Neither grudge thou to see war among men, there is likewise between the Elements. 
To this end and purpose is there such strife and discord between the elements.  What great lands have been wasted, yea wholly swallowed up by sudden deluges, and violent overflowings of the sea? In old time the sea overwhelmed wholly a great Island called Atlantis (I think not the story fabulous) and after that the mighty cities 
(c) The first in Achaia: the other by the gulf of Corinth.  Helice and Bura. But to leave ancient examples, in our own father's age, here in Belgica 
(d) In the parties of Zealand.  two Islands with the towns and men in them. And even now in our time this Lord of the sea Neptune openeth to himself new gaps, and swippeth up daily the weak banks of Frizeland and other countries. Yet doth not the earth sit still like a slothful housewife, but sometimes revengeth herself, and maketh new Islands in the mids of the sea, 
If the elements perish, how much more things compounded of them.  though Neptune marvel and be moved thereat. And if these great bodies which to us seem everlasting, be subject to mutability and alteration, why much more should not towns, commonwealths, and kingdoms; which must needs be mortal, as they that do compose them? As each particular man hath his youth, his strength, old age, and death. So fareth it with those other bodies. They begin, they increase, they stand and flourish, and all to this end, that they may decay. One earthquake under the reign of Tiberius overthrew twelve famous towns of Asia. And as many in Campania in Constantine's time. 
The decay & subversion of great cities.  One war of Attila a Scythian prince destroyed above an hundred cities. The ancient Thebes of Egypt is scarce held in remembrance at this day: And a hundred towns of Crete not believed ever to have been. To come to more certainty, our Elders saw the ruins of Carthage, Numantia, Corinth, and wondered thereat. And ourselves have beheld the unworthy relics of Athens, Sparta, and many renowned cities, yea even that 
a) Rome is meant.  Lady of all things and countries (falsely termed everlasting) where is she? Overwhelmed, pulled down, burned, overflowed: She is perished with more than one kind of destruction, and at this day she is ambitiously sought for, but not found in her 
b) For it is now in Campo Martio, and not amid the 7. hills where it was first founded.  proper soil. Seest thou that noble 
c) Now called Constantinople, having been the seat of two Empires, the Roman and Turkish.  Byzantium being proud with the seat of two Empires? Venice lifted up with the stableness of a thousand years continuance? Their day shall come at length. And thou also our Antwerp, the beauty of cities, in time ●halt come to nothing. For this great Master-builder pulleth down, setteth up, and (if I may so lawfully speak) maketh a sport of humane affairs: And like an Image-maker, formeth and frameth to himself sundry sorts of portraitures in his clay.  
I have spoken yet of towns and cities: Countries likewise and kingdoms run the very same race. Once the East flourished: 
Of Assyria Historians write. Of jewrie, the holy scriptures And of the magnificent power of the Egyptians, besides others: Tacitus, who maketh it equal with the Parthians and Romans 11. Annal.  Assyria, Egypt and jewrie excelled in war and peace. That glory was transferred into Europe, which now (like a diseased body) seemeth unto me to be shaken, and to have a feeling of her great confusion nigh at hand. Yea, and that which is more (and never enough) to be marveled at, this world having now been inhabited these five thousand and five hundred years, is at length come to his dotage: And that we may now approve again the fables of Anaxarchus in old time hissed at, behold how there ariseth else where new people, & a 
(a) The west Indies and all those new found countries commonly calthe new world The conclusion by heaping together examples of alterations & mutability  new world: O the law of NECESSITY, wonderful, and not to be comprehended: All things run into this fatal whirl pool of ebbing and flowing: And some things in this world are long lasting, but not everlasting.  
Lift up thine eyes and look about with me (for it grieveth me not to stand long upon this point) and behold the alterations of all humane affairs: and the swelling and swaging of them as of the sea: Arise thou: fall thou: rule thou: obey thou: hide thou thy head: lift thou up thine and let this wheel of changeable things run round, so long as this round world remaineth. Have you Germans in time passed been fierce?? Be ye now milder than most people of Europe. ' Have you Britons been uncivil heretofore? Now exceed you the Egyptians and people of 
b) who were the daintiest in the world.  Sybaris in delights & tiches. Hath Greece one flourished? Now let her be afflicted. Hath Italy swayed the sceptre? Now let her be in subjection. You Goths, you Vandals, you vilest of the Barbarians, peep you out of your lurking holes, and come rule the nations in your turn. Draw near ye rude 
(a) I respect th● Turks, who came of them.  Scythians, and with a mighty hand hold you a whiles the reins of Asia and Europe: yet you again soon after give place▪ and yield up the sceptre to another nation bordering on the Ocean. Am I deceived? or else do I see the sun of another new Empire arising in the We●t?   

CHAPT. XVII. We come to that necessity which is of destiny. First Destiny itself avouched. That there hath been a general consent therein of the common people, and wise men: But different in part. How many ways Destiny hath been taken among the ancients.  
THus spoke Langius, and with his talk caused the tears to trickle down my cheeks: so clearly seemed he to behold the vanity of humane affairs. With that lifting up my voice, Alas (quoth I) what are we, or all these matters for which we thus toil? What is it to be some body? what is it to be no body? Man is a shadow and a dream. As saith the Poet. Then spoke Langius to me, But thou young man do not only contemplate on these things; but contemn them. 
A passage to the other kind of necessity, in respect of destiny.  Imprint CONSTANCY in thy mind amid this casual and inconstant variableness of all things. I call it inconstant in respect of our understanding and judgement: for that if thou look unto God and his providence, all things succeed in a steady and immovable order. Now I cast aside my sword and come to my engines: neither will I any longer assault thy SORROW with handy weapons, but with great ordinance: running against it with the strong and terrible 
(b) It is here taken for an eng●n● of war. Whereof the disputation is doubtful, for ●abbed curiosity's of men's wits.  Ram, which no power of man is able to put back, nor policy to prevent. This place is somewhat slippery, yet I will enter into it, but warily, slowly, and (as the Grecians speak) with a quiet foot.  
And first that there is a kind of FATAL DESTINY in things, I think neither thyself (Lipsius) nor any people or age hath ever doubted of. Here I interrupting him said, I pray you pardon me if I hinder you a little in this course. What? Do you oppose Destiny unto me? Alas, this is but a weak engine pushed on by the feeble Stoics. I tell you plainly I care not a rush for the DESTINIES, nor for the 
(a) They are called Parcae, and Poets have feigned three of them.  Ladies of them. And I say with the soldier in Plautus. I will scatter this troop of old wives with one blast of breath, even as the wind doth the leaves. Langius looking sternly on me, wilt thou so rashly and unadvisedly (said he) delude or deny utterly DESTINY? Thou art not able, except thou can at once take away the divine Godhead and the power thereof, For, if there be a GOD, 
First a certain fatal necessity is proved. By an indissoluble knitting together of causes.  there is also PROVIDENCE: if it, a decree and order of things, and of that followeth a firm and sure necessity of events. How avoid you this blow? Or with what axe will you cut off this chain? For GOD and that eternal spirit may not otherwise be considered of us, then that we attibute unto it an eternal knowledge and fore sight. We must acknowledge him to be stayed, resolute and immutable, always one, and like himself, not wavering or varying in those things which once he willed and foresaw. For, The eternal God never changeth his mind, saith Homer. Which if thou confess to be true (as needs thou must, if there be in thee any reason or sense) this also must be allowed that all God's decrees are firm and immovable even from everlasting unto all eternity: of this groweth necessity, and that same DESTINY which thou deridest. The truth whereof is so clear and commonly received, that there was never any opinion more currant among all nations: And whosoever had any light of God himself and his providence, had the like of Destiny. 
Some knowledge of destiny imprinted naturally in all men.  The most ancient and wisest Poet Homer (believe me) traced his divine muse in none other path than this of Destiny. Neither did the other Poets his progeny stray from the steps of their father. See Euripides, Sophocles, Pindarus, 
Homer a right wise poet accounted of all the wife.  and among the Latins- Virgil. Shall I speak of Historiographers? This is the voice of them all: That such and such a thing came to pass by Destiny, 
He is a ringleader to destiny.  and that by destiny kingdoms are either established, or subverted. Would you hear the Philosophers, whose chief care was to find out and defend the truth against the common people? 
Whom other writers followed.  As they jarred in many things through an ambitious desire of disputing: so it is a wonder to see how they agreed universally upon the entrance into this way which leadeth to Destiny. 
Almost all the philosophers agreed upon destiny.  I say in the entrance of that way, because I deny not, but that they followed some by-path-ways, which may be reduced into these four kinds of DESTINY, namely, MATHEMATICAL, NATURAL, VIOLENT and TRUE. 
But yet there be 4 several opinions touching the nature thereof.  All which I will expound briefly, only touching them a little, because that here-hence commonly groweth confusion and error.   

CHAPT. XVIII. The three first kinds of destiny briefly expounded. The definition or description of them all. The Stoics slightly and briefly excused.  
I Call MATHEMATIGAL destiny, 
What Mathematical destiny is.  that which tieth and knitteth firmly all actions and events to the power of the planets, and dispositions of the Stars: Of which the Chaldeans & Astrologians were the first authors. And among the Philosophers that lofty Mercurius is principal and Abettor, who subtly and wisely distinguishing PROVIDENCE, 
●lato likewise in Ti●aeo, inclineth hereto.  NECESSITY, and DESTINY, saith: Providence is an absolute and perfect knowledge of the celestial God: which hath two faculties nearly allied unto it, Necessity and Destiny. Destiny truly serveth and assisteth providence, and also Necessity: But unto Destiny itself the stars do minister. For neither may any man avoid the force of Fate, neither beware of the power and influence of the stars. For these be the weapons and armour of Destiny, at whose pleasure they do and perform all things to nature and men. In this foolish opinion are not only the common crew of Astrologers, but (I shame to speak it) some Divines.  
I call Natural fate the order of natural causes, which (not being hindered) by their force and nature do produce a certain and the self same effect. 
What physical or natural destiny is. ] Aristotle is of this sect, if we give credit to Alexander Aphrodiseus his interpreter. Likewise Theophrastus▪ who writeth plainly, That destiny is the nature of each thing. By their opinion it is Destiny that a man begetteth a man; and so that he dieth of inward natural causes & not by violence or force, it is destiny. contrarily, that a man should engender a serpent or a monster, it is 
(a) So do Virgil and Cicero write, that a thing may die by destiny, or be●ides destiny.  besides Destiny: Also to be killed with a sword, or by fire. This opinion is not very offensive, for that indeed it ascendeth not so high as the force of Fate or Destiny. And doth not every one escape falling that keepeth himself from climbing aloft? Such a one is 
(b) For he doth not fully and plainly allow providence, but only hath a glance at it in his Ethics.  Aristotle almost every where writing aught of celestial matters, except it be in his book of the world, which is a golden treatise, savouring of a more celestial air. I read moreover in a Greek writer that Aristotle thought Fate was no cause, but that chance was in some sort an alteration or change of the cause of such things as were disposed by necessity. O the heart of a Philosopher: that durst account Fortune and Chance among the number of causes, but not Destiny. But let him pass: I come to the Stoics my friends (for I profess to hold that sect in estimation and account) who were the authors of VIOLENT FATE, 
The Stoic wisest of all the ancient Sages.  which with Seneca I define to be, A necessity of all things and actions, which no force can withstand or break. 
What Stoical fate is. ] And with Crisiopus, A spiritual power, governing orderly the whole world] These definitions serve not far from the truth, if they be sound and modestly expounded. Neither (happily) their opinion generally, if the common people had not condemned the same already by a prejudicate conceit. They are charged with two impieties, 
Wherein the Stoics do err.  that they make God subject to the wheel of Destiny, and also the actions of our will. I cannot boldly acquit them of both these faults: for out of some of their writings (few being at this day extant) we may gather those sayings, and out of some other we collect more wholesome sentences.  
Seneca a principal pillar of that sect stumbleth at the first block in his book of providence, where he saith, 
They seem to make God subject to destiny:  The very same necessity bindeth God: an irrevocable course carrieth away both humane and divine things. The maker and ruler of all things decreed destinies, but now followeth them: He commanded once, but he obeyeth for ever. And that same indissoluble chain and linking together of causes which bindeth all things and persons, 
And to deprive man of his liberty.  seemeth plainly to infer force or constraint. But the true Stoics never professed such doctrine, and if by chance any like sentence passed from them in the vehemency of their writing or disputing, 
But in truth they be not wholly of that opinion.  it was more in words than in substance and sense. Chrysippus (who first corrupted that grave sect of Philosophers with crabbed subtleties of questions) cleareth it from depriving man of free liberty. 
(a) In Agelius.  And our Seneca doth not make God subject to fate (he was wiser than so) but God to God, after a certain kind of speech. For those Stoics that came nearest the truth do call Destiny sometimes Providence, and sometimes God. 
For they use the name of destiny otherwise, meaning thereby sometimes providence, and sometimes God.  Therefore Zeno when he had called Destiny a Power moving about the same matter, after one and the same manner, he addeth, which it booteth not whether you call it Providence or nature. Likewise Chrysippus other where calleth Destiny the eternal purpose or decree of povidence. Panaetius the Stoic said, That God himself was Fate, 
(a) li. 4 de been. ca 7. where this is read somewhat otherwise and corruptible.  Seneca being of the same mind saith, When you list you may call the author of nature and all things, by this or that name: You may justly term him the best and great jupiter and thundering, and Stator, that is, Stable or standing, not so called (as Historians deliver) because that after a vow undertaken, he stayed the Roman Army flying away: But because all things stand by his free benefit, therefore was he named 
(b) Stator & stabilitor  slander or stablisher. If you call him also Fate or destiny, you shall not bely him. For sith that destiny is nothing but a folded order of causes, he is the principal & first cause of all, whereon the residue do depend. Which last words are so godly spoken, that slander itself cannot slander them. In this point dissented not from the Stoics that great Writer to a great King: 
Aristotle to Alexander in his book de mundo.  I think that Necessity ought not to be called any thing else but God, as a steadfast and stable nature. And destiny that which knitteth together all things and holdeth his course freely, without let or impediment. Which sayings, if they have any taste of temerity in them, yet not of impiety: and being rightly interpreted differ not much from our true fate or destiny. I do in good earnest give this commendation to the Stoics, 
The sect of the Stoics noble and renowned.  that no other sect of Philosopher's avowed more the majesty and providence of God, nor drew men nearer to heavenly and eternal things. And if in treading this trace of Destiny they went somewhat astray, it was through a laudable and good desire they have to withdraw blind men from that blind Goddess, I mean FORTUNE: 
a) As also did Augustine lib. 1 retract. ca 1.  The nature whereof they did not only mightily hiss out of their company, but even the very name.   

CHAPT. XIX. The fourth and true kind of Destiny expounded. The name briefly spoken of, it is lightly defined, and proved to differ from Providence.  
THis much may suffice touching the opinions and dissensions of the Ancients. For why should I over curiously search the secrets of hell? (as the proverb is) I shall have enough to do with true Destiny, which now I propound and illustrate, calling it, AN ETERNAL DECREE OF GOD'S PROVIDENCE, which cannot be taken away no more than providence itself. And let not any man cavil with me about the name, because I say there is not in Latin an other proper word to express that thing, but FATUM. 
(a) Which I english Fate or destiny.  What? have old writers abused it? Let us use it: and so enlarging this word out of the prison of the Stoics, let us bring it to a better light. It is called in Latin FATUM a fando of speaking, neither is it any thing else properly, but The saying and commandment of God: 
where we may use the name of Fate or Destiny, and how far forth.  And this is it which now I seek for: I define it either with that famous PICUS, A rank and order of causes depending upon God's counsel, or with mine own words more obscurely and subtly, 
Two definious of true fate, the first plain, the other obscurer but more to the nature of the thing.  An immooveble decree of Providence inherent in things movable, whi●h firmly effecteth every thing in his order, place, and time. I call it A decree of Providence, because I agree not wholly with the Divines of our days (let them give me leave in the free study of the truth) who in name and nature confound it with providence. 
〈◊〉 seemeth not ●o be all one ●ith providence.  I know it to be a hard matter, and full of temerity to conceive or restrain unto certain words that Supernatural and supercelestial essence I mean God) or ought that belongeth to him: yet unto man's capacity, I defend and maintain that providence is one thing properly, 
The diuersi●ie of them ●oth.  and the same which we call fate or destiny, another: For I consider providence no otherwise then that it be, A Power and faculty in God of seeing, knowing & governing all things.] A POWER, I say, universal, undivided, guarded, and as Lucretius speaketh, united together. But Destiny seemeth to descend into the things themselves and to be seen in the particulars of them, 

Providence is considered universally. Destiny particularly. That is in God.  
This in the things themselves.   being as it were a disposing and bestowing abroad of that universal providence, by particulars. Therefore Providence is in God, and attributed to him alone: Destiny in the things and to them is ascribed▪ You think I trifle, and (as it is said) 
(a) Milium terebrare, a proverb.  bore holes in Millet seed: No (Lipsius) I take this out of the talk of the common people, among whom nothing is more usual than to say, This was my good or evil d●stinie: and likewise, this was the fatal decree of this kingdom, or that town. But no man so speaketh of providence, no man applieth it to the things themselves, without impiety and derision. Therefore I said well, that the one of them was in God, tother truly from God, and perceived in the self things.  
I say moreover, that though Providence be not really divided from Destiny, 
Providence better than Destiny.  yet it is more excellent and more ancient: Even as we are taught in the schools of the wise to say that the Sun is more worthy than the light: Eternity than time: Understanding, than reason. But to draw into a short sum these curious not common matters. Thou seest I have just cause both to use this distinction, and also to retain the name of Destiny against the new Consistory of Divines. For why? Those ancient famosed 
(a) August. lib. ● de civit. dei ca 1. & 9 Ite● Isiodorus. Orig 8. ca vl. Quin. & Tho. Aquinus who wrote a book of destiny.  Fathers prohibit me not but that I may use in his right and true sense the word DESTINY. But now that I may return to make plain my former definition, I said it was, An inherent decree,] to show that Destiny should be marked in the things to the which it cometh, and not from whence it proceedeth. I added, In movable things, signifying that although Destiny itself be immovable, 
The definition of Destiny explained and made manifest,  yet it taketh not away motion, nor any natural faculty from things, but worketh easily and without force, even as the marks and signs imprinted by God in each thing, do require. In causes (secondary I mean) that be necessary, it worketh necessarily: In natural causes, naturally: in voluntary causes, voluntarily: In contingent, contingently. Wherefore in respect of the things it doth neither force, 
Destiny doth not force things  nor constrain: But as every thing is made to do, or suffer, so it directeth and turneth all things. But if you recall it to his first original, I mean God and his providence, I affirm constantly and boldly that all things are done necessarily, which are done by destiny.  
lastly, 
The last part of the definition explained.  I joined of the Order, place and time, establishing that which I said before, that providence was of things in universality, Destiny by distribution in particularities. By ORDER, I understand the course and uniting together of causes which destiny limitteth. By PLACE and TIME, I mean that wonderful and incomprehenble power whereby all events or actions are tied to their certain places and moments of time. It was destinitie that Tarqvinius should be banished his kingdom. Be it so: but first let the adultery be committed. You see the order of the causes. It was destiny that Caesar should be killed. So: But in the Senate by the image of Pompey. You see the place. That Domitian should be murdered of his own people. Let him be murdered; but yet at the very hour, even the fift, which in vain he sought to prevent. Thus you see the time.   

CHAPT. XX. It is distinguished by four Notes from Stoical Destiny. Here is showed more exactly how it doth not enforce our will: And also, that God is neither coadjutor, nor author of evil.  
HOw sayest thou (young man) perceivest thou this? Or must I light a clearer torch to thee? I striking my head, Yea, (Langius) I must have more light, or I shall never come out of this darkness. What slender kind of distinctions be these? What captious gins of questions are here? I fear treason (believe me) and suspect those mystical and doubtful words of yours as my very enemies. Langius laughing a little, be of good courage (quoth he) here is no Hannibal. Thou art come into a sure castle, not fallen into any ambushment: I will give thee light enough. Tell me where and in what point thou art so ignorant yet? In that Langius which concerneth force and necessity. For truly I cannot conceive how this destiny that you describe, differeth from that of the Stoics, 
True destiny seemeth to be mixed with Stoical.  which when you had in words shut out at the broad gate (as I may say) in effect you let in afterwards at a postern or backdore. No (Lipsius) God forbid: for my part I do not so much as dream of any such Stoical Destiny, nor study to revive again those 
(a) The Lad●es of destiny, called generally Parcę.  old wives long agone dead and buried. I propose unto thee such a destiny as may stand with modesty and godliness, distinguished from that violent Fate by four marks. They make God himself subject to Destiny, And jupiter (in Homer) though he were most willing, 
But they differ in 4. points.  could not enlarge Sarpedon from his bands.  
But we do subject Destiny unto God, 
1 1. We accounted God to be above Fate.  making him a most free author and actor of things, able at his will, and pleasure far to surmount and cut in sunder those linked troops and bands of Destiny. They appoint a successive order of natural causes from all eternity: 
2 2 We make nor the order of second causes eternal.  We do not make the causes always natural (for God is often the cause of wonders and miracles, beside or contrary to nature) nor eternal. For these second causes had their beginning with the world. thirdly, they take away all contingency from things; 
3 3. We take not away contingent things  we admit it, affirming that as often as the secondary causes are such, chance or hap may be admitted in the events and actions. lastly, they seemed to intrude a violent force upon our will. This be far from us, who do both allow fate or destiny, and also join hands with liberty or 
(a) Whatsoever I speak here, let the wise be iu●ges of it, I will amend any thing upon admonition. And albeit happily I may be convinced of folly, yet will I not of frowardness.  freedom of will. 
4 4. We graun● to man a certain liberty or freedom.  We do so shun the deceitful blasts of Fortune, and chance, that we dash not our ship against the rocks of necessity. Is there FATE? Yea. But it is the first and principal cause, which is so far from taking away the middle and secondary causes, that (ordinarily and for the most part) it worketh not but by them: and thy will is among the number of those secondary causes, think not that God 
(b) Augustine saith sharply and subtly: The will cannot be constrained to will that which it would not. For we should not will it, if we were not willing of it  forceth it, or wholly taketh it away: herein is all the error and ignorance in this matter, no man considereth how he ought to will that which Destiny willeth: And I say freely to will it. For God that created all things useth the same without any corruption of them. As the highest sphere with his motion swayeth about the rest, yet so as it neither barreth nor breaketh them of their proper motions: So God by the power of destiny draweth all things, but taketh not away the peculiar faculty or motion of any thing. He would that trees & corn should grow. So do they, without any force of their own nature. He would that men should use deliberation and choice. So do they, without force, of their free-will. And yet, whatsoever they were in mind to make choice of, God foresaw from all eternity: He foresaw it (I say) not forced it: he knew it, 
●●aecogno●uit omnia ●d non prae ●niuit. Da●ascenus.  but constrained not: he foretold it, but not prescribed it. Why do our curious Curious stagger or stumble hereat? O simple creatures! I see nothing more clear than this, except it be so that some busy want on mind listeth to rub and exasperate itself, being infected with a contagious itching of disputation and contention.  
How can it be (say they) if God foresaw that I should sin, and his foresight cannot be deceived, but that I do sin necessarily? Fool! Who denieth it? Thou sinnest necessarily, and yet of thine own free will. 
●e sin necessarily, yet of ●ur own free-●il.  Forsooth thus much did God foresee, that thou shouldest sin in such sort as he foresaw, but he saw that thou shouldest sin freely, therefore thou sinnest freely and necessarily. Is this plain enough? They urge further, and say, Is not God in us the author of every motion? He is the author generally, I confess, yet the favourer of good only. Art thou inclined to virtue? He knoweth it, and helpeth thee. Unto vice? He knoweth that also, and 
(a) In some sense willeth it, for that nothing is done against his will.  suffereth thee. Neither is there any fault in him. I ride a weak and lame horse, the riding is of me, 
Plutarch wittily denieth that sins are wrought by destiny, & yet be contained under destiny As all things are not done by law, that be compehended in the law  but the weakness and lameness of himself. I play upon a harp ill sounding and out of tune: In that it is out of tune is the fault of the Instrument, not of me. The earth with one universal and the same juice nourisheth all trees and fruits whereof some grow to be profitable, and some poisonable. What then? shall we say that this proceedeth of the earth, and not rather from the nature of the trees that do convert so good nutriment into poison? So in this case it cometh of God that thou art moved: But it is of and in thyself that thou art moved to evil. Finally, to conclude of this liberty: Destiny is as the first man that leadeth the round in this dance of the world: but so as we dance our parts to, in willing, or nilling; and no further, not in doing, for there is left to man only a free-will to strive and stuggle against God, and not power to perform the same. 
A fit simililitude.  As it is lawful for me to walk up and down in a ship and to run about the hatches or seats, but this stirring of mine cannot hinder the sailing of the ship: So in this fatal vessel wherein we all sail, let our wills wrangle and wrest as they list, they shall not turn her out of her course, nor any thing hinder the same. That highest will of all wills must hold and rule the reins, and with the turn of a hand direct this chariot whither soever it pleaseth.   

CHAPT. XXI. A Conclusion of the treatise of Destiny. An admonition that it is doubtful and full of danger: And must not curiously be searched. lastly, an earnest exhortation to imprint courage in our minds through necessity.  
But why do I sail on so long in this course? I will now cast about and avoid this 
(a) A gulf by Sicily.  Charybdis, which hath swallowed up so many men's wits. Here I behold how 
(b) In his books of divination.  Cicero suffered shipwreck, who chose rather to deny providence, than to abate one ace of man's liberty: So whiles that he made men free (as it is finely said by one Prelate) he made them sacrilegious. Damascene also saileth in this gulf, and extendeth providence unto other things, but excludeth it from those that are in us. By whose harms (Lipsius) I being warned will keep the snore, 
Coals do lie hid under embers: So is it of destiny: we must not sti●●hem to much, ●or thrust this ●ire with the sword of our sharp wit.  and not launch out too far into this deep sea. Euclides being demanded many things touching God, answered fitly; Other things I know not, but of this I am assured, that he hateth curious persons. Even so I think of destiny, which must be looked unto; not into: and be credited, nor perfectly known. I suppose that saying of Bias, Touching God, believe that he is, may better be applied to destiny, whereof I admonish thee this much, that it sufficeth to know that it is. If thou be ignorant in other things thereto belonging, it is no offence. This is sufficient to our purpose (for I now return from wandering, 
But apply it to our profit.  into the right way again) that thou believe necessity to be naturally borne together with public evils, and therehence seek some solace of thy sorrow. What appertaineth it unto thee to inquire curiously of the liberty or thraldom of our will? Whether it be enforced or persuaded? Alas poor soul! 
(a) This is spoken in respect of Archimedes that famous Geometrician of Syracusis, who in the sack of the city was slain drawing of geometrical figures in the ground.  Thy town is sacked by the enemy, and thou sittest drawing circle's in the dust. War, tyranny, slaughter, and death hang over thy head, which things truly are sent from above, and do not in any wise appertain to thy will or pleasure. Thou mayst fear, but not prevent: fly, but not avoid them. Arm thyself against them, and take this fatal weapon in thy hand, which will not only prick, but paunch all these sorrows: not lighten thee, but wholly unload thee of them. As a nettle if you touch it softly, stingeth; but looseth his force if you handle it roughly: So this grief groweth greater by applying soft mollifying plasters, but is soon cured with sharp corrosives. Now there is nothing more forcible than NECESSITY, 
The same is a most strong armour of proof against sorrow.  which with one assault overthroweth and putteth to flight all these weak troops. What meanest thou Sorrow? It is no boot to use thee, when a thing of necessity must, or reason ought to come to pass. What wilt thou querulous complaint do? Thou mayst shake this celestial yoke, but not shake it of. 
Leave off to think that Gods fatal decree.  
By thy repining may altered be.   
There is no other refuge from necessity, but to wish that, that she willeth. Well was it said by an excellent wise man, Thou art ●ure to be conqueror if thou enter into no conflict, 
Epictetus' in his Enchitidion.  but such as is in thy power to overcome. The combat with necessity is not such, wherewith whosoever contendeth shall be overcome: yea, which more may be marveled at, he is already vanquished before he begin to enter the lists with it.   

CHAPT. XXII. Some do seek a cloak for their laizinesse in destiny: But that is taken away. Fate worketh by secondary causes, therefore they must be applied. How far it behoveth us to aid our country, and how not. The end of this first conference & book.  
HEre Langius pausing a little, I became the readier to speak my mind, and told him that if this wind blew a stern thus a while, I should think myself very near the haven. For I have now a bold resolution to follow God and obey necessity▪ Me thinks I can say with Euripides. 
Euripides.  I had rather do sacrifice unto him, then incensed with ire to kick against the pricks, or that I being a mortal man should contend with God immortal. Yet there is one tempestuous wave of a troubled imagination that tosseth me: Assuage it (Langius) if you may. For if all public evils come by Destiny, which cannot be constrained nor controlled, why then shall we take any care at all for our counrrie? Why do we not leave all to that great masterless Lord, 
An objection for the slothful against Destiny.  and sit still ourselves with our hands in our bosoms? For you say that all advise and aid is of no force, if DESTINY be against it. LANGIUS replying, Alas young man (said he) by wilful frowardness thou errest from the truth. Is this the way to obey Destiny; and not rather to resist and contemn it? 
●t is answered and showed that mean causes do proceed and go before fatal events.  Thou wilt sit still with thy hands in thy bosom. Well, I would thy tongue had been tied now. Who told thee that Destiny worketh alone without co●dinuant and mean causes? It is Destiny thou shouldest have children: yet first thou must sow the seed in thy wives garden. To be cured of thy disease: but so as thou use the Physician and good nourishment. So likewise if it be Destiny that this weatherbeaten ship of thy country shall be saved from drowning, it is destiny withal that she be aided and defended. If thou wilt attain to the haven thou must ply the oars, and hoist thy sails, and not idly expect wind at will from heaven.  


Good and evil destiny cometh without miracle, by ordinary & accustomed means.  
Consider the state of Belgica.   Contrarily, if it be destiny that thy country shall be brought to confusion, such things shall come to pass by destiny, as will bring her to desolation by humane means. The princes and people shall be at variance among themselves; none shall be willing to obey; none able to command: All shall speak proudly, and do cowardly. Finally, the Chieftains themselves shall have neither counsel, nor fidelity. 
(a) Velleius paterculus lib. 11. de Caesare & Varo.  Velleius said truly, The force of Fates is inevitable, whose estate they determine to confound, his counsels they corrupt, And again, The matter is so, that God when he will change a man's good estate, taketh away his understanding: And (which is most wretched of all) he causeth that the misery which befalleth is reputed to happen most deservedly. Yet thou must not be so driven into despair, 
We must not despair at the first, as if Fate frowned unappeasably upon us.  as though at the first assault thy country were in hazard of utter destruction. How knowest thou that? What canst thou tell whether this be only a light fit of a fever, or a deeper disease unto death? Therefore put to thy helping hand, and (as the proverb is,) hope still whiles breath is in the sick body. But if thou see by certain and infallible tokens that the fatal alteration of the State is come, with me this saying shall prevail, Not to fight against God. 
All things are first to b● assayed, but with that mean, which wisdom only prescribeth.  And in such a case I would allege the example of Solon: for when Pisistratus had brought the city of Athens under his obedience, Solon seeing that all his labour for defence of the common liberty was in vain, came and laid down his sword and Target before the Senate doors, crying out, O my countr●e, I have by word and deed defended thee whiles I could. And so going home he was quiet afterwards. So do thou: yield to God, and give place to the time. And if thou be a good citizen or commonwealths-man preserve thyself to a better and happier end. The liberty which now is lost, may be recovered again hereafter; and thy decayed country may flourish in another age: why dost thou lose all courage & fall into despair? Of those two Consuls at the battle of Cans, I account Varro a more excellent citizen, who escaped, than Paulus that was slain; & so did the Senate & people of Rome judge, giving him thanks publicly for that he had not lost all hope, nor despaired wholly of the commonwealth. Howbeit whether she shake, or fall: whether she impair or wholly perish, be thou not afflicted, 
The conclusion, with a general exhortation unto Constancy.  but take unto thee the noble courage of Crator; who when Alexander asked whether he would have his country restored again to liberty; why should I? said he, for it may be that another Alexander will oppress her. This is the property of wise and valiant hearted men, as Achilles was warned in Homer. 
Though cause of grief be great, yet let us keep  
All to ourselves: it booteth not to weep.  Else as Creon (mentioned in fables) embracing his daughter being a burning, did not help her, but cast himself away: So (Lipsius) thou shalt sooner with thy tears quench the light of thine own life, than this general flame of thy country.  

The cause of breaking of the conference ●nd putting ●t over till an other time.  Whiles that Langius was thus speaking, the doors racked with a great noise, and behold there came a lad directly towards us, sent from that worthy parsonage Torrentius, to put us in mind of the hour of supper: Then Langius as it were one awaking (suddenly) out of a sound sleep, oh (said he) how hath this talking beguiled me? How is this day stolen away? And there withal he arose, taking me by the hand, and said, come (Lipsius) let us go to our supper long wished for. Nay (quoth I) let us sit still a while longer. I account this the best supper of all others, which I may call as the Grecians do, The meat of the gods. Whiles we are at this banquet, I do always hunger, and am never satisfied. But Langius drew me along with him, saying, Let us now have regard to our promise made, and that which is behind of our duty to CONSTANCY, we will, if it please you, perform tomorrow.   
THE END OF THE first Book.   

justus Lipsius, his second BOOK, OF CONSTANCY.  

CHAPT. I. The occasion of renewing their ●alke. The going unto Langius his pleasant garden, and the commendation thereof.  
THE next day it seemed good to Langius to bring me unto his gardens, being two, which he kept with very great care: 
Langius his care of gardens.  one in the hill over against his house, the other farther off in a valley by the river of Moze. 
Which river holdeth his course gently, 
A Verse of Ennius.   
By a town seated most pleasantly.  Therefore coming somewhat timely into my chamber, what (Lipsius) said he, shall we walk abroad, or had you rather take your ease and sit still? Nay (Langius) I had rather walk with you. But whether shall we go? If it please you, (quoth Langius) to my garden by the rivers side; the way is not far, you shall exercise your body, and see the town: Finally, the air is there pleasant and fresh in this haot weather. It pleaseth me well (said I) neither shall any way be tedious for me to follow if you go before; though it were to the furthest Indieses. And therewith calling for our cloaks, we put them on: we went, and went into the garden. 
Our going to the garden.  In the very entrance as I cast my eyes about with a wandering curiosity, wondering with myself at the elegancy and beauty of the place: My Sire (said I) what pleasantness and bravery is this? 
The beauty & bravery of it.  You have heaven here (Langius) and no garden: Neither do the glittering stars shine clearer in a fair night, than your fine flowers glistering and showing their colours with variety. Poets speak much of the gardens of Adonis and Alcinous: They are trifles and in comparison of this no better than pictures of F●ies: when I drew nearer and applied some of the flowers to my nose & eyes, what shall I wish first (quoth I) to be all eye, with Argus: or nose with Catullus? This delight so tickleth and feedeth both my senses at once. Away, away, all ye odours of Arabia, you are loathsome unto me in comparison of this pure and celestial air that I savour. Then spoke Langius wring me softly by the hand, and not without laughter: It is well commended of you (Lipsius) but truly neither I nor my country dame Flora, here present, do deserve these lofty and friendly praises. Yea, but they are truly deserved (Langius.) Think ye that I flatter you? I speak in good earnest and from my heart. The Elysian fields are not Elysian in respect of this your farm. For behold, what exquisite neatness is here on every side? what order? how proportionably are all things disposed in their borders and places, that even checker-worke in tables is not more curious? Again, what plenty is here of flowers and herbs? What strangeness and novelty? In so much that nature seemeth to have compacted with in this little plot, whatsoever thing of price is comprised in this, or that new world.   

CHAPT. II. The praise of Gardens in general. That the care of them is ancient, and from nature itself. That it was used by kings and great personages. Finally, the pleasure of them laid open before our eyes; and my wish not ungodly.  
ANd surely (Langius) this your industrious care of gardens, is a labour well-beseeming and praise worthy. 
The praise of gardens: and that the study of that faculty, seemeth to be naturally bred in many.  A labour, whereto (if I guess not amiss) every good man as he is most temperately given, so is he drawn by nature, and addicted thereunto. An argument thereof is this, that you cannot name any kind of delight, which the chief men of all ages have more affected, than this. Look into the holy Scripture, and you shall see that gardens had their beginnings with the world, God himself appointing the first man his habitation therein, 
For the best sort of men are and ever have been given thereto.  as the seat of a blessed and happy life. In profane writers the gardens of Adonis, of Alcinous, Tantalus & the Hesperides are grown into fables and common proverbs; Also in very good approved histories you shall find, 
Their antiquity.  that king Cyrus had gardens and Orchards planted with his own hands: That Semiramis had goodly flowers hanging in the air: Marsinissa strange and famous garnished gardens, to the wonder of Africa. Moreover among the ancient Grecians and Romans, how many could I allege that have cast aside all other cares and betaken themselves wholly to this study? 
Famous and worthy men▪ addicted to that delight:  And they all (in a word) Philosophers and wise men, who eschewing the cities and troublesome assembliees of people, contained themselves within the bounds and limits of their gardens. And among these, me thinks I see king Tarqvinius in the time of that first old Rome, walking pleasantly in his garden, and cropping the tops of Poppy. I remember Cato Censorius given to the pleasure of gardens and writing seriously of that argument: Lucullus after his victories obtained in Asia, taking his recreation in his gardens. Silla, who forsaking the 
(a) An office of highest authority among the Romans.  Dictatorship spent his old age joyously here: Lastly I may not forget Dioclesian the Emperor, that preferred his potherbs and Lettuce of a poor farm at Salona, before the imperial sceptre and robes of purple. Neither have the common people dissented from the judgement of the better sort, in this point, in that I know all honest minds and free from ambition, have ever been delighted in this exercise. For there is in us a secret and natural force (the causes whereof I cannot easily comprehend) which draweth unto this harmless and liberal recreation, 
An inward & secret kind of delight in gardens.  not only those that be prone by nature that way: but also such austere and grave personages, as would seem to despise and deride it.  
And as it is not possible for any man to contemplate heaven and those immortal spirits there, without fear & reverence: so can we not behold the earth & her sacred treasures, nor the excellent beauty of this inferior world, without an inward tickling and delight of the senses. Ask thy mind and understanding, 
Which beguileth the mind and senses.  it will confess itself to be led, yea & fed with this aspect and sight. Ask thy senses of seeing and smelling, they will acknowledge that they take not greater delight in anything, than in the decent borders and beds of gardens. Pause I pray thee a little while and behold the multitude of flowers with their daily increasings, 
The pleasure in the diversity of the increase and growth of flowers.  one in the stalk, one in the bud, another in the blossom. Mark how one fadeth suddenly, and another springeth. Finally, observe in one kind of flower the beauty, the form, the shape or fashion either agreeing or disagreeing among themselves a thousand ways. What mind is so stern that amid all these will not bend itself with some mild cogitation, and be mollified thereby? Now come hither a whiles thou curious eye, and be fixed a little upon these gay and neat colours; 
Also in so great variety of Colours.  mark well this natural purple, that sanguine, this ivory, that snowy colour; This fiery, that golden hue: and so many other colours beside, as the best painter may emulate, but never be able to imitate with his pencil. 
And fragrant smells.  Lastly, what a sweet odour is there? What piercing savour? And I wots not what part of the heavenvly air infused from above, that it is not without cause why the Poets feigned, that flowers for the most part sprang up first from the juice and blood of their gods. O the true fountain of joy and sweet delight! O the seat of Venus and the Graces. I wish to rest me and lead my whole life in your bowers. 
My wish.  God grant me leave (far from all tumults of towns) to walk with a gladsome and wandering eye amid these heatbes and Flowers of the known and 
(a) The new world, as it is commonly called.  unknown world; and to reach my hands and to cast mine eyes one while to this full-grown Flower, and another while to that newly in the blossom: so that my mind being beguiled with a kind of wandering recklessness, I may cast off the remembrance of all cares and troubles.   

CHAPT. II. Here is argued against some curious persons that do abuse gardens to vanity and slothfulness: what is the true use of them: that they are meet for wise men, and learned: And that wisdom herself was first bred and brought up in them.  
WHEN I had thus spoken sharply in voice and countenance, than spoke Langius softly unto me; I see (Lipsius) I see you love this flourishing purple Nymph, but I fear me you dote upon her. You commend gardens, but so as you seem only to admire vain and outward things therein, neglecting the true & lawful delights thereof. You pore only upon colours, and borders, and are greedy of strange Flowers brought from all parts of the world. And to what end is all this? Except it be that I might account thee one of that sect which is risen up in our days, of curious & idle persons, 
The new sect of Garden-masters, scorned.  who have made a thing ●hat was in itself good and without all offence, to be the instrument of two foul vices, Vanity and Slothfulness. For even to this end have they their gardens: they do vaingloriously hunt after strange herbs & flowers, which having gotten, they preserve & cherish more carefully than any mother doth her child: these be the men whose letters fly abroad into Thracia, Greece, and India only for a little root or seed These men will be more grieved for the loss of a newefound flower, than of an old friend. Would not any man laugh at that 
(a) Hortensius who (it is said) wore mourning apparel for the loss of a Lamprey.  Roman which mourned in black for the death of a fish that he had. So do these men for a plant.  
Now if any of these whom ye see come hither to my Dame Flora for flowers, happen to get any new or strange one, how doth he boast of it? His companions do grudge and envy at him, yea some of them return home with a heavier heart, than ever did Sylla or Marcellus when they were put back in their suit for the Praetorship. What should I call this but a kind of merry madness? not unlike the striving of children about their little puppets and babbies.  
Yet consider moreover what great pains they take in these gardens. They sit, walk about the allies, stretch themselves like sluggards, and sleep; So as they make that place not only a nursery of idleness, but a very sepulchre of their slothfulness. A profane generation of men! whom I may rightly banish from the ceremonies and communion of true gardens, which I know were ordained for modest recreation, not for vanity: for solace, not for sloth. What? shall I be so lightheaded as to be lifted up or pressed down in mind for the getting or losing of some rare and strange hear be? Nay rather I will esteem all things according to their worth, 
The true use of Gardens.  and setting aside the enticement of rareness and novelty, I know they are but herbs or flowers; that is, things fading and of small continuance. Of which the Poet speaketh very fitly, that Zephyrus with his blasts bringeth up some, 
Which consisteth not in the price and estimation of flowers.  and withereth others. Therefore I do not contemn the beauty and elegancy of them; (as you may see for example here before your eyes:) But I descent from the opinion of these great Garden-masters, in that I get them without much travel, keep them without care, and lose them without grief. Again I am not so simple or baseminded as to tie or wed myself to the shadows of my garden. I find some business even in the mids of my idleness; my mind is there busied, 
But in honest delight and recreation o● the mind,  without any labour, and exercised without pain. I am never less solitary (said one) than when I am alone: nor never less idle, then when I am at leisure. A worthy saying, which I dare swear had his first beginning in these self same gardens that I speak of. For they be ordained, not for the body, but for the mind: and to recreate it, not to besot it with idleness: only as a wholesome withdrawing place from the cares and troubles of this world. 
For they be places most fit whither men may withdraw themselves.  Art thou weary of the concourse of people? here thou mayst be alone. Have thy worldly businesses tired thee? here thou mayst be refreshed again, where the food of quietness, & gentle blowing of the pure & wholesome air, will even breathe a new life into thee. 
And take th● fresh air.  Dost thou consider the wise men of old time? They had their dwelling in gardens. The studious and learned wits of our age? they delight in gardens; 
In old time they were the houses of wise men.  and in them (for the most part) are compiled those divine writings of theirs which we wonder at, and which no posterity or continuance of time shall be able to abolish. So many sharp and subtle disputations of natural philosophy, proceed from those green bowers. 
They are most meet for learned meditations and writings.  So many precepts of manners from those shadowy Achademies. Yea out of the walks and pleasant allies of gardens, spring those sweet abounding rivers which with their fruitful overflowings have watered the whole world. For why? the mind lifteth up and advanceth itself more to these high cogitations, when it is at liberty to behold his own home, heaven: Then when it is enclosed within the prisons of houses or towns. Here you learned Poets compose ye some poems worthy of immortality. Here let all the learned meditate and write: here let the Philosophers argue & dispute of contentation, constancy, life, and death. Behold (Lipsius) the true end and use of gardens! to wit, quietness, with drawing from the world, meditation, reading, writing: and all this as it were, by way of recreation & ●port: As painters having dimmed their eyes with long and earnest beholding their work, do recomfort them with certain glasses or green colours so here may we refresh our wearied and wandering minds.  
And why should I conceal mine intent from thee? Seest thou yonder arbour curiously wrought with sundry pictures cut out of the green boughs; The same is the house of my Muses, my nursery and school of wisdom. 
And chiefly for the exercise of wisdom.  Here I either ply myself with diligent and earnest reading, or else sow in my heart some seed of good cogitations, and thereby lay up some wholesome lessons in my mind, as it were weapons in an armory, which are always ready with me at hand against the force and mutability of Fortune. So soon as I put my foot within that place, I bid all vile and servile cares abandon me, and lifting up my head as upright as I may, contemn the delights of the profane people, & the great vanity of human affairs. Yea I seem to shake off all thing in me that is humane, and to be rapt upon high upon the fiery chariot of wisdom. Dost thou think when I am there that I take any care what the Frenchmen or Spaniards are in practising? who possess the sceptre of Belgica, or who be deprived of it? Whether the 
(a) The Turk.  Tyrant of Asia threaten us by sea or land? Or finally. 
(b) Quid sub Arcto Rex gelidae meditetur Orae.  What the king of the cold country under the North pole imagineth? No; none of all these things trouble my brain. I am guarded and fenced against all external things, and settled within myself, careless of all cares save one, which is, that I may bring in subjection this broken and distressed mind of mine to RIGHT REASON and GOD, and subdue all humane and earthly things to my MIND. That whensoever my fatal day shall come, I may be ready with a good courage joyfully to welcome him, and departed this life, not as thrust out at the windows, but as let out at the door. This is my recreation (Lipsius) in my gardens. These be the fruits which I will not exchange (so long as I am in my right mind) for all the treasure of Persia and India.   

CHAPT. FOUR An exhortation therefore unto Wisdom. By it we come to Constancy. Young men are seriously admonished to join the grave study of Philosophy with those other studies that be more pleasant? and plausible.  
THus Langius made an end of speaking; And with his last profound & constant talk, I confess he made me amazed. Yet recalling myself, Oh happy man (said I) both in tranquillity and troubles! O more than manly courage in a man! which would to God I were able in some measure to imitate, and to creep after your footsteps, although I came far behind. Here Langius reprehending me, what talk you of imitating? you may easily exceed me: and not only follow, but far pass me. For I myself (Lipsius) have trodden but very little in this path of Constancy and virtue. 
The way to Constancy▪ lieth open unto all men.  Neither am I to be compared as yet to valiant and good men, but perchance am a little better than the most effeminate and worst sort. But thou, 
Which way is wisdom.  whose towardliness is lusty and quick, set thyself forwards, & under my conduct enter into this highway which leadeth directly to Stableness and Constancy. The way that I speak of, is wisdom: whose even & easy tract I pray & admonish thee, that thou cease not to tread. Hast thou delighted in learning, & the company of those 
(a) The Muses.  nine sisters? I like it well, knowing that by this lighter & pleasant kind of learning, the mind is prepared & mad● ready 
(b) Augustinis 〈◊〉 and judgement in 〈…〉 order.  not being fit before to receive the sacred seed. Howbeit I allow not that thou shouldest stay there, and make that both the beginning and perfection of all thy studies. These must be the foundation not the self work: 
●herfore we condemn ●hisologie, which is, love of talk or eloquence.  The way to the mark, but not the goal or mark itself that we run at. If thou were bidden to a banquet, I trow thou wouldst not only taste of Marchpanes & junkets, but first settle thy stomach with some stronger meat: why should not the like be done in this public feast of learning? Why (I say (join we not to the firm food of Philosophy, 
Except we join therewithal philosophy, which is, love of wisdom.  with the sweet delicates of Orators and Poets? Mistake me not, I do not condemn these latter, but commend them in their place: and I would have those lose wandering Nymphs to be bridled (as I may say) by some severe Bacchus.  
The wooers that Homer writeth of are worthily scoffed, who missing of Penelope, became suitors to her maids. Beware thou do not likewise, and forsaking the lady of all, fall in love with her servants. It is a plausible kind of praise to be called a learned man: but better to be called a wise man; and best of all to have the title of a good man. Let us follow this, and by many labours let us not covet to know alone, but to be wise and do thereafter. 
How little worth is learning's skill,  
Where wisdom is not present still?   
So saith the old ver●e truly. How many are there at this day of the train of the Muses that do disgrace both themselves and the name of learning? Some, for that they are replenished with vices and wickedness: Many for that they be vain, 
The dishonesty and vain folly of some learned men.  unconstant, only speculative, and given to no fruitful or profitable study. What though they understand Greek and Latin Authors? That is all, they do nothing but understand them. And as Anacharsis spoke prettily of the Athenians, that they used 
(a) Nummis ad numerandum.  money only to cast accounts withal: so these men have their knowledge to no end, but to know. So little care have they of their life and deeds (in my conceit) that it is not without cause that learning is so il spoken of among the multitude, as if it were a Mistress to ungodliness. Howbeit good letters being rightly used are a directory unto virtue, couple wisdom with them; unto the which learning ought to prepare and frame our wits, 
What is the true end and use of learning.  not to detain or challenge them to itself. For as some trees will bear no fruit, except they grow near unto others that be of the male kind: No more will these tender Virgins (I mean good letters) unless they be conjoined with the manly courage of wisdom.  
Why dost thou correct the writings of Tacitus, if thy own life be uncorrected? 
An exhortation thereunto  why dost thou illustrate Tranquillus, thyself being in the dark mist of errors? Why art thou so careful in purging Plautus from faults and imperfections, when thy own mind is full of foul filth and sluttishness? Give thyself at length to better studies; and get learning that may serve thee not for vain ostentation, but to some good use and purpose. Apply thyself to wisdom, which may amend thy evil manners, set at rest and beautify thy distempered and unclean mind: She only is able to imprint virtue, & to work the impression of CONSTANCY in thee, and to set open unto thee the Temple of A GOOD MIND.   

CHAPT. V That wisdom is not obtained by wishing, but by working. A returning to the former talk of Constancy. That desire of learning is a good sign in youth.  
THis admonition wrought in me an earnest desire which I could not conceal: and thereupon I said: My father, in heart and mind I follow you, when shall I be able in deeds so to do? When will that day come wherein I shall be free from all these cares that trouble me, and tread the trace that leadeth unto true wisdom, whereby I may attain to CONSTANCY? Langius taking me up short, What? Dost thou betake thyself to wishing, 
Wisdom is not had with wishing.  rather than doing? It is spoken fondly, and as the common sort of men useth. For it cannot be that as fables make mention how Caeneus with a wish was transformed from a woman into a man; so thou shouldest of a fool be suddenly made wise, and of a light person, become constant with wishing. Thou must bestow thy labour with all, and (as the saying is) join hands with heart. Seek, read, learn. I know (Langius) said I, that I must do so, but I pray you set too your helping hand, and proceed forwards in your yesterdays talk that was interrupted by going to supper. 
A returning to the first communication that was interrupted.  Return again to CONSTANCY, the ceremonies of whose honour having been begun to be celebrated, may not be discontinued without sacrilege.  
Langius shaking his head a little. No Lipsius (quoth he) I will not do it, lest I shut up myself again in this school-house: This is no place fit for our purpose, which thou knowest well I made for mine ease, not for my pains: we will at some other time prosecute that argument. Nay, even now (quoth I) for what place is more meet for such wise communication, then that your school of wisdom? I mean your fair summer-house, which to me is (as it were) a Temple, and the table therein in stead of an altar, where sitting we may rightly sacrifice to this Saint. And again, I have a guess of good luck therehence. What is that? said Langius. That even as they which sit in Apothecaries shops carry with them in their clothes some savour of the place: so I have good hope that some sent of wisdom will stick in my mind, by residing in her study. Langius laughing I fear me (said he) your conjecture is so light that it will weigh just nothing. Yet let us go thither Lipsius, For I tell thee without dissimulation, this honest ardent desire of thine somewhat moveth and provoketh me. And as they that search for water-springes, when they perceive in the morning a steam rising out of the earth, do make conjecture that Waters lie there underneath: So I have great good hope of the fruitful streams of virtue; when I see and behold in a young man an earnest desire of learning. 
The love and earnest desire of learning, is a token of a good nature & disposition  And with those words he brought me to his bower-house, and into it: he set him down at the table. I turning me to the boys that were there, Ho sirs (quoth I) stand you and keep watch. And first of all, lock fast the door. And hear ye me? If any body come in hither to us alive, you shall die for it. I will have neither man, nor dog nor woman to be let in: no not GOOD FORTUNE herself, if she come. Then Langius laughing outright, said, have you at any time been a Viceroy, your mandates are so majestical and severe. I wis (quoth I) it behoveth me to beware by the hard warning we had 
(a) See the later end of the last chapter of the first book.  yesternight. Hold you on your talk in God's name.   

CHAPT. VI The third argument for Constancy, taken from PROFIT. That calamities are good for us, whether we respect their beginning, or end. For the original of them is of God, who is eternally and immutably good: And therefore not the cause of any evil.  
LAngius not meditating long, began thus. In the communication that I had yesterday of Constancy, I will constantly persever: following the same method, & containing my tongue within those bounds which I before prescribed. You know that I had four bands or troops of soldiers to fight for CONSTANCY against your SORROW and despair of courage; 
A brief repe●ition of somewhat before spoken.  whereof I have trained into the field the two former, which were of Providence and Necessity. And I proved sufficiently that public calamities were sent from God alone: Also that they were necessary, and by no flying away to be avoided. Now I set forwards my third troop, under the leading of PROFIT, 
The third argument taken from Profit. The force thereof.  wherein serveth the Legion which I may well term AIDING. A valiant and politic troop it is, if you mark it well. For I know not how it creepeth softly and insinuateth itself into the minds of men, & with a kind of flattering force overcometh them willingly. It stealeth, rather than rusheth upon us: enticeth, not enforceth: and we are as easily lead by profit, as drawn by necessity. This Profit (Lipsius) I oppose against thee & thy weak bands.  
I say these public calamities which we suffer are profitable unto us accompanied with an inward fruit and commodity. Do we call them EVILS? Nay rather they are good, if we pluck aside the vail of Opinions, and cast our eyes to the beginning and end of them: 
That the public evils, as we call them, are indeed good, because they come of God  whereof the one is from God; the other for good. The original of these miseries (as I proved plainly yesterday) is of God: That is, not only of the chiefest good, but also of the author, head and fountain of all goodness: from whom it is as impossible that any evil should proceed, as it is for himself to be evil. The divine power is bountiful and healthful, refusing to do or receive harm; whose chief virtue is to do good. Therefore the Ancients though they were void of the knowledge of God, 
Who is bountiful and helping.  yet having some conceit of him in their brain, called him 
(a) jupiter quasi iuuans pater, that is, a ●elping father.  jupiter a iwando; that is, of helping. Dost thou imagine that he is angry, or choleric, and casteth, as it were those noisome darts among men? Thou art deceived. Anger, wrath, revenge, 
Those evils are not sent as punishments.  are names of humane affections; and proceeding from a natural frailty & weakness, are incident only to weaklings. But that divine spirit doth still persever in his bounty: and those same bitter pills which he ministereth to us as medicines, 
But as medicines.  though sharp in taste, yet are they wholesome in operation. Well was it said by that prince of Philosophers, God doth no evil, 
Plato.  neither is the cause of any. Better and more significantly spoke our wise-maister; What is the cause that God doth good? His own nature. 
Seneca.  He is deceived whosoever thinketh that God can, or well do hurt. He can neither suffer nor do wrong. The first worship of God is, to believe him. Then to attribute to him his majesty, and also his goodness, without the which there is no majesty: to know that it is he which is governor of the world, that ruleth all things as his own, that taketh upon him the tuition of all mankind, yea more carefully of every particular person. He neither doth evil to others, nor hath any in himself.   

CHAPT. VII. Likewise, that the end of calamities tendeth always to good, albeit they be effected often times by hurtful persons, and for harms sake: But God breaketh and bridleth their force. And that all things are turned to our benefit. By the way is showed why God useth the instrument of wicked men, in inflicting calamities.  
THerefore, these calamities are good in respect of their beginning: and likewise in regard of their end, because they are ever directed to good and safety; 

Public calamities are good.  
Because the end of them is ever good.   (surely in good men) Thou wilt object and say, how can this be? Is it not evident that these wars and slaughters are committed with an intent to harm and hurt? It is true so, in respect of men, but not in respect of God: which that thou mayst more plainly and fully conceive, I must apply the light of a distinction. 
There be two sorts of them ●●me immediately from ●od, others ●y the means ●nd ministry of men.  There be two sorts of calamities sent from God: some Simple, some mixed. The first I call those which proceed purely from God without any interposition of man's policy or force. The second, Which are of God, yet wrought by the ministery of men. Of the former kind are famine, dearth, earthquakes, openings of the earth, overflowings of waters, sickness, death Of the latter are tyranny, war, oppression, slaughters. In those first all things are pure and without spot, as springing from a most pure fountain. In the latter I deny not but there is some filth and mixed, 
In the last sort there is some fault add mixed.  because they are conveyed & dirived through the foul conduits of affections. Is man a mean for effecting them? what marvel then is it, if there be a fault and offence committed in accomplishing them? marvel thou more at the provident goodness of God, 
Which God wipeth away in respect of us.  who converteth that fault to our furtherance, and the offence to our good. Seest thou a tyrant breathing out threatenings & murders: whose delight is in doing harm? which could be content to perish himself, so he may persecute others? Let him alone; he strayeth from his right mind. And God (as it were (by an invisible string leadeth him to his destruction. As an arrow cometh to the mark without any feeling of him that shot it: 
For he draweth all purposes to his own purpose.  so do these wicked ones. For that supreme power bridleth and keepeth under all men's power, and directeth their straying course to the happy haven. As in an Army the soldiers have sundry affections; one fight for pray, another for praise another for hatred, yet they all in their prince's quarrel and for the victory: So all men's wills be they good or bad, fight under God, and among sundry and manifold ends, at length they come all to this end of ends, as I may say.  

Neither is it any injury that God inflicteth his chastisements by others.  But thou wilt demand, why God useth the means of evil men? Why doth he not inflict those grievous punishments immediately himself, or else by the ministery of good men? O man, thou art too curious in inquiring; neither do I know whether it lie in my power to open these secrets unto thee. This I know well, that he hath reason of his doings, even then when we are farthest off from perceiving any. And yet what strange or new thing is this? The Precedent of a province commandeth an offender to be punished by the laws, yet the punisher to be some beadle or Sergeant. The father of a great family sometimes correcteth his son himself, otherwhiles he commandeth a servant or schoolmaster to do it. Why should we not grant unto God so much authority as to them? Why shall not he when it pleaseth him scourge us with his own hand; and again when it seemeth good to him, by the means of others? For therein is no wrong or injury. Is the servant that punisheth angry with thee? Hath he an intent to do thee harm? It maketh no matter, have thou respect to the mind of him that commanded. For thy Father who required it, standeth by, & he will not suffer thee to have one stripe more than his own appointment  
But why is sin mixed herewithal, and the poison of passions fastened to these divine darts? 
Nor yet, that the sin of men is mixed therewith. The cause thereof.  Thou drivest me now to a steep mountain, yet I will assay to climb up. God, to the end he might show forth his wisdom and great power, 
(a) In his ●●chiridion.  Hath thought it better (The words be Augustine's) to make good of evil, them to permit no evil at all: for what is wiser or better than he which can gather good from those evil, & turn things to health and safety, that were devised to destruction? we praise the physician that compoundeth the venomous viper with his treacle to work a wholesome effect: why wilt thou control God, if to these healthful dregs of calamities and afflictions, he add some faults of men without any offence to thee? for surely he boileth away & consumeth to nothing that poison adjoined, with the secret purging fire of his providence. Finally it maketh for the advancement of his power and glory, whereto he referreth all things necessarily. For what is more able to express his mighty power, than that he doth not only vanquish his enemies that withstand him, 
The wicked ●o unwitting ●ie and unwillingly serve God.  but so overruleth them, that he draweth them to his party? That they fight in his quarrel? And bear arms for his victory? which thing daily cometh to pass, when Gods will is performed in the wicked, but not of the wicked. When those things which ungodly men do against his will, he turneth them so that they come not to pass without his will. And what stranger miracle can there be, 
(a) The words of Severinus Boetlius in his book of comfort  than that wicked men should make them good, that were evil before.  
Behold, thou C. Cesar shalt help a little to our purpose. Go thy way and tread under foot two things religiously to be esteemed, to wit, thy country and son in law: This thy ambition (unawares to thee) shall do service to God, and to thy country, against which it aspired; for it shall be the restoring and preserving of the Roman state. Thou Attila thirsting after blood & booty, hast thee hither from the uttermost ends of the earth; take to thee by strong hand, slay, burn, & waste; This thy cruelty shall fight for God, and do nothing else but stir up the Christians which were drowned and buried in vain delights & pleasures. What do you, ye two Vespasian's? Destroy the country of jewrie and the people: take and sack the holy city. To what end: You verily do it for your glory and the augmentation of your Empire: but ye err. Ye are only the Beadles & Sergeants of God's severe punishments upon that ungodly nation. Go to, even you (peradventure) that put the Christians to death at Rome, revenge the death of Christ in jewrie.  
And now, O thou that art our precedent, whether it be from 
(b) Ab Hespero proeses sive ab Aurora. In the Latin he alludeth prettily to the country, and Lawful title of their prince, by a double signification of the word. For Hesperus signifieth the evening star, or West: And H●speria is taken for Spain. And Proeses expresseth the rightful title of their Lord or sovereign.  West or East; what intendest thou by this war and bloody weapons? Even to strengthen the empery of thy kingdom, and the power of thy own nation. But in vain. For thou art nothing else but a whip & scourge of the wanton and lascivious Flemings, We know not how to concoct our great felicities, without the help of these Neronian hot baths. These examples are occurrent in all ages, where we see that God by the wicked lusts of some men, hath accomplished his own good pleasure: and by the injustice of other men, hath executed his just judgements: wherefore (Lipsius) let us admire this hidden force of his wisdom, and not aspire to know it: 
The ends of public calamities be oftentimes hid and secret.  and let us be assured that all these great afflictions are to good end and purpose; although this blind mind of ours perceive it not, or slowly attain to the understanding thereof. For the true ends of afflictions are often hid from us, which notwithstanding shall have their due course though to us unknown; not unlike to certain rivers, which being removed from our sight, and running under the ground, are yet carried into their own sea.   

CHAPT. VIII. It is here more distinctly spoken of the ends themselves. They be threefold. To whom every of them doth agree. Then somewhat more at large touching Exercising, which profiteth good men more ways than one: by strengthening, by proving, by giving example to others.  
But if it be lawful for me to hoist sails, & carry my ship deeper into this sea of divine matters, I could (happily) speak somewhat of the ends themselves more plainly & more profoundly: First adding that saying of Homer,: If it lie in my power, or if the thing itself will admit the same. For there be some of those ends which it seemeth I can well enough conceive myself and make known to others: some also there be which I perceive doubtfully and with a confused sight. Of the first kind of ends which are certain, be these three. Exercising, Chastising, Punishment. 
The ends of afflictions, or miseries.  For if thou mark it it well thou shalt find that these grievous afflictions sent of God do commonly either exercise the good, chastise offenders or punish the wicked; and all this for our good. And to stand a while upon explaining the first branch, 
First exercising of us.  we see daily the best sort of men to be subject to calamities either privately or else to be partakers thereof with the wicked: We mark and marvel thereat, because we neither sufficiently conceive the cause, nor consider the consequence thereof. The cause is God's love towards us, 
Which helpeth us three ways.  and not hatred. The end or consequence, not our hurt, but our benefit. For this our exercising furthereth us more ways than one: it confirmeth or strengtheneth us; it trieth or proveth us; it maketh us mirrors of patience unto others.  
It doth strengthen us, 
1 1. By strengthening us.  for that the same is (as it were) our school-house wherein God traineth up his servants in Constancy and virtue. We see those that exercise the feats of wrestling or barriers endure many hard trials, that they may get the mastery: so think that we ought to do in this warfare of adversity. For why? that same our trainer & master of the game is such a one as requireth patience and pains, not only unto sweeting, but even to bleeding. Thinkest thou that he will handle his scholars tenderly? that he will dandle them with delights upon his knee? No, he will not do so. Mothers for the most do corrupt their children, and make them wantonness with tender bringing up: but their fathers hold them in awe with more severity. God is our father, therefore he loveth us truly▪ yet with severity. If thou wilt be a Mariner, thou must be taught in tempests. If a soldier, in perils. If thou be a man indeed, why refusest thou afflictions? seeing there is none other way to constancy. Dost thou consider those lither and lazy bodies upon whom the Sun seldom shineth, or the wind bloweth, or any sharp air breatheth? Even such are the minds of these nice folk that feel nothing but felicity, whom the least blast of adverse fortune bloweth down, and resolveth into nought. Therefore adversity doth confirm and strengthen us. And as trees that be much beaten with the wind, take deeper root: so good men are the better contained within the compass of virtue, being sometimes assaulted with the storms of adversity.  
They do moreover prove and try us. 
2 2 By proving us.  Else how could any man be assured of his own proceeding and firmness in virtue? if the wind blow always merrily a stern, the Pilot shall have no opportunity to try his cunning. If all things succeed prosperously and happily to a man, there is no place to make proof of his virtue: for the only true level to try withal, is affliction; Demetrius said worthily I account nothing more unfortunate than that man which never had feeling of adversity. Very true it is. For our General doth not spare such soldiers, but mistrusteth them, neither doth he affect and love, but despise and contemn them. I say he doth cassier them out of his company as base Besonians and dastards.  
Finally, they serve in steed of mirrors or precedents: For that the constancy & patience of good men in miseries, 
3 3 By giving example to others.  is as a clear light to this obscure world. They provoke others thereunto by their example, and tread the path wherein they should walk. Bias lost both his goods & country, 
Bias, omnia meamecum porto.  but his words sound in the ears of men at this day; That they should carry all their goods about them. Regulus was unworthily put to death by torments; but his worthy example of keeping promise liveth yet. Papinianus was murdered by a tyrant: but the same butcherly axe that cut off his head, emboldeneth us to suffer death for justice sake. Finally, so many notable citizens we see to be violently & injuriously either banished or murdered: but out of the rivers of their blood we do (as it were) drink virtue & constancy every day: All which things should lie hid in dark corners of oblivion, were it not for the bright firebrands of these common afflictions and calamities. For as costly spices do give a sweet savour far off, if they be bruised: even so the fame of virtue is spread abroad, when it is pressed with adversity.   

CHAPT. IX. Of Chastisement, which is the second end. It is proved to be for our behoof, two manner of ways.  
AN other end why God sendeth afflictions, is for our Chastisement: 
Adversity for our chastisement.  which I say is the best and gentelest that may be for our amendment. It helpeth and healeth us two manner of ways. Either as a whip when we have offended: Or as a bridle to hold us back from offending. As a whip, because it is our father's hand that doth often scourge us when we do amiss: but it is a butcherly fist that striketh seldom, and then payeth home for all at once. As fire or water are used to purge filth: 
Which correction doth either blot out, and wipe away our offences.  So is this Purgatory of persecutions to our sins. This whip (Lipsus) is now worthily bestowed upon us. We Flemings have of a long time fallen in the lapse, and being corrupted with delights and excess of wealth, we have wandered in the slippery paths of viciousness: But that great God doth admonish & gently reclaim us, giving us a few stripes, that being warned thereby, we may come again to ourselves, yea rather to him. He hath taken from us our goods, which we abused to luxuriousness. Our liberty, which we abused licentiously. And so with this gentle correction of calamities, he doth (as it were) purge and wash away our wickedness. A right gentle correction it is. For alas, what a slender satisfaction may we call it? It is said that when the Persians would punish any Noble man, they took from him his garments and hood, and hanging those up, did beat them in stead of the man: even so doth this our father, who in all his chastisements toucheth not us, but our bodies, our fields, our wealth, and all external things.  
Likewise Chastisement serveth as a bridle, which he raineth fitly, when he seethe us running to wickedness. As Physicians do sometimes upon good advise let blood, not that the party is sick, but to prevent sickness: 
Or else doth terrify & with draw us from committing them.  So God by these afflictions taketh away something from us, which else would foster and nourish vices in us. For he knoweth the nature of all men, which created them all. He judgeth not of diseases by the veins, or colour: But by the very heart and inwards. 
For it is used as a prevention.  Doth he see the Tuscan wits to be sharp and waspish? He keepeth them under with a prince. Doth he see the Swissers to be of disposition peaceable & quiet? 
By him who knoweth all inward diseases yea the least dispositions in us.  He giveth them liberty. The Venetians to be of a mean between both? He permitteth to them a mixed or mean kind of government. All which peradventure he will change in time, if those people alter their dispositions. Yet notwithstanding we murmur, saying, Why are we longer afflicted with war, than others? Or why are we held in more cruel bondage? O fool, and sick at the very heart! art thou wiser than God? Tell me, 
Therefore we do in vain & unadvisedly search the secrets of his medicines.  why doth the Physician minister to one patient more Wormwood or Lingwort, than to another? Forsooth because the disease or disposition of the party so requireth. Even so think thou of thyself. He seethe this people haply to be somewhat stubborn and therefore that they must be kept under with corrections: an other nation more meek that may be brought under obedience only with shaking of the rod. 
For he apply them according to the diversity of natures.  But it may be that unto thee it seemeth otherwise. What maketh that to the matter? Parents will not suffer knives or weapons in the hands of their child, though he weep for it, because they foresee the danger: why should God give us too much of our will to our own destruction? Sith indeed we be very babes, 
Finally that our judgements are not sound in our own case.  and know not how to ask things that be for our health, nor to avoid that is hurtful. Nothwitstanding, if needs thou wilt, weep thy fill: yet shalt thou drink of the cup of afflictions which that heavenly physician offereth thee full o the brim, not without good advise.   

CHAPT. X. Finally that punishment itself is good and wholesome, in respect of God, of men, and of the party that is punished.  
But PUNISHMENT I confess belongeth to evil men, 
Calamities for punishments sake.  and yet is not it evil. For first it is good if we have respect unto God, whose eternal and inviolable law of justice requireth that men's faults be either cured, 
Which punishment is bitter, but yet good both in respect of god, & men.  or cut off. Now chastcement reformeth those that may be amended: punishment cutteth away the incurable. It is good again in regard of men, among whom no society can stand or continue, if busy and ungodly wits may practise what they please uncontrolled. And as it is expedient for the security of each private person to have execution done upon a particular thief or murderer: So is it behoveful in general, that the like justice, be showed upon notorious public malefactors. These punishments upon tyrants and spoilers of the whole world, most necessarily be inflicted sometimes, that they may be mirrors to admonish us, That it is the eye of justice which beholdeth all things. Which also may cry out to other princes and people.  
(a) Discite iusti●iam moniti, et non temnere divos. Aeneid. li. 6  Learn justice now by this, and God above despise no more. 
Thirdly punishment is good in respect of those that be punished: for it is not properly vengeance or revenge, neither doth the gentle deietie punish rigorously in rage. As a wicked Poet said well: 
And also in respect of them that are punished.  But it is only a prohibition & restraint from wickedness. And as the Grecians significantly do express it 
(a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Aristotle finely distinguisheth.  CHASTISEMENT not REVENGEMENT. As death is many times sent to goodmen before they fall into a grievous ●in: So it happeneth to those that be desperately wicked in the mids of their ungodliness, which they do love so much that they cannot be drawn from it except they be clean cut off. Therefore god stoppeth of our unruly course, 
1. lib. Rhet. revenge differeth from chastisement. For this is in respect of the sufferer. That of the doer.  gently taking away offenders and ●uch as are running into sin. To conclude, all punishment is good, in respect of justice; as impunity or lack of due correction is evil, which suffereth men to live till they be more and more wicked, that is, miserable. Boethus spoke wittily, The wicked that abide some punishment are happier, then if no rod of justice did correct them. And he yieldeth a reason, because some good befalleth them (to wit, Correction) which they had not afore in the Catalogue of their faults.   

CHAPT. XI. Of the fourth end, which is uncertain to man. That it appertaineth either to the preservation and safety, Or else to the ornament and beauty of the whole World. Every of these points largely handled.  
THe three ends aforesaid (Lipsius) are certain and evident, 
A certain general end of all great calamities, respecting the whole world.  which I have passed over with sure footing. The fourth remaineth, wherein I waver, for the same is more secret and farther removed, then that the capacity of man's reason can attain unto it. I see it only through a Cloud, and I may conjecture thereat, but not know it: wander towards, but not to it. This end which I speak of is general, and respecteth either the conservation of the whole World, or the ornament thereof. 
Either for the conservation, or for the ornament thereof.  And touching the conservation I do therefore conjecture, because that same great God, which hath wisely created and ordered all these things, so made them as that he hath disposed them all in 
(a) So saith the Hebrew wise man. wisdom ca 11. verse 17.  Measure, number, and Weight, neither is it lawful for any thing in his kind to surpass that mean, without the overthrow and ruin of the whole. Even so those great bodies, the Heaven, the Sea, and Earth have their bounds: So every age hath his prescribed number of living Creatures. Likewise is it in men, towns, and regions: will any of these exceed their bounds? Then of necessity some whirlwind and tempest of misfortune must consume them, or else they would hurt and deface the beautiful frame of this world. But it is apparent, that they do o●ten strive to exceed their number, especially those Creatures that by nature do engender and increase. 
All creatures & especially the living do fructify and increase abundantly.  Behold men, who can deny that by nature we spring up a great deal more than die? So that two men do sometimes within the space of a few years procreate a hundred out of their bodies, of whom ten or twenty do not die. Herds of Cattle also would increase without number, if Butchers did not choose & cull out yearly, 
Which would grow to an infinite number, were it not for violent and unnatural means  certain of them for the shambles. Likewise birds and fishes would in a short space pester the air and the waters, were it not for fight and war among themselves, as also deceits practised against them by men. In every age Cities and towns are builded, and if burnings or other destructions happened not, our World, nor scarce another would contain them. And so in conceit thou mayest pass through the nature of all things. 
Therefore the scythe of common calamities is needful, to mow and cut down.  Therefore, Is it any marvel; if that old father of the family thrust in his sickle into this rank field, and cut off some superfluous thousands with pestilence or war? If he did not so, What Country were able to contain us? 
Or else the world could not continue.  What land could afford us nourishment? Therefore in God's name let some parts perish, that the whole perfection of all may be perpetual. For even as unto governors of commonwealths, 
Which god careth for especially.  the safeguard of the people is the highest law, so is the world to God.  
And concerning the beauty or ornament of the world, my conjecture is two fold. First, for that I can conceive no trimness in this huge engine, without a different change and variety of things. 
Also these great calamities and destructions do adorn and beautify the world with a kind of variety.  I know that the sun is most beautiful: yet the dewy night, and the mantle of that black dame put between, maketh him to appear more gracious. The summer is most pleasant, yet the winter doth make it more lovely with her icy marble and white snow. Which things if you take away, in truth you deprive us of the inward delight and feeling both of sun and Summer. In this our Earth, one uniform fashion pleaseth me not, but I take pleasure to behold the Champion country and mountains, valleys and rocks, Fields tilled and Sea sands, meadows and woods. Satiety and loathsomeness is ever a companion of uniformity or likeness. And upon this stage of my life, why should one fashion of attire and gesture content me? No, it shall not. But (in my mind) let there be times of great quietness, and therein some naughtiness; which soon after tumults of wars and the rage of cruel tyrants may take away. Who would wish this world to be like a dead Sea, without wind or waves?  
But I perceive moreover another kind of ornament, of more account and inward profit. 
And in the amending or polishing of things, and of our minds.  Histories do teach me, that all things become better and quietter, after the storms of adversities. Doth war vex any Nation? The same doth also 
(a) whereto the proverb hath respect, which saith That war is the father of all feats or faculties.  quicken them, and most commonly bringeth in Arts, together with other things, that do diversly adorn their wits. The Romans in times past, imposed a grievous yoke upon the neck of the whole world, but yet a yoke that proved wholesome in the end; whereby Barbarism was expelled from our minds, as the sun driveth away darkness from our eyes. What had the Frenchmen, we ourselves, and the Germans been at this day, if the light of that mighty Empire had not shined upon us? Fierce, uncivil, delighting in slaughters betwixt ourselves and others, contemners of God and men. Even so (I guess) it will come to pass with the new world which the Spaniards have wasted with a profitable severity, 
A very fit similitude.  and themselves will shortly replenish again with people, and inhabit it. And as they which have great nurseries for plants, do remove some, set others, and cut off other some, ordering them with skill for their own good and benefit: Even so doth God in this wide field of the world. For he is a most skilful husband man, and one while he breaketh off some waste branches of families: An other while he croppeth and cutteth away a few leaves of particular men. This helpeth the stock of the tree, albeit those branches perish, & those leaves are blown away with the wind. Again he seethe this nation very bare and barren of virtues: he casteth it out. Another rough and unfruitful: he removeth it. Yea and some he confoundeth among themselves & by grafting maketh (as it were) a medley of them. You Italians waxed feeble and effeminate in the declining of your Empire, why do ye hold the best country of the world? give place. Let the stern and sturdy Lumbards' manure with more happiness this soil. You wicked & wanton Grecians, perish ye utterly: And let those cruel Scythians be settled & wax mild in your country. And moreover with a certain confusion of nations you French men possess Gaul: ye Saxons, 
Comfort drawn from the end of calamities.  Brittany: ye Normans, seize upon Belgica and the territories bordering. All which matters (Lipsius) and many more are manifest out of histories and by the events of things, to any diligent reader.  
Therefore let us lift up ourselves, and whatsoever damage we sustain privately, let us know that it doth good in some part of the whole world. The rooting out of one nation or kingdom, is the raising up of an other: The decay of one tower, the building of an other: And nothing properly dieth or perisheth here, but altereth. Are we Flemings alone in account and estimation before God? Alone continually happy, and fortunes white sons? O fools! That great gran-dam hath many more children, whom we must be contented that she cherish and lull in her lap one after another, because she either can not, or will not dally with them all at once. The sun hath shined with his bright beams a long time upon us: Now let it be night with us awhiles, and let the glittering light illuminate the Spaniards and farthest western parts. Seneca (after his manner) saith fitly and profoundly to this purpose. A wise man should not take in ill part whatsoever happeneth unto him: But let him know that those self things which seem to annoy him, do belong to the preservation of the whole world, and are of the number of those things that do consummate the course & office of the whole.   

CHAPT. XII. An old and common objection against God's justice, why punishments be not equal. Such inquiry is removed from men. and declared to be ungodly.  
HEre whiles Langius paused a little, I spoke thus: As a fair water-spring to travelers in summer: So is your talk to me. It cherisheth, refresheth, and with a cooling kind of moisture qualifieth my fever and fervent heat: But yet it qualifieth, not quencheth the same. There sticketh a thorn in my mind (which also pricked the Ancients) touching equality of punishments. 
God's justice (upon occasion) is accused.  For what (Langius) if that equal balance of justice if this sword of afflictions 
Lucretius.  
Doth often times let wicked men go free, 
As though punishments and afflictions were not equally distributed, nor deservedly.   
And slay such folk as good and harmless be?   
Why (I say) are some innocent people rooted out and the children and posterity afflicted for the faults of their Ancestors? This is a thick mist in my eyes, which (if you can) disperse with the bright beams of reason. Langius with a wrinkled forehead, yea younker (quoth he) are you so soon gone astray again? I will none of that. For as skilful huntsmen suffer not their hound to range, but to follow one and the same dear: So would I have thee to tread only in those foot steps which I have traced out unto thee. I would beat into thy brain the ends of afflictions to the intent that if thou be good, thou mayest think thyself to be exercised: if fallen, to be lifted up: if utterly nought, to be punished. And now thou drawest me to the causes. wandering mind! What meanest thou by this curious carefulness? Wilt thou needs feel those celestial fires? They will melt thee like wax. 
But the search thereof is showed to be above man's capacity.  Wilt thou climb up into the Tower of providence? Thou shalt soon fall down headlong. As butterflies, and other little flies do by night flutter so long about the candle, till it burn them: Even so doth man's mind dally about that secret celestial flame.  
Show me the causes (sayest thou) why the vengeance of God over skippeth some, 
Which is joined with danger of a down fall.  and whippeth others? Dost thou seek the causes? I say most safely, that I know them not. For the heavenly Court never comprehended me, nor I the decrees thereof. Of this only I am assured, that Gods will is a cause above all causes; beyond which, who so seeketh another, is ignorant of the efficacy and power of the divine nature. 
And wherein we are merely purblind.  For it is necessary, that every cause be in a sort, before and greater than his effect: but nothing is before, nor greater than God and his will, therefore there is no cause thereof. God hath pardoned: God hath punished: what wilt thou have more? The will of God is the chief justice, as Saluianus saith well and godly. Yet ye say, we require a reason of this inequality. Of whom? Of God? To whom that is lawful whatsoever him liketh; 
Whatsoever God will, is therefore right, because he willeth it.  and nothing liketh him but that which is lawful. If the servant call his master, or the subject his Sovereign to account; the tone may take it in contempt, & the t'other as treason. And art thou more bold with God? Fie upon such perverse curiosity. 
a which was wittily spoken by Sallust, and applied to Tiberius in the high Empire. Tacit. 1. Annal.  This reason cannot stand otherwise, then if it be rendered to no man. And yet when thou hast done all that thou art able, thou shalt not clear thyself out of the dark mists of ignorance, nor be partaker of those mere mystical councils and decrees. It is excellently spoken by Sophocles, Thou shalt never attain to the knowledge of heavenly things, if God conceal them: nor of them all, though thou bestow thy labour ever therein.   

CAPT. XIII. Yet to certify the Curious, three old objections are answered. And first touching evil men not punished. We prove they are reprieved, and pardoned. And that either in respect of men themselves, or in regard of God's nature, which is slow to punish.  
THis plain & broad way (Lipsius) is only safe here: All others be deceivable and slippery. In divine and heavenly matters, 
Simplissitie & modesty are acceptable to God.  it is the sharpest sight to see nought; and the only knowledge to know nothing. Yet because this cloud hath of old time, and now doth compass men's wits, I will wind thee out of it shortly, if I can. And will wash away that that sticketh by thee, with this river here at hand. O thou celestial and eternal spirit (there with he cast his eyes on high) pardon and forgive me if in these profound mysteries I utter any thing impure or ungodly, yet with a godly intent. And first I may generally defend the justice of God with his own blow. If God behold the affairs of men, 
Whose justice is generally proved.  he hath care of them: if he have care, he governeth them: if he govern, he doth it with judgement: if with judgement, how can it be without justice? which if it be wanting there is no regiment nor government at all, but disorder, 
Which only our ignorance accuseth.  confusion, and trouble. What hast thou to oppose against this weapon? what shield or armour? Say the truth, only man's ignorance. I understand not (sayst thou) why these should be punished, and those not. Well said. Wilt thou therefore join impudency to thy ignorance? And because thou comprehendest not the power of the divine and pure law, wilt thou carp at it? what more unjust reason would be alleged against justice? if some stranger should utter his conjectures of the laws and ordinances of thy country, thou wouldst bid him hold his tongue and be gone, 
By a wrong course and custom.  because he hath not the knowledge of them: And dost thou, An inhabitant of this earth rashly condemn the unknown laws of heaven? Thou creature, thy creator? yet go to, take thy pleasure. I will close nearer with thee, searching distinctly the thick mists of these thy cavilles by the clear sun of reason, 
All cavils against gods justice be three fold.  as thou requirest. Thou objectest three things, That GOD letteth scape offenders. That he punisheth innocentes. That he putteth over and transferreth his punishments from one to an other. I will begin with the first.  

The first objection answered, touching the escaping of malefactors.  Thou sayst that the vengeance of God doth not well to overpass the wicked. Yea, doth it overpass them? No, I think rather it forbeareth them only for a time. If I have great deptes owing me, and if it please me to exact my due of one depter presently, and to bear with another for a longer time, 
For God omitteth present punishment but he doth not remit it.  who can blame me? for it is at my own good will and pleasure. Even so doth that great God; Of whom whereas all naughty men have deserved punishment, he exacteth it of some presently, and beareth with others to be paid afterwards with interest. What unrighteousness is here, except it be so that thou take thought for God, & fear lest he be indemnified by this his bountiful forbearance But alas silly man! 
Neither is god deceived by this forbearance.  Thou art more afraid than hurt. Never shall any man deceive this great creditor. Whither soever we fly, we are all in his sight, yea in bonds and fetters to him. But thou sayst, I would have such a tyrant to be presently punished, that by his death at this time, satisfaction may be made to so many whom he hath oppressed; So shall the justice of God be made more manifest unto us. Nay, thou bewrayest hereby thy blockishness. For who art thou that dost not only appoint God how, but also prescribe him when to punish? Thinkest thou that he is thy judge, or only a sergeant or under-officer? Go, lead him hence, whip him, muffle his face, hang him upon a cursed tree, 

Why God omitteth or forbeareth to punish.  
First that he may send his punishments in due time.   for so it seemeth good in my eyes. Fie upon this impudency. Unto God it seemeth otherwise, whom thou must understand to see much better in this case then thyself, and to have another end in punishing. Thou art provoked with choler, and carried away with desire of revenge. He being far from both these, hath respect to the ensample and correction of others. He also knoweth best to whom the same may do good, & when. The moments of times are of great weight, and the most wholesome medicine is often turned to the destruction of the diseased, not being applied in due season. God cut off Caligula in the prime of his tyranny. He suffered Nero to run on farther; And Tiberius' farthest of all. And doubt thou not but it was for the good of those that then murmured at it. Our evil and disordered manners have need of a continual scourge, but we would have it taken from us at the first, and cast into the fire. This is one cause of forbearance, which respecteth us.  
Another there is in respect of God unto whom it seemeth peculiar. To proceed slowly in revenge of himself, and to quit that slackness with the grievousness of the punishment. Well spoke Sinesius, 
Secondly it proceedeth from an instinct of his nature, (If I may, so speak.)  The divine nature proceedeth leisurely and orderly. And the old Sages went not much awry, who in this respect feigned God to have woollen feet So that albeit thou be a hasty man and given to revenge, thou oughtest not to be grieved at this forbearance which is such a delay of the punishment, 
Because the most mild god is slow to punish.  as it is withal an increasing of the same. Tell me; in beholding a tragedy, will it stomach thee to see Atreus or Thyestes' in the first or second act walking in state and majesty upon the scene? To see them reign, threat and command? 
But he payeth home in th● end with a commendam.  I think not, knowing their prosperity to be of small continuance; And when thou shalt see them shame fully come to confusion in the last Act. Now then in this Tragedy of the World, why art not thou so favourable towards God, 
The life of the wicked is compared to a tragedy.  as to a poor Poet? This wicked man prospereth. That Tyrant liveth. Let be awhiles. Remember it is but the first Act, and con●ider aforehand in thy mind, that sobs and sorrows will ensue upon their solace. This Scene will anon swim in blood, than these purple and golden garments shallbe rolled therein. For that Poet of ours is singular cunning in his art, and will not lightly transgress the laws of his Tragedy. In music, do we not allow sometimes disagreeing sounds, knowing that they will all close in consent? But the parties injured do not always see the punishment. What marvel is that? The tragedy commonly is tedious, and they are not able to sit so long in the theatre: yet others do see it, and are worthily stricken with fear when they perceive that some are reprieved before this severe throne of justice, but not pardoned: And that the day of execution is prolonged, not wholly taken away. Wherefore (Lipsius) hold this for certain, That ungodly men are forborn awhiles, but never forgiven: And that no man hath a sin in his heart, but the same man carrieth 
(a) The paynims goddess ●hat punisheth heinous maly factors.  Nemesis on his back. For that Fury followeth them always, and as I may say with Euripides, Going silently and with a soft foot; she will in due time violently pluck the wicked from off the earth.   

CHAPT. XIIII. Then is it showed that there be sundry kinds of punishments: And some of them hidden or inward, always accompanying the wicked facts themselves, which ungodly men shall never escape. And they be more grievous than any outward.  

There be three sorts of punishments that God useth.  YEt to make thee conceive these things the better, and that I may lead thee at length into the chief bulwark of this argument; Thou must understand that there be 3 sundry sorts of God's punishments, Internal, After this life, External. The first I call those that VEX THE MIND OR SOUL YET COUPLED TO THE BODY; 
1 1. Internal.  As sorrow, repentance, fear, and a thousand gnawings of conscience. The second sort are such as TOUCH THE SAME SOUL BEING FREE AND LOOSED FROM THE BODY: 
2 2. After this life.  as be those punishments which most of the old heathen writers did (not without reason) conjecture were reserved for ungodly men after this life: The third WHICH TOUCH THE BODY, OR ARE ABOUT THE SAME: 
3 3. Eternal.  as poverty banishment, griefs, diseases, death. And it cometh to pass oftentimes that all these, by the just judgement of God, do fall upon the wicked: But certainly the two former kinds do always follow them. 
Some of these are always inflicted upon the wicked.  And to speak of INTERNAL punishments, what man was there at any time so given over to work wickedness, but that he felt in his mind sharp scourges, 
Especially the internal, which are corrosives to the mind,  and (as it were) heavy strokes either in committing mischievous deeds, or else after the facts committed? For Plato said truly, That punishment is the companion of injustice. Or as Hesiodus more plainly and forcibly expresseth the matter, It is coeternal and coequal with it. The punishment of wickedness is kin to every wicked act, yea bred in it; neither is any thing free and out of care in this life, but innocency. As malefactors among the Romans that were condemned to be crucified, did bear their cross, which soon after should bear them: So hath God laid this cross of conscience upon all ungodly men, whereby they may suffer pains afore they come to execution. doest thou think there is none other punishment but that which is objected to our eyes? Or that which is inflicted upon the body? It is far otherwise. 
And the most grievous pain● of all other.  All such are external, and do lightly for a short time only touch us; But those that be inward do torment us. As we judge them to be more sick which pine away with a consumption, than they that have an inflammation or fever, and yet these last have the greatest appearance: Even so be those wicked men in worst case, which are led to everlasting death with a lingering pace. Caligula ruling with great Tyranny, would be so stricken on a sudden as though he should die: So fareth it with those wicked-linges when that butcher (their own mind) pricketh and beateth continually with soft strokes.  
Let not the gorgeous outward appearance beguile thee, 
Lying hid often times under a cheerful and mercy countenance  nor the puissant pomp wherewith they are environed, or their abundance of wealth. For they are not the happier nor in any better case thereby, no more than a sick man whose ague or gout lieth upon a stately featherbedde. When thou seest a poor beggarly fellow playing a kings part on a stage, adorned with golden robes, thou enuyest him not, knowing that under the same gorgeous attire are scabs, filth, and uncleanness: have thou the very same opinion of all these great proud Tyrants, Whose minds if they might be opened (saith Tacitus) we should behold rentinges and strokes: Sith that even as the body with stripes, so is the mind torn in pieces with cruelty, lust, and evil cogitations. I know they laugh sometimes, 
In wicked men there is disagreement betwixt the tongue & thoughts.  but it is only from the teeth outward. They rejoice, but with no true joy. No more certainly than they which being in a dungeon condemned to die, do seek to beguile themselves with playing at dice or tables, and yet cannot. For the deep imprinted terror of punishment at hand remaineth, and the image of grie●ly death never departeth from before their eyes. I pray thee draw back this curtain of external things, and behold that 
(a) Dionysius.  Sicilian tyrant, 
Over whose wicked head a naked sword  
Doth always hang.   
listen to that Roman emperor lamentably crying out 
(b) The words of Tiberius in an epistle to the senat●.  All the Gods and Goddesses send me a worse destruction, then that I feel a daily dying in me. Hear another of them sighing from the heart, & saying: 
(a) The worde● Nero at his death.  What? Am I the only man that have neither friend nor foe? These are the true torments of the mind. (Lipsius) These be gripping griefs indeed, always to be vexed, sorrowful, terrified. Beware thou compare not any tortures, racks, or iron Instruments unto these.   

CHAPT. XV. That pains after this life are prepared for evil doers. And most commonly also external punishments. Confirmed by some notable examples.  
Join moreover hereto those everlasting pains after this life, which it sufficeth me only to point at out of the mids of divinity, 
Pains after this life of which divines do properly entreat.  without further unfolding of them. Add also external punishments, 
external punishments most commonly are sent before those other.  which if they be wanting, yet in as much as the former never are omitted, who can rightly blame the justice of God? But I say that those first are not lacking: And never, or surely very seldom doth it happen, but that notorious evil persons and such as oppress others, do suffer open and public pains. Some of them sooner, some later; Some in themselves, and some in their posterity: 
Either in the persons offending, or in their posterity.  Thou markest and murmurest that the Sicilian Tyrant Dyonisius doth for many years together commit adulteries, rapines, murders, without controlment, Have patience a little while, thou shalt see him shortly infamous, a banished man, beggarly, and (a matter scarce credible) thrust down from the sceptre, 
The strange punishment that God sent upon Dionysius.  to the ferruler. The same king of a great Island, shall set up a school at Corinth, himself being indeed a very scoff to fortune. On the other side, Doth it grieve thee that Pompey should be overthrown in Pharsalia, and his army almost consisting of Senators? That the Tyrant should take his pleasure and pastime awhiles in the blood of citicens? I blame thee not much, considering that Cato himself here lost the helm of sound judgement, & from his heart uttered this doubtful voice, Divine matters are full of obscurity. Notwithstanding thou Lipsius, thou Cato, cast your eyes a little aside, you shall see one thing that will bring you into good liking with God again. Behold that Cesar, 
Likewise on julius Cesar.  stately, A conqueror, in his own and some other folks opinion, a very god; Slain in, and of the Senate. And that not with one simple death, but wounded with three and twenty several thrusts, and rolling in his own blood like a beast. And (what more could you wish?) this was done even in the court of Pompey, the Image of Pompey standing there on high, celebrating a great sacrifice to the ghost of that 
(a) Pompey, was surnamed The GREAT.  Great one. Even so Brutus losing his life in the Philippian fields for his country, and with his country, moveth me to compassion: But I am recomforted when I see not long after those conquering armies (as it were) before his tomb falling together by the ears between themselves; And Master Antonius one of the Chieftains overcome both by sea and land, 
Also upon M. Antonius.  among three silly women hardly finding death with that womanish hand. Where art thou now that of late waist Lord of all the east? Leader of the Roman Armies? Persecuter of Pompey and the commonwealth? Lo thou hangest in a rope by thy bloody hands! Lo thou creepest into thy grave half alive! Lo dying thou canst not be withdrawn from her which was thy death! Mark whether Brutus uttered in vain those last words at his death. O jupiter, 
And lastly upon Octavianus Augustus, Antony's companion.  let not the author of this evil beguile thee. No more did he deceive or escape him. No more did that other Captain, who not obscurely suffered in himself the punishment of his youthful misdeeds; But yet more apparently in all his progeny. Let him be happy and mighty Caesar, and truly 
(b) That is in english, full of majesty and reverence.  Augustus: But with all let him have a daughter julia, and a niece; Also some of his nephews let him lose by false accusations. Others let him banish out of his favour: And with loathsomeness of these let him wish to die with ●ower days hunger, and not be able. Finally, let him live with his Livia unhonestly married, unhonestly kept: And upon whom he doted with unlawful love, 
(a) 
It is thought he was poisoned by her.  
Of all these matters see at large in his life.   let him die a shameful death by her means. In conclusion (saith Pliny) He being made a god and gaining heaven (but I wots not whether he deserved it) let him die, and let the son of his 
(b) Tiberius, who was the son of Livia by her first husband.  enemy be his heir. These and such like things (Lipsius) are to be thought upon whensoever we begin to break forth into any complaints of unrighteousness in god. And we must always cast our minds to the consideration of two things, 
The conclusion of this place touching complaining against evil. men.  the slowness, and the diversity of punishments. Is not such a man punished? Hold thee contented a little, he shall feel it ere long: If not in his body, yet assuredly in mind. If not whiles he liveth, yet doubtless when he is dead.  
Though vengeance come behind and her foot sore, 
Seneca.   
She over-takes the offender that goeth before.  
For that same heavenly eye watcheth still, and when thou thinkest it sleepeth soundly, it doth but wink a little. Only see that thou bear thyself uprightly towards him; And do not vainly accuse thy judge, by whom thyself must eftsoons be judged.   

CHAPT. XVI. An answer to the other objection touching guiltless men. It is proved that all have deserved punishment, for that all are offenders. And who they be that do offend more or less, can hardly or by no means be discerned by men. It is God only that seethe thoroughly into faults, and therefore doth punish most justly.  
But thou sayst that guiltless and innocent people are punished. 
The second cavil touching guiltless persons: which is in deed a mere cavil or slander, because there be none guiltless or innocent.  For this is thy second complaint, Or rather I may term it a slanderous accusation. Unadvised young man! So speakest thou? In what country may we find such countrymen as are without fault? It were great boldness, yea rashness to affirm that of any one man. And dost thou make no scruple to quit whole peoples and nations of offence? Thou dost most foolishly. I know we have all sinned and daily do; we are borne in uncleanness and in it we live. In so much that the storehouse of heaven (as I may say with the Satiricke) would be without thunder bolts, if they were hurled continually upon all that do offend. For though fishes be engendered and nourished in the salt sea and themselves taste not of any saltness: yet may we not think it to be so with us men, that we being born in this contagion of the world, should ourselves be without corruption. Then if all be offenders, where are these harmless innocent people? For punishment is always most justly the companion of offence  
But thou wilt say, I mislike the inequality, 
Neither may we pretend inequality of the fault and punishment.  in that some folk having trespassed but a little are grievously corrected: And others notoriously nought, are suffered to flourish and have dominion. I see what the matter is. Be like thou wilt take the balance of justice out of God's hand, & wilt poise it after thine own fantasy and pleasure. To what else tendeth this thy valuation of greater or smaller offences, which thou assumest unto thee before God? But here (Lipsius) I would have thee consider two things: First that men cannot neither aught to take upon them the judging of others faults. For how can it be that thou (silly man) shouldst weigh faults uprightly, which dost not mark them thoroughly? 
Wherein men are no upright judges.  Canst thou give sentence justly of that which thou art not able to examine diligently? Thou wilt easily grant that it is the mind or soul which sinneth, by means of the body and the instruments of the senses, but yet so, that the whole weight and burden of sin resteth upon it. This is so true, that if thou grant a man hath committed aught against his will, than he hath not there in sinned. If it be so, how art thou able to behold the offence, which ●eest not so much as the harbour and seat thereof? And surely thou art so far from seeing an other man's mind, that thou perceivest not thine own. Therefore this is great folly or temerity in arrogating to thyself the censuring and judgement of that thing which is not seen, nor to be seen; Neither known nor able to be comprehended by any man's knowledge.  
Secondly, admit there be such inequality as thou speakest off: Yet is there no harm nor wrong done herein. No harm, in that it is for their good which are presently punished even for their least faults. Therein God loveth us. 
Neither yet the cause of outward punishment, which often times is for good.  And we ought greatly to misdoubt long forbearance, which ever bringeth with it. more grievous pains. Again neither is there any wrong done thereby, because (as I said) we have all of us deserved punishment, and there is not in the best any such purity, but that some spots do stain them, which must be washed away with this salt water of adversities. 
Therefore we must leave this judgement to God alone.  Wherefore (young man) let pass this most intricate disputation of the estimating of faults and offences, thou being an earthly and very simple judge, Refer it to God, who discerneth more uprightly and sound that matter from his high throne of justice. He alone it is that esteemeth indifferently of deserts. He▪ which without all fraud or d●●lling of dissimulation beholdeth: 
Who is a searcher of the heart: And whom no countersetting or dissimulation can beguile:  virtue and vice in their proper hue. Who can deceive him which searcheth all outward and inward things alike? which seethe both body and mind? The tongue and the very veins of the heart? Finally all things whether open or secret? who seethe not only the deeds ●on, but even the causes & proceedings of them as clear as the noon light. Thales, being once demanded whether any one could beguile God, that did commit wickedness? No, nor if he do but imagine it only; So said he truly. But now it is otherwise with us being here in darkness, who not only do not see secret sins, but also such as are done under the coat and skirts (as they say) no nor scarce those that be manifest and committed in the day light. For we do not discern the fault itself and the whole force thereof, but only some external signs of the same when it is done and hath turned the back to be gone again. We do oftentimes think them the best men, whom God knoweth to be the worst: And those we reject, whom he doth elect. Wherefore (if thou have wisdom) shut thine eyes, and stop thy mouth from having any thing to do touching the worthiness or unworthiness of men. Such hidden causes are hardly known for certain.   

CHAPT. XVII. An answer to the thine objection touching punishments translated or put off from one person to another. It is showed by examples that the same is usually done among men. What is the cause wherefore God ●iseth such translating of punishments from one to another. Also certain other matters full of subtle curiosity.  
But now the third cloud brought in to over shadow God's justice, 
The third cavil or slander of god's justice▪ touching Substitutes in punishments.  must be blown away. For some say that God doth not deal uprightly in shifting over punishments from one to another: Neither is it well that the posterity should suffer pains for the faults of their predecessors. What? Is that such a rare or strange matter▪ Nay 〈◊〉 I marvel why these men should marvel at that, 
Which is a matter neither strange nor unusual among men  seeing they do even the same here in this world. Tell me in good forth, do not the rewards that Princes bestow upon the Ancestors for their virtues, remain and redound also to their posterity? Surely they do. And I think the like of revenge and punishment for their evil deservings. 
For that daily both privileges and punishments do redound to the posterity.  Behold in cases of treason against the state or person of a prince, some are apparently in the fault, and others do communicate with them in the punishment. Which thing is so far intended by man's severity, as it is provided by laws that the innocent children, should be punished with perpetual poverty: so as death may seem a solace to them, and life a scourge. Your minds are altogether malicious. You will permit that to some king or pettie-potentate, which you will not unto God: who notwithstanding if ye consider it well, hath far greater reason of this severity. 
That god doth most justly in transposing of punishments.  For we have transgressed and rebelled against this mighty king every one of us; And by many descents is that first blemish or stain dirived to the unhappy children; Such a cheining and linking together of offences there is before God. 
Because we are naturally linked with our fathers in their offences.  Neither was it my father, or thine that first began to sin, but the father of all fathers. What marvel is it then if he punish in the posterity those faults which be not properly divers, but by certain communication of seed made joint, and never being discontinued.  
But to let pass these high mysteries, and to deal with thee by a more familiar kind of reasoning; know this▪ 
Finally because God uniteth together and bringeth under one view those things and faults which we do separate  that God joineth together those things which we through frailty or ignorance do separate and put a sunder: And that he beholdeth families, towns kingdoms, not as things confuse or distinguished, but as one body and entire nature. The family of the Scipios or Caesars, is but one whole thing to him. The city of Rome or Athens during all their time of their continuance, one. So likewise the Roman empery. 
That societies or corporations before god are but one entire thing.  And there is good reason it should be so. For there is a certain bond of laws, and communion of rights that knitteth together these great bodies, which causeth a participation of rewards and punishments to be betwixt those that have lived in divers ages. Therefore, were the Scipios good men in times past? Their posterity shall speed the better for it before the heavenly judge. Were they evil? Let their posterity far the worse. Have the flemings not many years passed been lascivious, covetous, godless? let us smart for it. Because in all external punishments God doth not only behold the time present, 
That God joineth together times, be they never so far a sunder.  but also hath respect to time paste; And so by pondering of both those together, he poiseth evenly the balance of his justice. I said in all 
(a) Which indeed is a wise chastisement, & in steed of a medicine. But in punishments commonly called spiritual, it is otherwise, which do extend only to the par●ie offending.  external PUNISHMENTS, and I would have thee mark it well. For the faults of one man are not laid upon another, neither is there any confusion of offences: (God forbidden that.) But these are only pains and chastisements about us, not in us: And properly do concern the body or goods, but not our mind which is internal. And what injury at all is there herein? we will be heirs to our Ancestors of commodities & rewards, if they deserve any: Why should we refuse their punishments & pains? O Romans', ye shall suffer punishments for the offences of your predecessors, unworthily. So said the Roman poet, and he spoke true, but only in that he added unworthily. For it is most deservedly, because their forefathers had deserved it. But the poet saw the effect only, without lifting up his consideration to the cause. Notwithstanding as one and the self same man may lawfully abide punishment in his old age, for some offence committed in his youth: Even so in Empires and kingdoms doth God punish old sins, because that in respect of outward communication and society, they are but one self thing before God. These distances of times do not separate us in his sight, who hath all eternity enclosed in his infinite capacity. Did those 
(b) The Romans'.  Martial wolves in old time overthrow so many towns, and break in pieces so many sceptres scotfree have they sucked so much blood by slaughter, and themselves never lost their blood? Then I will surely confess that God is no revenger 
(c) Plautus in Captiui●.  Who both heareth and seethe whatsoever we do. But the ca●e standeth otherwise. For it cannot be but they must at length even in their posterity receive punishment, though slow, yet never too late.  
Neither is there with god this conjunction and uniting of times only, but of parts also. This is my meaning: That like as in man when the 
(a) By theft, lechery and gluttony.  hands, the secret parts, and belly do transgress, the whole body buyeth the bargain dearly: So in a common multitude the sin of a few, is often required at the hands of all. Especially if the offenders be the worthiest members as Kings, Princes, and Magistrates. Well said Hesiodus, 
Hesiodus.  and out of the bowels of wisdom.  
For one man's fault the city suffereth pain,  
When one committeth sacrilege, or wrong:  
From heaven God makes tempests down to rain,  
Or pestilence, or famishment among.  
So the whole Greekish Navy perished for one man's offence, even the furious outrage of Ajax Oileus. Likewise in jewry seventy thousand men were justly consumed with one plague, for the unlawful 
(b) When David ambitiously numbered the people.  lust of the king. Sometimes it falleth out contrarily, that whereas all have sinned, God chooseth out one or a few to be (as it were) a sacrifice for the common crime. 
2 Sam. 24.  Wherein although he decline a little from the 
(c) Tacitus saith well: Every notable example hath some smack of injustice with it, which (seeing it toucheth some particular person only) is sufficiently recompensed with the public profit●.  strait level of equality, yet of this inequality a new kind of justice ariseth: And the same which in a few seemeth to be rigour, is a certain merciful righteousness towards many. Doth not the school masters ferruler correct one among a multitude of loitering scholars. Doth not a general in the wars punish his mutinous Army by drawing the tenth man? And both the●e do it upon good advise, for that this punishment inflicted upon a few, doth terrify and amend all. I see Physicians many times open a vein in the foot or Arm, when the whole body is distempered. What know I whether it be so in this case? For these matters be mysteries. (Lipsius) They be very deep mysteries. If we be wise let us not come too nigh this sacred fire whose sparks and small flakes we men perchance may see, but not the thing itself. Even as they which fix their eyes too seriously upon the sun, 
We must withdraw our cogitations from those high mysteries.  do lose them: so we extinguish all the light of our mind, by beholding earnestly this light. My opinion therefore is, that we ought to abstain from this curious question so full of danger, And be resolved of this, 
Which we neither do nor can any ways comprehend.  That mortal men cannot rightfully judge of offences, nor ought not to attempt it. God hath an other manner of balance, and an other tribunal seat of justice. And howsoever those secret judgements of his be executed, we must not accuse but suffer and reverence them. This one sentence I would have thee to be thoroughly persuaded off, wherewith I will shut up this matter, and stop the mouths of all curious busibodies, The most part of God's judgements are secret, but none of them unrighteous.   

CAPT. XVIII. A Passage to the last place, which is of examples. It is showed to be a matter profitable oftentimes to mix some things of sweet taste with sharper medicines.  
THus much (Lipsius) I had to say in defence of God's justice against unjust accusers; 
A returning to the talk of CONSTANCY.  which I confess was not altogether pertinent to my purpose, and yet not much besides it: Because doubtless we shall the more willingly and indifferently bear these great public miseries, when we are fully persuaded they be justly inflicted upon us. And here surceasing our communication a while, Langius suddenly broke out into these words; it is well, I have taken breath a little: And being now passed beyond all the dangerous rocks of difficult questions, it seemeth I may with full sails strike into the haven. I behold here at hand my fourth and last troop, which I intend willingly to bring into the field. 
The fourth argument for it: which is also twofold.  And as mariners being in a tempest, when they see the two 
(a) Castor and Pollux. who where they appear both in ae storm, do betoken a calm nigh at hand.  twins appear together, do receive great hope & comfort: So fareth it with me, unto whom after many sturdy storms, this double legion hath showed itself. Let me lawfully term it so, after the ancient manner, because it is forked or twofold, And by it I must manfully prove two several things, that these evils which now we suffer are neither grievous, nor new and unaccustomed. In certain of which few matters that are behind unhandled, I pray the (Lipsius) show thyself willing and attentive unto me. Never more willing (Langius) then now. For it pleaseth me very well that we have passed through the pikes: And I long earnestly for some pleasant and familiar medicines, after these sharp and bitter pills. And so it appeareth by the title that the disputation's ensuing willbe. You say true, quoth Langius. And even as the chirurgeons after they have seared and cut as much as liketh them, do not forthwith dismiss their patient, but apply some gentle medicines and comfortable salves to assuage the pain: So I having sufficiently seared and purged thee with the razors and fire of wisdom, will now cherish thee again with some sweeter communication, & will touch thee with a milder hand, as the saying is. I will descend from that craggy hill of philosophy: leading thee awhiles into the pleasant fields 
(b) Which is here taken for eloquence or sweet communication. It signifieth properly love of talk, as philosophy doth love of wisdom.  philology; And that, not so much for thy recreation, as for thy health. It is said that Demochares a physician having for his patiented Considia a noble woman which refused all kind of sharp medicines, ministered unto her the milk of goats, which he caused to feed altogether upon mastic: So it is my purpose to impart now unto thee some historical and delectable matters, but yet sauced with a secret liquor of wisdom. What matter is it which way we attempt the curing of a sick body, so we restore him to perfect health?   

CAPT. XIX. That public evils are not so grievous as they seem to be; which first is briefly proved by reason. For most commonly we fear the circumstances and adjuncts of things, more than the things themselves.  
NOw march forwards mine own good legion. And first of all that troop which art assigned to the vowe-ward, 
The first part of this argument touching the lightness of calamities.  proving that these evils are not grievous, which we will convince by a twofold argument, of reason and comparison. OF REASON, because if thou have due respect there unto, 
If we examine them with reason.  truly all these things which do betide us and hang over our heads, are neither grievous nor great, but do only seem so to be. It is OPINION which doth augment & amplify them, and lifteth them up as it were upon a stage to be seen. But if thou be wise, scatter abroad that thick mist, and behold the things in the clear light. For example fake; Thou in this time of public calamities fearest poverty, 
For poverty is no hard matter ●o bear.  banishment, and death. If thou look upon these things with indifferent & sound eyes: alas what trifles are they? if thou poise them according to their weight, how light be they? This war, or else the tyranny of governors through excessive tributes will impoverish thee. What then? Thou shalt be a poor man. Did not nature so make thee, and so shall take thee hence? But if the odious and infamous name of tyranny offend thee, change thy habitation, so shalt thou free thyself. Fortune (if thou mark it) hath helped thee, and provided thee a place of more security. No man shall pill and poll thee any more. Thus the thing which thou didst account as damage, 
Neither is banishment grievous.  shall be a remedy unto thee. But I shallbe a banished man. Nay rather a stranger, if thou wilt. If thou altar thy affection, thou changest thy country: A wise man in whatsoever place he be, is as a pilgrim; And a fool wheresoever he goeth, is an exile.  
But thou wilt say, death is daily imminent to me by means of a tyrant. 
Nor death i● self.  As though it were not so every day by nature. Yea but it is a shameful matter to die by execution or strangling. O fool, neither that nor any other kind of death is infamous, except thy life be such. Recount unto me the best & worthiest persons that have been since the beginning of the world: They ended their lives by violence. This examination (Lipsius) whereof I do give thee a taste only, 
But we do augment them by our imaginations.  must be used in all those things which do seem terrible, and we must behold them naked without any vestment or vizard of opinions. But we poor wretches do turn ourselves to these vain and external matters, not fearing the things themselves but the circumstances and adjuncts of them. Behold if thou sail on the sea, and it begin to swell mightily, thy courage quaileth, and thou tremblest with fear, As though if the ship were cast away, thou shouldest swallow up the whole sea, whereas one quart or two thereof will suffice to drown thee. If an earthquake be suddenly raised, what crying out and quaking is there? Thou imaginest that the whole town, or at least a house will fall upon thee: And doest not consider that the dropping down of one little stone is enough to knock out thy brains. Even so is it in these great common calamities, in the which the noise and vain imagination of things doth terrify us. See, this troop of soldiers! See, these shining sword! why? what can these soldiers, or these sword do? They will kill me. What is killing? A bare and mere death only. And that the name may not terrify thee, it is but a departing of the soul from the body 
(a) More of this matter we have spoken mour book entitled THRASEA, or OF CONTEMPT OF DEATH.  All which bands of soldiers, all which threatening sword shall do but that which one fever, one small kernel of a grape, or one little worm may bring to pass.  
But the other is more painful. Nay it is far more easy, for an ague which thou seemest rather to choose, keepeth a man in pains commonly a whole year together; But here the matter is ended with one blow in a moment. Therefore it was well spoken of Socrates, who used to call all these things no otherwise but GOBLINS or PAINTED VIZARDS, 
A brief and comfortable saying of Socrates.  which if thou put on, children run from thee affrighted, but so soon as thou puttest off the same and showest thine own face, they will come about thee again and embrace thee in their arms. Even so standeth the case in these matters that seem so terrible, which if thou behold without vail or vizard, thou wilt confess that all thy fear was but childish. As hailstones though they beat upon houses with a great noise, yet themselves do leap away and are dissolved: So these things if they happen to light upon a constant settled mind, do not cast down it, but vanish and come to nought themselves.   

CHAPT. XX. Now we come to comparison. And first of all the misery of the Low-countries and of this our age, is exaggerated. That opinion is generally confuted. And it is declared how that the natural disposition of men is prone to augment their own griefs.  

A cutting off of the former talk, which else would have been too copious and confuse  THis earnest & grave communication of Langius was nothing answerable to my hope or expectation: Wherefore interrupting him, whither now? (quoth I.) Was this your promise to me? I expected the sweet wine and honeycombs of histories: But you serve me with such sour sauce, as there is none more sharp among all the store of philosophy. What? Do you think that you have to do with some 
(a) One of th● 7. wise men of Greece.  Thales? No, no: Now you have Lipsius in hand, who as he is a man, and of the Common sort of men: So he desireth remedies somewhat more spiced with humanity, than these be. Then said Langius with a mild voice and countenance, I confess indeed I am worthy of blame. For in following the bright beams of reason, I see myself to have strayed out of the hign way and declined unwares into the path of wisdom again. But now I will amend the matter, and return to hold on my course in a more familiar known trade-way. Doth the sharpness of the wine that I broached, dislike thee? I will sweeten it with the honey of examples. Now therefore I come to COMPARISONS, 
The lightness of these calamities is proved by comparison.  and will prove evidently that there is nothing grievous or great in all these evils which do now abound every where, if we compare them with those of old time. For in times past the same have been far more heinous and lamentable than now. Hereat I once again more eagerly than before replied: What? Say you so indeed? 
(a) Aristophanes.  And think you to bring me into that belief? No (Langius) not so long as there is any sense in my head. For what age past, if you examine the matter rightly, hath at any time been so miserable as this ours, Or ever shallbe? What country, what region hath suffered, So many things grievous to be spoken off and rigorous to be endured, 
The fatal miseries of the low-countries.  As we Flemings do at this day? We are shaken to and fro with wars not only foreign, but civil: And not such only, but intestine dissensions even within our own bowels. For there be not only parties among us, but new parties of those same parties. (Alas my dear country what Safety can save thee?) Add hereto pestilence, and famine, tributes, rapines, slaughters: Also the uttermost extremity of tyranny; And oppressions not of bodies only, but also of the minds. And what is there in other parts of Europe? 
And of all Europe: which certainly is even ready to decay,  war, or fear of war: And if any peace be, it is joined with shameful servitude under petty-lords, and no better at all then any kind of war. Whithersoever we cast our eyes or cogitations, all things hang in susspence and suspicion. And (as it were in an old ruinous house) there be many tokens of falling down. In fine (Langius) like as all rivers run into the Sea: So it seemeth that all misfortunes are fallen upon this present age. I speak only of those evils which are in action, and now presently tossing us. What need I make mention of such as hang over our heads? To which I may truly apply that saying of Euripides: 
I see so great a sea of evils nigh at hand,  
So that it seems a matter hard, safety to swim to land.  Langius turning himself towards me angrily, and as it were with intent to rebuke me; What? Dost thou yet again cast thyself down by these querulous complaints? 
Querelous complaints do stir up the recordation of evils that were forgotten.  I thought thou hadst stood fast like a man, and I see thou fallest: That thy wounds had been quite closed up, but I perceive thou dost open them again. Howbeit thou must be endued with contentation of mind, if thou wilt be in perfect health.  
Thou sayest, this age is the unhappiest that ever was. This hath been an old lay long agone used. I know thy grand father said so, and likewise thy father. I know also that thy children and children's children will sing the same note. 
Because we are all prone to augment our own sorrows  It is a thing naturally given unto men to cast their eyes narrowly upon all things that be grievous, but to wink at such as be pleasant. As flies & such like vile creatures do never rest long upon smooth & fine polished places, but do stick fast to rough and filthy corners: So the murmuring mind doth lightly pass over the consideration of all good fortune, but never forgetteth the adverse or evil. It handleth and prieth into that, yea and oftentimes augmenteth it with great wit. Like as Lovers do always behold somewhat in their mistress whereby they think her to excel all others: Even so do men that mourn, in their miseries. Yea moreover we imagine things that be false, and bewail not only things present, but also such as be to come. And what gain we by this fore-reaching wit of ours? Surely nothing else, 
Yea and to feign more than is true.  but that as some espying a far off the dust raised by an army, do there upon forsake their tents for fear: So the vain shadow of future danger casteth us down into the pit of desperation.   

CHAPT. XXI. The same is more properly and precisely confuted by comparison with the evils of old time. First of the wars and marvelous desolation of the jews.  
But thou (Lipsius) let pass these vulgar matters, and follow me now to that Comparison which thou so much desirest. Thereby it shall most plainly appear unto thee, that the miserable desolations of old time were not only in all respects equal to these of our age, but did far surpass them; And that we which live in these days have cause to rejoice rather than to grudge. Thou sayest we are tossed with Wars. What then? 
An entrance into the comparison.  were not they of old time likewise? Yes (Lipsius) they had their beginning with the World, and shall never be at an end so long as the world lasteth. But perhaps theirs were not so great, nor so grievous as ours be. Nay but it is so far otherwise, that all ours are mere iestinges and toys, 
And that through every particular sort of calamimities.  (I speak in good earnest) if they be compared with the ancient ages. I shall hardly find an entrance in, or a way out, if once I throw myself into this deep sea of Examples. Notwithstanding shall we wander a little through all parts of the World? Let us go. We will begin with judea, 
First of war.  that is with the holy Nation and people. 
The innumerable slaughters of the jews.  I let pass those things which they suffered in Egypt & immediately after their departure therehence, for they are recorded and may easily be seen in holy Scripture. I will come to the last of all, even such as are annexed to their final destruction; which it is expedient that I 
(a) Collected and taken out of josephus.  propound particularly as it were in manner of a table. They suffered therefore in civil and foreign wars within the space of seven years, these things ensuing. First there were slain at jerusalem by the commandment of Florus. 630 At Caesarea by the inhabitants there, for hatred of the nation and their 
(b) Note that only religion at that time was prejudicial to many.  religion, at once. 20000. At Scithopilis a town of Syria. 13000. At Ascalon in Palestina, of the inhabitants there. 2500. Also at Ptolomais. 2000 At Alexandria in Egigpt, under Tiberius Alexander then precedent. 50000. At Damascus. 10000 And all this happened as it were by sedition and tumults: Afterwards by lawful and open war with the Romans. When joppa was taken by Cesius Florus, there were slain of them. 8400. Also in mount Cabulon. 2000 In fight at Ascalon. 10000 Again by deceit. 8000. At the taking of Aphaca. 15000. In mount Garizin were slain. 11600. At jotapa where josephus himself was, about. 30000. Again at the taking of joppes, were drowned. 4200. In Tarichaeis slain. 6500 At Gamala killed, & y● wilfully cast themselves headlong down from steep places 9000. And not one man borne in that town escaped, save two women that were sisters.  Giscala being abandoned, there were slain in the fight 2000 And of women and children taken captives. 3000. Of the Gaderens were put to the sword. 13000. Taken Captives 2200. Besides an infinite number that Leapt into the river.  In the streets of Idumaea were killed 10000 At Gerasium. 1000 At Macheruns. 1700. In the wood jarde. 3000. In Massada a little Castle were slain wilfully by themselves. 960. In Cirene slain by Catulus the precedent. 3000. But in the city of Jerusalem during all the time of the siege, there died and were killed. 1000000. Taken captives. 97000. This whole sum 
(a) Which perished by famine e●ile, and mischances.  besides an innumerable company not spoken of) amounteth to. 124000. What sayst thou Lipsius? Dost thou cast down thy eyes at this? Nay rather lift them up: And see whether thou dare again compare the wars that have been through out all Christendom these many years, with the miserable desolations of this one jewish nation.   

CHAPT. XXII. Of the destructions of the Gertians and Romans' by war. The great numbers of them that have been slain by certain Captains. Also the wasting of the new world. And the extreme miseries of captivity.  
I Rest not here, but hold my way forwards into Greece. 
The marvelous ●essolaons of Greece.  And if I should recount in order all the wars that those people have had among themselves at home, or abroad with others it would be tedious to tell, and without any profit. Thus much only I say, that this region hath continually been so wasted and hacked with the sword of calamities as 
(b) In his book of the defect of oracle●.  Plutarch recordeth (which I never read without anger and admiration) that the whole nation in his time was not able to make three thousand soldiers. And yet (saith he) in times passed even in the Persian war, one little town by Athens called Megara, sufficed to raise that number. Alas how art thou decayed? O thou garden of the whole earth? The glory and beauty of Nations. There is scarce now a Town of any name in this distressed country of Belgica, that cannot match that number of warlike people. Now shall we take a view of the Romans and of Italy? 
Also of Italy & the Roman Empire.  Augustine and Orosius have already eased me of this business in rehearsing. See their writings, and in them huge seas of evils. One Carthaginian war even the second within the country of Italy, 
Wonderful great slaughters by the wars of the Romans'.  Spain, and Sicily, and within the space of 17. years consumed fourteen hundred thousand men and above. (For I have searched the number very narrowly.) The civil war between Cesar and Pompey 300000. And the weapons of Brutus, Cassius and Sextus Pompeius, more than that. What speak I of wars managed under the conduct of divers persons? Behold. Only C. Cesar (O the plague and pestilence of mankind!) confesseth and that with boasting 
(a) Plinius li. 7.  That he slew in battles eleven hundred ninety and two thousand men. And yet the butchery of his civil wars runneth not in this reckoning. These slaughters were committed upon foreigners in those few years wherein he ruled over Spain and France. And yet notwithstanding in this respect he which was surnamed 
(b) POMPEIUS Magmis.  THE GREAT, surpassed him: who caused it to be written in the temple of Minerva, That he had overcome, put to flight, slain, & upon yielding received to mercy, twenty hundred four score & four thousand men. And to make up the account, add unto these (if thou wilt) Q. Fabius who slew 110000. Frenchmen. C. Marius 200000. Cimbrians. And in a later age Aetius, who in a famous 
(c) Bellum Calaunicum.  battle killed an hundred, three score & two thousand Hungarians.  

Many towers utterly defaced by them.  Neither do thou imagine that men only were destroyed in these great wars: But likewise goodly towns were ruinated by them. Cato surnamed Censorius, 
(d) in Plutarch.  boasteth that he took more towns in 
(e) To the number of 400. As Plutarch and Appian write.  Spain, than he had been days in that country. Sempronius Gracchus (if we give credit to Polybius) utterly overthrew thirty, in the same region. I think that no age since the world began is able to match these, but only ours, yet in another world. A few Spaniards sailing within these fourscore years into that marvelous wide new world, 
The spoiling, yea utter desolation & wasting of the west Indies, or new world.  O good god, what exceeding great slaughters have they wrought? what wonderful desolations? I speak not of the causes and equity of the war, but only of the events. I behold that huge scope of ground, (a great matter to have seen, I say not to have subdued it) how it was walked through by twenty or thirty soldiers, And these naked 
(a) I may so english it fitly, in respect of their savage brutishness.  herds of people cut down by them, even as corn with a sith. Where art thou the most mighty Island of Cuba? Thou Haytie? You islands jucaiae? which heretofore being replenished with five or six hundred thousand men, in some of you scant fifteen are left alive to preserve your seed. Show thyself a whiles thou Peru and Mexico. O marvelous and miserable spectacle! That mighty large country, and in truth another world, 
(d) Surely at the first beginning of the conquest, but now those coasts be inhabited, and better furnished.  appeareth desolate and wasted, no otherwise than if it had been consumed with fire from heaven. My mind and tongue both do fail me (Lipsius) in recounting these matters: And I see all our stirs in comparison of those, to be nothing else but small fragments of straw, or as the Comic Poet saith, Little mites.  
And yet have I not spoken at all of the condition of captive slaves, 
Captivity in old time most grievous, and not inferior to death.  than the which nothing was more miserable in the ancient wars. Free borne men, noble men, children, women, all whatsoever they were did the conqueror carry away. And who knoweth whether they were led into perpetual servitude, or not? And truly the same such a miserable kind of slavery, as I have good cause to rejoice that not so much as the resemblance of any such hath heretofore been, neither at this time is in Christendom. The Turks indeed do practise it: And there is no other thing that maketh that Scythian sovereignty more odious and terrible unto us.   

CHAPT. XXIII. Most memorable examples of pestilence and famine in old times passed. Also the intolerable tributes that have been then: And the ravenous pillings and powling.  
YEt thou proceedest on in thy whining complaint, adjoining moreover plague and famine, tributes & rapines. Let us therefore make comparison of all these, but in few words. Tell me, how many thousands have died of the pestilence in all the lowcontries' within these five or six years? 
Pestilence of old time.  I think fi●tie, or at the most one hundred thousand, But one plague in judaea in the time of King David, swypped away threescore and ten thousand in less space than one whole day. Under Gallus and Volusianus the emperors a plague 
(a) Zonaras. T. 2  beginning in Ethiopia, went through all the Roman provinces, and continued wasting and devouring fifteen years together. I never read of a pestilence greater than that for continuance of time, or scope of places where it raged. Notwithstanding for fierceness and extreme violence, that pestilence was more notorious which reigned in Bizance and the places confining, under the Emperor justinian. The extremity of which plague was so outrageous, that it made every day 5000. corpses, and some days 10000 I would be afraid for suspicion of falsehood to write this, except I had very 
(b) Procius lib. 11. de bello persico. et Agathias lib. 5. hist.  credible witnesses thereof that lived in the same age. No less wonderful was the ●●ague of Africa which began about the subversion of Carthage. In the region of Numidia only (now called Barbary) it consumed 
(c) Oposius lib. 5 cap. 8.  eight hundred thousand men In the maritine coasts of Africa 200000. And at Utica 30000. soldiers which were left there for defence of that coast. Again in Greece under the reign of Michael duca the plague was so hot, That the living sufficed not to bury the dead: Those be the words of Zonara. Finally in 
(a) About the ye●e of Christ 1359.  petrarch's time (as he recordeth) the pestilence waxed so fervent in Italy, that of every thousand persons scant ten were left alive.  
And now touching famine, our age hath seen none in comparison of old time. 
Famine in times past.  Under Honorius the Emperor there was such scarcity and lack of victuals at Rome, 
(b) Zosimus. 6. annal.  That one man fed upon another: And in the place of the common assembly to see plays and games, there was heard a voice openly saying, Set a price upon man's flesh 
(c) Procopius of the war of the Goths. 11 book In whose writings see more.  Again throughout all Italy. What time as the Goths ransacked it under justinian, there raged so sore a famine, that in the country of Picem fifty thousand men perished with hunger: And not only the flesh, but the very excrements of men served commonly for meat. Two women (I quake to speak it) killed 17. men in the night by treachery and did eat them: at length themselves were slain by the eighteenth who perceived the matter. I speak not of the famine in the holy city, nor of other examples commonly known.  
And now if I shall say somewhat concerning tributes, 
The excessive tributes in old time.  it cannot be denied but they are very grievous wherewith we are oppressed, if we consider them in themselves alone without comparing the same with those of old times. 
(d) Appianus lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 belli civilly.  Almost every province under the Roman Empire paid yearly the first of their pasture land, and the tents of their earable Neither did Antonius and Caesar stick to exact the tributes of 9 or 10. years, altogether in one year. After the kill of julius Caesar, when arms were taken for defence of liberty, every citizen was commanded to defray the five and twentieth part of all his goods: & more than this, as many as were of the degree of Senators paid 
(e) Sex asses as my author setteth it down Every ass (as some, write) is worth a ●roat, But Dio lib. hath. 46.  six asses for every tile stone of their houses, which amounteth to an infinite sum of money, and in our opinions neither credible, nor payable.  
But Octavianus Caesar (I believe) in regard of his 
(a) Because octaws is the eight. Dio. lib. 1.  name, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1, quatuor obul●s. Obulus autem aliquibus est sexta pars drach mae. Nobis octasi●. Al●is aliter.  exacted & received of his enfranchised servants, the eight part of all their goods. I omit that which the TRIUMVIRI & other Tyrants practised, least by the rehearsal thereof I should instruct them of our time. Let one example of pilling & polling serve for all the rest, namely that of 
(b) Those were such as the Romans' did send of their own people to inhabit conquered places  COLONIES, which devise as it was most assured for the strengthening of the Empire; So there could nothing be imagined more heavy to the subjects that were conquered. Whole Legions and bands of old Soldiers were sent abroad into Countries and towns, and the poor natural inhabitants there, were in short time fleeced of all their goods and substance, and that without any fault or offence of them, but only their wealth and fat fields were the cause thereof. In which one kind of pilling is contained a gulf of all calamities beside. Is it a miserable case to be spoiled of our money? What is it then to be deprived of our fields and houses? If it be grievous to be thrust out of them; what is it to be banished our Country? To be cast out from our Churches and altars? 
The misery in placing of COLONIES.  For lo, certain thousands of people were taken up, children from their parents, masters from their families, women from their husbands, and were dispersed abroad into divers Countries, every one as his lot was. Some among The thirsty Africans, As the Poet speaking of this matter saith 
(c) par● scythiam, aut toto divifos orb Britannes.  part of them into Scythia, or among the britains inhabiting the utmost ends of the world from us. Only Octavianus Caesar in Italy alone placed 28. Colonies: And in the provinces of the Empire as many as pleased him. And I know not of any one thing more pernicious than that, to the Frenchmen, us, and Spaniards.   

CHAPT. XXIIII. Some strange examples of cruelty and butcherly slaughters, surpassing all the mischievous massacres of our time.  
But thou sayest further that the cruelties and butcherly slaughters of this age are such, as have not been heard of before. I know thy meaning, 
The outrageous and infamous slaughters of old. time.  and what hath been 
(a) I take it he meaneth the Massacre at Paris on Bartholomewes' day.  lately done. Yet, upon thy credit Lipsius tell me, hath not the like been among the Ancients? Thou art ignorant, if thou know it not, and scarce honest if thou dissemble it. The examples are so many and ready at hand, that it is a business for me to make choice of them. Hast thou heard of the name of Sylla, that happy man? Then art thou not ignorant of his infamous and tyrannous proscription, whereby he deprived one City of 
(b) Valerius. lib. 11.  four thousand seven hundred citizens. And lest thou shouldest think they were of the base and meanest condition, know this that 140. of them were Senators. I say nothing of the manifold murders that were done by his permission or commission. So as it was not with out cause that Q. Catulus uttered these words, With whom shall we live at last, if we kill armed men in war, and the unarmed in peace? Not long after I read that three of Sulla's scholars being TRIUMVIRS, imitating their master, banished 
(c) Appianus so counteth them.  300. Senators and above 2000 Gentlemen of Rome. O monstrous wickedness, the like whereof the sun never saw nor shall see from East to West! Read Appian if thou wilt, and there behold the variable and loathsome spectacle of some hiding in corners, some flying away: some drawing back, others plucking forwards, children and wives making lamentations round about. I would I were dead if any man will not affirm, that humanity itself was utterly extinguished in that bloody and brutish age. These things were executed upon Senators and Gentlemen of the best sort, even knights: That is, almost upon so many kings & princes.  
But peradventure the common sort tasted not of this sauce? Yes, mark how the very same Sylla, 
(d) Valerius lib. 9 It▪ Amounteth to the number of 24000. Though Seneca speak but of 7000. De ira.  When as four Legions of the contrary party had yeeelded to his fidelity, he caused them every man to be put to the sword in a common village, they crying out in vain for mercy at his trecherus hands. The pitilfull groanings of which men at their death, coming to the Senate, & the Senators turning about therewith amazed O reverent fathers (quoth he) let this be. Only a few seditious persons are punished by my appointment. And surely I know not at whether of these two I should marvel most, That a man could find in his heart to commit such a fact or to utter such words. What? wilt thou have yet more examples of cruelty? hear then 
(a) Valerius. . Servius Galba assembling together the people of three towns in Spain as if he had to treat of some thing of their wealth, caused suddenly to be murdered 7000. among whom was the Power of all the youth. In the same country 
(b) Appianus. , L. Licinius lucullus the Consul, contrary to his promise made at the yielding of the Caucaeans, sent his soldiers into their city and slew of them 20000. Octavianus Augustus when he took Perowse. 
(c) Suetonius. his words.  Choosing out 300. of those that had yielded, as well of the better sort, as of the vulgar, slew them in manner of sacrifices before an altar newly erected 
(d) T●st julius. . DIVO JULIO. Antonius Caracalca being (for some kind of jests I know not what) offended with them of Alexandria 
(e) Ziphilinus & Herodianus. , entering the city in peaceable manner, and calling out all their youth into a fair field, enclosed them with his soldiers and at a sign given, killed them every man; using the like cruelty against all the residue, whereby he left utterly without an inhabitant, that populous city 
(f) Valerius and others.  king Mithridates by one letter caused to be murdered 4 score thousand citizens of Rome, that were dispersed abroad throughout Asia about their merchandise, and other affairs 
(g) Seneca. 11. de Ira. . Volesus Messala being Proconsul of Asia, slew with the sword 300. in one day, & then walking proudly among the corpses with his hands cast abroad, as though he had achieved a worthy enterprise, cried out 
(h) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Oh kingly deed! I speak only of profane and wicked heathens: But behold also among those that are in name consecrated to the true God, Theodosius the prince, most mischievously and fraudulently calling together at Thessalonica 7000. innocent persons, as it were to see plates, sent in soldiers among them, and slew them. Then the which fact there is not any more impious among the impieties of the old tyrants. Go to now my country men of Belgica, and complain of the tyranny and treachery of princes in this age.   

CHAPT. XXV. The tyranny of our time is extenuated. Showing that the same is a thing incident either to the nature, or malice of men. And that both external and internal oppressions have been in old time.  
FInally, thou doest accuse moreover the tyranny of these times, and the oppressions of body and mind. It is not my purpose ambitiously to extol this our age, or to afflict and grieve it. For what good would come thereof? I will speak of that, that maketh for my purpose of comparison. When were not these evils rife? And where not? Name me any age without some notable tyranny, or any country? if thou canst do so (let me abide the danger of this hazard) I will confess that we be the most wretched of all wretches. 
Tyrannies & oppressions have been common at all times.  Why houldest thou thy peace? I see the old taunting byword is true, That all good princes may be 
(a) Perscribi, And in another edition. Praescribi. Which have their original from the pride & fierceness of man's nature.  written at large in the compass of our ring. For it is naturally given to men's dispositions, to use imperial authority insolently, neither can they easily keep a mean in that thing which is above mediocrity. Even we ourselves that thus complain of tyranny, do bear in our breasts some seed thereof, and many of us do not want will to perform it, but ability. The serpent being be numbed with cold, hath yet his poison within him, but doth not cast it out: So is it with us, whom only imbecility keepeth back from doing harm, and a certain coldness of Fortune. give strength, give fit opportunity or instruments and I fear me that they which now are so querulous against mighty men, will be most unruly themselves. We have examples in the common course of our life. See how this father tyrannizeth over his children: That master over his servants, Another schoolmaster over his scholars. Every one of these is a 
(a) A most cruel tyrant  Phaleris in his kind: And they do stir up waves as much within their rivers, as kings do in their great Seas. 
There is tyranny also among other living creatures.  Neither are other living creatures free from this natural disposition: Among whom many do exercise their cruelty upon their like in kind, both in the air, earth, and water; As it is well said of Varo, 
So little fish to great ones are a pray,  
And silly birds, the greedy hawk doth slay.  Thou repliest yet, 
Of oppression for religion  that all these are only oppressions of the body: But now this passeth all the rest, that we endure also servile oppression of our minds. Is it so indeed? Of our minds? Take heed this be not spoken more enviously, than truly. He seemeth unto me to know neither himself, nor the celestial nature of the mind, which thinketh it may be oppressed, or constrained. For no outward force can ever make thee to will what thou will not; or to believe that thou believest not. A man may have power upon this bond or fetter of the mind, but not over the mind itself. A tyrant hath power to lose it from the body, but not unloose the nature thereof. Such things as be pure, everlasting, and of fiery nature, set nought by all external & violent handling. But (sayst thou) it is not lawful for me to express my mind freely. 
The same hath been likewise in times past.  Be it so: herein thy tongue alone is bridled, not thy mind. Thy judgement is not restrained, but thy acts. But this is a strange course & never before herd off! Alas good man, how art thou deceived? How many could I recount unto thee, who for their unadvised tongues have suffered punishment of all their senses under tyrants? How many of them have endeavoured to force & constrain men's judgements? yea their judgements (I say) in matters of religion. The kings of Persia and of the East made it an ordinary custom to be adored. And we know that Alexander assumed to himself the same divine honour, his own plain country men the Macedonians misliking it. Among the Romans that good and moderate prince Augustus had his Flamines & Priests in all provinces, yea in private houses, as a God. Caligula cutting off the heads from the images of their heathen gods caused the likeness of his own to be put in their steeds; and with a ridiculous impiety he erected a temple, instituted priests and most exquisite sacrifices in honour of his own majesty. Nero would needs be taken for Apollo, and the principal citizens were by him put to death under this pretence 
(a) This among others is objected to Thrasea.  because they had never sacrificed before the heavenly voice. As for Domitian, he was commonly called, our God, and our Lord: what vanity (Lipsius) or impiety were it to speak aught at this day against any king? I purpose not to sail nearer this gulf, wherinto no stormy winds of ambition shall ever draw or drive me, 
(b) Periculo Vacat silenti premium.  for the reward of silence is void of danger. I will allege only one testimony concerning all this matter of servitude in old times, & that out of thy familiar writer, which I would have thee well to mark. Tacitus writing of Domitian's time, hath thus. We read that it was made a matter of death, 
Tacitus.  when Petus Thrasea was praised unto Arulenus justicus, or Priscus helvidius to Herennius Senecio. Neither extended this cruelty unto those authors only, but also to their books, the Triumuiri, having the charge committed unto them, to see the monuments of those excellent wits burned in open view of the people, and in the market place. Forsooth they supposed by that fire utterly to abolish or suppress the speaeh of the people of Rome, the liberty of the Senate, and the consciences of all mankind. 
(a) Note the condition of mere tyrants.  Expelling more over all professors of wisdom, and banishing all good arts, to the intent that no honest thing should remain in ure. Surely, we have given a notable experiment of patience; And as the old ages have seen the very highest degree in liberty, so have we felt the uttermost extremitte in servitude: The very society of speaking and hearing being taken from us by strait inquisitions. We should also have lost our memory with our voice, if so be it lay in our power to forget, as it doth to hold our peace.   

CHAPT. XXVI. Finally, it is proved that these evils are neither strange, nor new: but at all times common to all people and nations. And therein some comfort is sought for.  

Against those who do imagine that these calamities are unaccustomed, or else exceeding notorious & great  NEither will I add any more touching comparison, I come now to the last troop of my Legion, which fighteth against novelty, but briefly, and with contempt of it; For it shall rather gather up the spoils of the conquered enemies, than be forced to any fierce grappling with them. For in very truth, what is there here that can be accounted new to any man, unless that thou thyself being new borne, art a novice in humane affairs? Well spoke Crantor and wisely, who had ever this verse in his mouth, 
(b) Heu me; Quid heu me? Humana perpessi sumus.  woe is me, what woe is me? we have suffered but things pertaining to men. For these miseries do but wheel about continually, & circularly run about this circle of the world. Why sighest thou for the happening of these heavy accidents? Why marvelest thou at them?  
O Agamemnon, Atreus thy Sire  
Begat thee not to joyfulness alone:  
As mirth, so sorrow sometimes is thy hire,  
Mortal thou art, and thereto wast thou borne.  
Yea though thou strive, and stubbornly refuse,  
God having wild it so, thou canst not choose.  
This rather is a thing to be wondered at, if any man were lawlessly exempted from this common law, & carried none of that burden, whereof every man beareth a part. Solon seeing a very friend of his at Athens mourning piteously, 
A witty invention of Solon, for consolation.  brought him into a high tower, and showed him underneath all the houses in that great city, saying unto him, Think with thyself how many sundry mournings in times past have been in all these houses, how many at this present are, and in time to come shall be: and leave off to bewail the miseries of mortal folk, as if they were thine own. I would wish thee (Lipsius) to do the like in this wide world. But because thou canst not in deed and fact, go too, do it a little while in conceit and imagination. 
Great miserable desolations in all the world.  Suppose (if it please thee) that thou art with me in the top of that high hill Olympus; Behold from thence all towns, provinces, and kingdoms of the world, and think that thou seest even so many enclosures full of human calamities: these are but only theatres and places for the purpose prepared: wherein Fortune playeth her bloody tragedies. Neither cast thine eyes far hence. Seest thou Italy? It is not yet full thirty years agone since it had rest from cruel and sharp wars on every side. Dost thou behold the large country of Germany? There were lately in her great sparks of civil dissension, which do begin to burn again; and (unless I be deceived) will grow to a more consuming flame. Britain? In it there have been continual wars and slaughters, and in that now it resteth a while in peace, must be referred to the government of a peaceable sex. What of France? See, and pity her. Even now a festered gangrene of bloody war creepeth through every joint thereof So is it in all the world beside. Which things think well upon (Lipsius) and by this communication or participation of miseries, lighten thine own. And like as they which road gloriously in triumph, had a servant behind their backs, who in the mids of all their triumphant jollity, cried out often times, Thou art a man? So let this be ever as a prompter by thy side, That these things are human, or appertaining to men. For as labour being divided between many, is easy: Even so likewise is Sorrow.   

CHAPT. XXVII. The Conclusion of the whole conference: with a short admonition to the often repeating, and careful consideration thereof.  
I Have displayed all my forces (Lipsius) and all my arguments. 
The Conclusion and exhortation.  Thou hast heard as much as I thought necessary to be spoken in the behalf of CONSTACIE against SORROW. Which God grant it be not only pleasing, but profitable unto thee: and that it do not so much delight, as benefit or help thee. As certainly it will do, if it sink not into thy ears alone, but also into thy mind: And if, having once heard the same, thou suffer it not to lie still and whither away as seed scattered upon the face of the earth. Finally, if thou repeat the same often, and take due consideration thereof. Because that as fire is not forced out of the flint with one stroke: So in these frozen hearts of ours, the lurking and languishing sparks of Honesty are not kindled with the first stroke of admonitions. Which, that they may at the last be thoroughly enkindled in thee, not in words or appearance, but in deed and fact, I humbly and reverently beseech that eternal and celestial 
(a) God who is a fieric spiri●  Fire.  
When he had thus spoken, he rose up hastily, and said: I am going (Lipsius) for this South Sun is unto me a token of dinner time. Follow thou after me. Even so (quoth I) gladly and with a very good will. And now may I rightly sing together with you in the 
(a) In the Church were 3. parts of singing used. 1. Prosphonesis, that is an invitation or provoking. 2. Antiphonia, that is, a response or answer. 3. Synodia, a close or joining together in harmony. See Apocae. ca 19 verse. 1.3.5. it seemeth he had respect to this order.  antiphony, as is used in holy Ceremonies, I have escaped the evil, and found the good.   
FINIS. Laus, Honour, & Gloria; Deo trino & uno.   

¶ Imprinted at London, by Richard johnes, at the Sign of the Rose and Crown, nigh unto Saffron Hill, in Holborn. 1595.