THE TACTICS OF AELIAN  
Or art of embattailing an army after the Grecian manner  
Englished & illustrated with figures throughout; & notes upon the Chapters of the ordinary motions of the Phalange by I. B.  
The exercise military of the English by the order of that great General Maurice of Nassau Prince of Orange &▪ Governor & General of the united Provinces is added  
At London for Laurence Lisle & are to be sold at his shop at the sign of the Tiger's head in Paul's Church yard  
The Peerless Macedon, chulde of triumphant vict●… Presents his arms, his art of war, G'fortune unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
war is a necessary school of necessary knowledge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Gelius Sculput  
Woudrichemÿ in Hollandia   


MY●IFICENTIA REGIA 1715 GEORGIUS D.G. MAG. BR VR. ET ●●● REX FD.    

TO THE HIGH AND MIGHTY CHARLES, ONLY SON OF HIS MAJESTY, PRINCE OF Wales, DUKE of Cornwall, York, and Albany, MARQVISE of Ormont, EARL of Chester, and Ross, LORD of Admanoch, and KNIGHT of the most noble order of the Garter.  
HOw much the Grecians excelled all other Nations in the Sciences called Liberal, is better known in general, then needful at this time particularly to be rehearsed to your Highness. The Romans themselves albeit otherwise ambitious, and out of measure thirsty of honour, and challenging to themselves the highest degree of gravity, constancy, greatness of mind, wisdom, faith, and skill of war, contended not herein, but freely left them the possession of that praise unquestioned. For war it is not my purpose at this time to make comparison, or commit the two Nations together. The controversy is already moved by other, and hangeth undecided in the Court of learning. Thus much, me thinks, I may truly affirm, that the Grecians were the first, that out of variety of actions, and long experience reduced the knowledge of Arms into an Art, and gave precepts for the orderly moving a Battle, and taught, that the moments of victory rested not in the hands of multitudes, but in a few men rightly instructed to manage arms, and trained up in the observation of the discipline of the field. In which regard they had almost in all Cities amongst them Masters of Arms, whom they called Tactics, which delivered the Art Military to such, as were desirous to learn. Out of whose Schools issued those chiefs of war in number so many, in skill so exquisite, in valour so peerless, in all virtues beseeming great Generals so admirable, that no Nation of Europe even to this day hath been able to match, much less to overmatch their fame, and glory. And the time was when the Lacedæmonians exceeded the rest in Martial skill, and were thought to be the best Soldiers of Greece; by means whereof they advanced themselves to the Principality of Greece, which they held with such reputation, that an enemy by the space of 500 years was not seen within their Territory. Till at last growing insolent, and surfeiting of, and being not able to brook their own fortune, they sought to oppress, and with wrong and force to possess the City of Thebes, and stirred up Epaminond as a The ban by birth, and from his tender years nourished by his father's care in the study of Philosophy, and the science of Arms, to oppose against them, who in two battles, the one at Leuctra, the other at Mantinaea so broke their forces, that from that day forth they were never able to recover their wont authority, and power in the field. Philip the son of Amyntas King of Macedonia, being but a private man, was delivered as a hostage to the Thebans, & brought up in the same house and learning with Epaminond as. He afterward became King of Macedonia; which being of itself but a poor kingdom, and before his time sometimes kept under by the Athenians, sometimes by the Lacedæmonians, sometimes by the The bans, & finding it at his entrance to the Crown harried, and spoiled by the Paeonians, and forced to pay tribute by the Illyrians, by erecting a new art, and discipline of war, to which he exercised, and enured his Macedonians, he not only freed his Country from the Barbarous nations, but also overcame the Grecians, accounted the only Masters of arms till that day, and caused himself to be declared General of Greece against the Persians: against whom after he had made his full preparation, he resolved to go in person. But being prevented by death, he left the succession of his kingdom, and execution of his designs to Alexander his son, whom he had before curiously instructed in the discipline of Arms invented by himself. The same Alexander (being about 20 years of age) after he had vanquished Darius in 2 great battles in 12 years ran through, and subjecteth the spacious, rich, and flourishing kingdoms of Asia, even as far, as the East Indies, and with terror of arms made the whole world to tremble at his name. His kingdoms were after his death divided amongst many Successors, who by the same Art military easily maintained the possession of their conquests. This Art is it, that I at this time present unto your Highness. It was comprised in writing by many, and yet none of their works attained our age, but only that of Aelian; who hath in a small volume so expressed the art, that nothing is more short, nothing more linked together in coherence of precepts, and yet distinguished with such variety, that all motions requisite, or to be used in a Battle are fully expressed therein. Aelian lived in the time of Adrian the Emperor. How much the book was of ancient time esteemed may appear by this alone, that Leo a succeeding Emperor setting down Martial instructions for the government of his Empire, transcribeth whole passages out of Aelian, & whensoever he citeth, or nameth the Tactics, he giveth still the first place unto Aelian. How be it the practice of Aelians' precepts hath long lain wrapped up in darkness, & buried (as it were) in the ruins of time, until it was revived, & restored to light not long since in the united Provinces of the low- Countries, which Countries at this day are the School of war, whither the most Martial spirits of Europe resort to lay down the Apprenticeship of their service in Arms, and it was revived by the direction of that Heroical Prince Maurice of Nassau, Prince of Orange, Governor, and General of the ●aid Countries, a Prince borne and bred up in Arms, and (beside the completenes of his other eminent virtues) for skill, experience, judgement, and military literature comparable to the greatest Generals, that ever were. I have of late adventured to take from Aelian his Greekish cloak, and to put him in English apparel, that in that habit he might attend your Highness, and be ready with his service, in case he were thought worthy of employment. He had before for his Patron Adrian, an Emperor, and Ruler of the Roman world. Now he humbly craveth your HIGHNESS favour for his protection, who as in Princely descent, and succession of Royal blood you are far superior, so in virtues worthy of your birth, and years, and in all hopeful expectations are you nothing inferior to Adrian. It may please your Highness to regard him with a gracious eye, and to esteem the Presenter of him your faithful beadsman, that will not cease to pray to the mighty God of hosts, to give you conquest over all your enemies. From my Garrison at Woudrichem in Holland the 20 of September 1616.  
Your highness most humbly devoted, IO: BINGHAM.   

THE TACTICS OF AELIAN or art of embattailing an army after the Grecian manner.  
THE Grecian art of embattailing an army (most mighty Augustus Cesar Adrian) the antiquity whereof reacheth back to the age wherein Homer lived, hath been committed to writing by many, whose skill in the Mathematics was not reputed equal with mine: whereby I was induced to think it possible for me so to deliver the grounds thereof, that posterity should rather regard and esteem my labours, than theirs, that before me have handled the same argument. But weighing again mine own ignorance (for I must confess a truth) in that skill & practise of arms, which is now in esteem among the romans, I was by fear withheld from reviving a science half dead, as it were, and since the invention of that other by your ancestors, altogether out of request and unregarded. Notwithstandinng coming afterward to Formie to do my duty to the ¹ Emperor Nerva your majesties father, It was my fortune to spend sometime with ² Frontine a man of Consular dignintie, and of great reputation by reason of his experience in military affairs: and after conference with him perceiving he imparted no less study to the Grecian, then to the Roman discipline of arms I began not to despise that of the Grecians, conceiving that Frontine would not so much affect it, if he thought it inferior to the Roman. Having therefore in times past framed a project of this work, but yet not daring then to publish it in regard of ³ your majesties incomparable valour, and experience, which make you famous above all General●s without exception, that ever were: I have of late taken it again in hand, & finished it, being (if I deceive not myself) a work both worthy to be accounted of, & of sufficiency, especially with such as are studious of the art, to obscure the credit of the ancient Tactics. For in respect of the perspicuity I dare boldly affirm, the reader shall more advantage himself by this little volume, then by all their writings: such is the order and method, I have followed. Howbeit I durst scarcely offer it to your majesty who have been General of so great wars, least happily it prove too too slender a present, & altogether unworthy of your sacred view. And yet if your majesty shall be pleased to think of it, as of a Greekish Theory, or a various discourse it may be, it will give you some little delight, the rather because you may therein behold ⁴ Alexander the Macedons manner of marshalling his fields. And for that I am not ignorant of your majesties more weighty affairs, I have reparted it into chapters, to the end you may without reading the book in few words take the some of that, which is to be delivered, and without loss of time find the places you are desirous to peruse.  

Notes.  
THe Tactics] As Taxis in a general sense signifieth order, so Tacticos is as much, as pertaining to order: but specially taken, it signifieth pertaining to order of a battle, or to the embattailing of an army. Here of the art of embattailing an army is called Tacticè, and he, that is skilful, and experienced in that art. Tacticos (
a Veget. prolog. lib. 3.  Vegetius nameth him magistrum armorum) and the books written of the art, Tactica. And that this is the true signification of the word may appear by Xenophons' Cyropaedia, where the art Tactick is distinguished from the art Imperatory, or art of a General. He induceth Cyrus, in a discourse with his father speaking thus: 
b Xenoph. cyrop●d. lib. 29. B.  In the end you asked me what my master taught me, when he professed to teach the art Imperatory. And when I answered, the Tactics, you smiled, and asked particularly, what the Tactics availed without provision of things necessary to live by? what without preservation of health? what without knowledge of arts invented for the use of war? what without obedience? so that you plainly showed, that the Tactics are but a small portion of the art Imperatory, or of commanding an army. Thus Xenophon: making a difference between the art Imperatory, & the art Tactick. And in other place he speaketh yet more particularly: 
c Xenophon cyrop. lib 8 c. 227.  Cyrus, said he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it not the duty of a Tactick to enlarge only, or to stretch out in 〈◊〉 the front of his Phalange, or to draw it out in depth, or to reduce it from a wing to a Phalange, or to countermarch readily, the enemy showing himself on the right, or left hand, or in the rear, but to divide it, when need is, & to place every part for most advantage, & to lead it on speedily, when occasion is of prevention. Yet sometimes in a gener all signification books entreating of the whole art of war are called Tactics: as the Constitutions military of the Emperor Leo are entitled Tactica Leonis, perhaps of the best part, because the 
d Pl●t. in Philopaement.  art of embattailing an army hath always been esteemed the chiefest point of skill in a General. Howbeit Aelian in his title of this book taketh Tacticè in the straighter 
● infra cap. 3.  signification: as appeareth by the definitions, he allegeth out of Aenaeas and Polybius: of whom the first defineth the art Tactick to be a science of warlike motion; with whom also 
f Leo. cap. 1.  Leo agreeth: the other, to be a skill, whereby, a man taking a multitude serviceable, ordereth it into files, and bodies, and instructeth it sufficiently in all things appertaining to war. Which two definitions comprehend in few words the argument of the whole book. For first Aelian intreatcth of levieng, & of arming men, then of filing, next of joining files, and making bodies, after of ordering the whole Phalange, or battle, further of motions requisite to affront the enemy, wheresoever he giveth on, whether in front, flank, or rear; lastly of marching, and of the sundry forms of battles carrying with them advantage of charging or repulsing the enemy in your march. He; that will further under stand the bounds of this art, let him read in the 21. chapter of Leo the 58. section.  

1 The Emperor Nerva your majesties Father] The Emperor Nerva here mentioned was not Nerva Cocceius, who succeeded Domitian, but Vlpius Traianus, who was also called Nerva, because he was adopted by Nerva Cocceius, & succeeded in the Empire. And where Aelian termeth him Adrians' father, indeed Adrian pretended, he was Traian's son by adoption. But 
g Dio & ●pat tionem in vit●Adriani.  Dio plainly denieth it, & Spartian saith, some reported he was adopted by the faction of Plotina (Traian's wife) by substituting one to speak with a faint voice, as if it had been trajan upon his deathbed, whereas trajan was before departed this world. This is agreed, that he was Cousin german once removed to trajan, & that his father dying, he (being but ten years old) was ward to trajan (than a private man) and to one Calius Tatianus.  
2 To spend some time with Frontine] Frontine here mentioned was the same that wrote the book of Strategemes, now extant, & commonly joined in one volume with Vegetius. He was a man curious in the search of the Grecian discipline, as may be seen by his own preface to his books of Strategemes: & by the testimony of Aelian, & in the first chapter of this treatise, is reckoned amongst the T actick writers. 
a Veget lib. 2. 〈◊〉. ●.  Vegetius reporteth he was much esteemed by the Emperor trajan. He lived also in great reputation in the time of Vespasian: at least if it be he, that Tacitus speaketh of in the life of julius Agricola. And yet it might be he very well, there being no more than twenty years, & certain months betwixt the reign of trajan, & the reign of Vespasian in whose time Frontine is reported by 
b Tacit. in vita Ag●colae.  Tacitus to have over thrown the Silureses in Britain. Aelian in the next chapter calleth him Fronto. Of one Fronto, that was Consul in the third year of the reign of trajan, I read in 
c Dio in vita Ne●vae.  Dio ●whose saying is reported to have been: That it was ill to have an Emperor, under whom no man might have liberty to do any thing, but much worse to have an Emperor, under whom every man might do what he list. But this Fronto was not Aelians Fronto. He was called Marcus Cornelius Fronto; this (that Aelian speaketh of) julius Frontine. And yet it is no wonder that Frontine in latin should be called Fronto in Greek, it being usual for the Grecians to vary, and deflect a little from the property of the latin names.  
3 Your majesties incomparable valour & experience] That this praise given Adrian is not altogether without cause, may appear by that, which 
d Spartian. in vita Adriani.  Aelius Spartianus writeth in the life of Adrian. His words have this meaning: After this, taking his journey into France, he was bowntifull to all, as he saw cause. From thence he passed into Germany, & being rather desirous of peace, than war, yet he so exercised his soldiers, as though war were at hand; teaching them to endure pains & hardness, himself giving an example of military life: gladly also using Camp fare, as namely lard, & cheese, for meat, & water mingled with vinegar for drink, in imitation of Scipio Aemilianus, & of Metellus, & of trajan the author of his preferment & rising, bestowing rewards upon many, honours upon some, to encourage them to bear such things, as seemed harsh in his commands. And surely it was he next Octavius, that upheld military discipline (declining now through the remissness of former Emperors) by ordering both the places of Command, & the pays; never suffering any man to absent himself from the Camp, but upon just cause: measuring the worth of Tribunes not by favour of the soldiers, but by their own desert; exhorting, & exciting all the rest by example of his own virtue, whilst he often marched twenty miles on foot, being fully armed, broke down banqueting houses, and galleries, & vaults for coolness, & arbours, wheresoever he found them in the Camp; & was seen in a plain garment usually; wore a baldric not garnished with gold, buttons without gems; scarcely allowing an ivory handle to his sword; visited his sick soldiers in their lodgings, himself chose out the ground to encamp in: made no Captain, but a man of a strong body, no● Tribune, but with a grown beard, or of age, that by prudence, and years was able to sway the weight of the place: nor suffered him to take aught from the soldier; removed all delicacies; and lastly reform their arms, and baggage. He had beside consideration of the age of soldiers, allowing none younger, than was befitting virtue; nor elder, than stood with the laws of humanity, to be conversant in the Camp, contrary to old custom, and usage: and gave himself to have particular knowledge of them all, and what their number was. Furthermore he was careful to understand the controversies betwixt soldier and soldier, and searched with great attentiveness into the revenues of the Provinces, to the end to supply, what was wanting; endeavouring notwithstanding above all neither to buy, nor feed aught, that was not for use. Wherefore when he had fashioned his soldiers to his own example, he passed over into Britain, where he corrected many things, and was the first, that drew a wall along by the space of eighty mile; wherewith he divided the Romans from the barbarous people. Hitherto Spartian. I have recited the history at large, because I might represent the picture of an excellent General.  
4 Alexander the Macedons manner.] That this book comprehendeth the Macedonian discipline of arms, I will show hereafter, as particulars offer themselves. In the mean time let this suffice for an argument, that Aelian doubteth not to affirm it to Adrian, a Prince excellently learned in the Greek language; and as by reason of his skill he was able to discern, so by his authority he would have censured so gross an escape, if it had been otherwise, than Aelian reporteth.     

THE CONTENTS OF THE Chapters of the Book.  

THE Authors, that have written Tactics; of this book, & of the profit of the art. Chap. 1.  
The preparation of warlike forces, and how they are to be armed. Chap. 2.  
The framing of a Phalange, and definition of the art Tactick. Chap. 3.  
What a file or decury, is and of how many men it consisteth. Chap. 4.  
The order and parts of a file or decury. Chap. 5.  
Of joining files. Chap. 6.  
Of a Phalange: the length, and depth thereof; of Ranking, and filinge. The division of the Phalange into wings, The place of the armed foot, of the light armed, and of the Horse. Chap. 7.  
The number of the armed foot, of the light armed, & of the horse. Chap. 8.  
The names of the several parts, and the Commanders of the several parts of the Phalange, and of the numbers under their Commands. Chap. 9  
The precedence, & dignity of places in the Offices of the Phalange. Chap. 10.  
The distances to be observed betwixt soldier, and soldier in opening, or shutting the Phalange. Chap. 11.  
The arming of the Phalange. Chap 12.  
The worth the fileleaders, and next followers should be of. Chap. 13.  
Of the Macedonian Phalange, & the length of the soldiers pikes. Chap. 14.  
The place of the light armed, & the number of every file of them. Chap. 15.  
The names of the bodies of the light armed. Chap. 16.  
The use of the light armed. Chap. 17.  
The fashion of horse battles; the rhomb, the wedge, & the Square. Chap. 18  
Why Rhombs were first brought into use, & of the divers forms of them. Cham 19  
The place of horsemen in the field, & the number of the usual horsebattaile, and the degrees & names of the officers of the horse in general. Chap. 20  
The diligence to be used in choice, and exercise, of the best forms of battles. Chap. 21  
Of Chariotts; the names, and degrees of the Commanders. Chap. 22.  
Of the Elephants: the names, and degrees of their Rulers. Chap, 23.  
The names of the military motions expressed in this book. Chap. 24.  
Of turning, and double turning of the soldiers faces, as they stand embattled. Chap. 25.  
Of wheeling, double, and treble wheeling of a battle, and of returning to the first posture. Chap. 26.  
Of filing, ranking, and restoring to the first posture. Chap. 27.  
Of Counter march, and the divers kinds thereof, with the manner how it is to be done. Chap. 28.  
Of doubling, and the kinds thereof. Chap. 29.  
Of the broadfronted Phalange, the deep Phalange, or Hearse, and the uneven fronted Phalange. Chap. 30.  
Of Parembole, Protaxis, Epitaxis, Prostaxis, Entaxis & Hypotaxis. Chap. 31.  
The manner how the motions, of the wheeling, Double, and Treble wheeling of a battle are to be made. Chap. 32.  
Of closing of the battle to the right, or left hand, & to the midst. Chap. 33.  
The use and advantage of these exercises of arms. Chap. 34.  
Of signs of directions, that are to be given to the army, and their several kinds. Chap. 35.  
Of Marching; of divers kinds, of battles fit for a March; of the right Induction, of the Coelemboles, and of the Triphalange to be opposed against the Coelemboles. Chap. 36.  
Of Paragoge or Deduction. Chap. 37.  
Of the Phalange called Amphistomus. Chap. 38.  
Of the Phalange called Antistomus. Chap. 39  
Of the Diphalange called Antistomus. Chap. 40.  
Of the Phalange called Peristomus. Chap. 41.  
Of the Phalange called Himoiostomus and of the Plinthium. Chap. 42.  
Of the Phalange called Heterostomus. Chap. 43.  
Again of the horsebattaile called the rhomb, and the foot half-moon to encounter it. Chap. 44.  
Of the horse battle Heteromeres, and the broad fronted foot battle to be opposed against it. Chap. 45.  
Of another kind of rhomb for Horsemen, and of the Epicampios Emprosthia to encounter it. Chap. 46.  
Of the foot battle called Cyrte, which is to be set against the Epicampios. Chap. 47.  
Of the Horse battle, which is square in ground, and the wedge of foot to be opposed against it. Chap. 48.  
Of the Foot battle called Plaesium, and the Sawefronted foot battle to encounter it. Chap. 49.  
Of overfronting the enemy's battle, and overwinging it, and of Attenuation. Chap. 50.  
Of the leading of the Carriage of the Army. Chap. 51.  
Of the words of command, & of certain Rules to be observed therein. Chap. 52  
Of silence to be used by soldiers. Chap. 53.  
The manner of pronouncing the words of Command. Chap. 54.    


The Authors that have written Tactics; of this book, and of the profit, of the Arte. CHAP. I.  
HOmer the Poet seemeth to be the first, (at least we read of) that had the skill of imbattailing an army, and that admired men endued with that knowledge, as appeareth by Mnestheus of whom he writeth.  

His like no living wight was found, nor any age did yield,  
To Marshal Troops of horse, or bands of foot in bloody field.   
Concerning Homer's discipline military, the works of Stratocles, & of ¹ Frontine a man of Consular dignity, in our time are to be read. 2 Aeneas perfected the Theory thereof at large publishing many volumes of warfare, which were abridged by ³ Cyneas the Thessalian. Likewise ⁴ Pyrrhus the Epirot wrote Tactics, and his son ⁵ Alexander, and Clearchus, and Pausanias, and ⁶ Euangelus, & ⁷ Polybius the Megapolitan (a man of great learning, Scipio's companion) & Eupolemus, and ⁸ Iphicrates; ⁹ Possidonius also the Stoic set forth the art of war, & many other, some in Introductions, as Brion, some in large Tactick volumes. All which, I have seen, and read, and yet think it not much to purpose to mention particularly; being not ignorant, that it hath been the manner of those writers for the most part, to apply their style not to the ignorant, but to such as are already acquainted with the matters they entreat of; as for the impediments, which presented themselves to me, when first I gave my mind to the study of this art, as namely neither to happen upon sufficient instructors, nor yet to find light, or perspicuity enough in the precepts delivered: I will endeavour, as much as I can, to remove out of other men's way. And as often as words shall fail to express my meaning, I will for plainness sake, use the direction of figures, and pourtraicts, adjoining thereby the view of the eye, as an aid, and assistance, to the understanding, & withal retain the terms of ancient authors, to the end, that whosoever shall follow this book for an introduction, being therein exercised both to the same words; & also to the usage of things expressed in them, may grow as it were acquainted, and imagine himself no stranger, when he cometh to read their works. By which ways by me prescribed, I make no doubt, they will easily be understood. Now that this art of all other is of most use, may appear by Plato in his book of laws where he saith: That the Cretan Law giver so contrived his Laws, as if men were always praepared to fight. For all cities have by nature unproclaimed war one against another. Which being so: what discipline is more to be esteemed, or more available to man's life, than this of war.  

Notes.  
IT seemeth by this Chapter, that the Authors, that have of ancient time written Tactics, have been many: and those not of such kind of men, as have given themselves to study, and contemplation alone, but of such, as besides their knowledge in good letters, have been actors in war themselves, & (which is more) principal actors, some of them Generals, other the next degree to generals. Howbeit there is none here mentioned by Aelian, whose works are extant. Where by may be esteemed the inestimable loss, these later ages have suffered in being deprived of such excellent monuments. I hope, I may so term them without offence, though I have not seen them. For what but excellent, can proceed from men of such excellency in their profession? such as the most part of those were. Yet, for some of them, I can say nothing, as finding little remembrance of them in ancient writers. Of this kind are Eupolemus, Stratocles, Hermias, Clear chus, Pausanias: albeit such names may often be found: The rest are specially mentioned, and much commended. Of whom I will set down, what I find.  

1 Frontine a man of Consular dignity] I have before noted some what of Frontine. We have of his, as it is thought, other works, besides his stratagems: But this book of Tactics, whereof Aelian speaketh, we have not. I will only add the relation of 
a Vegetius lib. ●. cap ●.  Vegetius touching Frontine, who writeth thus: Cato the elder, albeit he had been both invincible in arms, and often General of great armies, believed yet he should more profit his Country, if he laid down in writing the discipline of war. For valiant acts are but of one man's age, but things written for the profit of the state endure for ever. Many other have done the like, but especially Frontine: whose industry herein was greatly approved by the Emperor trajan.  
2 Aenaeas perfected the Theory.] Aenaeas is mentioned by 
b Polyb. lib. 10. pag 615. ●.  Polybius in his 10. book, where he discourseth of signs to be made by beacons of fire, in case an enemy approacheth to any part of our Country. His books were entitled Commentaries of the office of a General as Polybius saith; & Aelian here calleth them books of the office of a General, the title being all one in effect. Of these books none have reached to our age, but one alone, which compriseth precepts of defending a town besieged, & some 5. or 6. years ago came first to light, & privity: that worthy man Isaac Casaubon, the learned ornament of his Country, (and of England so long, as he lived there) being the setter forth. And it is adjoined to his edition of Polybius. These books Tactick of Aenaeas were abridged (as Aelian saith) by.  

3. Cyneas the Thessalian] Plutarchin the life of Pyrrhus telleth us what Cyneas was. 
c Plutarch in Pyrrho.  There was, saith he, in the Court of Pyrrhus a Thessalian, a man of great understanding: & who having heard the orator Demosthenes, seemed alone of all, that then were esteemed eloquent, to renew in the memory of the hearers an image & shadow of the vehemency & vigour of his utterance. Pyrrhus held him in his Court, and made use of him, in sending him in embassages to people and Cities. In which embassages he confirmed the saying of Euripides.  

What ever force can do, with trenchant swords:  
The same, or more, is wrought by pleasing words.   
Therefore was Pyrrhus wont to say, that Cyneas had gained more Cities with his eloquence, than himself with arms. By occasion whereof he did him great honour, & employed him in his principal affairs. 
a Cicero. epist. 〈◊〉. lib. 9 〈◊〉. 1●.  Ti●lly speaketh of his works: your letters, (saith he to Papyrius Paetus) have made me a great General: I was altogether ignorant of your so great skill in military matters. I see you have read the books of Pyrrhus & Cynaeas. I therefore purpose to follow your counsel: this yet more, to have some few ships in a readiness upon the sea-coast. They say, there is no better armour against Parthian horsemen. But why sport we? you know not, with what a General you have to do. I have in this my government fully in practice expressed Xenophons' institution of Cyrus: which before I had worn a pieces with reading. Pyrrhus & Cynaeas, he nameth, as two principal Authors of warlike discipline: And where he addeth Xenophon, who, though he be not named by Aelian amongst the Tactick writers, deserveth yet not to be pretermitted, having been both a great Commander, & beside written largely of military matters, whose works also are now extant; let us see, what he saith of him in another place. 
b Epistel. ad Qf●at lib. 1. epi. 1.  Cyrus, saith he, is written by Xenophon, not according to the truth of an history, but for a pattern of just government. Whose wondrous gravity is by that Philosopher matched with singular Courtesy, which books our Africanus, (and that not without cause) was never wont to let go out of his hands. And of Africanus he reporteth the like in his 
c Tuscul. questi. lib. 2. 146.  Tusculan questions.   
4 Pyrrhus the Epriote wrote Tactics.] Pyrrhus the K. of Epirus was of ancient time esteemed one of the be●●eneralls, that ever was. What 
d Liw. decad. 4. lib. 5 87. ●.  Hannibal's judgement was of him Livy reporteth, & 
e Plut. in Pyrrho.  〈◊〉 in the life of Pyrrhus. And Antigonus being demanded, whom he thought the greatest general, then living, answered Pyrrhus. And where other Kings imitated Alexander the great in purple apparel in number of guards about their persons, in carrying the neck a litleawry, & in speaking loud, he alone repraesented him in exploits of arms, & in deeds of prows, saith Plutarch. 
f Plutarch. in Pyrrho.  Plutarch saith likewise: touching his skill in the art military how to order a battle, and how to bring his men to fight with most advantage, a man may draw proof sufficient out of the books, he wrote; of which books Tully spoke in the last paragraph.  
5 And his son Alexander.] Pyrrhus had by his first wife Antigone a son called Ptolomey, by Lanassa, another called Alexander, & by Bircanna, the third named Helenus. 
g Plutarch. in Pyrrho.  All which albeit by race & inclination of nature they were Martial, yet brought he them up, & from their birth framed & enured to arms. And the report is, when upon a time one of them, yet a child, asked him to which of them he would leave his kingdom, to him, answered Pyrrhus, who shall have the sharpest sword: 
h Just lib 18, 655. A.  justin also makes mention of these three sons. Ptolomey was slain at Sparta, as 
i Lib. 25, 667. D  justin would have it. 
k Plut. in Pyrrho.  Plutarch saith he was slain in the way betwixt Sparta & Argos. 
l justin. lib. 2●. 668. C. Athenaeus Dipnoseph. lib. 3. 73. B.  Alexander reigned after his father's decease, in the Realm of Epirus. That he wrote Tactics, I have not read, but in Aelian only.  
6 And Evangelus] Plutarch discoursing of the studies of Philopaemen hath this in effect: 
m Plutarch in Philopaement.  He took no delight to hear all kind of discourses, nor to read all books of Philosophy, but such only, as might profit to the daily increase of virtue; And he read not willingly other passages of Homer, than such, as he thought had some efficacy to move a man's heart to prows. But amongst, and above all other readings, he specially affected the Tactics of Euangelus: & like wise the histories of the exploits of Alexander the great. This is all I find of the Tactics of Evangelus. I guess notwithstanding, he was a choice author because Philopaemen had him in such esteem; of whom the same 
n Ibid.  Plutarch writeth: That Greece bore him singular affection, as the last virtuous man, which she brought forth in her old age, after so many great, and renowned Captains of ancient time; and always augmented his power, and authority, as his glory increased. In which respect a Roman, praising him, called him the last Grecian; meaning that after him Greece bred no great, nor any parsonage in deed worthy of her.  
7 And Polybius] It is the same Polybius, whose History, so much as is extant, that excellent learned man Isaac Casaubon translated into Latin, and set forth 1609. For his life and worth resort to the preface of the same Casaubon to Polybius his history. He had been in Achaia, his own country, General of the horse. Afterward being in displeasure with the Romans, he lived long in prison at Rome: and was for his worth finally released by intercession of the greatest men of Rome: and became companion to Scipio Africanus the younger; with whom also he was at the siege and destruction of Carthage. His Tactics, whereof Aelian speaketh, are perished with other of his works. Yet are there many passages dispersed here, and there in his history, which argue his extraordinary skill in matters of war. And it may seem, that Aelian hath taken much from him both for matter, and words.  
8 Iphicrates] Who will read of Iphicrates, let him go to 
a Emilius Probus ●n vita Iphicratis. Xenoph. histor graec. lib. 6. 587. B. c▪ Diod sicul. lib. 15 479. Polyaen. lib ●. in Iphicrate. justin. lib 6. 631. B. c.  Aemilius Probus, that writeth his life. His acts are also declared by Xenophon, and Diodorus Siculus, and Polyaen, and justin and diverse others, as they were incident to their general histories. He was esteemed one of the best Generals of his time: and was called out by name by Darius' King of Persia to be general of the Grecians, his mercenaries, in the war, he had against the Egyptians: His fame and estimation was so great with Alexander the great, that when his son (whose name was also Iphicrates) with other Grecians were taken prisoners by him, for that they came ambassadors into Persia to Darius, he not only spared him for the love of the City of Athens, and for the remembrance of his father's glory (
b Adrian. lib▪ 2. 42, c.  the words of Arrian) but held him about him in honour so long, as he lived, and after his decease sent his relics to Athens, there to be interred by his friends, and kinsfolk.  
9 Posidonius the Stoic] Posidonius in his time was a Philosopher of high renown, and of the sect, that were called Stoics. Tully citeth him often in his works. In the second book of Tusculan questions he recounteth, 
c Tuscul. question lib. 2. 146.  that Pompey the great, on a time coming to Rhodes, was desirous to hear him. But understanding he was extreme sick of the gout, he forbore not notwithstanding to visit him being a most noble philosopher: whom after he had seen, and saluted, and used with honourable words, and told him, he was sorry, he could not hear him discourse, you may, if you please, quoth Posidonius: and I will not suffer pain to be cause, that so great a man seek me in vain. Then, as he lay in his bed, began he gravely, and copiously, to dispute, that nothing was good, but that, which was honest. And when firebrands, as it were, of torment touched him to the quick amidst his disputation, he broke forth often into these words: Sorrow, all this is nothing: Though thou trouble me never so much, I will not yet confess, that thou art of thyself evil. So Tully. 
d Plin. natural▪ hist. lib 7, cap ●0 pag▪ 115,  Pliny likewise telleth, that Pompey, after the war of Mithridates, going into the house of Posidonius, a man famous in Philosophy, forbid his sergeant to knock at the door (as the manner was▪) and the sergeant bundles of rods (saith he) were submitted to a door by him, to whom East & West had submitted themselves. The same 
e Cicero. de natura dear lib, 2, ●7,  Tully attributeth to this Posidonius the invention of a Sphere, whose particular conversions did work the same in son & moon, and the other five planets, that is wrought by the motion of heaven every day and night.     

The preparation of warlike forces and division of them, and how they are armed. CHAP. II.  
I will then begin with such ¹ preparations as are absolutely necessary for service in war, the forces whereof are of two sorts, the one Land forces, the other ship forces. Land forces are such, as fight on land: Ship forces such, as are ordered for fight in ships upon Sea, or Rivers. But the order of Sea service I will reserve for another place, and entreat now of things pertaining to Land service. The levies then for land service are either of those, that fight, and manage Arms, or else of those that fight not, but remain in the camp for necessary uses. They fight that stand ordered in battle, and with arms [assail or] repulse the enemy. The rest fight not, as Physicians, merchants, servants, and other, which follow the camp to minister unto it. Such as fight, are either footmen, or Riders: footmen properly, that serve on foot. Of Riders, some use Horses some Elephants. They, that use Horses, are carry ●ither one Horseback, or else in Chariotts. And these are the differences in general. But in special the foot, and Horse receive many other divisions; only the Elephants, and Chariotts, never vary. Footmen than are reparted into three kinds, one being Armed, another Targeteers, the third light, or naked. ² The Armed bear the heaviest furniture of all footmen ³ using according to the Macedonian manner large, round, Targetts, and ⁴ long Pikes: ⁵ The Light contrariwise bear the lightest, having neither Cuirass, nor grieve, nor long, or round Targett of any weight, but ⁶ flying weapons only as ⁷ Arrows, ⁸ Darts, ⁹ Stones either for hand, or sling. To this kind is referred the ¹⁰ armour of the Argilos, who hath his furniture like to the Macedonian, but something lighter. For he carrieth 11 a little slight Torgett, 12 and his Pike is much shorter, than the Macedonian Pike: which manner of arming seemeth a mean betwixt the light, or naked, and that which is properly called heavy: as being lighter, than the heavy, and heavier, than the light: and that is the cause, that many place it amongst the light.  
The forces of Horse (which we distinguished before from Chariotts) as being ordered in Troops, are either ¹³ Cataphracts, or not Cataphracts. They are Cataphracts, that cover their own, and their horses bodies all over with armour. Of not Cataphracts, some are Launciers, some Acrobolists. 14 Launciers are such as join with the enemy, and fight hand to hand with the Lance on horseback. Of these, some bear long Targets, and are thereupon called Targeteers: Other some Lances alone without Targets, who are properly called 15 Launciers, and of some Xestophori. 16 Acrobolists on horseback are such as fight a far of with flying weapons. Of these, some use darts, some bows. They use darts, whom we call 17 Tarentines. Of Tarentines, there are two sorts; for some throw little ¹⁸ darts a far of, and are termed Darters on horseback, but properly Tarentines: others use light darts, & ¹⁹ after they have spent one, or two, close presently with the enemy like the lancers, which we spoke of, and fight hand to hand. These in common speech are named light horsemen. So that of Tarentines some are properly called Tarentines, whose manner is to dart a far of. Some light horsemen, who join, and fight hand to hand. 20 The horsemen that use bows are termed Archers on Horseback, and of some Scythians.  
These than are the differences of such as are in the Camp, the kinds of Soldiers being in number nine: Of footmen, armed, Targeteers, Light armed, or naked: Of horsemen lancers, Darters, Archers, Cataphracts: And lastly Chariots, and Elephants.  

Notes.  
IN this Chapter the kinds of Soldiers are distinguished according to their several arms borne in fight. And therefore of foot some are called armed, because they bear heavy arms; other lightarmed or naked, because they wear no defensive arms, other some Targeteers, because their chief defence rested in a slight target, wherewith they covered their bodies. The horse also have their appellation, as their arms are. And some are Cataphracts, because themselves & horses were armed completely, other Launciers, for that they used a lance: other some Acrobolists, by reason they fought with flying weapons a far of. The first thoughts of a Prince, or State, that is resolved to put an army into the field, aught to be to provide arms. Arms are the security of their own soldiers, the terror of the enemy, the assured ordinary means of victory. The antiquity of arms is all one with the beginning of war. For when of ancient time mighty men puffed up with pride, and led by ambition, sought by violence to enlarge their empire, and to bring under subjection their bordering neighbours, they were enforced to fly to the invention of arms, without which no victory could be obtained. Since, arms have been taken up for defence also, necessity, the mother of arts, inventing a means to withstand ambition. As Antalcidas well objected to Agesilaus being wounded by the Thebans; you are well rewarded for your labour, quoth he, since you would needs teach the Thebans to fight, that had neither will, nor skill so to do. For the Thebans being put to necessity of defence grew warlike through many invasions of the Lacedæmonians, saith 
a Plutarch, in Agesilao.  Plutarch. Who were the inventors of the several pieces of armour, and of the divers kinds of weapons used in old time, may appear by the relation of 
b Plin. natural histor. lib. 7. ●56.  Pliny in his natural history. This is certain, that the most warlike nations, and most victorious have always sought to have advantage of their enemies by advantage of arms. The end of arms is either to defend, or assault. Hence are arms divided into two kinds: Defensive, and Offensive. Defensive are those, which are worn to resist the force, and charge of the enemy. Of this sort are the headpiece, gorget, cuirass, vantbrace, gauntlets, tases, greves, and target. For whereas there are eleven parts in man, the wounds of any of which bring with them undoubted death (as some 
c 〈◊〉. Paral ●. Pag. 57  authors write) the brains, the two temples, the throat, the breast, the belly, the two muscles above the two elbows, the other two above the knees, & the privy members pierced with a thrust: the headpiece serveth for the defence of the brain, and temples, the gorget for the throat, the cuirass for the breast, the vantbrace for the muscles of the arms, the tases for the privities & belly, the greves for the muscles above the knees, and the target for further assurance of the whole body, being movable against all strokes, and proffers of the assailants. Offensive arms are such, as men endeavour to wound, or kill withal: as flying weapons of all kinds, arrows, stones out of slings, or the hand, sword, pikes, partisans, iavelines, and the like. 
a Plut. in 〈◊〉.  But as defence, and security of a man's self is more agreeable to nature, then to hurt an enemy, so are the defensive arms preferred before the offensive, in that they bring safety to him, that beareth them, where as the other are employed in annoieng the enemy only. The Poets set forth their bravest and valiantest men always best armed for defence. So Achilles in Homer, and Aeneas in Virgil, are armed to point with arms wrought by Vulcan, to the end to remain untouched amidst the storms of their enemy's weapons. The Grecian Lawgivers punished that soldier, that in fight cast away his target: not him, that lost his sword or pike. 
b Plutarch. in Agesilao.  Plutarch writeth, that at such time as Epaminondas assaulted Sparta (the most warlike City of Greece) there was in the City a Spartan named Isadas, who was the son of Phoebidas, he that surprised the Castle of Thebes called Cadmaea, and thereby stirred up the war betwixt the Thebans, and Lacedæmonians, & ruinated the principality of the Lacedæmonians in Greece. This man being in the flower of his age, and personable, and large of limbs, ran forth of his house all naked, his body anointed with oil, without apparel or arms, except a sword in one hand, & a javelin in the other; and breaking through the throng of those, that fought on his side, came to hands with the enemy, and overthrowing some, and killing other some, continued the fight, till the enemy was repulsed, and at last returned into the City without wound. The chief magistrate understanding hereof rewarded him with a Crown for his valour, but yet fined him at a hundred 
c Drachma hath i● it 6 obols that is about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sterling Iul Poll. x. lib. ●. cap. ● 43●.  drachmas, for that he durst venture to fight without arms defensive; judging it a 〈◊〉 almost impossible, that a naked man should escape with life fight against the armea●andes of so many valiant enemies, as the Thebans were.  
In arms was required, that they should be strong, that they should be fit, that they should be comely; strong to protect, or annoy, fit to set close to the body and be manageable, comely to grace him, that beareth them. That defensive arms ought to be strong, may be showed by the end of arms; which is to save harmless against arrows, darts, and other offensive arms of the enemy. If they fail of this end, they are of no use; it being better to be unarmed, then carry arms, that will not defend. Without arms you have the body free, and at liberty: carrying arms, though never so light, they must be a cumber to you, and some what hinder the motion of your body. Arms therefore ought to be sufficient to resist the weapons of the enemy. The inconvenience of defective and weak arms is well noted by Vegetius. 
c Vegetius lib. ● cap. 20. A cataphract is the just and full armour of the font. Hereafter we shall see what that armour is.  From the building of the City of Rome, saith he, till the time of the Emperor Gratian, the foot armed their bodies with Cataphractes, and headpieces. But when field exercise through negligence and sloth was given over, armour began to grow heavy, because it was sieldome put on. They made suit therefore to the Emperor first, that they might leave of their Cataphractes, then, their head-pieces. So our soldiers encountering with the Goths, were oftentimes wholly defeated and slain by the multitude of their arrows. And a little after: so cometh it to pass, saith he, that they, who without arms, are exposed in the battle to wounds, think not so much of fight, as of running away. Yet must we not imagine, that those soldiers fought in their ordinary apparel only: I incline rather to the opinion of 
d Stewechius in Veget●um pag. 5●  Stewechius, who holdeth, that they took themselves to their military coats, called in 
e Notitia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Occident. in fine.  Notitia utrâque, Thoracomachis: and to their Targets; This Thoracomachus was a garment invented long before Gratians time, and worn under the armours of the soldiers, and was a kind of felt, but being no proof against arrows, and their targets not sufficient to cover their heads, and whole bodies from arrows, They were obnoxius to the shot of the Goths, and received those overthrows, Vegetius speaketh of.  
The matter whereof strong arms were made, I find to be diverse. Some were forged of Steel: as the armour of Goliath, and the headpiece of K. Saul. For it is not there set 
● Samuel cap. 17 verse. ●.  down, what his cuirass was of, Notwithstanding it is likely, it was of the same matter, of which his headpiece was made. When I say these armours were of Steel, I follow therein the judgement of Tremelius and junius, who so translate it; & with them also agreeth Vatablus. For the old translation hath, that they were of brass: I have not elsewhere read of steel armour. And it may be, that the old translation had an eye upon the usage of ancient time, wherein the matter of arms was principally of Brass. Homer reporteth, that the armour of 
a Homer Iliad. 6  Diomedes was of brass: & Pausanias, that all the 
b Pausan. in lacon●cis 16●  Heroes (that is the ancient worthies about the time of the siege of Troy) had their armour of Brass. 
c Athen d●pnoseph lib 14. 627 A  Alcaeus the Poet in describing his armoury saith, the rest of his arms were of brass, as his headpieces, his greves, his Targets, only his Cuirasses were of linen. 
d Pausan. 〈◊〉  Pausanias reporteth all so that the sword of Memnon was of brass, & the head of the spear of Achilles, & Pisander's axe, & the head of Meriones his shaft. 
e Livy lib 1, 27 C  Servius Tullius in sessing the City of Rome, appointed the chiefest & richest Citizens to arm themselves with head-pieces, greves, Cuirass, & buckler alofbrasse. The 
f Xeno in Re●. 〈◊〉 685 E  targets of the Lacedæmonians were of brass also by the institution of Lycurgus. So that brass was much used in arms in the oldest times. And where Alcaeus speaketh of his linen Cuirass, I find that Cuirasses of linen were in request also even in those times. Homer affirmeth that 
g Homer ● Iliad  Ajax Oileus had a linen Cuirass. 
h 〈◊〉 Prob. in Iphicrate.  But afterward Iphicrates the Athenian held them so good that he gave them to his soldiers to wear, in stead of their usual arms made of iron, & brass And Xenophon armeth 
i Xenoph. Cy●o. lib 6, 169. 3  Abradates the K. of Suse with a linen armour, adding that it was the manner of that Country▪ And Plutarch saith, that 
k Plutarch. in Alexandro.  Alex. the great, after he had gotten the victory against Darius in Cilicia, found amongst the spoil a linen armour, which he afterward used in the battles, he fought 
l Patrie Paral.  Patricius is so confident in the strength of a linen armour of his own device, that he doubteth not to prefer it before well tempered iron. What his invention is, he keepeth to himself▪ for fear the Turk should have intelligence of it, & so Christianity be driven to an exigent. All men know, that the temper of an iron armour may be such, as will resist the violence of a musket shot, and that at a near distance. Neither is this temper the invention of our days. The like hath been of ancient time. 
m Plutarch. in Deme●io.  Plutarch writeth, that Demetrius be sieging Rhodes, was presented with two iron armours brought out of Cyprus, either of the weight of 40. pounds. The maker of them, whose name was Zoilus, desirous to show their strength, & firmness▪ caused one to be set up at the distance of 26. paces, and be shot at with an arrow discharged out of a Catapult. The armour hit remained unpierced, nothing appearing upon it, but the rasing, as it were, of a penknife. And that a Catapult is of more violence, than a musket, the effects thereof declared in history make plain. Whether a linen coat be of that resistance, or not, hath not been yet tried. Nay the contrary hath been tried. For Alexander at a siege of a City of the Mallians (as I take it) was sore wounded with an Indian arrow through an armour of linen. Whose armour I would judge to have been not of the stenderest, and weakest, but of the surest kind. Yet is it not to be passed over that justus Lipsius allegeth out of Nicetas Choniates concerning a linen armour of Conradus of Monferrate: 
n just. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ● dial. 6 ad Poly  Conradus, saith he, fought then with out a target, and in steed of a Cuirass he had on a woven weed made of flax, soaked in sour wine, well salted, and often-folded. It was so sure against outward force of strokes, being fulled with wine, and salt, that it could not be pierced with iron or steel. This invention our age hath not been acquainted with; whether it be the same, that Patricius aimeth at, let experience judge. That antiquity practised it in wool, Pliny witnesseth, who writing of wool and woollen garments saith: 
o Plin. na●al. lib. 8. caq. 48.  Of wool wrought and pressed together by itself alone (I think as our hatters work felt) a garment is made; & if you work it with vinegar, it cannot be struck through with a sword. This wool so wrought, he calleth coactam: which in Caesar, as I take it, is called Subcoactum. Caesar's words sound thus: 
a Cesar de bell▪ ciui● lib. 3  Pompey, although he had no purpose to hinder Caesar's works with his whole army; nor yet to hazard battle, sent notwithstanding archers and slingers, of whom he had great store, to convenient places; and by them many of our soldiers were wounded; & a general fear of arrows fell upon them; and well nigh our whole camp made themselves coats and cases of either felts (subcoactis) or quilts, or leather, thereby to avoid the danger of flying weapons. But we will leave Patricius to his fancy, and add an example out of Xenophon of arms used by the Chalybes, a nation inhabiting the Chaldaean mountains. 
b Xenoph. de ex ped. Cyr. l. 4. 3●8 B These wings came down from their shoulders toward their el● bows.  The Chalybes, saith he, were the most valiant nation, that the Grecians passed through, & such as durst come to hands with them. They used linen Cuirasses reaching down to their bellies, and▪ in steed of wings, they had ropes thick wound, and fastened together. The strength of ropes thick wound together must, no question; be great. Caesar confirmeth it. Amongst other defences, which his soldiers devised for assurance of a Turret against the Engines of the Marsilians, he saith: 
c Cesar de bell civil. lib. ●  They made four stories of Cables fitting the length of the walls of the Turret, and four foot broad, and fastened them hanging downward to the beams sticking out of the Turret on those t●ee parts, which lay toward the enemy; which kind of covering alone, they ●ad in other places made trial, could be forced or strooken through by no missive weapon, or Engine whatsoever. This, I have heard, was the device of the Spaniards in 88 to defend their ships against the fury of our artillery. Whereof I may infer, that if Cables combined together be of such assurance against Engines, ropes thick laid and fastened together must be a strong defence against a sword. To end with the matter, whereof arms were made, I find likewise, that the 
d Xenop. de exp▪ Cyri. l. 4▪ 340 A  Macrones used, in steed of Cuirasses, coats made of hair. And thus much of the matter of Arms.  
Besides, arms should be fit for the body, and for the strength of him, that bears them. When 
e 1 Sam. c. 17. v. 38  David was to fight against Goliath, K. Saul, seeing him without armour, caused his own headpiece & cuirass to be put upon him. David assayed to march, but finding these arms to heavy, was fain to leave them, and to go against Goliath unarmed. Saul was the 
f cap. 9 v: 2  tallest man of his nation, David but mean of stature, & to put armour proportioned to a large body upon him, that is a great way less of members▪ is as much, as to deliver him bound to his enemy. Xenophon amongst other causes, why the Lacedaemonian horse were beaten by the Thebans at the Leuctrian battle, allegeth this for a main cause▪ 
g Xenoph hist. brec. li. 6, 596 D  That the richest men kept & furnished out horses, & as often as musters were taken, the man, that was to serve, showed himself, & answered to his name, & receiving horse & arms, such, as were given him, was so led against the enemy. They were beaten, saith Xenophon, receiving horse & arms at all adventure, not knowing, whether they were fit for service, or not. Whether arms be to big or to little, they hurt a like. To little, they pinch the bearer, & make him not able to endure labour; because he is in pain: To great, by their slap and lose hanging about the body, they hinder the motion of those parts, that are to be employed in fight. Being fit they differ little from ordinary apparel, except it be in weight: which inconvenience is easily remedied by use, and practise. 
h Cicer● Tuscul▪ quest. lib, 2  Tully writeth of the Roman soldier, that his continual use of arms was such, that he no more reckoned his target, sword, headpiece, & other arms to be burdenous unto him, then his shoulders, arms, & hands; & said that arms were part of a soldiers body, being so fitly made & borne, that need requiring, they could throw down their burdens, & use their ready arms in fight, as the members of their bodies. Yet must care be had, that their weight exceed not the strength of him, that beareth them. For who will be able to centin●w long in fight, that beside the labour of fight, is charged with a burden more, than he can well bear? The proof is plain in beasts, which how strong soever they be, faint & tyre under to much weight. 
a 〈◊〉 cap. 12  Alien after, speaking of the length of pikes, giveth this rule, that they be no longer than a man may well use, & wield in handling. To much length maketh them to heavy, & unfit to be managed; whereby they rest unprofitable to offend the enemy. In this property of fitness those arms & weapons are comprehended, which are of most use in the field. For as in all other arts things of greatest effect are always praeferred, so is it in war. There is great advantage in arms, which is the cause that one kind hath been preferred before an other: Aemilius Probus giveth a notable testimony of skill in matters of war to Iphicrates, of whom he writeth thus: 
b Aemil prob in Iphicra & Diod. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 15, 480  Iphicrates the Athenian invented many things in war. He changed the arms of the foot: For whereas before they used great targets, short pikes, & little sword, he gave them little round targets, called Peltae, that they might be fitter for motions, & encounters, and doubled the size of their pikes, & made their sword longer. He likewise changed their Cuirasses, & in stead of iron, & brass, brought in other wrought of linen, where by he made them nimbler at all assays. For lessening the weight, he brought to pass, that they as much covered the body, and yet were very light, and fit for use. Of these targets, which Iphicrates invented, the names of Peltati (Targeteers) sprung: of whom we shall hear more in this chapter. And yet we must not hereof conclude that Iphicrates changed all the armed foot into Targeteers▪ (for the Athenians had still their armed, notwithstanding this invention of Targeteers, as 
c Xenoph. hist. 〈◊〉. l 〈◊〉. 52● D  Xenophon testifieth) but where as the Athenians before had no targeteers of their own people, (as I conjecture) Iphicrates brought in this kind of armour: and so of the armed, he made some targeteers, & left the rest to the arms, they bore before: judging it more profitable to have both Targeteers, & Armed of their own people, then armed alone. 
d 〈◊〉. in PhiloPoly●▪ l. 6 in Phi lo●m § ● Pavian▪ in A● 〈◊〉  Philopoemen also the brave Achaean General taught his Countrymen in stead of long targets & javelines to take arownd target (called Aspis) & a pike after the Macedonian manner, and to arm themselves with headpieces, Curates, & greves; and to settle themselves to a stayed, and firm kind of fight, in am of concursory, and peltastical encounters, and by this means brought them to be valiant, & brave soldiers, & victorious in their fights against their enemies. 
e Polyb li 2. 118 C & 120 c & lib ●. 26● E & lib. ● 〈◊〉 ●. c.  Polyb. discoursing of the Gaulois & Spanish swords of ancient time, saith, that the Gauls sword was so fashioned, that it served only to strike with, and but for one stroke: after which it so bowed both in length & breadth, that unless the point were rested upon the ground, & the blade rightened, you could not strike with it the second time. But the spanish sword was both for thrust & stroke, having a strong point, & a stiff & sure edge to strike withal on either side by reason of the firmness of the blade. This difference the Romans espied, and being excellent imitators of all things, which were best for use (though they were enemies from whom they took them,) made choice of the spanish sword, & after Annibals' time caused their foot to use no either. 
f Suidas in mac●  Suidas witnesseth it: The Spaniards, saith he, in form of sword far excel all other nations. For their swords both have a strong point, and an edge on either side, that entereth deep in striking. Which caused the Romans, to lay down their own country sword, and take the spanish form from them, that followed Hannibal. The form they took, but the goodness of the metal, & exactness of the temper they could never attain unto. The Romans than rejected the french sword, as of small use, & imitated the spanish, because they were fit for service. Xenophon describing the nations, which followed Croesus against Cyrus, their manner of arming, and order in battle, telleth of the 
a Xenoph. Cyr. lib 6 Copides were sword a little bending at the points, like fish Curt. l. ●● 375  Egyptians, that they were armed with targets reaching down to their foot, with long pikes, & with sword, which they call Copides, & for order, stood a hundred in depth, & bringeth in Cyrus deriding this manner of arming, and order, to his soldiers, saying they were a like armed, a like embattled. For their targets, said he, are greater than is fit for action, & for fight, & being ranged a hundred deep, it is manifest, they will hinder one another in fight, except a few. 
b Polyb lib 17 pag 763 C  Annibal, after his first victory against the Romans, armed his Africans (his best & most trusty soldiers) with the armour of the slain Romans; because he found it better, than his own; & Pyrrhus used not only the armour, but the Italian soldiers also: & ranged them a cohort & a Merarchy, alter natively one by another. And 
c Plutarch in Lu. cu●o  Mithridates after his experience in his first wars with the Romans, that aswell in arming, as in manner of fight, they excelled all other nations, left the arming of his own Country, & brought in the Roman sword, & target, & reduced all as near, as he could unto their discipline. So then strength & fitness are required in arms. To them is comeliness adjoined. The shield of Achilles how was it beautified with pictures & Stories by Vulcan? and that of Aenaeas, coming out of the same forge, how glorious was it? To say nothing of the brave arms of Hector, Agamemnon, Diomedes, Glaucus, Turnus, Mezentius, & other. 
d Plut▪ in Alex.  Alexander's arms were very rich. He had a Sicilian Cassock girded upon a double linen Cuirass the spoil of Issos': his headpiece was of iron ●ining like pure silver, the work of Theophilus; about his neck was an iron gorget beset with precious stones. A sword he had of wonderful temper & lightness, the gift of the Citiean King. He wore a baldric of prouder work, than the rest of his armour, the work of the elder Elicon, & the honour of the Rhodian City. 
e Xenoph. Cyrop lib 1, 8 C  And Cyrus the elder, that lived before Alex. time, had arms provided by his Grandfather Astyages both very fair, & fit for his body. 
f Xenoph Cyrop lib ●, 1●9 B  Abradates' the Susian king had his headpiece of gold, & vambraces, and bracelets about his wrists, & a purple Coat, and a plume of hyacinthine feathers. Neither did this bravery rest amongst the Princes alone. The soldiers of Cyrus 
g Xenop. Cyrop lib 7, 172 B  were furnished with the same arms, that Cyrus himself bore, with scarlet coats, Cuirasses of brass, brass helmets, white plumes, sword, & every one a dart. They differed only in this that their arms were guilded, Cyrus his arms shined, & had a reflection, as it were, a looking glass. And 
h Curtius' lib ● Silver-targetiers.  Alexan. hearing of the rich armour, the Indians bore, to make his own soldiers equal with them in bravery, whom they exceeded in valour, caused their targets to be plated over with silver (whereof they were after called Argyraspides) & their horse-bittes to be made of gold, & adorned their Cuirasses, some with silver, other with gold. This might seem pomp & superfluity in a young King, were it not that the like was done by other the greatest Generals of ancient times. 
i Plutarch in Caesare.  Cesar may serve for an example for all, whose soldiers how gallant and brave they were, Plut. testifieth in his life. The Romans otherwise much addicted to frugality, allowed yet liberally ornaments to the honouring of worthy soldiers, rewarding them for their service, 
k Plinius histornat lib 7 cap 28 Polyb lib ●, 4 〈◊〉 B, C  with rich trappings for horses, chains of gold, bracelets, crowns of gold & other honours: which they wore not only in the field, but at all other solemnities & meetings in the City. And for every common soldier they provided plumes of purple, or black feathers, every one of a cubit long. Of which plumes Polyb. giveth this judgement: Pluimes, saith he, being added to the rest of the armour maketh a soldier seem twice as great, as he is; and beside the fair show, they make, they are terrible to the enemy in fight. A man may seem as light, as a feather, that discourseth of plumes, & fetcheth ornament from feathers. Yet may I truly affirm, that the use of plumes is very ancient, & that the Romans borrowed it from the Grecians, and the Grecians from the 
a Herod. li. 1. 34  Carians, who were the first inventors of them. As much is testified by 
b Polyen. li. 7 in psammench. § 1.  Polyenus: He saith that Tementhes K of Egypt going to the oracle of Ammon about the state of his kingdom, had answer to beware & take heed of Cocks. Psammetichus, that sought the kingdom, had Pigretes a Carian to one of his familiar friends▪ & learning of him, that the Carians were the first that invented Plumes to their helmets, & even then continued the use of them, & contecturing that the meaning of the Oracle was not of Cocks, but of men, that, wearing some ornament on their heads, had a resemblance of Cocks, waged a multitude of Carians against Tementhes, by whose help he overthrew Tementhes in battle, & possessed himself of the crown of Egypt. Now for the true end of soldiers ornaments I will only add one example. Philopoemen the Achaean in reforming the abuses crept into the Achaean State with great judgement (I will use the words of 
c Plu in Philop. Poly● li. 11. ●29. ●.  Plutarch,) reduced to order their delicacies & superfluities. It was not possible quite to take away the sickness of vain & idle desires, wherewith they had of long time been possessed, delighting in excess of apparel, in rich dyes of coverlets, & carpets, striving one with another, who should be most sumptuous in banquets & feastings. But by little & little beginning to turn their thoughts from unnecessary expenses to a love of comeliness in things, that were profitable & honest, he brought them at last to leave the expenses of the body, & to show themselves gallant, & brave, in soldier, & warlike furniture. A man might therefore have seen the shops full of silver and golden cups cut a pieces, of cuirasses guilded with gold, of silvered targets, and bits; the places of exercise fraught with colts then first backed for service, & with young gallants managing their arms; & in the hands of women headpieces adorned with diverse-coloured trymmings, horsemen's coats, and soldiers cloaks curiously embellished with flowers. For the very sight of these things both increaseth Spirit, & stirreth up desire, & engendereth an undaunted boldness, and alacrity to dangers. In other shows to much lavashing bringeth in effeminateness, & worketh a remissness of mind, the sense with vain pleasings and tickle subverting, as it were, the vigour and force of the understanding. But in these the Spirits are much heigthened, and exalted. As Homer bringeth in Achilles at the very sight of his new armour ravished and inflamed with a desire to be doing with it. Thus garnishing the youth he exercised & hardened them to labour and warlike motions, making them thereby to undergo with desire whatsoever they were commanded. So far Plutarch. Out of whose opinion it followeth, that Bravery of arms raiseth the spirits, stirreth up desire to fight, maketh the soldier bold, and cheerful to perils, and as Polybius holdeth pleaseth the sight, increaseth stature in show, and is a terror to the enemy. Yet ought there therein a mean to be sought, & rather an assurance followed, then vain gazing and ostentation. Antiochus being to fight with the Romans gathered a mighty army together. And seeing them glitter with gold and silver, and with all excess of bravery, as the manner of the Asiaticall people was, took so great delight therein himself, that calling Hannibal unto him, he showed his troops, and demanded, if he thought not that Army sufficient for the Romans: yes quoth Hannibal, though they were the most covetous people in the world. Hannibal with good reason derided the vain show fitter for a mask, than a field, which he assured himself, would fall into the Romans hands to be spoiled. Mithridates' committed the like error in his first war against the Romans. For, as Sophisters are wont for the most part, saith 
d Plutarch. in 〈◊〉.  Plutarch, he was in the beginning vain glorious, and conceited by proud warring against the Romans with weak forces, but yet set out with pomp, and bravery to the outward view: But being foiled to his shame, and weighing in his mind, he must take up second arms against them, he sought to reduce his forces to a true kind of arming, & fit for the service, he intended. Rejecting therefore multitudes, and confased threatenings of barbarians, and furnitures of arms guilded, and set with precious stones, as being a pray for the conqueror, and no assurance for him, that wears them, he brought in the Roman swords, and caused long heavy targets to be framed, and chose horses, rather that were already managed, and made fit for service, than those, that were richly trapped and garnished. So far Plutarch. The soldiers care therefore aught to be first for sureness, then for fitness, lastly for comeliness and ornament in arms. If the two first fail, the last availeth little, and will prove rather a burden, than a defence. And thus much of arms in general: Now follow the particulars of arms, as they are in Aelian.  
1 Preparations absolutely necessary for war] The preparations, whereof Aelian speaketh, are so necessary, that without them no war can be made or continued. For purposing to fight by water you must have ships, by land, you must have foot, and horse. For which, if you provide no arms, you put them into the field not to fight, but to be slaughtered. The manner of fight in the field is not of one sort. Some time celerity is needful, to attempt or prevent the enemy: sometime a slow and sure proceeding, lest, with to much haste, we be overtaken ourselves Therefore the diverse arming of soldiers, aught to be such, that they may serve for all occasions, and uses, and that we may employ always to service such, as by reas● of their armour, shall most fit our purpose. Wherefore 
a Plutarch in Pelonida. Polyen. l. 3 in Iphier § 22 Leo ca 20 §. 19●  Iphicrates fitly resemble● an army to a man's body: calling the heavy-armed the body, the lightarmed the hands, the horse the feet, and the General the head: and as, if any of the rest were wanting, the army should be lame, and halted, so if there want a General, it is unprofitable, and of no use. The heavy armed are the body, which give life and food, as it were, to the rest: and to which the rest being distressed, retire. The lightarmed are the hands, which upon every occasion being put out to gripe and ●ake hold upon the enemy, are drawn in again, when it is expedient. The horse, a● feet, move with celerity: the General is the head, that ruleth, that watcheth, that careth fo● th● rest, directing the times of their motion, and of their rest. So then the whole force of the field consisteth of horse, and foot. And the foot are reparted into three kinds.  

1 Armed, Targeteers and lightarmed] These several kinds of soldiers were used by all the Grecians especially by the 
b Thucyd. lib. 4. 3. 5. B. C.  Athenians, Lacedæmonians, and Thebans, who were the mightiest and t●e most warlike people of Greece. Alexander had them in his army against Darius. 
c Arrian. li. ●. 3●. ●.  When Alexander, saith Arrian, came to the place, where Cyrus (with whom Xenophon was) encamped, and saw the straits of Cilicia possessed with a strong guard, he left Parmenio with the heavy-armed, to stay behind, himself about the first watch taking with him the Hypaspistes, archers and Agrians, marched on toward the straits in the night. The armed were left with Parmenion, himself took with him the Hypaspists (targeteers) archers, and Agrians: 
d Arrian. li. 1. 1● E.  These Agrians were darters on foot. The like is to be found in diverse other places of Arrian. 
e Plutarch. in Pyrr●o.  Pyrrhus also, that followed the Macedonian manner in arming his soldiers, had the same division of arms. 
f Polyb li. 4 ● 3●●  And Philip King of Macedony son of Demetrius. 
g Appion in Syriac 107. D.  And Antiochus, that warred against the Romans.  
2 The armed bear the heaviest furniture] This heavy furniture appeareth not by description of the arms, which Aelian giveth them: which are a Macedonian target, and a pike only. 
* Aemilius Probus in vita Iphicrat.  Iphicrates, besides the target (less, than the Macedonian target) which he armed his Targetier withal, gave him both a pike & a linen ●urace: So that if the Macedonian armed boar no● more than a Target and a pike, his arms should be lighter, than Iphicrates his Targetier, who had a target, a pike, & a linen Cuirass. It hath been the manner of some Nations to bear targets alone without Cuirasses. So did the Egyptians in 
a Xenoph Cyr. lib 7 1ST  Xenophon: So the Gauls in 
b 〈◊〉. in Pho cicis 648  Pausanias. There are again, that have born Cuirasses without Targets: as Phorcys the Phrygian in Homer: of which kind of Cuirass, because it some what resembleth the Cuirasses of our time, I will rehearse the description out of 
c Pausan in Pho cic 660  Pausanias. There lay upon the altar, saith he, a brazen Cuirass, the form whereof agreeth not with the use of our times, but of old it was common. It had two plates of brass, one fit for the breast and the belly, the other to cover the back. That before, was called gyalon (the hollow part) that behind Prosegon (because it was added to the other.) They were fastened together with buttons behind. It seemeth to be a sufficient defence for a man's body without a Target. Therefore Homer maketh Phorcys the Phrygian to fight without a target, because he wore such a Cuirass. But yet, that it was not the manner of 
Gya●othorax.  the Macedonian armed to bear pike & target alone, may be plain many ways. First 
d Polyen li 4 in Philipp. § 10  Polyen giveth them head-pieces, & greves, and targets, and pikes. Then doubt I not but they were as well armed as the rest of the Grecians, within whose Panoplia Cuirasses were comprehended as 
e Ad Ephes. cap 6 v 14  S. Paul testifieth reckoning as parcels of the Panoplia, a Cuirass, a target, & a headpiece. Now that the Macedonians had also their Panoplia (full or complete arming) is to be found in 
f Diod Sicul. lib 17, 619 & 615  Diod. Siculus. Where also Choragus the Macedonian (whom Q Curtius calleth Horatas) is said in the fight betwixt him & Dioxippus to be fully armed. 
g Leo cap 6 § 25 & 35 37  Leo describeth the Panoplia of the Macedonians after this manner. Alexander, says he, armed his Macedonians with a large target, a sword, a head piece, greves, vambraces, and a long pike. Philopaemen (as is before rehearsed) reducing his Achaeans to the Macedonian arming, bringeth them to Cuirasses, head pieces & greves. The names also, that are attributed to the Armed, show, they were otherwise armed. 
h Plut. in Timol.  Plutarch calleth them Pephragmenos, & Cataphractos (as having their bodies all armed & oppos●th them to Euzoni light or naked:) And by 
i Veget. ● 1 ca 20  Vegetius, the armour itself is named Cataphracta, because the whole body is covered there with. 
k Xenoph. Cyr. 167 C  Xenophon termeth them Thor●cophoros bearing Cuirasses.) These are the strength of the battle, and a 
l Veget. li. 1 cap 20  strong wall or rather a fortress of the field▪ to whom the lightarmed, and 
m Diod Sicul. lib 18  the horse also retire in time of need. As long as they stand the field is not lost; being defeated the rest can make no resistance. Being armed with a single target without other arms, they incur the same danger, that the Romans in Gratians time did, who for want of Cuirasses were entirely destroyed with the arrows of the Goths. Wherefore, it seemeth, Alien here pointeth at the principal arms only of the armed Macedonian. For after ward discoursing of the lightarmed, he saith, they neither had Cuirass, nor grieve, nor long or round target: implieng thereby, that the armed had them all. So 
n Livy lib 9 243 C  Livy, comparing the arms of the Romans and Macedonians together, saith no more, then, that the Macedonians were armed with a round target and a pike, the Romans with a long target, and a dart, called Pilum; when himself had 
o Livy lib 1. 27 C  before declared, they had headpieces, Cuirasses, and greves.  

3 Using targets after the Macedonian manner] Targets were of two sorts, round targets, and long targets. Long targets were called Thureo, and were in form like a door▪ from whence they had their name. For Thura signifieth a door. These the Romans, and Gauls used, albeit s●me what different in form. The 
p cap. 12  round had eight full handfuls in diameter, as Alien saith, and were termed As●ides Long targets were much disliked by the Grecians. Cyrus' in Xenophon derideth them, as both hindering the sight, & being unwieldy: 
a Polyen. li. 6 in Philopoe. §. ● & P●ut. in Philopoe.  and Philopoemen changed them into round targets following the Macedonian manner. The targets of Philopoemen 
b Pausan. in Ar. cad 4●4.  Pausanias termeth Arg●lican targets; It may be because they were first used by the Argives in the battle betwixt 
c Pausan. in Corinthiacis 1●1 & Pli●nat hi●. l. ● cap. 56  Acrisius Danae's father, and Praetus, who contended about the kingdom of Argos.  
Of what matter these targets were, is a question. Some take them to have been made of other matter, & covered over with brass: & that otherwise the soldier should not have been able to have born them for the weight. I deny not, that in ancient time some targets were plated with brass: the rather, because I find, that Alexander to match the Indian pomp covered the targets of his soldiers with plates of silver. But, that the ordinary Macedonian target was so covered, I deny. 
d cap. 12  Aelian after calleth them chalce (brazen) not epichalce (covered with brass.) 
e Polyb. l 2, 〈◊〉 B & lib. 4, 331 ● & 332 C  Polyb. saith, that the Macedonians in the time of K. Philip the son of Demetrius were called Chalcaspides (Brazen targeteers) not epichalkitai, by which name, as Hesychius hath, they were called, that had their targets covered with brass. So likewise 
f Plu● in Aemili●  in the time of Perseus. And the Megapolitans, who imitated the Macedonian manner of arming, are termed Chalcaspides 
g Polyb. l. 2. 150 B & 332 D lib. 4  in Polybius: I have showed, that the Lacedæmonians had 
h Xenop de rep. Laced 68▪ ●  brazen targets by the institution of Lycurgus: & that, in the time of the Heroes almost all armour was made of brass. 
i Pausan in Boeotici● 56●  The targets of the Lacedæmonians that were slain at the battle of Leuctra were brass, and to be seen in the time of Pausanias: and the brazen target 
k Pausan. in Corinth. 123  of Pyrrhus, Which he left at Argos, being there slain, was kept in the temple of C●es. As for the weight, it is not so great but it may become light enough by use, and exercis● we see iron targets in use at this day, and not hard to be borne. And albeit the weight be not for every man's strength, yet since it hath been, and is, the manner to make choice of soldiers, and to fit them with arms according to the ability of their bodies, I see no reason, but the stronger sort might well bear them. Another sort of targets there was which differed from the Macedonian not so much in form of roundness, as in matter, and manner of carrying. They were made of wicker, and borne in the left hand as our bucklers, which we used not long since; and 
l Xenoph. de X●. Cyri 352 A  some covered over with hides, some not. 
m Xenoph. Cyr. lib 2, 40 B  Xenophon saith, that Cyrus the elder armed the Persians with these wicker targets: & reckoning up the nations, through whose Countries the Grecians passed in their return out of Persia, & describing their arms, 
n Xenop. de Xpe. Cyr lib. 4. 336 B  reporteth that the Chalybes, Taochi, & Phasians had targets of this kind. Now, that they were borne in the left hand, is clear by the same Xenoph. 
o Xenoph. Cry. lib. 7, 177 E.  He writeth thus of the fight betwixt Cyrus & Croesus: The Egyptians & Persians encountering together, the fight was hard, & sharp: & the Egyptians aswell in number as in arms, had the advantage. For they fought with stiff, long pikes, & their large targets better covered their bodies, than Cuirasses, or wicker targets, and being borne on their shoulders availed to joint-thrusting forward. Serring therefore their targets close, they advanced, & ran on. The Persians were not able to endure the shock, by reason they bore their wicker targets at the arms end, but retiring by little, & little, & giving, & taking blows, they maintained the fight till they came to the Engines. So far Xenophon. Out of which words a man may plainly understand the manner of bearing these wicker targets, which by reason of lightness might easily be held out at arms end. And as the Egyptian target, which reached down to the foot, must needs be heavy, and therefore had ●eed of the shoulder to support it, so was it with the brazen targets of the Macedonians, which were also weighty, by reason of the matter, they were made of. These therefore were likewise carried on the shoulder. Plutarch witnesseth it in the life of Aemilius. And the same Plutarch rehearseth that Cleomenes the King of Sparta taught his Lacedæmonians, in steed of a spear, to use a pike with both hands, and to bear their● targets upon the strappe not by the handle. The words are obscure, & need light, which I will give as shortly, as I can. I find three words amongst the Grecians, all pertaining to 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  a target. They are those Telamonius, ochane, or ochanon, and porpax. Telamonius in this sense (for it signifieth otherwise a band is by all confessed to be the broad strappe, which is fastened to the handle of the target, & holdeth the target being cast about the neck, unto the back. Of Ochane, & porpax is some variance. 
a Suidas in Ochano.  Suidas saith that Ochanon is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The hold of the target 
b Hesychius 〈◊〉 Ocha●o.  Hesychius calleth it the Porpax of the target, & the band, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of Porpax 
c 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉.  Hesychius saith it is the handle of the target, & taketh Porpe i● the same sense, making it the thing bearing up the targett into which the hand and arm to the elbow is thrust. 
d Suidas in Porpax.  Suidas saith, Porpax is it, that they hold the target by; which is called ochanes: & again, that some take it for the band of the target; other some for the middle iron that goeth through the target, on which the soldier taketh hold. So that both Hesychius, & Suidas agree, that Ochanon & Porpax are sometime alone, and signify the handle of the Target. In which sense 
e Herodotus 〈◊〉 ●, 34  Herodotus & 
f Pausan. in 〈◊〉 ●40  Pausanias take Ochanon also. Hesychius further interpreteth it for the band of the target (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which signification better agreeth with the meaning of Plutarch, who maketh an apparent difference betwixt them, reporting that Cleomenes taught the Lacedæmonians to carry their targets, by the Ochane, not by the Porpax. When he saith by the Ochane, be meaneth by the strappe, by which, being fastened about the neck, the target is thrown over to the back, & resteth upon the left shoulder. That, which I say, will better appear, if we mark, what the Lacedæmonians did before, & what Cleomenes adviseth them unto. Before they carried a spear in the right hand, and a target by the handle in the left, so that both their hands were full. The spear was not able to match the enemy's pike (for 
g Plutarch. in vi ta Cleome●  Cleomenes had often to do with the Macedonians & Achaeans, who both used pikes) & pikes, the Lacedæmonians could not wield, with one hand; So then, to give them liberty of both hands, he counseled them to carry their targets at their backs by the strappe or Ochane (which was the Macedonian manner) and not to hold them any more by the Porpax or handle; and so to free their left hand, to apply both to the managing of a pike. This I take to be the direct meaning of Plutarch: Cleomenes then persuaded them to leave their spears, & take pikes. And left the target in the left hand might prove an impediment to the use of a pike, he thought best they should carry them at their back by the Ochane. To carry them then by the strappe at the back is to give free use to the left hand, without which a pike, specially a long pike, such as Cleomenes advised them unto, cannot be wielded: as experience will teach any man, that list to make trial.   
4 And long pikes.] Pikes for the most part have been called by two names by the Grecians; Doru, and Sarissa. Aelian nameth them Dorata both here, and in other places of this book. 
h Xenoph de exped. Cyr lib. ● 〈◊〉, c  Xenophon, speaking of the weapons of the Chalybes, saith they had Dorata of 15. cubits long; armed with iron at one end only. Tet is Doru taken for a spear oftentimes, as in that place of Plutarch 
i Plut in 〈◊〉.  last recited where Cleomenes persuaded the Lacedæmonians to change their Dorata (spears) into Sarissas' (pikes.) The like recounteth he of 
k Pl●. in Philo.  Philopoemen, who changed the spears of the Achaeans into pikes, calling the spears, Dorata, the pikes, Sarissas'. And even in this place Aelian termeth them not Dorata simply, but with addition of Perimekestera, of a longsise. And after describing the arms of the Peltastes he saith their spears (Dorata) were much shorter than the pikes (Sarissae) of the armed. Properly the pike of the Macedonian is termed Sarissa; if sometime Doru, some other word is added to avoid the ordinary signification of Doru; as Doru macron 
l Xenop. de exp. Cy●.  in Xenophon, Doru perimekes in Aelian. Yet deny I not, but it may be called Doru of the matter. For Doru signifieth wood of any kind: and by consequent the wood, a pike is made of. But, as I said, the Macedonian pike is properly called Sarissa. What the length of this pike was, Aelian will show in the 14. Chapter. And for the wood it was made of, I take it to have been Corneil. For I find that the Macedonian horseman's staff was of that wood. 
a Arrian. lib. 〈◊〉 15, ●  Arrian confirmeth it, saying: And now the Macedonians had the better both by reason of the strength of their bodies, and experience in war, and also because they fought with Corneil lances against javelins. For I assent not to the translator of Arrian who turneth Xystois Craneinois into Corneil darts, where it should be Corneil lances. For in that place Alexander is reported to have fought with a lance, and to have broken it in fight, and to have asked another of Aretes, one of the Quiries of his stable, who had also broke his, and fought with the truncheon, and to have taken the lance of Divarates the Corinthian, and returned presently to the fight, and therewith overthrown Mithridates the son in law of Darius. Besides it is said, that the Macedonians had the advantage in weapons; Take it thus, that they fought with darts against javelins, what advantage had they? especially being come to the shock: Darts are used a far of. At hand no man fighteth with them, unless he have no other weapon. I think no man will deny, but that a javelin in closing is more advantageous than a dart. And that Xyston signifieth a lance Aelian himself testifieth in this Chapter calling the launciers Doratophori, or Xystophori. The Macedonian than had his horseman's staff of Corneil. Whi● 
b Pliny nature. hist. li. 16. cap. 4●  Pliny affirmeth to be a sound and a fast wood. If his lance: a man may ●bably conjecture, his pike also, which exceeded the lance in length and thickness only. We at this day prefer the Ash before all woods for toughness; lightness and beauty; especially if the vain run through to the end. Notwithstanding I find in 
c Aurel. Cicut● de disciplina mil. lib. 2▪ 21●  Cicuta a knight of Venice, an old soldier, and one that followed the Emperor Charles the fifth in his wars of afric, that the opinion of his time inclined rather to Fir, both for lightness, and strength. I have not seen the experience: therefore leave I the judgement to trial. We have then out of Aelian that the armed, had both target and pike, that one man should at one time use both target, and pike in fight, against the enemy will seem incredible in our days. Yet used the Macedonian soldiers both; at one instant they both charged their pikes, and covered themselves with their targets against the flying weapons of the enemy. The manner was this: when they closed with the enemy, they charged their pikes with both hands, and with a slight wryeng of the body, and lifting up the right shoulder, whirled their target, hanging at their back, upon the left shoulder, that stood next the enemy in the charge: and so covered all their body to the middle, and beneath. I have touched it in the practice of Cleomenes. It appeareth more plainly in Plutarch, describing the battle betwixt K. Perseus, and the Consul Aemilius. He hath this: 
d Plutarch. in Aemilio.  The enemy approaching Aemilius issued out of his Camp, and found the legionary Macedonians, bearing now the heads of their pikes stiff upon the targets of the Romans, not suffering them to come up to the sword: which when he saw, and saw with all the other Macedonians casting about their targets from behind their shoulders, and receiving the Roman targeteers with their pikes abased together at one signal, and likewise the firmness of the battle shut up, & serred, & the roughness of the front (the pikes lying out before) he became astonished, & affrighted, as having never before beheld so fearful a sight. Which passion, & spectacle, he afterward oftentimes recounted to his familiar friends. This joining of targets in the front is called Synaspismos: whereof we shall have occasion to speak hereafter.  
5 The light.] They had diverse names given them in the Greek history. Sometimes they are called 
a Polyb 13, 263  Euzoni, because they so girded up their apparel about them, that 
b. Athen. dipnosoph. li 5, 194, D. Xenop●. de exp●d. Cyri. lib. ●, 306, B.  they were light and fit for motion: Sometimes 
c 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉. ●35.  Askevoi, because they bear no military furniture of defence: Sometimes 
d Xenoph. de exped. lib. 3. 30●, B & lib. 4, 〈◊〉, C  Elaphroi because they resemble (as some think) a heart in lightness, and swiftness: Sometimes 
e Xenoph. Cyro. lib. 7. 189, C.  Gynnietae (naked) because they were without defensive arms: Sometimes Psyloi (naked or light) as they are here termed by Aelian, and by 
g Appian in Par. 144,  Appian, and the other, that I cited.  
6 flying weapons only] The lightarmed are divided into three kinds, Archers, Darters, and Slingers. Which three kinds were of much use amongst the Grecians, and they bear only flying weapons. 
h Xenoph. Cyr. lib. 7, 188, 8,  Xenophon testifieth that Cyrus the elder had them: 
i Xenoph de exped. lib. 3 306 B, & lib 4, 326, A  And the Grecians in their return out of Persia: 
k Arrian. lib, 1, ●1, E.  Alexander had them in his war against Darius: and 
l Plutarch. in Py rho  Pyrrhus in his war in Italy, Sicill and Greece: 
m 〈◊〉 fan, in Ph●cicis 648.  The Grecians against Brennus' King of the Gauls: 
n Thucyd. lib. 4, ●15, B,  Both the Athenians, & The bans at the battle of Delos.  
7 Arrows] Archers have always been of special esteem for the field, and preferred before the other kinds of lightarmed. Many nations have been commended for their skill in shooting. Amongst the Grecians the Cretans were (of ancient time) sole archers, 
o Pausan. in At- 〈◊〉. 40,  as Pausanias witnesseth. Yet was not their service equal with the service of the Persians. For Xenophon confesseth, that the Persian bow overreached the Cretan a great way: and that the Rhodians with their sling owt-threw the Cretan bow. Of the Carduchans' a people, through whose Country the Grecians passed at their return out of Persia 
p Xenoh de exped Cyri. lib. 4. 322, C.  Xenophon writeth thus: They carried no other arms, than bows and slings. They were excellent archers; and had bows well nigh three cubits long; arrows more, than two Cubits. When they shot, they drew the string, applying their hand some what toward the neither end of the bow, setting their left foot forward. With their arrows they pierced both targets, and Curates. The Grecians putting thongs to the midst of their arrows sent them back at the enemy in steed of Darts. The same in effect is reported by 
q Diodor. Sicul. lib. 14, 411.  Diodorus Siculus. Of the Parthian horsemen, Appian saith: When Crassus commanded the lightarmed to disband, & go to the charge, they went not far, but meeting with many arrows, and being sore galled with them, they retired straight, and hid themselves amongst the armed, and gave beginning of disorder, and fear, repraesenting to the sight of the rest, the force, and violence of the shot, that rend all arms, they fell upon, and made way aswell through bodies, that had the best, as the worst furniture defensive: giving mighty and violent strokes from stiff and great bows, and forcing out the arrow boisterously with the compass, and bend of the bow. 
r Plutarch. in crosso.  Plutarch hath the very words, that are in Appian. The Indians also were good archers, albeit not much praised by Q. Curtius, 
s Curtius' lib. 8 358.  He saith: their arrows were two Cubits long, which they deliver out of their bows, with more labour, than effect: for as much as the arrow, whose whole efficacy is in lightness, becometh altogether unwieldy by reason of the weight. And yet he telleth, that Alexander, at the assault of the principal City of the Mallians, was struck through his Cuirass into the side beneath the paps with an Indian arrow: with whom 
t Plutarch in Alexand Diod. ficul. lib 17 ●14  Plutarch and Diod. Siculus accord. 
v Arr. 16 129 E  Arrian addeth the wound was so deep, that his breath was seen to issue out together with his blood. The Goths and other people of the north, that invaded the Roman empire, had their chief victories against the Romans by the help of bows, and arrows. 
x Veget. lib. ●. c. 〈◊〉.  Vegetius (before alleged) speaketh it plainly: So our soldiers, saith he, unarmed both bodies and heads, encountering with the Goths, were oftentimes wholly defeated, and slain, with the multitude of their arrows. I may not pretermit the praise of our nation in this skill. Our own stories testify, that the great battles, we gained against the french, were gained by the joint-shooting of our archers principally. And that the English have heretofore excelled in archery & shooting, is clear by the testimony even of Strangers. 
a A●rel. Cicuta de discipline. mili. lib. 2. 206.  Cicuta (whom I named before) commending the use of bows, as necessary for the service of the field (& that long after guns were invented) praeferreth the English before all other, and setteth him down, as a pattern for other to follow. A●d 
b Patrie. Parall. part secuqda li. 3 pag. 37.  Patritius, disputing of the violence of arrows, doubteth not to affirm, that an English arrow with a little wax put upon the point of the head, will pass through any ordinary Corslette or Cuirass. Howsoever the credit of bows is lost, at this present, with many great soldiers, yet have they of ancient time been highly prized. 
c Veget. lib. 1 〈◊〉. 15.  Vegetius saith; how great advantage good archers bring in fight, both Cato in his books of military discipline doth show evidently, and Claudius, by augmenting the number of archers, and teaching of them the use of their bows, overcame the enemy, whom before he was not able to match. Scip●o Africanus (the younger) being to give battle to the Numantines, that before had forced a Roman army to pass under the yoke, thought he could not otherwise have the better, unless he mingled chosen archers in every 〈◊〉 And 
d Leo 〈◊〉. ●. 5. ●  Leo the Emperor in his Constitutions military hath this Constitution ●ongest other: You shall commoun ● all the Roman youth, till they come to forty years of age, whether they have mean skill in shooting, or not, to carry bows & quivers of arrows. For since the art of shoe thing hath been neglected, many, & great losses have befallen the Romans. A●d in another place: 
e Leo cap. 11. 5. 49.  you shall enjoin the Commanders under you, in winter to take a view, and to signify to the Turm●ches (Colonels) now many horse, & what kind of arms the soldiers, under their commands, stand in need of, that necessary provision be made, & the soldiers be furnished in time convenient. But specially you are to have care of archers; & that they, who remain at home, & have vacation from war, hold bows and arrows in their houses. For carelessness herein hath brought great damage to the Roman State. So Leo. This of old time was the opinion of the Romans concerning archers. How we are fallen out with them in our days (the skill of the bow, being a quality so commendable, and so proper to our nation) I know not, unless fireweapons perhaps have put them out of countenance. And surely it may not be denied, that the force of fireweapons of our time doth far exceed the height of all old inventions for anoyeng the enemy. And, when I have given them the first place, I will not doubt to give the second to bows and arrows being so far from casting them of, that I would rather follow the wisdom of the Grecians; who albeit they esteemed arrows the best flying weapons, yet thought it not amiss to hold in use slings, and darts- Every weapon hath it property; and that which is fit for one service, is not so fit for another. The fireweapons have their advantages; They have also their disadvantages. Their advantage is, they pierce all defence of armour, and lighting upon a place of the body, the wound whereof endaungereth life, they bring with them certain death. Their disadvantages are, they are not always certain, sometimes for want of charging, sometimes through over charging, sometimes the bullet rolling out, sometimes for want of good powder, or of dried powder, sometimes because of an ill dried match, not fit to coal, or not well cocked. Besides they are somewhat long in charging, while the musketier takes down his musket, uncockes the match, blows, proynes, shuts, casts of the pan, casts about the musket, opens his charges, chargeth, draws out his 〈◊〉 stick, rams in the powder, draws out again, and puts up his scouring stick, lays the musket on the rest, blows of the match, cocks, and tries it, guards the pan, and so makes ready. All which actions must necessarily be observed, if you will not fail of the true use of a musket. In rain, snow fogs, or when the enemy hath gained the wind, they have small use. Add that but one rank (that is the first) can give upon the enemy at once. For the rest behind, discharging, shall either wound their own Companions before, or else shoot at random, and so nothing endanger the enemy, the force of a musket being only available at point blank. Contrary wise the disadvantage of arrows is in the weakness of the stroke; which is not able to enter a Cuirass, that the foot or horse now use. Yet can no weather be found, where in you may not have good use of bows: rain, snow, wind, hail, fogs, hinder little (especially the string of the bow being not to wet) may rather profit Because in them you can hardly discern, much less avoid, the fall of the arrow. As for quickness in delivery the bow far excelleth the musket. A good single archer is able to give five shot in excha●nge for one of the musketier; and that with such certainty, that you shall not hear of an archer that misseth the delivery of his arrow, where the musketier, often faileth by reason of the accidents and impedivients before by me rehearsed. join that a whole squadron of archers, being embattled, may shoot at once together: which only the first rank of musketeers may do. And make the case there were a hundred musketters, and a hundred bowemen each digested into ten f●les, each file containing ten men, the bow men shall be able to shoot at once a hundred arrows (all their arrows) for ten bullets given by the musketeers, namely those ten of the first rank discharging alone. It must not be pretermitted, that the bow and quiver both for marching, & all service, are lighter and of less labour to ●se, than a musket, which is no small advantage in arms and fight. To conclude the bowemen may be placed behind the armed foot, and yet in shooting over the Phalange annoy the enemy before joining, and 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  all the time of fight, even whilst they are at push of pike; where the musketier, there placed, must either idly look on, or else playing with his musket, most of all endanger his own friends. Neither is the force of arrows so weak, as is imagined, Noah not in the arming of our days. For the pike albeit he have his head and body covered, yet are his legs, and feet, his arms, and hands open to wounds: any of which parts being wounded brings a disability of service. To say nothing of his face, and eyes, before which the showers of arrows falling like a tempest without intermission, must needs breed a remediless terror, and make him think rather of saving himself, then offending his enemy. The musketier being also unarmed is as subject to the shot of arrows, as the archer is to the shot of the musket; and the arrow touching any vital part, as much taketh away life, as doth the musket. Lastly a horseman for his own person (I must confess) is safe enough from the danger of arrows by reason of his armour but his horse, being a fair and large mark, and having neither barb, nor pectoral, nor ought else to hide his head or breast, how can he escape wounds? Witness our fields in France, where our Archers always beat the french horse, being barbed, and better armed, than our horse are, at this day. And for the bloody effect of bows the story of Plutarch is worth the rehearsing. He, in the life of Crassus hath thus: 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  The Parthians opposing the Cataphracts against the Roman horse, the other Persians galloping here and there dispersedly, and troubling the face of the field, broke up from the bottom, hills of sand, that raised infinite dust, whereby the Romans lost their sight and voice: and thronging together, & thrusting one another were wounded, and died not a simple, or quick death, but tormented with convulsions and pangs of grief, walllowing up, and down, in the sand to break the arrows in their wounds, or else endeavouring to pluck out the hooked heads, which had pierced veins and sinews, renting a fresh themselves, & adding torment to torment: so that many died in this manner, & the rest became unprofitable. And when Publius Crassus desired them once more to charge the Cataphracts, they showed their hands nailed to their targets, and their feet fastened to the ground, whereby they were unable either to fly, or fight. These wonders did the Parthian bows, which notwithstanding were not to be compared to our ancient English bows, either for strength, or far shooting. And that we may not seem to rely upon antiquity alone. 
a Patric▪ 〈◊〉 mil. part. ●. 〈◊〉  The battle of Curzolare (commonly called the battle of Lepanto) fought in our days betwixt the Turks, & Christians by sea may serve for an experience of the service of bows and arrows. In which there died of the Christians by the arrows of the Turks above siue thousand, albeit they were in galleys and ships, and had their blinds pretended to save from sight, and mark of the Turks, where as the artillery of all sorts of the Christians consumed not so many Turks: notwithstanding the Christians had the victory. Now then for us to leave the bow, being a weapon of so great efficacy, so ready, so familiar, and as it were so domestical to our nation, to which we were wont to be accustomed from our Cradle, because other nations take themselves to the Musket, hath not so much as any show of reason. Other nations may well for bear ●at, they never had. Neither Italian, nor Spaniard, nor French, nor dutch, ha● these five hundred years, been accounted Archers. It was a skill almost appropriated to our nation. By it, we gained the battles of Cressy, of Poitiers, of Agincourt, in France: of Navarre, in Spain: By it, we made ourselves famous over Christendom. And to give it over upon a conceit only (for no experience can say that our bow was ever beaten out of the field by the musket) will prove an imitation of Aesop's dog, who carrying a piece of flesh in his mouth over a river, and seeing the shadow in the water, snatched at the shadow, and left the flesh▪ I speak not this to a base the service of muskets, which all men must acknowledge to be great; I only show, there may be good use of bows, if our archers were such, as they were wont: which is not to be despaired, and will easily come with exercise.  
8 Darts] The names of darts are diverse in the Greek Story. A Dart is often called Acontion: and thereof cometh Acontizo, to throw a dart, and darters are called 
b Xenop. de 〈◊〉▪ Cy: 1. lib. 3. 306. C  Acontistae. So doth Aelian here term a dart. Sometimes a dart is termed Palton of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying to shake or make quiver. The word Palton is much used in 
c Arr. lib 15, F  Arrian and 
d Xenoph Cyrlib. 19 D. lib. 4. 100 B & 108 C  Xenophon especially, when they speak of the Persian darts. Yet 
e Diod Sicul. lib. 17 572 & lib. 1● 4● v. Iul Poll. 1. 10 c. 3●. pag. 〈◊〉  Diodorus Siculus nameth the Persian dart Saunion: which name also is given to a Grecian dart by Plutarch, and by the same Diodorus. Sometimes a dart is named Doration: Doru, as I said, being a Spear, and Doration according to Suidas, a little spear, or dart. Aelian useth the word in this Chap. Lonche, albeit it properly signify the 
f Xenoph. de exped Cyri ●. 5. 35● A. lib de ●ne 991 ●  head of spear, or dart, yet doth it sometimes signify the dart itself, So is it taken in 
g Xenoph. de exped. Cyri lib. 5. ●52. C  Xenophon, when he telleth, that flying weapons began to walk on all sides, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (that is darts) arrows, and stones out of slings, and some out hands, And Diodorus Siculus hath 
h Diod. Sic●l li. 17 607▪ & 615.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to throw darts, even in the acts of Alexander. Yet we find that spears were also cast under that name, and 
i Xenoph. Hist. gr●c. li 5 575 D.  Xenophon saith, that the Thebans cast Dorata against the Lacedæmonians. The Dart hath been in use amongst all nations. The matter, fashion, and force of the Roman dart may be seen in 
k Veget. li. ● ca 15.  Vegetius, and in 
l Lips. ad Polyb. lib. 3. dialogo ●.  Lipsius his Commentaries ad Polybium. The manner of the darting of the Macedonian armed appeareth in the fight betwixt Choragus, and Dioxippus before by me mentioned: where we find that Choragus cast first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
a C● lib 9 4●  (Lanceam saith Curtius) at Dioxippus, when he thought him with in his reach. But the darters, here spoken of, are of the lightarmed. Such were the 
b 〈◊〉 li● 1. 7. A D. & 〈◊〉 D. & lib ●. 61. C  Agrians in Alexander's Camp, who in all attempts of speed were employed by Alexander, and served to purpose by reason of their lightness. The dart of the Grecian was a slender shaved piece of wood, about three foot long, armed at one end with a head of iron with a sharp point, to the end to pierce, whatsoever it should fall upon. For the length, I give, it differeth not from the Roman dart in Polybius: 
Polyb. li▪ 6. 468. E  and Xenophon seemeth to affirm it, when speaking of the arrows of the Carduchans, 
c Xenoph de exped Cry lib. 4 ●22 D. & Died 〈◊〉. lib ●4. 41●  he saith they were longer, than two cubits, & addeth, the Grecians sent them back again at the enemy in stead of Darts. About the midst of these darts they fastened a thong, which was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein, inserting their forefinger, they lanced the dart with more facility. Xenophon witnesseth it in the same place, and ●n another place he saith, 
d Xenoph de exped. Cry. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 7 A.  Xenophon commanded the targeteers to march with their fingers in the thongs of their darts, the archers with their arrows nocked, the slingers with their scryppes full of stones, that they might be ready to let fly, when they were commanded. These darts were forcible enough to pierce armours of that time, and that with them alone 
e Xenoph. Hist. graec li● 5 5●9  Iphicrates overthrew and destroyed a whole Mora of the Lacedæmonians, which people were accounted the best armed, and the most valiant of the greeks, before the Macedonians came in credit.  
9 Stones.] There are here mentioned two manner of throwing stones, the one with the sling, the other with hand alone, The stones, thrown with the sling, fly with much more violence, than the stones thrown with the hand: and, being cast with a skilful and strong arm, they reach a greater way, than a man would think. And yet not so far, as bullets thrown out of a sling, which by Xenophons' report outreached the Persian arrows. I have before touched the story: I will now lay down Xenophons' words. 
f Xenoph. de exped▪ Cyri. lib. ●. ●06. B  The Grecians (those ten thousand, that returned out of Persia under the leading of Cherisophus, & Xenophon) had not marched far, before Mithridates appeared again with 200. horse, and 400. Archers & slingers, which were very nimble & light. He came close up to the Grecians as a friend. Being near, some of his horse, & foot began to shoot, other to sling, & to wound the Grecians. The rear Commanders of the Grecians were hardly bestead. Yet could they do nothing to annoy the enemy. For the Cretans shoot not so far, as the Persians, & carrying no armour of defence, they were fain to hide themselves with in the body of the armed; & the Darters were not able to reach the slingers of the enemy. Xenophon therefore having the rear, thought good to charge and follow the enemy. But he was not able to overtake them, (for the Grecians had no horse) & the Barbarian horsemen, shooting backward in their flight, wounded many of them, that gave the chase. To remedy this inconvenience Xenophons' advice was to provide horse as many, as they could. And hearing, that there were many Rhodians in the Camp, skilful in slinging, whose slings reached twice as far, as the Persian sling (for the Persians used stones, that filled the hand the Rhodians leaden bullets) he likewise advised to arm them with slings, and use their service. The next day the Grecians furnished out 50 horse, & 200. slingers. And when Mithridates showed himself again with a thousand horse, & four thousand archers, & slingers, and came up to charge, both the Rhodian bullets light amongst his troops, and the 50 horse issuing forth fell upon the enemy and put him to flight, and slew man● of the foot in the chase, and took eighteen horse. We may here note two kind of slings one with the stone, the other with the bullet: and beside, that the Rhodian sling with the bullet overreached both Cretan, and Persian bow: which was yet afterward more plainly declared, 
a Xenoph. de exped. Cyri lib. 3. 309 C  when Tissaphernes charging the Grecians with his Persian archers, the Rhodian slings so terrified him, that both himself, and his troops with drew. And allbut he followed a far of, yet durst he no more approach, but suffered them quiety to march all that day, and many other afterward. In this art of slinging, although many nations laboured, yet were there very few, that excelled. The 
b I d▪ ● 20 v 16  Bible maketh mention of seven hundred Gybeonites, whose skill was excellent in sl●nging. Of other nations none might compare with the 
c L●v d●ad 3. ● 8. 207  Baleares: of whom Diodorus Siculus writeth thus: Their armour is three slings, whereof they have one about their heads, another about their waste, the third in their hand. In war they cast greater stones, than any other, and with such force, that they may seem to be sent out of a Catapult. Therefore in sieges and assaults of Cities they wound the defendants of the walls, and in the field break targets, and headpieces, and all defensive arms. They aim so certainly at any mark, that they seldom fail in hitting. The cause is their continual practice from their childhood, their mothers continually enforcing them to sling, even when they are yet children. For setting up bread upon a post, as a mark, they are not allowed to eat, until they hit it, and have it given them by their mothers to eat. So far Diodorus Siculus: with whom 
d Veget l. ●. c. 16  Vegetius agreeth. The same 
e Veget. lib. 3. c. 14. in ●ine.  Vegetius saith that slings were made either of flax, or of hair, The form was that it had two ends, the one fastened to the hand, the oth●●o let slip, being broadest in the midst, lest the stone should fall out. Diodorus hath before expressed with what force a stone went out of a sling. 
f Veget. l. cap. 16  Vegetius addeth, that they are more violent, than any arrow: piercing headpieces, Cuirasses, and other arms. The same 
g Veget. l ●. c. 23  Vegetius limiteth the space of their reach to six hundred foot: and saith, that slinges at that distance were seen often to hit the mark: and attributeth as much to archers. 
h Onesand. ca 19  There are, that affirm, that a leaden bullet sent out of a sling will melt with the vehement motion of the air. Let the credit be with the reporters. We have not found that experiences in our pieces, which notwithstanding force out their bullet with fire, & that with greater violence, than any hand sling can do. For stones to be cast with the hand see 
i Veget. I 2. c. 23  Vegetius. Polybius commendeth the use of them.  
10 The armour of the Argilos] What this Argilos should mean, I see learned doubt, and I have little to say. Whether it come as a diminutive from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (swift) or from a City of Thrace, called Argilos, or from any other original I will not affirm. here if the text be not corrupted, and the word crept in, or exchanged by the negligence of some copier, it must signify a targetier. Which Aelians' description maketh evident. That there was such a Ctty in Thrace you shall find in 
k Thucy I 4. 32● C & l 5. 356, D  Thucydides. And that the Thracian foot for the most part were Targeteers, I remember, I have read in Xenophon. But then a question may again arise, seeing the inhabitants of that City were not called argilois but argiliois (for the City itself was called Argilos) why the Targetier should be called Argilos, and not Argilios. The change is not great. Many such mistake are to be found in transcribing of Copies. But I think rather there is an error in the text; and that for two causes. First because Aelian dividing the foot into three kinds, Armed, Targeteers, and lightarmed, and discoursing of the armed and lightarmed expressly by name, not so much as nameth the Targetier, but under the name of Argilos. Then for that 
l Li● a● Po●yb l. 3. dialogo. 1 in ●ne.  Lipsius (whether he had another copy of Aelian, I cannot tell) citing this very place of Aelian, citeth other words, than here we find. The Targeteers, saith he, (out of Aelian, as he praetendeth) use, as it were, a middle kind of arming. For their Target, called Pelta, is a little light Target, and their pikes come much short of the Pikes of the armed. Unless happily Lipsius have borrowed the words out of Suidas imagining them to be Aelians, and so citeth them under his name. For I find them in Suidas in the explication of military appellations▪ but I find them in no editition of Aelian, that hit hereto hath been printed.  
11 A little slight target called Pelta] The form of this little target is diversly expressed by diverse Authors. 
a Scholiast. Thu cyd. lib 2, 118  The Scholiastes of Thucydides giveth it a Tetragonall or fouresided shape: with whom also jumpeth 
b Su●as in Pel●e  Suidas, 
c Hesychius in Pel●e.  Hesychius saith, Pelta is a little target having no circumference, meaning, I think, it is not round. He saith also it is a Thracian weapon: to both which significations Suidas agreeth. The Thracians used these kinds of Targets, and often sent these Targeteers to serve the Grecians. 
d Thucyd. lib. 2. 118 C  Nymphodorus (seeking to make a league betwixt the Athenians and Sitalces King of Thracia) promised to procure Sitalces to send them an army of horse, and Peltasts (Targeteers.) Xenophon speaking of the Thracians, that assaulted his lodging, telleth, that 
e Xenoph. de ex●. Cyri. lib. 7. 410 B  after the Trumpet sounded, and many of his soldiers came to his aid, the Thracians fled casting, as their manner was, their Targets (Peltas) at their backs. 
f Xenoph. hist. Graec li ● 486 B  When Dercyllidas invaded Bythinia, Seuthes the K. of Thracesent him horse and Peltasts (targeteers) to his aid. But the Pelta, that Aelian here mentioneth, was round. 
g Suidas in In●ce.  Suidas in the words, before alleged by Lipsius, as out of Aelian called this target Aspidisce: that is a little Aspis, such as the Macedonians bore, which were without all question round. The invention of this Pelta is attributed to Iphicrates the At henian. 
h Diod. sicul. lib. 15. 408. Aemilius Prob. in Iphicrat  For whereas the Athenians before his time used large round targets (aspides) which were not so easy to be wielded, being heavy, he provided them little targets to make them light, and quick for all service. He altered not the form of the roundness, but diminished the weight, in abating of the breadth. 
i Aemil u● Prob● in Iphicrate.  Aemilius Probus saith, he made them bear little targets (Peltas) in steed of large round targets (Parme,) where upon they were ever after called Peltastae. The invention therefore of this kind of Target is attributed to Iphicrates. For the little targets of other forms were long before the age of Iphicrates. 
k Xenop. de exped Cyri. lib. 1, 263 C  Cyrus' the younger had Grecian Targeteers in his army: 
l Xenop. ibid. lib 5. ●47. A & lib. 3 312 C & li. 4. 341 D. E  and the Grecians at their return out of Persia: and likewise 
m Xenoph histo. g●aec li. 2 47●. E  those, that joined with Thrasybulus to recover Athens out of the hands of the thirty Tyrants. All which were before Iphicrates time. 
n ●psius Anapest in ●. Comment. in Polyb.  Lipsius taketh the Pelta to differ little or nothing from the Parma velitaris of the Romans, which doubtless was round. 
o Polyb. lib. 6. 471. C  Polybius saith, the Roman horseman's targets (Parme) were like to Cakes named Popana, which according to 
p Suidas in Popana.  Suidas were broad, round, thin Cakes.  
12 And his pike is much shorter] If it be as Diodorus Siculus and Aemilius Probus report, that Iphicrates was the inventor of the arms of the Targetier, the pike should be little shorter, than the Macedonian pike. He gave them little targets for great Targets, and doubled the length of their pike, and sword. If the length of the pike were doubled, I cannot see, how it should come much short of the Macedonian Pike. But it may be, they were long at first, and that afterward use, and commodity brought them to a less size, to the end the soldier should be nimble and ready at charges. But had the Peltast no other arms, then are here mentioned? He had. And 
q Aemil. Prob, in Iphicrat.  first he had a linen Cuirass for lightness sake, and then a sword of double length to his former sword. Further he had darts: Xenophon telleth 
r Xenoph de ex. pe● Cyri. lib. 1. 270 D  that, in the battle betwixt Artaxerxes & Cyrus, Tissaphernes charged the Grecian Targeteers, who divided themselves into two parts, and plied his horse with darts as he passed through them. The same Xenophon afterward telleth of the Targeteers under his command, 
s Xenoph ibid. 1. 7●, 7, B  that he directed them, to hold their fingers in the thongs of their darts, and be ready to throw, when he gave a sign: 
a Xenoph. histo. graec. lib. 5. 529  And that these very Targeteers of Iphicrates with their darts and other missive weapons destroyed a whole Mora of the Lacedæmonians without coming near or closing with them. Yet 
b Leo cap 65. 37  Leo giveth the Targeteers no more, than targets, and spears (Dorata.) But in that (as in many other things) I make no doubt, he followeth Aelian, whose words also he well nigh reteynes, aswell in this place, as many other. In perusing the story of Alexander (in Arrian, the most faithful histoaian of his deeds) I find no Targeteers by the name of Peltastae in all his army. The names of Armed, of archers, of Darters, of slingers I meet often: but not of Peltastae. Which made me once doubt, whether Alexander ever used them or Noah. Since upon better consideration I am induced to think, though the name in the story faileth, Yet the kind of soldiers, so armed, and so appointed, as Aelian describeth, may easily be found: and that under the name of Hypaspistes. Which name albeit most usually signify him, that carries another man's Target, yet is it also applied to soldiers, that are neither light, nor heavy-armed, of which kind the Targeteers were, as a mean bet wixt both. That Hypaspistes signifieth no heavy armed, may be evident by the words of Arrian. 
c Arr. lib. 1 ●1. ●  Alexander, when he saw the straits of Cilicia possessed with a strong guard, left Parmenio behind withal, that were heavy armed, himself about the first, watch taking the Hypaspistae, and the Archers, and the Agrians (who were darters, as I have showed) led on in the night toward the straits, purposing to fall upon the wyche, before he was looked for. He left all the heavy-armed with Parmenio, and took the Hypaspistae with him. And in another place he saith: 
d Arr. lib 17. A.  Alexander commanded the Hypaspistae first to pass the river, and after them the Macedonian armed. He distinguisheth the Hypaspistae from the armed. And straight after: 
e Arr. lib. 1, ●, ●  Three days after Alexander understanding that Cleitus & Glaucias were ill lodged with their army, & neither held watch, nor had cast a trench for their own security (for they imagined Alexander marched away for fear) and that their Camp was stretched out to a needless length, secretly repassed the river a little before night, leading with him the Hypaspists, and the archers, and the Agrians, and the Phalanges of Perdiccas and Coenus. And in the same book at the assault of Thebes, when Perdiccas had engaged himself and brought Amyntas with his troops in the same danger, Alexander loath to leave them in hazard, advanced with the rest of his army, and gave a sign to the archers and Agrians to enter the trench, the Agemata (Livy translateth them legions) and Hypaspists he held without. So that in all these places he distinguisheth them from the heavy armed, and maketh the Hypaspists one, the heavy-armed another. I might allege other passages out of the same author, but these will suffice. That they were not of the light armed may be proved by the same places of Arrian. Where they are always distinguished from the archers and Darters, There targets make them unfit for slingers, and mention of slingers I find in other places. The very name she weth that they carry targets, and the great Etymologicon allo weth them spears beside their targets Whereby they are clearly exempted from the light armed ●t remaineth then, that they be the peltastae, which Aelian here speaketh of, especially since they were armed with target and spear, which arms he giveth to his targeteers, and to no other, except it be to the armed.  
13 Cataphracts] The horsemen are divided into two kinds, Cataphracts (complete armed) and not Cataphracts. Cataphracts are those, that cover themselves and horse with armour. Not Cataphracts, that fight with lances, or with flying weapons. Livytermeth 
f Liv. decad. 4, lib. 5.  Cataphracts (Loricatos) because they wore curasses The other sort are either launciers or Acrobolists. Acrobolists came not to the shock, but plied the enemy a far of with flying weapons. The Launciers closed, and charged the enemy with their lances. The word Cataphrasso (to cover with arms) giveth name to the horsemen Cataphracts: and as the horsemen are called Cataphracts, so is the furniture of horse and man called Cataphragma. How they were armed Aelian showeth when he saith they cover themselves and their horses with armour yet was it not always, that the whole horse was armed. 
a Xeno●h Cyro. lib. 6. 164 A  For Xenophon speaking of the Persians in the time of the elder Cyrus, saith, they armed there horses with frontlet's and pectorals & covers for there thighs. As much he saith of 
b Xenoph de exped Cyro. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 D.  the six hundred horse that followed Cyrus the younger against Artaxerxes, saving they wanted cover for there thighs. The horsemen themselves he giveth great Curasses, and cuisses, and headpieces. So it appeareth that the horse were not all over armed, but only their heads their breasts and there forethighes. Yet P●utarch speaking of the Cataphrast● in the time of Lucullus, saith, their legs, and thighs were unarmed. Concerning the Parthians Suidas, I know not out of what Author, hath thus: The Cuirass of the Parthian horsemen is made in this manner: The part before covereth his breast, and thighs, and his hands to the finger's end, and his legs. The hinderpart, his back, and neck, and all his head. There are buttons made for the sides, with which both the parts being fastened, it makes the whole horsemen seem, as if he were made of iron. The iron neither hindereth the stretching out, nor the gathering up of his limbs, it is so exactly fitted to the nature, and size of all parts of the body. Likewise they arm there w●ole horse with iron, except his hooves, because their own armour would little avail, in case their horse miscarried. Cu●tius describeth the form in the Persian horsemen, whose furniture, he saith, was made of plate fastened together in continued dependences of scales of iron 
c Appi in Parth. 143 D  Appian speaking how the Parthians seeking to terrify Crassus, and his army, upon the sudden cast away the covers of their armour, and both themselves appeared in shining curasses, and headpieces the Ma●gian iron of which they were made darting forth a flashing, and dispersed twinkling light, and their horses glistering in brazen, and iron furniture. Yet doth Appian in the s●me pla●e note, that the bells of these horse, was not armed. 
d Appian in Par 〈◊〉 143 D. & Plut. in Crasso.  For the french horsemen, saith he, that followed young Crassus, when they perceived, how little they prevailed with their staves against the sure, and unpierceable armour of the Parthians, lighting from their own, and creeping under the Parthian horses, struck them into the bells, and they impatient of pain and flinging here, and there, and treading under foot, as well their riders as their enemies, died in the place. Plutarch hath the like. The Cataphracts, beside their armour of defence, had a lance, or horseman's staff, to fight with all. 
e 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉.  Plutarch affirms it: Lucullus, saith he, after he saw Tigranes his Cataphract horsemen (who were of most account) defended, as it were, by a hill, that had the ground above plain, and broad, & the ascent (which was about four furlongs in length) not very hard, or steep, commanded the Thracian, and gaul horsemen, he had, to give upon the flank, and to put by the lances with their swords: For the only strength of the Cataphract is his lance, and it alone he is able to use either in defence of himself, or annoying the enemy: being by reason of the weight and harshness of his furniture like a man shut, and locked up in a wall. Hitherto Plutarch. Likewise the Parthian Cataphracts, albeit they used bo●e, and arrows yet they had also lances, with which they came to the shock with the enemy. 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  When the army of Anthony (saith the same Plutarch) saw the Parthians ready to give on, the armed turning their faces about toward the enemy, took in the light armed, and shut them up with in their battles: themselves kneeling upon one knee, h●ld out their targets before, the second ranks with their targets covered the heads, and upperparts of the foremost, & the following ranks did the like one for another, the figure was like the tyling of a house, & represented a show worth the seeing, and was the surest defence that might be, to make the arrows glance of, without harm doing. The Parthians imagining this kneeling proceeded from weariness, and faintness, laid aside their bows, and taking in hand their lances, ran upon the Romans, who giving a joint shout sprung up presently, and striking them with their darts, slew the first, and put the rest to flight. By these two testimonies the lance of the Cataphract is clearly proved. In what manner the Cataphracts came to fight, Nazarius (cited by Stewechius) showeth plainly in a Panegyric of his. The Cataphracts, saith he, 
Stewechius in comment. ad. 22. capu● lib. 8. vege●.  in whom was the principal strength of the field, use this discipline in charging. After closing their files, they keep an equality in moving forward to charge, & being free from wounds, they break without difficulty any strength of battle opposed against them. They are said to be free from wounds, because both themselves & horses (especially before) are covered with sure arms. Their moving must be slow, because of the weight of their arms, which slowness was recompensed with the violence of their charge, which neither horse, nor foot was able to resist. And 
a Appian in Parthicis 14●. A.  yet they had another inconvenience, in that, being overthrown, or slipping, or falling to the ground, neither hors●●or man, were able easily to raise themselves again. Such was the weight of their armo  
14. Launciers are such] Launciers, saith Aelian, join with the enemy, & fight hand to hand with the lance. And did not the Cataphracts so? They did, but their armour differed much. The Cataphracts both horse, and man, were all over armed. The horse of the Launciers was not armed, and himself, albeit he were armed, yet not so armed, but that many parts of his body were bare of arms. And his armour came much short of the complete. Arrian saith that the Macedonians being launciers were not able to encounter with the Scythians, who were Cataphracts, both because of their number, and also of their manner of arming. And as the Launciers armour was not so ●eauie, as the Complete, so was it more heavy, than the armour of the foot. Xenophon seemeth to signify so much, telling of himself, that taking the targeteers of the front, and some out of the midst of the hollow square battle, and three-hundred chosen men, that Cherisophus had with him in the front, he marched away with all speed to seize upon the top of a certain hill. 
b XenoPh. de ex● 〈◊〉. Cyr. ●. 3. 312. E  And exhorting his soldiers to haste, you may well, quoth Sotridas, the S●cionian, talk of haste, that are on horseback. ay, in the mean time with this heavy target, am scarce able to march. Xenophon hearing this, straight dismounted, and disranking ●otridas, took away his target, and with it on his shoulder continued his haste in marching. By chance he had on at that time a horseman's armour, where with although he were overpressed, yet slacked he nothing of his pace. The rest of the soldiers beating and reviling Sotridas compelled him both to his target, and place again. At last they gained the hill, they purposed, and made the enemy abandon the neither ground. Xenophon was 〈◊〉 overpressed with the horseman's armour. If it had been but equal in weight with a foot man's, he might, as well have endured it, as the rest. Plutarch showeth likewise the 
Plutarch in 〈◊〉 lop●m.  weight of the horseman's armour. Philopaemen, saith he, willing yet to give more strength to the King's party (he meaneth Antigonus, the guardian of Philip afterward King of Macedonia) & to come to hands with the enemy that was already in rout, lighted from his horse, and in a horsmans' Cuirass, and heavy armour, wrestling hardly, and laboriously on foot with the ground, that was rough, & full of brooks, & ditches, he was strooken through the thighs with a dart: the stroke being not daungerors, but forceble, so that the head passed through both his thighs. Hence both the heaviness of the Launciers furniture may be seen, and that philopoemen's thighs were unarmed, through both which at once he was wounded with a dart: And so the Launcier not so surely armed, as the Cataphract. The arms, that the Launcier bore are described by 
a Polyb. lib. 6. 471. ●  Polybius speaking of the arms of the Roman horsemen; who writeth thus: The armour of their horsemen is at this day like the Grecian. Of old they had no cuirasses, but fought in short gowns girded to them. By reason whereof they were ready, & active to alight from, and get up quickly, on their horses. But their fight was dangerous with the enemy▪ because they wanted arms. Their staves had two incommodities. For, being made slender and quivering, they neither could touch the mark, they aimed at, and most of them, shaken with the motion of the horse, fell out to be broken, before the head touched, or fastened upon any thing. join, that, having no iron point at the butt end, they served but for one stroke only, and that at the first. And yet the head being broken of, the remnant of the staff was of no use. The targets they had, were made of oxe-hyde in form like to cakes named Popanae, which are used in sacrifices. And they were neither fit to encounter the enemy, by reason they had no stiffness or fastness in resistance, and being resolved, and soaked, or putrefied with rain, they could not be any thing worth. Finding these inconveniences by experience, they quickly changed for the Grecian armour; In which the first stroke of the head of the staff is certain, and worketh the designed effect, by reason of the form, which is not quivering, but stiff and sturdy: & likewise turning forward the butt end, which is armed with a sharp point, they might therewith fasten a sound, and forcible blow upon the enemy. The like may be said of the Targets, which both in charging, and defending, have a sure & unfailable use. Which they no sooner saw, then imitated. For the Romans, if any other nation, are good to change their fashions, and to choose that, which is best, wheresoever they find it. The Launcier than had a Cuirass, a headpiece, a lance, and a sword for his arms, and this was general in Launciers; but some had beside a target, and were therefore called targeteers. The Launciers were called in greek Doratophoroi, or Xestophoroi: two several appellations in show, but signifying in deed but one thing, the one being derived from the matter, the other from the form of the lance. 
b Art. counfo●deth Xyston and Doru. ●b 1. 15. F.  Doru, as I said before, signifieth wood: and because all the Launciers arms excepting the lance, were of other matter, than wood, the lance was called Doru, (of the wood) and the Launciers Doratophoroi. As for Xyston, or Xeston (for they signify one thing) it cometh of the verb Xuo, or Xeo to shave, or polish (as our joiners do) and the lances, being made of wood shaved, or polished, are named Xysta, or Xesta, of the form (as I said) that is given them by shaving, and the Launciers, that bear these lances, Xestophoroi, or Xystophoroi. And here I am once to note for all, that we are not to press words according to the proper signification of their primitives, from whence they are derived. For considering there are more things, than names of things (as Logicians say) the most copious language, that is▪ cannot give proper names to all. Hereof come the words of diverse significations. And howsoever names seem at first rough, & strange, use, and custom maketh them smooth, and gives them passage. As the coin of a Prince is currant by the stamp, he setteth upon the mettalle, what mettalle so ever it be, fine, or base.  
16 Acrobolists] The word importeth such, as throw aloft, or from aloft. Ballo signifieth to throw: Acron, the highest, or the uttermost. By common usage Acrobolizo is taken for to dart, and by consequent to skirmish a far of. Because such as cast flying weapons, as darts, and stones, and the like, came not to steadfast fight, but lay aloof, and only threw their weapons at the enemy, and of so doing are called Acrobolists. Acrobolismos in Polybius is interpreted Skirmishing. And 
a Diordor. Sicul. lib 15 468.  Diodorus Siculus joineth Acrobolismos, and a short meddley in fight together, 
b Xenop. de exp. Cyri lib. ●●09. C  which Xenophon termeth Acrobolisis by another word flowing from the same fountain.  
17 Tarentines] They are so called of a City in Italy Tarentum by name, the inhabitants whereof, that were horsemen, used this manner of fight. But he maketh two kinds of Tarentines; one, that ever fought a far of with darts, and never came to hand with the enemy, the other, that after a dart or two cast, came close up, and fought hand to hand. 
c Liv. decad. 4. lib. 5 92. C.  Livy speaketh of a third kind of Tarentines, who used in fight two horses at once made fast together, and one being weary, leapt upon the back of the other.  
18 Some use darts a far of] Of the manner of fight of these horsemen, the passage of Xenophon is worth repeating. 
d Xenoph Hist. graec. li. 7 617. C  After these things done, saith he, the aid of Dionysius (which he sent the Lacedæmonians) arrived, being more, than twenty Galleys. They brought French, and Spaniards, and above fifty horse. The next day the Thebans, and their confederates, embattailing their army, and filling therewith the whole plain even to the seaside, & to the hills, that lay about the City (of Corinth) destroyed whatsoever, might serve to any use. The horsemen of the Athenians, and Corinthians, seeing the strength, and multitude of the enemy, came not near unto them: but the horsemen of Dionysius, albeit few in number, galloping here, and there, dispersedly, and putting spurs to their horse, charged them with their darts, and in case the enemy followed, they returned with all speed, and then turned again, and threw darts afresh. In doing these things they used to alight from their horse, and rest themselves, and if any of the enemy singled out to fall upon them, leaping quickly again to horseback, they fled: and being pursued any distance from the army, as soon as those that pursued them retired, the Tarentines followed, and plied them with their darts, and put them to great distress: forcing the whole army to advance, and retire, as they list themselves. So far Xenophon. Another example I will add out of Livy of the Numidians, whose manner of fight is all one with the Tarentine manner. 
e Liv. decad. 〈◊〉 lib 5. 85. B.  In Liguria saith he, nothing worthy of memory was done a long time. At the end of the year all things were brought to extreme hazard. For both the Consul's camp, being assaulted, was hardly defended, and not long after, when the army was led through a forest, the way whereof was straight, and narrow, the Ligurians possessed themselves of the mouth of the straits. Through which when the Consul could find no passage, he turned about his army, and purposed to reduct it, the way he came. But the mouth of those straits was likewise possessed by a part of the enemy's forces. And now the remembrance of the Desaster of Caudium presented itself not only to the minds, but even almost to the eyes of every man. There were wellnigh eight hundred Numidian horse at that time in the camp. The Commander of them promised the Consul to break through on which side, he pleased; only he desired to know on which side most hamblets, and villages were. Upon them, said he, I will fall, and set the houses on fire presently, that, that fear may compel the Ligurians to forsake the straits, they hold, and run several ways to defend their own. The Consul much commended the man, and laded him with hopes of promises. The Numidians up to horse, and began to ride here and there, before the enemy's guards, provoking yet no man. Nothing at the first sight was more contemptible. The horse, and men, were little, and lean. The horseman ungirded, and unarmed, saving that he carried darts; the horse without a bridle galloping deformedly with a stiff neck, and a head thrust out at length. They purposely augmenting this contempt slid from their horses, and dallied, and sported, to bring the enemy to a gaze. Wherefore the enemy, which at first were intentive, and ready for a charge, became gazers on, and the most part unarmed themselves, & set down upon the ground. The Numidians road up nearer, and then back again, and by little, and little, got to the skirts of the forest; as if their horses, being resty, had carried them forward against their wills. At last, putting spurs to they broke through the midst of their enemy's guards, & entering into a larger field, they set fire on all the houses next the way; then burned they the next village, and wasted, and filled, all things with fire, and sword. The smoke first scene, than the cry of the people affrighted, lastly old men, and children, flying for succour, raised a tumult in the camp. Therefore without counsel or command every man of himself ran to the defence of his own, and in amoment both the enemy's camp was forsaken, & the Consul, delivered from his siege, came to the place intended. By these two examples the kind of fight, that these darters one horseback maintained, may he perceived, which was 
a Polyb. lib. 3. 225. B.  not to come near the enemy, but to keep a loof, and let their darts fly. Besides not to observe any order in files, or ranks, but stragglingly to gallop the field, seeking by their disbanding to tolle the enemy out of his strength, and so to work their advantage. And albeit in the second example, the Numidians used not their darts, yet they would have done it, if need had been; and you shall find in other places of 
b Liv. decad. 3. li. ● 52. C. & Polyb. ●b. 3. 224 B.  Livy, and Polybius, they did usually, as also in 
c Cesar de be●t. 〈◊〉 African. 415  Caesar.  
19 After they have spent one or two] These darters on horseback differ from the other before mentioned, because at the last they join, and fight hand to hand with the enemy; which the other did not. And what fight they with all? not with lance; for than should they be Launciers, of whom we have spoken. But they fight with battleaxes, sword, and such other short weapons. Suidas affirmeth it, alleged by 
d Arcer in no●is ●d A●ian. pag. 7.  Arcerius: These, saith he, at first cast light darts a far of, and afterward approaching, join with the enemy, fight with battell-axes, or swords; which kind they call light-horsemen.  
20 The horsemen, that use bows] I need not allege any thing to show that the Scythians were good archers. It is known to any man, that is not ignorant of History. I will only note, that in flying from the enemy, th●y harmed as much, as in falling on. For as they fled they turned half their bodies backward, and shot at him, that followed, and expected no such thing. Of which fashion of fight Plutarch giveth this judgement. 
e Plutar. in Cras. & App●an in 〈◊〉 c. 114 C.  The Parthians, saith he, in their flight shoot backward, & do it best of all other, except the Scythians; the invention being witty, both to save themselves by that defence, and also to take away the shame of flight. That which Plutarch attributcth to the Scythians and Parthians, 
f Xenoph de exp ●. Cyri. lib. 3. ●06. D.  Xenophon saith, the Persians used also, both for manner of fight, and flight.     

The framing of a Phalange, and definition of the art Tactick. CHAP. III.  
But seeing every Phalange containeth an uniting of bodies, offices of command, orders in place, a Convenient number of men, and words of Direction aswell for daily exercise, or training, as for true fights, It seemeth necessary to deduce every of these things into perticularity. The first ¹ labour therefore in the art Tactick is for a General out of a multitude, that cometh to hand confused, to choose the fittest men, and dispose them into convenient places (that is to order them into files, and bodies) and of the whole number to proportion a ² reasonable levy, & fitting the service in hand. ³ For to dispose and enable an Army, skilfully to march, to encamp, & to embattle, is a matter of no small consequence. In as much as we often find mighty Armies through their disorder to have been defeated by ⁴ a handful of men well disciplined & exercised. Wherefore Aeneas defineth this art to be a science of warlike motion: Polybius, To be a skill whereby a man taking a multitude serviceable ordereth it into files, and bodies, and inst●teth it sufficiently in all things pertaining to war.  

Notes.  

1 THE first labour] After provision of armour followeth choice of men. What men, and out of what climates, and of what profession, and of what age, and of what constitution of body, and of what education, are to be chosen, because Aelian referreth to the discretion of the General, not setting down any particular, I will likewise pass over, noting only some places, where he, that is disposed to seek, may find the circumstances of choice of soldiers. Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 1. 32. A. B. Polyb. lib. 6. 406. C. Et Lips. ad Polyb. lib. 1. Dialogo. 2. 3. 4. 5. Veget. lib. 1. cap. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Et Stewechius ad haec omnia cap. 31.  
2 A reasonable levy and fitting the service] levies are to be made according 
See Leo cap. 4. § 47 & cap. 12 §. 3 4.  to the war, which is undertaken. The enemy is not always of one strength. Sometimes the forces, against which we are to lead our army, are more, sometimes less. The Romans, if the number of enemies were not very great, used but 
a polyb li. 1. 〈◊〉 B. Polyb. lib. 3. 257. C.  a Consular Army; which consisted of two legions of Romans, and of as many foot of their Allies; when greatest, only joined two Consular armies together. And for Allies their foot, as I said, was equal with the Roman foot, their horse were treble as many, and the Romans having three hundred horse to a Legion, the Allies had nine hundred. Yet in case of great 
Polyb lib. 6. 467 C.  necessity, we read, that the number of the Legions was increased in a Consular army. Polybius reporteth that, a little before the battle of Cannae, the Consuls Lucius Aemilius, and C. Terentius, had allowed in their army, which they led against Hannibal, eight Legions, which never was done before. 
b Diod. Sical. lib. 17. 571.  Alexander the great being to invade the Kingdom of Persia, which for wealth, multitude of men, and largeness of territory, was esteemed the richest, mightiest, and greatest Empire at that time in the world, had not in his army above one and thirty thousand foot, and five thousand, and odd, horse. 
c Veget. li. 3. c ●  Armies composed of multitudes are neither fit to be guided, and commanded, nor yet to be provided for. And he that trusteth to multitudes, esteemeth not greatly the valour of his soldiers▪ 
a 〈◊〉. lib. 4. cap. ●.  Xerxes said, he was not foiled by the Grecians through default of number, but because he wanted men. As it is folly to levy more men, then is needful, so is it rashness, or 
b Xenop. in Agesilao.  rather madness to put a few soldiers to hazard against forces, that exceed in number, and valour. Briefly all levies are to be tempered with consideration of persons, times, places, and other circumstances.  
3 For to dispose and enable an Army] Here are set down in a word, as it were, the principal heads of the art of war, Marching, In camping, and embattailing; to which heads all other may very well be referred. And of these three Aelian handleth in this treatise but two, namely embattailing, and marching: of embattailing, so much, as pertaineth to forming of a common Macedonian Phalange; of Marching, no more, then belongeth to embattailing in a march, that is to ordering of your men in that figure, which shall yield most advantage against the enemy, that meeteth you; excepting that he shortly toucheth the marshalling of baggage in your march. The other considerations of marching, as laying, or avoiding ambushes, sending out to discover, when to march by night, when by day, how to deceive and avoid the enemy lying near, remedies against horse, against shot, against multitudes, passages of mountains, of woods, of rivers, of plains, of dry, and sandy places, these, I say, and such like, he toucheth not in a word. And for the skill of encamping, which comprehendeth the seating of your camp, and provision of all things belonging thereto, as also the siege, and defence of Cities, and fortresses, he likewise passeth it over with silence, as a thing not incident to his purposed discourse.  
4 A handful of men well disciplined and exercised] What exercise doth for the making of good soldiers, experience of former times will teach. It hath been the manner of all famous generals to bring their soldiers to perfection by exercise. 
c Veget. lib. 2. ca ●3.  Vegetius saith very well, It is not length of life, or number of years, that teacheth the art of war, but continual discipline & meditation of arms. Let a soldier serve never so many years, so long, as he is unexercised, he shall be still a raw soldier. The knowledge and science of arms maketh a soldier, which is not gained but by action. As long as a soldier handleth not his weapons, he is no Actor, but a looker on. For as all abilities in arts (which are called Habits) arise out of a number of actions precaeding, so can no man attain to a perfect knowledge of arms, till he have with care, and diligence, employed his study and labour therein, and upon the foundation of practice raised the frame of sound and perfect skill. No man is naturally borne a soldier. One may more incline to war then another, but the skill cometh not without industry and pains. 
d Plut. in Pelop.  Plutarch saith, that it is neither Eurotas nor the place betwixt Babyx and Gnation, that bringeth forth valiant and warlike men, but they are to be found in all places, where youth is bred up in shame of vice, and boldness to undergo peril for virtues sake. Eurotas was a river near Lacedaemon; 
e Plut in Lycur.  Babyx and Gnation two rivers with in the same City. The Lacedæmonians were accounted the most valiant people of Greece. And Plutarch speaketh this of the victory, which the Thebans had against the Lacedæmonians; The Thebans, which till that day had no reputation of valour; but afterward by exercise, & use of arms, under Epaminondas, and Pelopidas, became the bravest soldiers of Greece: Not unlike was the saying of Pyrrhus to his muster-master: choose you, said he, good bodies, and I will make them good soldiers. The strength of the body is requisite in a soldier to undergo the labours of war; 
f Veget. li. 1. ca 1  but exercise it is that giveth the perfect skill, and the desire to handle weapons. Therefore 
g Cicet. in Bruto ●22.  as Demosthenes, being demanded what was the first and principal thing in the art Oratory, answered Action, what the second, Action, what the third, Action: So may we truly say, that in the art military exercise is not only the first, second, & third, principal thing to make a soldier, but also all in all. Aelian speaketh not of exercise but in General: what particular exercise is fit for a soldier, he, that desireth to know, let him read. Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 2. 42. B. C. & lib. 3. 77. C. D. Veget. lib. 1. ad caput. 9 ad caput. 19 & lib. 2. caput. 23. 24. just. Lips. comment. ad Polyb. lib. 5. dialog. 14. Leo. caput. 7. Patric. Parallel. part 2. 139. Now for the victories, that have been obtained by a small number of men well exercised, against a multitude unskilful, and untrained, I need, say nothing. Histories are plentiful witnesses therein. I will only recite one example wherein the difference may be seen not between skilful, and unskilful, but between skilful, and skilful both enured to labour, and both brought up under the same practice, and discipline of Arms. At what time, after the death of Alexander the great, his chiefest Commanders fell at odds amongst themselves; and sought every man to establish himself in the possession of his Conquests, it chanced, that Antigonus, and Eumenes came together in two sundry battles. In the first Antigonus had in his army above 28000. foot, 8500. horse, & 65. Elephants; Eumenes less foot, 17000. in all (but amongst them 3000. Argyraspides, who had served in all Alexander's battles, & were invincible, & struck a great fear into the enemy's hearts) & about the number of horse, his enemy had, & So. Elephants: 
a Diodor. sicul. lib. 19 6. 7.  When the foot came to join, saith Diodorus Siculus, the fight continued a good while, & at last, many falling on either side, Eumenes his foot had the better by reason of the valour of the Macedonian Argyraspides. They, albeit they were strooken in years, yet in regard of the manifold perils, they had been in, excelled in courage, & skill of fight; in so much that no man was able to withstand them. And therefore being but 3000. in number, they were notwithstanding set against the enemy, as the strength of the whole army. In the other battle he speaketh of their age. 
b Diodor. Sicul● lib. 19 693.  At that time, saith he, the youngest of the Argyraspides were no less, than 60. years old, or thereabout; the most of the rest about 70. & some were elder, all of them unmatcheable in skill & readiness of fight, & strength of body; such was their dexterity, and courage gathered in continuance of dangers, which they had passed. Afterward rehearsing the battle, he saith: The Argyraspides serring themselves close, and with lively force falling upon the enemy, killed some, and put other some to flight. And fought against the whole Phalange of the enemy with irresistible fury, not losing one of their own men, & yet through skill & manhood slaying of the enemy above 5000. & routed their whole foot, which in number were many times more, than themselves. Thus writeth Diodorus Siculus of the old practised Macedonians: who yet fought not against strangers, or raw soldiers, or such, as were newly brought into the field, but against men of their own nation, that had long handled arms, & won many victories, & been instituted, and trained in the same discipline and course military, that they themselves had been before: Such difference long practise, and experience wrought in the one against the other.     

What a file, or Decury is, and of how many men it consisteth. CHAP. FOUR  
TO order into files is ʳ to make files. A file is a number of men beginning at one Leader, and contineving in order of followers to the last man. The number of a file is diversely given, ² for some allow it eight, some twelve, and some sixteen men. We for this time will retain the number of sixteen, both because that number is proportionable to the indifferent length of a Phalange, and also, if use require at any time to double the depth thereof, and to give it thirty two men, or to lessen, and contract it, and make it but eight; neither of both shall hinder the service of the lightarmed behind, ³ for whether they use Darts, or slings, or Arrows, they may easily with their flying weapons overreach the depth of the Phalange.  

Notes.  
NExt after arming, and choice of soldiers, it followeth to put them in order for service, that is first to file them, then to band them (which is joining of files) and last to embattle them, which is to make a Phalange. Of these in the following chapters.  

1 To make files] The Tactics have not expressed the precepts of this art all in the same words. A file is here called Lochos, the signification whereof is diverse. Sometimes it is taken for an 
a Polyaen lib. 3. in Iphicrat. § 24 & lib. 4. in Alex. § 21.  Ambush, and Lochan signifieth to lie in Ambush: it signifieth beside a number of men, that are of one body, as it were, and under one commander, who is called Lochagos, and Lochizo is to set in files. The number of this body hath been diversely taken. The Thebans Lochos Hieros' first instituted by 
b Polyaen. lib. 2. in Gorgida.  Gorgidas, or as other say by 
c Athen dipnos. lib. 43. 602.  Epaminondas, consisted of three hundred men. The Lochos of the 
d Plut in Pelop.  Lacedæmonians of five hundred and twelve. Xenophon in his return out of Persia telleth, that the number of the 
e Xenoph. de exped Cyri lib. 4. 341. D  Lochoi of the Grecians, which he led, was almost a hundred armed men. And when they chose extraordinary men to preserve the Plaesium (a hollow form of square battle where in the Grecians marched) from breaking, they appointed 
f Xenoph. de exped. Cyri lib. ●. 310. B  six Lochoi, of a hundred a piece, for that purpose, and Commanders to lead them. And after he reckoneth seventy men to a Lochos. And in the first book of Cyrus his expedition, he telleth 
g Xenoph. de exped. Cyri li. ● 24● E. 249.  of two Lochoi of the armed of the Regiment of Menon, that were slain by the inhabitants of Cilicia, and counted them a hundred men. Cyrus' in the same Xenophon commandeth his Lochos to be made of twenty four men. But the Lochos, that Aelian here speaketh of is a less number, namely sixteen, which was the file of the Macedonians, as appeareth by 
h Arrian lib. 7. 16● D.  Arrian, and 
i Polyb. lib. 17. 764 D  Polybius. Albeit Arrian calleth it not Lochos, but Decas; and Polybius the depth of the battle. This number of sixteen was used by the Grecians also before King Phillip's time, as appeareth by 
k Xenoph. hist graec. li. 4. 5●5. E.  Xenophon in his history of the Grecians. And likewise by 
l Thucyd. lib. 6. 〈◊〉. B  Thucydides, who reporteth, that the Siracusans were so ordered against the Athenians. Leo saith it was the manner of the ancient warriors to make a file of sixteen, & calleth it a Tetragonall number.  
2 Some allow it eight, some twelve] The Lacedæmonians made the depth of their battle sometimes eight men (for a file is it, that measureth the depth of the battle) and so fought with their enemies. 
m Thucyd lib. 5 pag 392. A  Thucydides witnesseth as much: the Lacedæmonians▪ saith he, were not always ordered in depth alike, but as their Lochagois (they were commanders of five hundred and twelve a piece) thought good, commonly notwithstanding the depth was of eight a piece. 
n Xenoph histo graec. 489. D  Xenophon also writeth, that Dercyllidas the Lacedaemonian, being to fight with Tissaphernes, and Pharnabazus, ordered his Phalange into eight. The same proportion was held by 
o Xenoph histo. graec. li. 6 586. G  Mnasippus the Lacedaemonian against the Corcyraeans, and by 
a Polyaen. lib 2. in Clearch●. §. 9  Clearchus the Lacedaemonian against his enemies. Xenophon saith, that Thrasybulus the Athenian, salieng out of Pyraeum against Pausanias the Lacedaemonian King, ranged his men into eight. His words are: 
b Xen●. hist. grae▪ l▪ 2 477 C. D  When Thrasybulus and the other armed saw these things, they quickly gave aid to their own people, and put their armed in order eight deep. Pausanias' being hardly laid unto, and retiring four or five furlongs, commanded the Lacedæmonians, and their Allies, to resort unto him, and there casting his men into a deep Phalange, led against the Athenians. Out of which words we may note, that the Lacedæmonians observed not always that order of eight deep, but varied according to place, or other circumstance. Yet ordinarily they gave but eight to a file, or to the depth of their Phalange, as Thucydides witnesseth before. 
c Xenoph hist. graec. lib. 2. 472. C. D.  The same Thrasybulus with his complices entering the base City of Athens called Pyraeum to free his country from bondage of the thirty tyrants, having but a few with him, possessed the court, which led to the temple of Diana, called Munychia, and being assaulted by the garrison of the Lacedæmonians, ordered his armed men into ten deep, and the light armed behind them. The tyrants, and their followers stood in battle fifty deep. 
d Xenoph. hist. graec. li 6. 596. C  At the battle of Leuctra the Lacedaemonian armed were twelve in depth, the Thebans fifty. 
e Air. lib. 1. 6. D  Alexander the great leading his army against Clitus, and Glaucias, the way being so narrow, that no more than four might march in front, made the depth of his army a hundred and twenty. 
f Xenoph de exped. Cyri lib. 7. 359. D  And the soldiers that Xenophon brought back out of Persia, when they purposed to sack Byzantium, put themselves without command in order of fifty deep. In the text is fifty deep, but the margin hath eight: which I take to be the truer reading, because Xenophon saith, the place was fair to set a battle, being void of building, and having an even plain. And it was not the manner of the Grecians to make a Phalange fifty deep, unless there were extraordinary occasion. 
g Thucyd. lib. 4. 315. C  In the battle of Delos betwixt the Athenians, and Thebans, the Thebans were five and twenty in depth, the Athenians but eight. The same 
h Thucyd. lib. ● 458. A  Athenian were eight in depth against the Syracusans. So that the depth of eight was much used among the Grecians. Howbeit I find not, that they called a file of eight by the name of Lochos. 
i Xenoph Cyro● lib. 3. 78. A▪ & lib 2▪ 43. A, C  Cyrus' the elder made his files of twelve men, and the leader thereof he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the file itself decas, which in signification albeit it import ten, yet we must retain the word, as it is used, and not fly to the original of the Etymology, as I noted before upon other occasion. But Aelian maketh his file of sixten. His reason followeth.  
3 For whether they use darts etc.] The file being sixten in number, the soldiers therein every one having after-distance from other three foot, take up in the whole depth forty eight foot, and being doubled to thirty two men, they take up ninety six foot, which amounteth to thirty two yards. That bows and slings easily out reach this distance, appeareth by Vegetius, before by me alleged, 
k Veget. lib. 〈◊〉 cap. 〈◊〉  who saith, they struck their mark six hundred foot of, which in our account by scores, is ten score. Of the dart a man may rather doubt, which notwithstanding with an exercised arm is sent much further, than thirty two yards. 
l Lips ●d Polyb. lib. 5. 242.  Lipsius writeth, that a dart was usually cast four hundred foot, which amounteth to a hundred thirty three yards, or as we in shooting measure it, six score and odd. The reason why Aelian placed the light armed behind we shall see beer after in fit place.     

The order and parts of a file or Decury. CHAP. V.  
‛ THE best man of every file is the first in place, and he, that leadeth the file, who is also called the fileleader, the Commander, & the fore-stander. The last man of the file is called the Reare-Commaunder, or bringer-up. The whole file itself is termed ² a verse, and ³ a Decany, and of some ⁴ an Enomoty. Yet there are, that hold Enomotia for the fourth part of a file, and the Commander of an Enomoty they call Enomotarcha, and two Enomoties they take for a Dimery, & name the Commander thereof Dimerites, so that the half file is said to be a Dimery, ⁵ and the Commander Dimerites. This man is the last of the file. He, that standeth next behind the fileleader, is named a follower, and the next after him a Leader, and the next after him again a follower. So that the whole file consisteth of Leaders, & followers placed successively one after another. ⁶ It behoveth the fileleader to be more sufficient, than the rest of the file, and next him the Leader of the half-file, or bringer-up. They define a file to be a Row of followers placed according to their worth successively after a fileleader.  

Notes.  

1 THE best man of every file.] Why the fileleader ought to be the best man of the file many reasons may be given first because he commandeth the rest. And as in all other things he that is to rule, and govern another, aught to have more knowledge, than he that is commanded, and governed, so is it in matter of war. Further, as his skill, so his valour, aught to be most: that his example may encourage and incite the rest. Which is the cause, that other commanders also are placed in front, and in the eye of the soldiers that their valour & forwardness may bread an honest emulation in the soldiers to do, as they do. Besides, the first place is most beseeming him, that best deserveth, and the more valiant a man is, the more he desireth to show it in the face of the enemy, thereby to win himself honour, and reputation. Furthermore, he may do best service in the front, by entering into the enemy's battle, and making way for the rest. Not unlike a sword, whose edge maketh speedy passage into the thing, it cutteth, and draweth after it the rest of the iron, be it never so blunt. In the front, the rank of the file leaders give the push to gain the field. Which reason I think lead 
a Plutarch in Pçlopida.  Gorgidas the first institutor of the Theban Hieroes Lochos, not to make an entire troop thereof apart, but to place it man by man in the first rank of the Phalange. Lastly the sight of the file leaders, being the choice of the army, both for stature, and resolution (for 
b Aelian cap. 13  so Aelian would have them) 
c Leo ca 4▪ §. 73  breads a terror in the mind of the enemy. Who, seeing such gallants in the front, have cause to imagine that the rest of the army, which they see not, is like to those they see. And, being never so valiant, they had rather have to do with weak, and relenting then stout, and resolute adversaries. As at the battle of Cannae 
d Liv. decad. 3▪ 51  Annibal answered one, that brought him news, that the Consul had commanded the horse men to alight, and fight one foot, how much rather would I, quoth he, he had delivered them bound into my hands. I have heard many hold opinion, that the manner of the Grecians, to bring their best men first to fight, is contrary 
Cap. 5. The ordering of a File  
4 Enomoty  
3 Enomoty  
2 Enomoty  
1 Enomoty  
Dimerites  
2 Dimery or half File  
1 Dimery or half File  
the File-header  
the birnger up and 4 Enomotarcha  
2 leader  
1 follower  
1 leader  
2 follower  
2 leader  
1 follower  
3 Enomotarcha  
2 follower  
2 leader  
1 follower  
2 Enomotarcha  
2 follower  
2 leader  
1 follower  
the Fileader and first Enomotarcha  to the institution of the Romans, who held the Triarij (their eldest, and best soldiers) in the rear, and brought them not to join, till both the Hastati, and Principes were beaten, or retired. But if we consider the diversity of both their embattailing, we shall see no great difference, or at lest we shall see, that the reason of placing their-best men was not much different. The Grecians in framing their fourfold Phalange made in length an even front of a 1024. files. The files were 16. deep. and the best men therefore in front, because being placed in the midst, or in the rear, there would have been no use of their valour, and the Phalange might have been broken, before it had come to their turns to fight. The Romans contrariwise, in ordering a Legion, made many maniples, and gave the front to the Hastati, the midst to the Principes, the rear to the Triarij. Now the Triarij being ordered in the Rear, might at the beginning be brought to fight in Front, if need were; being no need, they kept their place, till their Generals found it fit to call upon them. So then this is the difference. The Fileleaders of the Grecians had the Front, because otherwise in so deep a body, as the Phalange was, they could not have come to fight: The Triarij might always have been employed in Front, in flank, or in the rear, as pleased the General. And that the Romans also in their several Maniples placed their best men in Front, I cannot doubt. There stood the Centurions, which were the leaders of the Maniples, and in reason were to be seconded with the best men under their command. 
a Caesar de bell. civili lib 3.  C. Crastinus may serve for an example who being no Centurion, but an Evocate, in the battle of Pharsaly betwixt Caesar & Pompey, bid his Manipulers (they were of the Maniple, which he once commanded) to follow him, and said he would make his General give him thanks alive, or dead. Yet must I confess, that the front was not the proper place of the Evocates. But he chose the front, and held it a place worthy of his valour. It is said of 
b Sallust. de coniur. Catilinae.  Catiline that, when he fought with C. Antonius, he placed in the front of his army, all the chosen Centurions, and Evocates, and beside of common soldiers such, as were best armed. 
c Livius decad. 1 lib. 8. pag. 214. A  Livy speaking of a fight betwixt the Romans, and the Latins, and describing the form of the Roman battle, after he had limited the place of the Hastati, & Principes, writeth thus of the Triarij. After the ensigns (he meaneth the Standards of the Legions) not the Ensigns of Maniples, were ten other Maniples; whereof every one had three Ensigns. The first Ensign led the Triarij, old soldiers of tried valour, the next the Rorarij, not so well esteemed for strength in either age, or deeds, the third the Accensi, a troop of lest trust, which was the cause, that they were cast in the rear. The Accensi were put in the rear, because there was no great opinion of their valour; the Triarij had the front, because they were old soldiers, and had been sufficiently tried. So then in dividing of their army into small bodies, or battailions, the Romans differed from the Grecians: in placing the best men of their maniples in front, they observed the same manner, that the Grecians did in placing their fileleaders in the first rank of the Phalange.  
2 A verse] I have translated stichoes a verse. The more usual signification is a row of any thing placed orderly. 
d Xenop. in Occo●om. ● 30. C.  So Xenophon applieth it to trees, which were planted orderly one after another; and 
e Eustat in Iliad  Eustathius to the standing of dancers one after another in depth even as our soldiers are placed one after another in file. 
f jul. Pollux. lib. 4. cap 16.  julius Pollux also acknowledgeth, that there were files, and ranks in Choro, that is in dances upon the stage. 
g Suidas. in verbo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  But Suidas saith it was commonly taken for a line, which was read from the left to right hand. And to say the truth a verse, as we read at this day, and as they read, when Aelian wrote this treatise, rather resembleth a rank then a fi●e; because in a rank men stand side to side, as words do being placed in a line. Yet because the word is received by use in that other sense, we must like wise admit the same.  
3 A decury] This in Greek Aelian calleth Decania, a word, which in this sense I find in no other Author, then in him, and in Suidas▪ 
a Xenop Cyrop  Xenophon calleth it Decas: so doth 
b E●y melogico● magn in strat.  Vrbicius and 
c Arrian. lib. 7. 164. C.  Arrian, and likewise Hesychius. 
d Leo cap. 4 §. 63. 69.  Leo calleth it decarchian and Akian.  
4 An Enomotie] The word cometh from omnymi to swear, not of omos a shoulder, as Robortellus, and Patricius imagine; of whom the first translateth it in latin Intergutio, the other in Italian Spalaggione, as it were a backing; Upon this conceit, 
Patricius paralle▪ m●t. part. 14 173 & part 2. 154.  I think, because in a file the whole number standeth one at the back of another. 
e Suidas in Enomotia.  Suidas saith: Enomotia is a body military amongst the Lacedæmonians of 32 men, and is so called, because they take their oath together, not to forsake the place assigned them in battle. With whom agreeth the great 
f Etymol magnu● in Enometis  Etymologicon; and 
g Hesye. i● Enomotia.  Hesychius likewise; who termeth it a body military, that taketh an oath and sweareth by the sacrifice, which is offered at such time, as they go into the field. And surely you shall not find the word Enomotia applied to other soldiers, than the Lacedæmonians, or else to them, that the Lacedæmonians commanded: until it was afterward taken up by the Macedonians. And 
h Ill Pollux lib 1. cap. 10.  julius Pollux expressly noteth, that Moira, and Enomotia, are proper appellations of the Lacedæmonians, given to certain of their military bodies. Albeit both the text be corrupted in Pollux, having Eunomotia for Enomotia, & the interpreter hath worse translated it, rendering Enomotia, military discipline, & Moira a duty. As the Lochos is great, or little, so is the Enomotia. The Lacedaemonian Enomotia was 32. men, the Lochos being 512. but the file of Aelian being 16. and the Enomotie no more, than the fourth part of a file the Enomotie must contain no more than four men. One of every of these four must be a commander; who is called Enomotarcha, or the commander of that Enomotie. So that in the whole file, consisting of 16. there ought to be four Enomotarchas. Where they should stand in the file, is a question. Patricius maketh the fileleader the first Enomotarcha, the fifth man, the second, the ninth man, the third, & the 13 man the fourth; excluding the bringer up, whom notwithstanding he acknowledgeth to be the second man of the file, and in dignity next to the fileleader. I am of another opinion; and yet allow the places of the first, fifth, and ninth, but think the bringer-up aught to be the last Enomotarcha: 
i Arr. l. 7. 164: C  Arrian confirmeth my opinion: who writeth thus: Alexander returning to Babylon, found Prucestes newly come out of Persia, bringing with him 20000. Persians. Then commending the Persians for their obedience in all things to Prucestes, and Prucestes for his care, and diligence, in ordering them, he reparted them into bands according to the Macedonian manner. Over every file he appointed a Macedonian fileleader to command, and next a Macedonian dimaerite, and a Decastater, so called of the pay he had, which was less than Dimaerites, and more than the common soldiers; then twelve Persians, and last of all the file a Macedonian, who also was a Decastater. So that in the whole file there were four Macedonians, three, whose pay was more, than the common soldiers, and a fileleader the fourth, and more over 12. Persians. So Arrian. Out of which words we may learn first the number of the Macedonian file, which consisted of 12. Persians, and 4. Macedonians, in all 16. the number, that Aelian requireth in his file. Next, that the Enomotarchs', or commanders of the four parts of the file, were likewise 4. Lastly that the bringer-up was one of the four by express words of Arrian, which is contrary to the opinion of Patricius, and whereas Arrian termeth the third Enomotarch. Decastateroes of the pay▪ he received, it is to be understood, that Stater was a piece of coin, of the weight of four drams of Athens whereof the Enomotarch had ten by the month. The dram was of value seven pence sterling, and the Stater, containing four drams, two shillings and four pence sterling; and ten of them were valued at twenty three shillings and four pence. Which was the pay of the second Enomotarch, and of the bringer-up, as Arrian affirmeth.  
5 And the Commander Dimaerites] About the Dimerite Arrian, and Aelian, differ. Suidas leaveth the matter uncertain, saying the Dimerite is commander of the half-file, but pointeth not out, which is he. Arrian distinguisheth the Dimerite from the bringer-up, and giveth a greater pay to the Dimerite, then to the bringer-up. The bringer-up, he saith, was no more than Decastateroes, where as the Dimerite had a greater pay. But Aelian twice in this chapter affirmeth, that the bringer-up was the Dimerite, and addeth he ought to be the second man of worth in the file. And that the place of the rear is not much inferior to the front, 
a Xenop. Cyro● lib. 3 82. D  Cyrus teacheth his bringers-up in Xenophon in these words; You have a place saith he no less honourable, than they, that stand in front. For being in the rear, and seeing & encouraging them, that behave themselves valiantly, you make them more valiant, and the remiss and backward you incite, & spur on, likewise to do as well, as the rest. 
b Leo. cap. 4. §. 71. 72.  Leo appointeth two Officers to a file, the fileleader, and the bringer-up, & so maketh the bringer-up the second person of the file. The rear being then the second place of the file, I conceive no reason, why, as the fileleader commandeth the one half of the file, so the bringer-up should not be the Dimerite, and command the other; and I rather assent to Aelian, that of purpose describeth the particulars of this art, as he findeth them set down in the ancient Tactics, then to Arrian, that, writing the history of the deeds of Alexander, stumbleth by chance upon these things not greatly incident to his narration. Yet may there be a reasonable construction of both their meanings, if we consider the several respects of the offices of these Enomotarchs'. For the middlemost Enomotarch may be termed the Dimerite in regard he standeth in the head of the second half-file, and in doubling the front and some other motions leadeth it: the bringer-up because he absolutely governeth it, and seeth that directions, given by higher officers, be executed.  
6 It behoveth that the fileleader be more sufficient] The fileleader and bringers-up aught to be the most sufficient, because they have the whole government of the file, the one in the front, the other in the rear. The rest are under them, and to be called by the names of leaders, and followers. But yet is there a further disposition of the file, which, as I find it in 
c Leo ●a. 4. §. 6●  Leo, I will set down. His words sound thus: over the other sixteen you are to appoint a fileleader (as he is termed) resolute, and fit for service, and eight of these sixteen, that shall be found fittest, you shall place in the front, and rear, of the file, four in the front, namely in the first, second, third, and fourth place, other four in the rear, in the sixteenth, fifteenth, fourteenth, and thirteenth place, that the front and rear may be strengthened with four men a piece. The weaker are to be placed in the midst of the file. This counsel, or rather precept, of Leo hath this reason. The front, and the rear, are the principal places the enemy commonly giveth upon. The front we always turn against the enemy, if we can. The rear the enemy seeketh to attach, and by it to distress us, if he can. The flanks for the most part are secured by the horse, and light▪ armed. For Leo placeth the light▪ armed, and horse in the flanks. So these two places, being most subject to the violence of the enemy, require extraordinary care, and assurance. As for the weakest, which are in the midst, they never come to strike stroke, but after the front, and rear, are broken, 
d Leo ca 4 §. 14  In another place he writeth to this effect: your Contubernies (the soldiers that cabin together) you shall order according to five men, or to ten, or to four, or to eight, or to sixteen, as you shall find most convenient, that being bound one to another with mutual acquaintance, they may fight one for another in battle and be more valiant against the enemy. But you shall do more wisely, if when you are to join, you place brothers by brothers, & friends by friends. For when he, that fighteth, hath an entirely beloved friend standing next behind him, he must of necessity hazard himself with more eagerness for his friends sake. And the other being ashamed not to requite one, that sustains such danger in his behalf, will hardly be brought to forsake his friend so well deserving, and first betake himself to his feet. The same is the advice of Onosander, and was much practised in ancient time. The Lochos Hieros, or Holy-band, of the Thebans (whereof I spoke before) consisted all of friends, that had bound themselves one to another in friendship. With this Holy-band 
a Plutarch in Pe lep●da.  Pelopidas gave the first disgraceful overthrow to the Lacedæmonians, that ever they had. Of this band 
b Plutarch. ibib.  Plutarch writeth, that it was never beaten until the battle of Chaeronaea, when Philip the father of Alexander vanquished the Athenian, and Theban forces both together. After which battle Philip surveying the dead bodies, and coming to the place, where these three hundred lay, all close mingled one with another, and strooken through with the Macedonian pikes, he wondered greatly, and hearing that it was the band of lovers, and beloved, wept, and said, evilly may they perish, that suspect any filthiness in deed, or suffering, to have been practised amongst such men. Cyrus' the elder had his Homotimos nourished up together, and Alexander his Hetairos; whose extraordinary service appeared in all their battles. 
c Diod. Sicul. lib. 1. 34.  Diodorus Siculus writeth of Sesoosis the Egyptian King to this effect: at the birth of Sesoosis his father did a magnificent and royal deed. For gathering together all the children of Egypt, that were borne the same day, and setting over them some to nourish and govern them, he gave the same education, and institution, to them all, conceiving that they, that were brought up together, & partakers of the same liberty, would become the best affected, and most assured fellow helpers in war. This was the judgement of Myris, the father of Sesoosis, King of Egypt, in providing assured assistance to his son for the conquering of the whole world, which by certain blind prophecies was promised him. Now what little trust their is to be given to men, that are not acquainted one with another, Pompey that great Captain of the Romans showeth in his epistle to Domitius: 
d Cicer. ad A●icum li. 8. epist. 20  For men, saith he, are not quickly to be assembled hither by musters, and if we had them, you are not ignorant how much they may be relied upon, being unacquainted to fight against old Legions. Yet hath Leo another mixture in his files. For he would have the old, and new soldiers put together in one file. Lest saith he, the old being by themselves alone, prove weak, and of small force, and the young disorderly, having little experience. For the one, albeit old, yet are well acquainted with service, the other albeit young, and valiant, yet are unskilful.   
For the Enomoties, dimerie, and file, see the figure.    

joining of Files. CHAP. VI  
1 Joining of Files, is when one file is laid flank-wise to another, the Leader of the second file to the Leader of the first, and the follower of the second fileleader to the follower of the first, and so the rest. Every man that ranketh 
Cap. 6. Joining of Files  
1 File  
2 Files Joined  
4 Files Joined  
The Flank  
The Front  is called Parastates, as for example the Leader of the second file, to the Leader of the first, and so their next followers, and the rest. As often then, as the second file, the third, the fourth, and so the rest are laid flank-wise to the first, it is named joining of files.  

Notes.  
1 Joining of files is] A file of itself will work little effect against an enemy. For what can a man alone in front do? Cyrus' in 
a Xenop▪ Cyrop. lib. ● 167.  Xenophon wisheth, that, where as the Egyptians stood a hundred in depth, they had been in depth a thousand, for so, saith he, we should have the fewer hands to fight against. The rank bringeth the multitude of hands to fight. And it is held, that the more hands are with conveniency brought to fight, the more is his advantage, that bringeth them. This is done by joining fil●s together, out of which joining, ranks spring, and ranks the more they increase, and extend themselves in length, the more hands are ready to encounter the enemy. Now, as it was said in the former chapter, that files consisted of leaders, and followers, from the first to the last, so is it in this chapter said, that ranks consist of side men from one end of the length of the Phalange to the other: Few, or many men, placed side to side in a right line make a rank; as in two, or three files joined together, there are sixteen ranks of two, or three men in a rank. And the two or three fileleaders make the first rank, their followers the next, and so the rest until you come to the sixteenth. The like falleth out in more files. 
b Etymol. magn. in the word Stratos.  Vrbicius saith that the fileleaders make the front (as they term it) of the Phalange, which they call also the first rank. And further, he saith, they, that run in an even line betwixt the two wings, the right, and the left, are said to be Parastatai, or sidemen. Likewise: the last rank is called Oura, or the rear, and the commander Ouragos, the bringer-up. So Vrbicius agreeing with Aelian. Now, out of these two chapters, is a clear distinction of the names of soldiers, that by reason of their posture, or place, in battle make the diversity of files, and ranks. They, that make files are Protostatai, first-standers, & Epistatai, after-standers; which are by us commonly called Leaders, and followers. For these two saith Aelian make the file from the beginning to the end. Parastatai side-standers, or, as we term them, sidemen, make the ranks. And if you measure the length of the Phalange, you do it by number of men in the rank, if the depth by number of men in the file.    

Of a Phalange, the length, and depth thereof: of ranking, and fi●nge; the division of the Phalange into wings: the place of the armed foot, of the lightarmed, and of the Horse. CHAP. VII.  
1 THE whole body of the multitude of files is termed a Phalange: whose 2 length is the first rank of fileleaders, and is named, the front, the face, the edge of the battle, the rank, the mouth, the Commanders, the forestanders, & the head of the files.  
As much of the Phalange, as stretcheth backward from the front to the rear, 3 is named the depth. The bearing strait forth of sidemen in length, whether they be Leaders, or followers, is ranking. And the standing of Leaders and followers directly in a line in depth, is filing.  
A Phalange is divided into two whole parts beginning at the middle section of the front, and holding on clean through to the uttermost part of the depth; whereof the one half is called the ⁴ right wing, and head, the other half the left wing, and tail. ⁵ The two fold section itself, that divideth the length, hath the name of the Navel, and the Mouth. ⁶ The Lightarmed are placed after the Phalange of the Armed, and behind them the Horse. Yet if occasion require, both lightarmed, and Horse are otherwise disposed, as after in this discourse will appear.  

Notes.  

THE whole body of multitude of files is termed a Phalange] joining of files makes ranks, and a sufficient number of files, and ranks together, make a body, which is called a Phalange. For that name is given to any entire body of an indifferent greatness, compacted, and united for fight. Hesychius deriveth the original of the word Apo tou pelas allelois inai; from the standing of the soldiers in battle near one to another. Suidas in the same sense, albeit he differ a little in words, saith, the Phalanges are so called apo tou pelasai anchi, of approaching one near to an other. The great Etymologicon goeth yet a little further, and saith, that Phalanges are as it were Palanges para to pelas kai eggys' einai, as it were Pelangys'. These are the conjectures about the original of the name. Which of them is truest, is not greatly to the purpose. It is enough to understand, in what sense the word Phalange is commonly taken amongst Tactick writers, who, as I said, in a general signification call any great body of armed gathered together, and united for fight, a Phalange. So 
a Caesar de bell. gall lib. 1.  Caesar nameth the battle of the Heluetians, into which they cast themselves, when they fought against him, and likewise the battle of Ariovistus, a Phalange. So speaketh 
b Xenoh. de exp. Cyri. lib 3. 306. E  Xenophon of the Plaesium, or square hollow battle, into which the Grecians, that went with Cyrus the younger into Persia, fashioned themselves at their return out of Persia. And the same 
c Xenoph. hist. graec. li. 3. 499. ●  Xenophon saith, the horse of the Grecians, when they were to encounter the Persians, ordered themselves four in depth, in form of a Phalange. And 
d Arrian lib. ●. 1ST  Arrian, that the Persians at the River Granicus were ordered in a long Phalange, and 
e Xenoph. histor. g●aec. lib. 5. 8●. A  Xenophon again discoursing how Iphicrates exercised his navy, when he expected to fight with the Lacedæmonians, saith, he sometimes lead in a wing (that is in a large depth) sometimes in form of a Phalange, in a broad front. The first inventor of the Phalange is thought to be Pan the general of Bacchus his army. Polyaenus saith: 
f Polyc●. l b. 1. in Pan §. 1.  Pan was the commander of Bacchus his army. This man was the first that invented the order of a battle, called it a Phalange, and parted it into the Right, and left wing. For which cause Poets feign, that Pan carrieth two horns upon his head. Besides he was the first, that by slight, and cunning cast a fear upon his enemies. For when Bacchus, encamping in a hollow forest, was advertised by his spies, that an infinite number of enemies were lodged one the further side, he began to be afraid. But not Pan: who commanded the same night the army of Bacchus to give as great a shout, as they could. The Rocks and hollowness of the forest rendered it again double to the enemy, & made show of a greater army, than Bacchus had. Where with the enemy falling into a fear fled forth with. In honour of this strategeme we fain, that Echo is Pan's love: & the causeless night-feares, which fall upon Armies, were attributed to Pan. So far Polyenus about the inventor of the Phalange. The number of the Phalange is not always one. It may consist of ten thousand, twenty five thousand, or as many, as you list, 
a Polyb. lib. 2. 150 A.  Antigonus the King of Macedony had his Phalange of ten thousand. 
b Polyb lib. 5. 408 C.  Ptolomaeus King of Egypt, of twenty five thousand. 
c Polyaen lib. 2. in Cle●rcho. §. 3.  The ten thousand Grecians that went with Cyrus into Persia are called a Phalange. What number the Helvetians, and Ariovistus, had in their Phalange, is not precisely set down by Caesar. 
d Caesar. de bell. gall. lib. 1.  Yet it seemeth by Caesar, that the most part of the fight multitude of the Helvetians cast themselves into a Phalange; and those of Ariovistus likewise: But Aelians' Phalange is restrained to a certain number, as the next following Chapter will teach.  
2 The length whereof] The length of the Phalange is to be accounted by the rank not by the file. The file is but sixteen men deep. The rank from the point of one wing to the point of the other containeth a thousand, and twenty four men in Aelians' Phalange. So that the files being short in comparison of the ranks, it is reason, that the length of the Phalange be measured according to the rank, not to the file. 
e Suidas in Mechos.  Suidas agreeth with Aelian saying, that the length of the Phalange is the first Syntagma (the first rank) of fileleaders, which is ordered in a right line, stretching from one wing to another, and is called the face, and the mouth, and the front, & the edge, and the first-filing, and the first standers of the battle. The next row, lying Parallel to this, is called the second rank, and the third, the third rank, and so the rest. The length is termed in Greek Mecos, to which is opposed the depth, which is named Bathos. Neither is there in true account any other dimensions in a Phalange, besides the length, and the depth, which are in this chapter mentioned by Aelian. Other names are given in Greek writers sometimes, but they signify either the one, or the other.  
3 Is named the depth] As the length runneth along by front from one wing to another, so the depth beareth backward from the front to the rear. The depth is properly called Bathos, as I said. 
f Di●d. Sicul. 25● 575.  And Bathera Phalanx, is a deep Phalange. And 
g Arrian lib. 1. 3 C.  Arrian saith, Alexander ordered his Phalange es Bathos, in depth. And 
h Polyb. lib. 1. 35 A.  Polybius, that the Romans made their battle much shorter than before, but much deeper, Bathyteran. And as it is called Bathos, for the most part, so is it by 
i Leo cap. 4. §. ● & cap. 14. §. 108. & cap 7. § 54. cap. 12 §. 40. 46. 47.  Leo called also Pachos. For the depth of a file is by him termed depth, or Thickness, Bathos etoi Pachos, in two several chapters of his Tactics; not in respect of the file itself, which is no more than a long line, as it were, and carrieth neither Thickness nor breadth, but in respect of the Phalange, the depth whereof is measured by the file. And in the fourth, the twelfth, and fourteenth chapters he termeth the depth of the Phalange itself (Thickness) Pachos alone with out adding Bathos; showing thereby, that Pachos also signifieth the dimension of the Phalange from the front to the rear. But where some are of opinion, that Plato's, breadth, aught to be read in those places in stead of Pachos, Thickness, they persuade me not to be of their mind. 
k after cap. 50.  For Aelian himself giveth an Attenuation, or Thinning, (which he calleth Liptysmos) to the Phalange: and that cannot be understood, unless there were in it a kind of Thickness before. And to make it more plain, he saith, that this Leptysmos is, when the depth of the Phalange is gathered up and from sixteen men it becometh a less number. So that the Thickness of the Phalange is the full sixteen, which is also the depth, and making of it Thinner is to lessen the depth. To a Place Plato's is fitly attributed, a Place being only superficies, which consisteth of longitude and latitude. So 
l Polyen. lib. 4. in Alexand. §. 21  Poliaenus speaking of a valley, wherein an ambush was laid to entrap Alexander, saith, the length stretched far out, but the breadth, Plato's, was narrowed to four furlongs. The name of Plato's is likewise given to a place by 
m Polyb. lib. 1●. 664 D.  Polybius▪ But to say the truth Plato's in a Phalange rather signifieth the length, than the depth, as appeareth by Aelian after in the four and forty chapter. And 
a Leo ca 7. §. ●2  Leo calleth the front of the Phalange Plato's, and when he would have the front enlarged, or doubled, he giveth this word of direction Plátynon pròs tà amph●tera mere, enlarge the front on both sides.  
4 The right wing] That which in the English tongue is called a wing, is termed in Greek Keras a horn. We in our wars of ancient time divided our armies into three parts, The vanguard, the battle, and the rearewarde: and, when we came to fight, set them for the most part in an even front, the battle in the midst, on the right hand, the vantgarde, which was called the right-wing, on the left, the rearewarde which was called the left-wing. Properly enough for our embattailing. For the battle is, as it were, the body, and the vantgarde, and rearewarde, are the wings, which in a manner stick out from the body, and whereby the body is supported: that, that we call wings, the Grecians, and Romans called horns in the battle. The word Keras signifieth a point bearing out from the height, or ends, of any thing. It is used for the top of Rocks, and for promontories, and such like; And in a Phalange it properly signifieth the two points (the right and the left) of the wings. The English word wing I am feign to retain, because it is familiar, and in use. Aelian here will have the wings to stretch out from the middle section to either point (the right and left) of the Phalange; under which appellation must fall to the right wing the whole space, that beginneth at the middle interval, and runneth along to the corner of the battle on the right hand, to the left, all that is comprehended betwixt the same space, and the left corner of the battle.  
5 Th● tw●●fould section] In Greek it is named Dichotomia: because it parteth, and divideth the Phalange into two even parts, beginning at the front, and stretching out to the rear. And Aelian in the tenth chapter of this book▪ nameth it Apotome. But here he speaketh of no more intervals, or partitions, of the Phalange, then of this one in the midst. I would think there should be more. 
b Onosander e●. ●o. ●o. ca § ●06  Onosander saith: let there be certain intervals in your battle, that if your enemy advance, your lightarmed after they have spent their missive weapons, and before the Phalanges join, may retire leisurely in the intervals, and without disorder come behind to the rear. For it is not safe for them in retiring to fetch a compass about the whole army, or to turn in again on the outside of the wing. For the enemy, hasting to come to hands, would easily prevent, and intercept, them in the midst; so that they neither should be able to break through the armed, already closed for fight, and falling upon their own weapons, they must needs disorder their own people, every man after other seeking to find a way through them to escape the danger he is in. Thus much Onosander; from whom we may learn, both that their ought to be more sections in the Phalange, than one, and that the institution of them had this chief end, to receive the lightarmed in their spaces, after they had skirmished with the enemy, and were by them forced to retire. I may add, that Aelian placing the lightarmed in the rear of the Phalange if you give but one section unto it, it will be as hard for them, to advance, and s●rue, before the front, as it will be to retreat after their service done. It seemeth, that 
c Leo ca 4. §. 58  Leo giveth three intervals to the Phalange of the ancient Tactics. He saith▪ they opposed the bodies of the armed against the enemy, and divided them into four parts, the right, and left, and the middle-right▪ and middle-left part. Making so many parts, the parts must be distinguished (as I collect) by intervals, which ought to be one after the first body of the right-wing, another after the second, which is the middle section, the third after the third. And this Third section is bounded with the fourth body, which maketh the point of the left-wing. For if the Phalange were whole, and entire, without more intervals than one, how could there be four parts? For esteeming them by Phalangarchies, without leaving spaces between, it could not be said, there were but four parts of the Phalange, considering, that as well the Merarchies, Chiliarchies, Pentecosiarchies, Syntagmataes, are parts of it, as the Phalangarchies. But being distinguished by partition of intervals, the four Phalangarchies become four parts, namely the right, left, middle-right and middle-left: as Leo here termeth them. The same 
a Leo ca 4. §. 〈◊〉  Leo speaketh after more plainly, enjoining his general to separate, and disjoin Diachorizein the whole number of his army into four parts. For, as Choris signifieth a part or severed, so Diachorizo, being derived from it, signifieth to put asunder, or set a part. 
b Suidas in the word Phalangarchia.  Suidas is yet a little more clear. A phalangarchy, saith he, is two Merarchies of four thousand and ninety six men. This as some say is the section, Apotome, of the wing, as other, it is a Meros'. Of ancient time it was called Strategia, and the commander Strategos, but now he is termed Phalangarcha. Suidas maketh the wing to have a partition or section, and saith, some call a phalangarchy by the name of this section, Before we heard out of Aelian, that the wing (right or left) did stretch out from the middle section to the outward most point of the battle on either side. And as the middle section divideth the Phalange in two parts, which are called wings, so this section (spoken of by Suidas) being in the midst of the wing divided the▪ wing into two parts. To call a phalangarchy (which is a body consisting of four thousand and ninety six men) a section, is, I confess, an unproper speech, but tolerable notwithstanding, considering that the whole fourfold Phalange is composed of the four Phalangarchies, and that the section of the right-wing beginneth at the left hand file, or inward point of the right hand phalangarchy, and endeth at the right hand file of the second phalangarchy. And we are not to expect the same exactness of speech from soldiers, that is common to men skilful in the liberal sciences. Soldiers, that profess action, have their end, if they be understood of those, they command. Arti●tes are contemned▪ that cloth not the precepts of their arts with elegant, fit, and exact terms. Seeing then the beginning of the section of the wing is at the flank of the first phalangarchy on either side of the Phalange, we may after a sort term the phalangarchy a section of the wing, because it boundeth the section. At least by this place of Suidas we may gather, that there was an interval in either wing, which in reason ought to be in the midst of the wing, and to lie betwixt the two Phalangarchies. For so many there are in one wing. 
c Polyb. lib. ● 〈◊〉▪ 631. D.  Polybius telleth of Philopaemen, that, fight against Machanidas the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, after he had placed the lightarmed, the lancers, and Illyrians jointly in one front, he added in the same right line the Phalange distinguished into bodies according to Merarchies and divided by several distances. I translate Speiredon distinguished into bodies, because Speira signifieth a military body amongst the Grecians, and is by the Grecians, that wrote the Roman history, used sometime for a Legion, and sometime for a Cohort. And it seemeth that Spiredon is here by Polybius put in the same sense that Eyes Speiran is by 
d Plut. in Philopaemen.  Plutarch: who mentioning the reformation touching affairs military, which the same Philopaemen brought in amongst the Achaians, writeth thus▪ their manner and form of embattailing was not usually parceled out Eyes Speiran, that is (as I interpret it) in several bodies, but using a Phalange, which had neither protension of pikes, nor closing of targets in front (as the Macedonian manner is) they were easily foiled, and broken, by the enemy. The meaning of Plutarch is (as I conceive) that the Achaians in former times used to order their Phalange in a continued length without intervals which Philopoemen reform, and taught them to make divisions by intervals; And the practice of Philopoemen is the best interpreter of his own counsel to the Achaians. This practice Polybius setteth down to be the division of his Phalange Kata tele speiredon en diastemasi into bodies distinguished by intervals according to Merarchies. Polybius also, to show, what bodies they were, useth the word Tele, which I translate Merarchies, having my warrant out of 
a Aelian before cap. ●.  Aelian: who saith a Merarchie consisteth of two Chiliarchies, and containeth two thousand and forty eight men, and a hundred and twenty four files; and addeth, that it is of some called a Telos, and the leader a Telarch. A man may doubt seeing Philopaemen made an interval betwixt every Merarchie, whether he made seven divisions, or no: For in Aelians' Phalange there are eight Merarchies, betwixt every of which if a distance were, there must needs arise seven intervals. To clear this doubt we must understand, that the Phalanges of the Grecians were not always of the same number, as I noted before. Aelians, and the Macedonian Phalange, consisted of sixteen thousand and odd. Antigonus had but ten thousand. Demetrius eleven thousand. Other had more, the Lacedæmonians less, and likewise the Grecians for the most part. And it seemeth, the Phalange of Philopaemen was no more, than eight thousand, and odd, in which number there are but four Merarchies. As Aelians' Phalange comprehending sixteen thousand and odd, wherein are four Phalangarchies, hath likewise three divisions by Phalangarchies. And yet in this Phalange of Philopaemen, if you account the file to have but eight men (as the most Grecians used in their files to have) these four Merarchies will possess as much ground in front, as the Phalangarchies of Aelians' Phalange do, the file being sixteen. Neither is it new to figure out the bodies greater, or less, according to the number of the Phalange. 
b Leo exp. 4 §. 62. 63. 64. 65.  Leo commandeth his General, when the number will not reach to sixteen thousand (the number of the old Phalange) to hold notwithstanding sixteen men in a file, and to divide his Phalange into four equal parts by intervals, excepting some few, which he would have reserved for other uses. To conclude Aelian himself seemeth to acknowledge more sections, than one, when in the tenth Chapter of this book he speaketh of the middle section mese apotome. For this word middle being a relative, can not be understood with out two other at least, which are placed on either side. And all the figures, that I have seen, of a fourfold Phalange allow three sections, and no more, that is to say, one in the midst, and the other two in the wings. What the distance and dimension of these sections ought to be, I find not set down. But, if I might have leave to conjecture, I would think, they ought to be large enough for a troop of horse, framed wedge-wise, after the Macedonian manner, to pass through; the last rank whereof being fifteen (as appeareth in the twenty chapter of this book) and the horse placed in the rear of the lightarmed it is needful, if upon any occasion they were to be drawn through to serve in the front, the distance of the section should be sufficient to give them passage with out disorder. And I am the rather confirmed in this opinion, because I see the intervals betwixt the Roman maniples so proportioned, that the Principes might pass through those of the Hastati, and the Triarij through those of the Principes. But I proportioned out the intervals to the horse, not to the lightarmed, for that the lightarmed ●ay be divided into several bodies without inconvenience, but any breaking of the horse-wedge breedeth a confusion in the whole troop. Yet where a troop of horse may find way, there may a century, or Colours, of lightarmed find also way.  
6 The lightarmed are placed after] 
a Aelian cap. 3●  The lightarmed were diversely placed, sometimes before the front of the Phalange, which kind of placing is afterward called Prataxis, sometimes on the wings, and it is called Hypotaxis, sometimes betwixt the files of the armed fronting in a right line with them, and it was called Entaxis, sometimes in the rear after the Phalange, which was called Epitaxis, All these are spoken of by Aelian hereafter in this book. 
b Aelian cap. 4●.  There is another kind of placing the lightarmed, when they are thrown into the midst of the battle▪ being hollowed for that, and other purposes. Hereof Aelian likewise treateth in this book here after. And albeit the most usual embattailling of them hath been in the wings, yet the bestowing in the rear according to Aelians' mind hath also advantages. First it concealeth their number, which because they are shadowed with the pikes standing before, can hardly be discerned. Then it is easy from the rear to draw them to any place of service without disorder, be it before, on the wings, or behind the rear. Further, it will not be easy for the enemy's horse to charge them, the armed standing before for a sure defence. Lastly, from the rear they shall be able at all times to annoy the enemy, before the battle joins; as soon as the battle joins, and all the time of fight. Neither doth this manner of embattailing want examples of the old history of the Grecians. 
c Xenop Cyrop. lid. 6 167. B. ●  The embattailing of Cyrus the elders army, in Xenophon, hath the lightarmed in the rear. I will set down the effect of Cyrus' words at large because they contain the ordering of an army to fight according to the judgement of Xenophon. Cyrus then being to try a battle with Croesus thus directs his Commanders: you, saith he, Araspes take your place in the right wing, as you now do, and you the other Myriarches, as you are acoustomed. For when the fight is once a foot, no Chariot may change horses; and command the Taxiarches, and fileleaders, to order their files every one divided in two parts Phalange-wise, that is each half fronting one with another in a right line. A file containeth four an twenty men. Then said one of the Myriarches, do you think Sir, that we shall be able, in this order, to encounter so deep a Phalange, as the enemies? Cyrus' answered, the Phalanges that are deeper, then may with their arms reach the enemy, are they fit think you either to annoy the enemy, or profit their friends? For my part I could wish those, that are ranged 100▪ in depth, to be in depth a thousand. For so should we have the fewer to fight with all. The number, that I give for the depth of the Phalange, I doubt not, but will entirely serve for use, and maintain a joint fight in every part. The Darters I will place after the armed, and after the darters the Archers. For who will set them in front, that confess themselves unable to maintain a fight hand to hand? How then will they hold their ground, if they be set before the armed? but being in the rear, some with darts, other with arrows, sent over the heads of the armed, will greatly endamage the enemy. And it is clear, that wherewithal soever an enemy is endamaged, with the same a man's own fide is eased, and relieved. You therefore order yourselves, as I have appointed. As for the captains of the Targeteers I will have them, and their files, stand likewise next the armed in the Rear, and after them the Archers. And you the chief Commander of the Rear enjoin the other rear Commanders every man to have an eye to those under him, that they do their duties. And let them sharply threaten the negligent, and in case any man treasonably forsake his place, punish him with death. For it is the work of Commanders both with word, and deed, to encourage those, they command, & to make the cowards more afraid of them, then of the enemy. This is your charge, but you Euphratas, that command over the Engines, see that the beasts, that draw the Engines, and Turrets, follow the Phalange as near, as may be. And you Daouchus, that have the charge of the baggage, come with your many next after the Turrets, and let your sergeant severely punish them, that hast to much before or come to slowly after. And you Carduchus, that rule the wagons, wherein the women are, order them next the baggage. For all these, coming in the rear, will both breed an opinion of multitude, and give us means to lay an ambush, and will force the enemy, purposing to encompass us, to fetch a larger compass; which the larger it is, so much the weaker must he be. And you Artabasus, and Artagersas, each of you lead next after these, the 1000 foot you command a piece. And you Phranuchus, and Asiadatas, order the Chiliarchies of horse you command not with the Phalange, but set them by themselves a part behind the wagons; and when you have done it, repair to us with the rest of the commanders. But you are to be in a readiness; as if you were first to fight. And you the commanders of the Camel-riders place yourselves after the wagons, and do what Artagersas shall bid you. And you the Commanders of the Chariots, after lots are cast, let him, whose lot it is, range himself, and his 100 Chariots, before the Phalange; the other two hundred, one of them is to follow, the Phalange on the right side, wing-wise, the other on the left. So far Cyrus. I have rehearsed the words at large, principally to show that the lightarmed in ancient time were placed sometimes behind the Phalange; and yet further also, to represent the manner of embattailing an army, which was then usual. For here have you set down the place of the Myriarches, & of the other commanders, which was in front, than the place of the pikes, of the lightarmed, of the rear commanders, of the Engines, of the baggage, of the wagons, wherein the women were, of the guards for the baggage, both horse, and foot, of the Camels, and of the Chariots. And albeit many of these particulars agree not with our manner at this day (for we have neither Engines, nor Camels, nor Chariotts, nor slings, nor darts, nor arrows) yet is the reason of war alike in all, and in our placing also the fitness of service principally to be respected. The place of the horse is here omitted by 
a Xenop. Cyrop. lib. 7 172. C. & pag 175. C.  Xenophon, which may be supplied out of the seventh book, where Chrysanthas General of the horse is said to stand on the right wing of the Phalange with half the horse, Hystaspas on the left with the other half. But to return to the placing of the lightarmed, the same 
b Xeno●. Cyrop. lib. 7 179. ●.  Xenophon testifieth, that it was the Egyptian manner to order their lightarmed behind, & that in the battle betwixt Cyrus, and Croesus, the Egyptian archers, and darters, were with drawn swords compelled by the reare-commanders to shoot, and east their darts. 
c Xenoph. Hist. 〈◊〉. li. ●. 472. D  Thrasybulus in his fight against the thirty Tyrants set his armed in front, and in the rear his targeteers, and darters, without armour, and those that cast stones. And it seemeth by the words of 
d Xenoph hist. 〈◊〉. li. ●2. 473. C  Thrasybulus to his own side. that the Tyrants did the like; The Tyrants, saith he, have brought us to a place, in which by reason of the steepness they must ascend, and can neither cast stone, nor dart, over the heads of their own people, that are embattled before. Where we contrariwise, whether we throw javelins, or darts, or stones, shall easily reach, & wound many of them. The stones and darts of the lightarmed were to fly over the front of the battle, and that could not be unless the lightarmed were placed behind; I will add one example only out of Plutarch to show the service of the lightarmed in the rear. 
a Plut. in Sylla.  Plutarch discoursing of the battle fought betwixt Sylla, and Archelaus, the General of Mithridates, at Cheronaea, hath thus: Afterwards the foot forces came to join, the Barbarians holding out, and charging their long pikes, and endeavouring with locking their targetts close together, to maintain the order, and closeness of their Phalange: The Romans on the other side, casting away their darts, and drawing their sword: put by the enemy's pikes in choler, to the end they might come quickly up to them. For they espied, opposed against them in front 15000. of the enemy's slaves, that were enfranchised by Proclamation of the kings generals: & enroled amongst the armed. And when the Roman Armed could hardly break them, by reason of their depth, and fast knitting together; and of their boldness in daring (contrary to the nature of slaves) to abide the danger of the encounter, the arrows, and darts cast in abundance from the Rear, made them show their backs, and fall in a rout. We find here, that the lightarmed from the rear effected that, which the Armed could not. These slaves endured the shock, and could not be broken by the armed, and yet were defeated with Arrows, and darts, from the Rear: Now for the distance that should be betwixt the bodies of the lightarmed, and betwixt them, and the rear of the armed, Aelian saith nothing: I make no doubt, but there ought to be as great (if not greater) as in the sections of the armed. For we must understand, that the sections, that served to sever the Phalangarchies one from another, must run through the lightarmed in depth to the rear. And by them are the Epixenagies to be divided a sunder, as the Phalangarchies are: with Epixenagies answer the Phalangarchies for number of files, albeit not in number of men. Likewise there ought to be, a greater space in rank, and file, than the armed had▪ For the handling of missive weapons, require more liberty of place, than the managing of a pike or sword. A dart can not be sent for ciblie without running two, or three, steps in the delivery of it. A sling being thrown, and circled about the head, before the stone, or bullet, can be forced out to any purpose, will not suffer a near slander by. In bows, and arrows, is the like reason, if they be used as they ought. Besides the lightarmed, in their fight are tied to no certainty of order, or ground, but fight dispersedly: So that the more ground they have, the fitter they are for service. In which respect a large interval croswise betwixt the armed, and them, should serve to purpose it having liberty for their motion forward, and backward, as occasion should require.  

7 And behind them the Horse:] I have not read in any greek history, that the horsemen in a set battle, have been ranged behind the lightarmed. The usual manner was to place them in the 
b Leo cap. 4 §. ●.  wings So did Alexander before he passed the River 
c Arrian lib. 1. 1● F & 14 D  Granicus: so 
d Arrian li. ●. 3● Curt. lib. 3. 6●  at Issos', so at 
e Arri li. 3. 59 ●  Gangamela: So did 
f Diod. Sicul. lib. 19 6●5 686.  Antigonus, against Eumenes, and Eumenes against Antigonus: So 
g Diod. Sicul. lib. 19 ●16.  Ptolomeus against Demetrius, and Demetrius against Ptolomeus: and in brief all the Macedonians, and the Grecians, before the Macedonians were accounted of for matter of arms: unless some special cause moved an alteration. And, as I showed out of Xenophon, before all their times. 
h Xenop Cyrop. lib. 7. 172. C. & 175. C.  Cyrus albeit, he set the light Armed in the rear, notwithstanding he beestowed the horse in the wings: Alexander having passed the River Ister as long as he marched in the corn land, placed his horse behind his 
i Ar●ian lib. 1. ●▪ D. E.  Phalange, when he entered the Champaign, he set them on the right wing: and lastly cast his Phalange in to a Plaesium: and ordered his horse before. In the Corne-land, they followed (for fear of an Ambush) In the Champion they marched on the right wing, because on the left, the Phalange was secured by the River; before the Plae● sium, that, being overlayde with the multitude of the enemy, they might have a sure retreat to the foot. 
a Arrian lib. 2. 3●. B Curtius lib. ●. 64  The same Alexander, when he was to fight the Battle of Issos' with Darius, as long as he was in the straits, marshaled his horse after his foot. But in marching forward, coming to open ground, when he might give full length to his Phalange, he placed his horse on both the wings. But the reason of setting them behinde-was in the straightness of the place: and he being incertain how near the enemy lay, was loath to put them to hazard, before they had liberty of ground to order themselves, and might have assistance of the foot. For otherwise it was an ordinary matter in marching (as it is the manner also at this day) to dispose the horse half behind, and half before. I will content myself with one example. When 
b Xenoph. hist. graec. lib 45 1●. C.  Agesilaus returning out of Asia, passed through Thessaly, the Thessalians, allies of the Thebans, followed him, and sought to endamage his army to their uttermost. He had before disposed his march into a Plaesium, with the horse half in front, and half behind, now when the Thessalians ceased not to molest him, by falling upon his rear, he sent to the rear all the horse of the vanguard, excepting those, that attended his person. Either party prepared themselves to fight. The Thessalians holding it not sure with Horse alone to encounter armed foot: Turning about their faces, began leisurely to retire, and the Lacedæmonians slowly to follow, Agesilaus, perceiving the error of both, sent the best of his horse, that were about him, commanding them to signify to the rest, that they together should go, and charge the Thessalians with all speed, and give no respite to them, to turn their faces. The Thessalians contrary to their expectation being hotly charged, some fled, other some turned about towards the enemy, other some endeavouring to turn, were surprised by their enemies, that by that time were come up to their flank. Now for the reason of Aelians placing the Horse in the rear, I have no more to say, then, that from thence they might be soon drawn to all places, front, flank, or wheresoever the enemy is like to distress us. For it hath been the forecast, of all generals to fashion their battles according to the figure the enemy hath before chosen. Examples are so plentiful, I need not allege many. Only I will remember one latin story of placing horse in the rear. L. Lentulus, and L. Manlius Acidinus in Spain being to fight with the Illergetes, and Ansetans, and other Spaniards, that had revolted from the Romans; in this very kind of placing horse in the rear imitated, and got the advantage of, and defeated their enemies. 
c Livy Ce●b 3. lib. 9 227. A.  Livy hath the story, and writes thus in effect: The next day at the rising of the son the Spaniards being all armed, and set in order, showed their 
The like was done by M. Valerius the Dictator against the Hetr●●cans. Liv decade. ●. lib. 19▪ 262. C.  battle, about a mile from the Roman camp. The Ansetans were in the midst the Illergetes held the right wing, other obscure people of Spain the left: Betwixt the wings, and the middle part, they left broad intervals, to 
And by L Papyri● Cor against the ●ammit 〈◊〉 decad. 1 lib. ●. ●. C.  give passage to their horse: (when time should be) to send them through to charge. The Romans Embattled after their wont manner, Only then imitated the enemy, in leaving open ways, for the horse betwixt the legions. 
And by Sylla against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. li. 2. ca ●  Lentulus' imagining that party, and none other, should have use of their horse, that first possessed these intervals of the adverse battle, commanded Cornelius the Tribune to give direction to the horsemen, presently to charge through▪ the foot on both sides came to blows, and the fight was hard, when the Roman horsemen passing through the Spaces, and falling upon the midst of their enemies at once disordered the battle of foot and shut ●p the ways against the Spanish horse; by which means, after no long fight, the enemy was utterly defeated. Where Livy saith the Romans embattled after their wont manner, his meaning is they ordered themselves in Maniples, or battalions, as we now term them (for that was their wont.) But when he addeth, they imitated the enemy in leaving open ways for the horse, betwixt the legions. We must understand that a legion was thus embattled: 
a Livy decad. 〈◊〉 lib. ● 213. C.  First they divided their legion in to thirty Maniples, ten of the Hastati: ten of the Principes, and ten of the Triarij. The ten maniples of the Hastati, they set first in an even front, leaving so much distance, or void ground betwixt every Maniple, as a Maniple itself took up in standing. At a reasonable space behind, were the Principes placed in as many maniples: but so that their maniples stood directly behind the void spaces of the Hastati. And against the bodies of the hastati, they left likewise spaces in the Principes to the end. the Hastati being overlaid, might retire within those spaces: or else themselves might advance against the enemy, through the intervals of the Hastati. Lastly at a larger distance behind these were the Triarij set, and divided with spaces betwixt every maniple, which spaces were great enough to receive the Principes, in case they retired also. Now the Horse being ordered in the rear after the Triarij, if from thence, they had gone to charge the Enemy's front, through the spaces of the Triarij, they must of necessity, have fallen upon the Maniples of the Principes who were set directly against the intervals or spaces.  
To give therefore free passage to their horse, the Roman Generals removed the maniples of the Principes from their ordinary place, and bestowed them, in a right line, after the maniples of the Hastati, and made an open lane, (as it were) from the rear of their battle to the front. So that nothing hindered the horse, but they might freely fly up to, and fall upon the enemy's front. And yet I take not Aelians' meaning, to be, that the Horse set in the rear, should during the time of the fight still remain there. For so would no great service be had of them. But he placed them there the rather to avoid confusion in ordering the foot. And that after their embatteling, they might be led from thence to any place, front, or flank, or wheresoever they might yield most use. For in the fifteenth and twentieth chapter, he would have both lightarmed, and horse so placed, that they might answer all attempts of the enemy. And in his caution following, he saith, if occasion require both horse and lightarmed, may be otherwise placed. That they were usually placed in the wings, I have before showed. The examples declare they were placed in the rear sometimes:  
Of placing in the front there are also examples. 
b Xenoph. hist. graec. li 6. 596. A.  The Lacedæmonians at the battle of Leuctra against the Thebans placed their horse before their Phalange, and tried their fortune with ●hem, and were beaten, before the foot joined: 
c 〈◊〉 in v●ta Alexand Arrian lib. 1. 14. F.  The Persians at the River Granicus, esteeming their Horse to be their chiefest strength, opposed them upon the banks against Alexander, that was to pass over, and embattailled their foot behind the horse. And Alexander encountered them first with his Horse, before his foot could get over: One example more I will add to show the reason, why Horse are sometimes placed before the front of the Phalange of foot. 
d Plutar●h in v●ta 〈◊〉 D●od. Sicul. lib. 1●. 64●  Eumenes being to fight against Craterus and Neoptolemus, both great generals, that had served under Alexander in all his wars, ordered the fight thus: Because he under-stood, that their Army consisted of twenty thousand foot, the most part Macedonians renowned for their valour, and skill in fight (In whom they set their greatest trust) and of more than two thousand horse; and knew his own foot, albeit they were as many in number, yet all to be ramasses of diverse kinds of people, and that his own horse were five thousand, with exceeded the enemy both in number, and valour, he determined to hazard the battle upon his horse, before the two Phalanges of foot should come together: Advancing therefore with his horse far before his foot, he took the right wing himself, and gave the left to two strangers, to Pharnabarus a Persian the son of Artabazus; and to Phoenix a Tenedian: Craterus stood in the right wing of his own horse, and placed Neoptolemus on the left. And seeing the enemy's horse coming forward, with great fury charged them first, and fought bravely. But his horse failing under him, he fell to ground, and it being not known, who he was by reason of the medley, and throng of those, that gave back, and fled, he was trampled under foot, and ended his life after a strange manner. By his death the enemy took courage, and encompassing their adversaries on all sides, made a great slaughter, and the right wing, after this manner, with might overpressed, and put to the worst, was fain to fly for succour to the Phalange of foot. In the left wing Neoptolemus stood directly against Eumenes, and the mutual sight of each bred a great emulation betwixt the generals, and a fervent desire to come to hands. And being easily known, both by their horse, and other marks, they flew one upon another; and out of their single fight made away to a consequent victory. And first they assailed one another with swords, and after fell into an unlooked for, and wonderful Monomachy, for being transported with anger, and mutual hatred, quitting the rains of their bridles, with their left hands they each seized, and took hold upon the body of other, which hapening, and the horse continuing their careare, and springing from under them, they both fell to the ground, neither of them could well arise by reason of the sudden, & violent fall, and of the heaviness of their armour. Yet Eumenes got up first, and prevented Neoptolemus, striking him on the ham. The wound was wide, and his strength of footing thereby failed, & so lay as one, that had no use of his leg, being not able to raise himself because of the hurt: notwithstanding, courage over coming the weakness of his body, he lift up himself upon his knees, and hurt his adversary in the arm, and thighs, giving him three wounds. But none of the wounds were mortal, and they being yet warm, Eumenes with a second blow hitting his neck, slew Neoptolemus outright. Whilst these things were a doing the rest of the horse fell together. Many were slain on either side: some therefore falling, other being wounded, at the first the danger was equal. Afterward, when the death of Neoptolemus was openly known, and that the other wing was put to flight, every one shifted for himself, & made towards the Phalange of foot, as to a strong wall of defence to save himself. This was the issue of the battle. Wherein Eumenes, placing his horse before his foot, because he held them his strength, and with the trieng the hazard of the day, showed himself, both in council, and action, a great general. And Craterus on the contrary side, albeit highly esteemed amongst the Macedonians, as one, that had with great sufficiency served Alexander in all his wars, yet failed in judgement, in that he chose rather with his horse to encounter the stronger part of his enemies forces, then with his Macedonian Pholange (which Eumenes himself feared) to try his fortune. For as it is a point of forecast to know a man's own advantage, and use it: So it is no less judgement, to know wherein the enemy is stronger, and avoid it. Eumenes did both; for he used his own horse, which were his strength, and brought to pass, that Craterus his Phalange did him no good, in as much as they never came to fight. Craterus failed in both, in that he neither brought his Phalange to fight, nor yet provided sufficiently to encounter Eumenes' horse; which exceeded his in valour, and number; so appears both, that horse were placed before the front of the foot; and also the story gives the reason, why they were placed there.      

Of the number of the armed foot, of the lightarmed, and of the Horse. CHAP. VIII.  
NOw are we to lay out, what number the armed-foote, the lightarmed, and the Horse ought to be, and how particularly ordered, and how upon occasion the Battle may speedily be transformed into diverse shapes, & forms, and what discipline used for the motion of the several parts of it. We cannot with any probability set down a precise number of forces to be levied. For as much as every man is to proportion his levy according to the importance and quality of the war in hand. This yet must not escape us, that such a number is to be chosen, as will fit ¹ the diverse shapes, and transmutations of our Troops. As if in case we were to double, or to multiply, and manifoldly enlarge the length of the Phalange, or else to lessen, and draw it up into a narrower room. For this cause choice is made of a number, that may be, reparted into half continually, till you come to one. Hence is it, that most Tactick writers would have ² a Phalange to consist of sixteen thousand, three hundred, eighty, and four armed foot, and of ⁴ half so many lightarmed, ⁵ and of half as many Horse, as lightarmed. For 16384. may be reparted continually into half, till you come to one. Therefore for proof, and Examples sake this numbers is admitted. And where we have allotted sixteen men to every file, the whole mass will arise to one thousand, twenty, and four files.  

Notes.  
THE Chapter before spoke of the parts and dimension, of the Phalange, and of the place of the armed, the horse, and lightarmed. This treateth of the number that goeth to the Phalange. In choice of which number, Aelian saith consideration is not so much to be had of multitude, as of fitness for service. For such a number as cannot aptly be disposed of for fight, is rather means of confusion, then of order without which no fight can be maintained: Therefore such a number is to be chosen as will serve.  

1 The divers shapes, and transmutations of our Battle] Every motion in the battle makes not a Transmutation, or diversity of shape. In turning of faces to the one hand or other there is no other shape of the Phalange, than was at first: As a man turning his face any way, the same proportion of lineaments remains that was in him before, So likewise in countermarch or wheeling after the Countermarche, or wheling is done, every soldier if he keep his right distance, and remain in file and rank, hath the place he had before: And so no transfiguration of length or of depth followeth. The motion then, that Aelian means to make Transmutation, are Doublinge: For whether you enlarge the length, or depth, of your Phalange; you strait induce another shape. A long fronted Phalange, and a Hearse differ much in form. If you will make of the ordinary Phalange a hearse, you are to double your files so often, as your think convenient for the length of your hearse. Then if from the Hearse, your would return it to the first form, you are not to cease doubling Ranks, till you have gained that form: likewise if of your ordinary Phalange, you would make a long fronted Phalange, your ranks are to be doubled, and by continuing your doubling, you may draw out what length you will. And contrariwise, by due doubling your files again, you come to the first form: How much you double your Ranks, So much you take away from the depth of your Phalange; as on the other side, doubling of your files, diminisheth the length. For the purpose, your Phalange is sixteen deep, double your Ranks; the depth hath but eight men; double it once more, and it hath but four. So is the Phalange consisting of four ranks, & every rank, hath four thousand, and ninety six men in it: But the length is four times as much as it was. In like manner doubling your files (which in Aelians' Phalange are a thousand, and twenty four) the first doubling loseth five hundred, and twelve files and so many remain; the second seven hundred, and sixty eight, and two hundred fifty six remain; and so many men have you in a rank. But where the Phalange was but sixteen deep, now in the second doubling it is become sixty four deep: If you please to reduce it to the first form, two doublings of ranks will suffice. here we must understand that doubling ranks, is not to make twice so many as they were before, but to give twice so many men, to every rank, as they had before by inserting the even ranks into the odd; as the second into the first, and the fourth into the third, and the sixth into the fiuth, and the eight into the seventh, etc. The use of doubling I will show in my notes upon the twenty nine chapter of this book. Aelian therefore would have his Phalange, of such a number as may be reparted continually into half, till you come to one; which number he saith to be sixteen thousand three hundred, and eighty four. And it ariseth out of the Multiplication of one by two so still doubling the product, till you have made up the full number, of sixteen thousand, three hundred, and eighty four. And as the Multiplication by two begets this number, so it being divided by two continually, it may be reduced at last to one: which is the thing, that Aelian aims at. For the numbers, that have not equal division by half, leave some supernumerary men in the Phalange: (which) in doubling will disorder both files, and Ranks: Every man acquainted with the low country military exercise at this day, knoweth, that when there is an uneven number of files, the odd file supernumerary brings a difference, and cannot be doubled in the sort as the rest are: As in five, seven, nine, eleven, several bodies of files. Two, six, eight, ten, may well be doubled, and become two, three, four, five files a piece: but the fifth, seventh, ninth, eleventh, must be severed from the rest of the doubled files; and serve to no purpose, being not matcheable in depth with the rest after their doubling. The same reason is of ranks: Now when Aelian saith, that this number in a Phalange may be divided by half and reduced at last to one, we must with all understand, that the file of the Phalange in such division, aught to be either of eight, or sixteen men a piece. For no number under eight, except four, or two (which fit not the depth, of a Phalange) nor betwixt eight, and sixteen, is divisible by half, till you come to one. No nor above sixteen except it be produced out of the duplications of sixteen. A file of 12. comes nearest. And of that number was the file of Cyrus in Xenophon. Such a file notwithstanding by division of two stays at three, and can descend no lower. Ten was the old file of the Grecians, and it was called 
a Xenop. Cyrop. lib. 2. 43. B.  Decas. And albeit after ward upon better consideration they enlarged the number of the file to twelve, yet they retained the name of Decas still. But ten receiveth but one division, and goeth down ward no further than five. The uneven numbers under sixteen cannot be divided at all. Unless by fraction. As thirteen, which if you will divide by half, the quotient will be six, and there remaineth an odd man over: of which number, if all the files of the Phalange should be, you should have a thousand, two hundred, and sixty, which will receive no more, than two doublings without a fraction. If then the files be above sixteen, and under thirty two, you cannot divide them continually by half, but you must sail of the manner, that Aelian speaks of. As for the number of sixteen thousand, three hundred, and eighty four, albeit of itself, it is divisible by two till you com● or descend to 1, yet we must not consider it apart, as an abstract by itself, but as it numbereth, and is applied to the Phalange. In which respect, it giveth a 1024 files of 16 deep, which files will still hold out the doubling, till you come to one file.  
3 A Phalange to consist of 16384.] Aelian (out of the most Tactick writers as he professeth) will have the Phalange of sixteen thousand, three hundred, eighty and four men. I have noted before that a Phalange may be more, or less, than this number. But I take this to be the number of the Macedonian Phalange. 
a Appian. in Syriacis. 107. B.  Appian seems to testify with me, thus he saith: Antiochus whole army consisted of 70000 men. Of which the chiefest strength was the Phalange of Macedonians, containing 16000 men, ordered according to the form, that Philip and Alexander had before used. He placed them in the middle, dividing the 16000, into 10 equal parts, in every of which parts was 50 men in front, and 32 in depth, and upon the flanks of every part 22 the show of the Phalange was like a wall, of the Elephants like turretts: hitherto Appian. I have translated He Phalanx, He Macedonon according to the word, the Phalange of the Macedonians, where the right meaning is, the Macedonian Phalange. For it consisted not of Macedonians, but was armed, and ordered, after the Macedonian manner. For how was it possible for Antiochus to wage, and have in his service 16000 Macedonians, being never himself King of Macedonia, and the King, that then was (namely Philip the son of Demetrius) was his enemy, and in league with the Romans? Besides Appian hath in express words: the Phalange was armed, and ordered, according to the institution of Philip and Alexander: whose manner Antiochus mought well retain, considering he was lineally descended from Seleucus, the successor of Alexander in the kingdom of Assiria: And Seleucus had been in the service of Alexander in the whole conquest of Persia. 
b Liv: Decad. 4 lib. 7. 141. A.  Livy saith also, they were armed after the Macedonian manner. Whereby a man may infer, they were no Macedonians: He speaking of the same battle (which was the battle of Antiochus against L. Scipio) hath thus: The King's army was mingled of sundry nations, and divers with dissimilitude of arms and aids. There were 16000 foot armed after the manner of the Macedonians. They were called Phalangites. This was the middle of the battle, and in front divided into 10 parts, which parts were distinguished by placing 2. Elephants in each interval. The battle had 32 ranks in depth. It was the principal strength of the King's forces, and both with the other show, and also with the Elephants, which were eminent amongst the Armed only, brought with it great terror. Livy saith the 16000 were armed after the Macedonian manner, and were called Phalangites; Appian, that there were 16000 ordered, and distributed according to the ordinance of Philip and Alexander. Livy, and Appian, both agree, that there was 10 parts, and every part severed with intervals, and had 32 men in depth, which is the Macedonian file once doubled. Livy speaketh not of the number of the length of the Phalange. Appian saith plainly there were 50 in front, of every of the 10 parts, which amounts to 500: for 10 times 50 makes 500 Now if you multiply the length of the Phalange which is 500 by the depth, which is 32, you have the 16000, whereof Livy and Appian spoke. But yet resteth a doubt, in the difference betwixt both these authors, and Aelian. Livy, and Appian, both giving but 16000: Aelian 16384 to the Macedonian Phalange. For Livy, we are not much to insist upon him, who being a Roman (we may probably conjecture) was half a stranger, in the Art Tacticke of the Grecians, and that, which he wrote, he had from others; perhaps no better skilled in the same Art than himself. Appian was a Grecian (for so those of Alexandria in Egypt accounted themselves, after Ptolemy the first had established that Crown in his family) and as his history showeth, well acquainted with the order the Grecians held in embatteling their armies, and therefore we may the better rely upon his authority. Who albeit he first affirmed the Phalange was of the number of 16000, yet after in numbering the depth and length alone, he findeth 16000: and further expounding his own meaning he showeth, there were more upon the flanks of the ten parts, into which the Phalange was divided. His words import: That Antiochus divided his Phalange into 10 equal parts, giving every part in front 50 men, in depth 32; which being multipliea together, make up the 16000 He addeth; And in the flank of every part he set 22. If the meaning be, he set 22 upon each flank of every part, the parts being 10, and the flanks 20, the number will arise to 440, where Aelian alloweth no more than 384. But if 22 were added to one of the flanks of each division, which also being collectively taken are flanks in the plural number, we shall come short and find no more than 220. Yet whether sense of both you admit, it is plain, that Appian attributeth more, than 16 thousand, to that Macedonian Phalange. And it may be, there is an error in the number of the 22, and that it ought to be written 32. For if Antiochus had given 32, as he gave 22, to one flank of every part, and set 32 upon the uttermost flanks of every wing to strengthen them, of the 12 times 32 had arisen the just number of Aelians' Phalange; which number is the fittest, for use, and for division of the Phalange in all doublings. The armed foot then, according to Aelian, aught to be, 16384. The light armed.  
4 Half so many] The armed amongst the Grecians, were accounted the strength of the field, which was the cause their number was greatest. For you shall not find in their battles for the most part, that the light armed amounted to half the number of the armed: The fact of Cyrus showeth what account he made of light armed: 
a Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 188. B.  Xenophon reporteth it thus: He led with him the Lydians, those whom he saw to take delight in Arms, horse, and chariots, and willingly do, what they were commanded, he gave arms to, of those whom he saw followed him against their wills, he gave the horses to the Persians, that were his first companions in Arms. All that followed him unarmed, he exercised to the sling, because he reckoned that weapon most servile of all others. How much you increase the number of the light armed, so much you diminish the number of the armed, and by consequent so much weaken your field. 
b Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 167. C.  For the light cannot maintain any stable fight, but in case of danger they are forced either to show a fair pair of heels, or else retire to the armed for succour: Yet serve they for many uses joined with the armed. And the proportion that Aelian setteth down, namely to have half as many of them, as there are armed, standeth to good reason, & use. The Romans notwithstanding, were more sparing in their light armed, & allowed not above the 4th part of them, or little more, to the armed. The Legion contained (saith 
c Polyb lib 6 468. B. C.  Polybius) 4200 footmen. Of these they chose 600 Triarians, 1200 hastati, 1200 Principes, (which come to 3000) and the rest Velites, which were 1200. And the Velites were the same in effect amongst the Romans, that the light armed amongst the Grecians, albeit their arming somewhat differed. Aelian before showed, that the Grecian light armed had no manner of defensive armour, but offensive only, as bows, darts, or stones. 
d Polyb lib 6 468 〈◊〉.  Polybius describeth the Arms of the Velites to be a Sword, a Parma, (which is a small Target,) and darts; the sword a spanish sword, the Target a little round Target, a foot and a half (for so Casaubon correcteth Tripedon) in breadth; the darts in the steal 3 foot long, and a finger thick, and the head almost a foot long. And 
e Livy Decad. 4. lib. ●. pag 16. B  Livy mentioning the skirmishes, that fell out betwixt the horsemen of King Philip of Macedonia, and Sulpitius the Roman Consul, compareth both th●ir Armies together, telling that either party had their light armed joined to their horse, and that coming to fight, the Romans had the better. So (saith he) neither the King's horse, unaccustomed to a steadfast fight, were able to match the Roman horse, nor yet the foot skipping and leaping here and there, and almost half naked in their kind of Arms, to be compared to the Roman Veles, having a Target, and a sword, and being armed sufficiently both to defend himself, and assail his enemy. The number then of Aelians' light armed, aught to be 8192, and these being ranged behind the armed 8 deep (so they are fittest for service) will make 1024 files, as many as the armed did.  

5 Halt as many horse, as etc.] The horse are in number 4096, and proportioned to the foot (comprehending the lightarmed) as 1. to 6. The armed foot, and light armed together make 24576: the horse 4096. And this was 
a Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 571.  Alexander's proportion, when he moved first against Darius. For he had about 30000 foot, and 5000 horse, or not many more, as Diodorus saith. 
b justin. lib. 11. 639.  justin gives him 32000 foot, 4500 horse. Yet this number held not always amongst the Macedonians themselves; I mean Alexander's Captains, that possessed his kingdoms after his death. The reason may be, that in Civil wars they made their levies, not as they would, but as they could. 
c Diod. Sicul. lib. 18. 644.  In the battle betwixt Eumenes, and Craterus, (I spoke of that battle before) Craterus had ●0000 foot, & 2000 horse; Eumenes had 20000 foot, & 5000 horse. Craterus the proportion of 1. to 10; Eumenes of ●▪ to 4. 
d Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 649.  Antigonus fight against Eumenes in Cappadocia, had in his Army above 10000 foot, and 2000 horse; Eumenes had as before. Antigonus' horse were to the foot, as 1. to 5. 
e Diod. Sicul. lib. 18. 651.  The same Antigonus fight against Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, had in his Army 40000 foot, and more than 7000 horse; the proportion well nigh of 1. to 6; Alcetas had no more than 16000 foot, and 900 horse, failing much of Aelians' number. 
f Diod. Sicul. lib. 19 685.  Antigonus in his second battle against Eumenes, had 28000 footmen, and 800 horse, which is 1. to 3. and half; Eumenes had 35000 foot, and 6000 horse, very near Aelians' proportion. Many other examples are to be read in Diodorus. But (as I said) these are Ramasses proceeding not of choice, but of necessity, which forced them to take such, as came to hand; as it always falleth out in sudden levies. And it seemeth the number of horse (allowed to the foot by Aelian) was King Philip's proportion; considering Alexander used it 
g Diod Sicul. lib. 16. 510.  after he received his army from Philip, who by praemeditation, and fore-choice, had gathered it together with intent to invade Persia. And yet 1 find 
h Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 555.  that Philip himself, when he fought against the Athenians and Beotians at Cheronea, had more than 30000 joote, and 2000 horse; which is 1. to 15: and in divers other fights differed from Aelian in the number both of horse, and foot. But the question is not, what was done, but was best to be done. And the number that Aelian speaketh of, suits his Phalange best. For Philip's device being to cast the horse into wedges of 64 horse a piece, and into 64 troops; the greatest rank of each wedge being 15, will in the rear equal the front of the armed, and of the light armed; not in number of files (for the files of the foot were 1024. and the greatest rank of the horse, no more than 960) but in quantity of place giving to the horse, standing in their order of 6 foot betwixt man & man, the 128 cubits of surplusage toward the difference of the horses bodies, and toward the small spaces that are to be left, betwixt troup, and troup. 
i Polyb. lib. 6. 472. C.  The Romans allowed a far less rate of horse to the foot. In a Legion, according to Polybius his account, there were of Citizens 4200 foot, and 300 horse; of allies, and confederates 4200 foot, and 600 horse. In a Consular Army were 2 Legions of Citizens, and 2 of Allies, which came to 16800, a number not much differing from Aelians' Phalange of foot. Of horse 600, Allies 1200; in all making 1800; which cometh much short of 4096, (the number Aelian alloweth to his Phalange) and holdeth proportion of about 1. to 9 The reason of this difference, may appear in the fact of 
k Diod. Sicul. lib. 18. 643.  Eumenes; who not much trusting his forces of foot against the Macedonians (accounted the best soldiers of that age,) prepared himself a sufficient number of Horse with them to make a counterbalance against the Macedonian foot. And it hath been the manner of Generals of ancient time, if they trusted their Foote-forces, to make the less account of Horse: if they disinherited them; to increase the number of their horse.  
The Romans trusting to their foot, required the lesser number of horse. The Grecians had the greater number of horse, both for the cause before recited, and further because they had continual war with Barbarians, that placed their confidence in horse; as the Persians, and the inhabitants of the lesser Asia.      

The names of the several parts, and of the Commanders of the several parts of the Phalange, and of the numbers under their commands. CHAP. IX.  
THe files are ordered into bodies, which have every one a proper name. For two files they call ¹ a Dilochie of thirty two men, whose Leader is termed Dilochita. Four files ² a Tetrarchy, and the Leader thereof Tetrarcha having charge over 64. men. Two Tetrarchies ³ a Taxis of 128. men, and 8. files, and the Leader thereof hath the name of Taxiarcha. Two Taxis go to ⁴ a Syntagma of 16. files, and 256. men; and the Leader thereof is called Syntagmatarcha. A Syntagma of 256. men is called of some a Xenagy, and the Commander Xenagos. In every Syntagma of 256. are five ⁵ superordinary men, viz: ⁶ An Ensign, ⁷ a Rear commander, ⁸ a trumpeter, ⁹ a Sergeant, and a 10 Crier. This Syntagma seemeth to have ¹¹ a Tetragonall form of 16. men in length, and 16. in depth. Two Syntagmaes make 12 a Pentecosiarchy of 512. men, and 32. files, the Leader whereof is named Pentecosiarcha. Two Pentecosiarchies make 13 a Chiliarchy of 1024. men, and 64 files: and the Leader is called Chiliarcha. Two Chiliarchies are called 14 a Merarchy of 2048. men, and 128. files, whose Leader is named Merarcha. Of some this part is called a Telos, and the Leader thereof Telarcha. Two Telarchies make 15 a Phaiangarchy of 4096. men, and 256. files, the Commander whereof is called Phalangarcha. Yet some call it a Strategy, and the Commander Strategos. Two Phalangarchies 16 a Diphalangarchy of 8192. men, and 512. files. There are that term this part ¹⁷ Meros' and it is one of the wings. Two Diphalangarchies make a fourfold Phalange consisting of 1024. files, and 16384. men. So have you in the whole Phalange of armed foot two wings, four Phalangarchies, eight Merarchies, sixteen Chiliarchies, thirty two Pentecosiarchies, sixty four Syntagmatarchies, one hundred twenty eight Taxiarchies, two hundred fifty six Tetrarchies, five hundred twelve Dilochies, one thousand twenty four files.  

Notes.  
Hither to have been showed, the manner of arming, and levying of Soldiers, filing, and the parts of files, joining of files, and ranking, the local form, and parts of a Phalange, the number of the armed, lightarmed, and horsemen requisite to a Phalange. This Chapter contains, as it were, the matter, of which a Phalange is compounded; that is the several bodies Military, ordered, and joined together, to make up the perfect form of it. These bodies are many, and arise ou● of joining files by doubling 
Cap. 9 A Pentecostarchy of 32 files 512 men  
Dilochites. 16  
Tetrarches. 8  
Taxiarches. 4  
Syntagmatarch's. 2  
Petecosiarches. 1  
Cap. 9 A Phalangarehy of 256 files 4096 men  
Cap. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 64 files 1024 men.  
Cap. 9 The Rear  
A Dilochy of 2 files 32 men  
Dilodnte of Commdnder of 2 files  
A Tetrarchy of 4 files 64 men  
A Tetrarch or Commander of 4 files  
A Taxis of 8 files·128·mens  
A Taxiarch or Commander of 8 files  
A Syntagma of 16 files·256·mens  
The Rear commander of Bringerup  
A Syntagmatarch or Commander of 16 files  
A Sericani  still their number, and have every one a several Commander. The least is two files joined together, which is called a Dilochy; And because there are in Phalange 1024. files, there must also be 512. Dilochies, which consist of two files a piece. If you double this body of two files, and make thereof a body of four files, it hath an other name, and is called a Tetrarchy, of which Tetrarchyes there are 256. in a Phalange. Double again these 4. files, and make 8, the body is called Taxis. And these eight files, being doubled bring out the Syntagma of 16. files; which is a square number of men, 16. in the front, and 16. in the flank. And so proceeding still in 6. doublings more, you come at last to the fourfold Phalange containing the number of 16384. men, and 1024. files. Now as in the Phalange there are 10. bodies out of these doublings, the Dilochy being the first, and the fourfold Phalange the last: So doth Aelian, appoint for every body a Commander, who albeit they severally command, each his own troop, yet are they subordinately one under an other, the lesser under the greater, till at last the sovereignty of the command rest in the General of the Army. 
a Xenoph. Cyroped. lib. 8. 203. A.  The Dilochites are directed by the tetrarchs, the tetrarchs by the Taxiarches, the Taxiarches by the Syntagmatarchs', the Syntagmatarches by the Pentecosiarches, and they by the Chiliarches, over whom are Merarches, and over the Merarches the Phalangarches, and over them the Commanders of the wings, or Diphalangarches, and the sovereign of the Army or General is the highest, and last. The number of these Commanders a man would think were to no great purpose being in all (the 2. Diphalangarchies therein comprised) 1022, besides the file Leaders, which standing in the heads of their files, amount but to two men more; that is to 1024. For so many (as I have said) are the files of the Phalange. But if the conveniency be observed, it will not seem impertinent. 
b Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 3. 85. C.  For all the Leaders being in front, (therefore are they called Leaders, because they precede, and the rest follow,) it makes both a gallant show, and that rank being as it were, the edge of our battle, not only serves to hew a sunder, and rend a pieces the forces of our enemy; But also standeth as an assured bulwark of defence before the rest of the Army, that followeth. And it is well noted by 
c Leo cap. 4. § 13.  Leo, that the multitude of Commanders (in orderly divisions) both signifies, that there are many worthy and valiant men in the army: And is a means to keep the Soldiers in greater obedience, and to give undoubted effect to all directions. Of what quality and disposition, those Leaders ought to be, you may see in the 
* Leo cap. 4.  fourth Chapter of Leos Tactickes. Only I will add, that as they are higher in dignity, so ought they in virtue and valour exceed those, that are under their command.  

1 A Dilochy] Consists of two files; for so signifies the word Dilochia: and the Leader 
Dilochia.  is called a Dilochite.  

2 A Tetrarchy] Of four files; and the Leader is called a Tetrarch, one that hath the command of four files. And here I must once more admonish, that in the words of divers signification, we must not weigh, what is the proper signification, but how they are used in this Art, and book.  
For the word Tetrarch signifieth sometimes a King: as Hesychius hath: and 
d Cicero in orat. pro Deitaro.  Deiotarus in Tully is called a Tetrarch, and 
e Luc.  Herode in the Gospel; who both are commonly known for Kings. Thessaly likewise was divided into 4. Principalities, Thessaliotis, Pthiotis, Pelasgiotis, and Astiotis; whereof every one was named a Tetrarchy. Only the difference is, that a Tetrarch being a King, or a Governor, signifies him, that hath the government of the fourth part of the land, (for a Tetrarchy is the government of the fourth part) But a Tetrarchy in Aelian signifies a body military consisting of four parts (4. files) and the Tetrarch commands not over one alone, but over all the 4. parts.   
3 A Taxis] As the word Tetrarchy is diversly taken, so is Taxis likewise. For sometimes it imports Order in a general signification, as I noted before: Sometimes the 
f Polyb lib. 3. 225. B. & lib. 11. 639 E.  order of a battle: 
g Xenoph. d▪ exped. lib. 4. 325 B ex Cyrop lib. ●. 202. C.  sometimes a company of any kind of Soldiers, foot, or horse: as Taxis Peltastarum, Taxis Equitum; Sometimes a single Phalange, as in 
h Arrian lib. 2. 35. F.  Arrian mention is made of Taxis Ooeni, Taxis Perdiccae, and Taxis Meleagri etc. who were Phalangarches, as the story showeth. ⁱ Sometimes for all the armed, as Taxis Phalangitarum: Sometimes a rank of men standing embattled, as in Thucydides, who describing the battle of the Lacedæmonians, saith the front (which he calleth the first rank teen proteen Taxin) consisted of 448. But in a more special signification it is taken for a band of Soldiers. And in that signification the number varieth. 
i Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 2. 43 D.  In Xenophon, 
h Polyb. lib. ●2. ●66 B.  it comprehendeth a hundred men: What the number of the Athenian Taxis was, I find not delivered by any Writer. That they had Taxiarches 
k Poly●. lib. 3. § 10 in l● hicrat.  Polyenus showeth plainly. And if a man with leave might guess, I would imagine their Taxis consisted of 250 men: For I find in the same place of Polyenus, that they had Chiliarchies, Pentecosiarchies, Taxis, and Lochagies. I have before showed, that Lochos in Xenophon is made sometimes of above 100 men. Out of which may be inferred with probability, that Taxis, being the next degree above the Lochagie, hath the double number, or more; The rather because a Chiliarchy having in it a 1000 the Penticosiarchy must have 500 and by likelihood the Taxis 250. as being the next office under the Pentecosiarchy. But whatsoever the Taxis of the Athenians, or of other people was, Aelian maketh his Taxis up with 128 men, and 8. files; which is a double number to the Tetrarchy. With whom Suidas agreeth, giving 2. Tetrarchies to a Taxis: and saith it consists of 128 men. The Commander of the Taxis is called a Taxiarch, as the Commander of the Tetrarchy is a Tetrarch. Here I am to note by the way, that the Interpreter of Xenophon translateth Taxiarcha, the Commander of a Cohort; where Taxis in the straighter signification cannot be taken for a Cohort because a Cohort differeth much in number, having in it at the least 500 and odd men, where the Taxis, when it is greatest hath no more than 128. And 
l Polyb. lib. 11. 641. C.  Polybius saith plainly, that spira is the Greek word, that fully expresseth the Roman Cohort.  
4 A Syntagma] The word cometh of Syntasso, or Syntatto, to place together; and a Syntagma is a body compounded of many parts artificially put together. 
m Polybius calleth a Cohort Syntagma, lib. 11 641. C.  But it may be taken for anybody in the army. 
n Diod Sicul lib. 13 391.  Diodorus reports of Dionysius the elder That after he had divided his whole Army, (which had in it 30000) into three parts, he employed two against the Carthaginian Camp in divers manner: himself took the Syntagma, or third part, which consisted of mercenary Soldiers, and led against that quarter of the camp, which had the Engines. 
* Cap. 31.  Aelian also useth the word diversly; For he calls the whole army by the name of Syntagmata, in the plural number, and sometimes Syntagma in the singular. And further gives the same name to a file; 
o Suidas in m●cos.  Suidas likewise describing the length of a Phalange, saith, it is the first rank (Syntagma) of file Leaders, which stretcheth forth in a right line from wing to wing. Whereby appeareth that which the Logicians affirm, (which I touched before) that there are more things than names of things: And that fit names cannot be given to all. The names that have been given by antiquity, to express the several bodies of the Phalange, are to be retained by us, as proper enough to signify the thing they meant. Neither are we to vary from them, unless we ourselves can invent better. The Syntagma that Aelian here mentioneth, is framed of two Taxis, that is of 16. files, & of 256 men. The Commander of it is named a Syntagmatarch. And where he addeth, it is called of some a Xenagy, we are to understand that 
p Suidas in Xenagos & jul. Poll. lib. 1. cap 10.  Xenagos was he (amongst the Grecians) that had the command of a band of strangers, (as he that levied strangers was called 
q Polyb. lib. 1. 33. B.  Xenologos) and the band itself was called a Xenagy. Why the Syntagma should have the appellation of Xenagy, I cannot divine; unless the reason were, because it was about the number, whereof strangers made their companies, that served amongst the Grecians. And I think, and shall till better information; that the body of the light armed called a Xenagy mentioned hereafter, had that name likewise for the same reason. Now of all the bodies in this Chapter mentioned, there is none that cometh so near the companies used at this day, as doth the Syntagma, for (excepting that our numbers differre, and are in divers places more, or less) the offices of each are alike. You have in the Syntagma a Lieutenant, or Rear Commander; so in our Companies. In the Syntagma, is an Ensign, and an ensign-baerer; the like in our Companies. In a Syntagma is one Sergeant, our Companies have more. The Syntagma had a trumpet, and our Companies for the most part have two drums. We only want a Crier, which every Syntagma amongst the Macedonians had. What the use and place of all the Officers was, I will strait discover.  
5 Five superordinarie men;] Namely the Ensign the Reare-commander, the Trumpeter, the Sergeant, and the Crier of whom we last spoke. That which I translated, superordinary, is in Greek Ectactoi. 
r Suidas in Ectâctos.  Suidas gives the reason, why they were so called: because saith he, they were not numbered as part of the battle, that is ordered in files & ranks. 
s Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 3. 78. A.  As Xenophon saith of Miriarches, Chiliarches, and Taxiarches, & other Commanders (whom Cyrus called to him) that they were not recounted amongst the military numbers, and might depart from the Phalange without altering the form thereof. In the files they could not be, because they should so increase the number in the files, and make one longer than an other, and hinder doublings, and other motions, besides the deformity, they should bring in, in making the battle uneven: And a file of themselves they could not make. The like disorder would they bring in the ranks, where they could not conveniently stand, unless some body filled with them, being much short of a file of themselves. Besides their employment is to stir here and there apart, as they are commanded: where they of files, and ranks never move single, but jointly, as shall seem good to their Commander. And albeit these five be removed from the battle, yet remaineth the battle without them entire of itself, and in perfect form, as though there were no need of them, when notwithstanding their use is otherwise so needful that although the battle may be, it cannot well be without them.  
An Ensign] Our use is to call the ensign-baerer an Ensign for brevities sake; As a Drummer, a Drum, a Trumpeter, a Trumpet; and that not absurdly. A distinction will easily appear in common speech, by the application of words of circumstance to the one, or the other. The end why ensigns were devised appeareth in. 
t Diodor. Sicul. lib. 1. 54.  Diodorus Siculus; he giving divers reasons, why the Egyptians (whom he accounted the ancientest of men) were carried away with superstition of worshipping Beasts, after the manner of the Country, hath amongst other words these in effect: A second cause the Egyptians give, because of old time being in divers conflicts through disorder in their Army, vanquished by their borderers, they had recourse to the invention & bearing of Ensigns in their troops. They say therefore, that preparing images of the beasts, they now worship, and fastening them to the ends of long staves, the Commanders caused them to be borne aloft; by means whereof every man knew of what troop he was. And seeing this good order availed much to victory, they conceived, that the beasts were the cause of their safety. In recompense whereof they ordered, that none of these beasts should be killed, but be honoured with religious care and worship. Ensigns were then devised for readiness to direct soldiers in particular, whither to resort in time of fight. 
u Caesar. de bell. gall. lib. ●.  Caesar's practice agreeth hereto: he telling of his own soldiers disorder hath thus: Whatsoever part they came into by chance, and to what Ensign soever, there they stayed, least in seeking their own they might happily lose the time of fight. And 
w Veget lib 2 cap. 13.  Vegetius enlargeth the cause wruing thus: The ancient warriors perceiving that in time of fight the order, and embattailing of an Army was quickly brought in rout, and confusion, to avoid this inconvenience, divided the Cohorts into Companies, and appointed an Ensign of every Company. So that in the Ensign was written, of what Cohort and of what number in the Cohort the Company was. Which the soldier seeing, or reading could not estray from their Companions, though the tumult were never so great. 
x Leo cap 6. § 18 19 20.  Leo also maketh this the use of the Ensign: We command also, saith he, that the heads of the Ensigns of every Company or Band be of one colour, and that the silk of every Turme, or Drunge, have a colour by itself. And to the end that every Company may with ease know their own Ensign, other marks and tokens are to be added to the heads of the Ensigns, that according to Turmes, and Drunges, and Companies, they may be known. But in any case, let the Ensigns of every Turmarchy be different one from an other, & clear to be discerned, that the soldiers may know them even at a far distance. His meaning, as I take it, is, that every great body, or regiment should bear in their Ensigns a several colour, and that the Companies of that body should likewise hold themselves to the same colour in their Ensigns: So notwithstanding that (as the use is at this day) the Ensigns of every Company should have a several mark to be known by, besides the colour in general. For so both the Regiment may be quickly discerned, and one Company with facility be distinguished from another. What the form of the Ensign was, we may out of the former place of Diodorus see: The Egyptians, saith he, counterfeiting the shape of those Beasts, which they worship, fastened the Portrait to the end of long staves. 
y Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 172. D.  Xenophon testifies the like of the Standard of Cyrus. Cyrus (saith he) commanded his army to cast their eyes upon the Standard, and to follow it with equal pace, and in order. The Standard was a golden Egle stretched out upon the end of a long staff. Which Standard is at this day the Standard of the Kings of Persia. The Ensign was nothing else, but the figure of some beast advanced high upon the end of a long staff. As of an Eagle, of a Wolf, of a Horse, and such like; and sometimes they added pieces of coloured silk fastened under these images to make a greater difference betwixt the Ensigns. Whether our Ensigns at this day, made of many else of Taffeta, or the ancient Ensigns of the Grecians (I may also add of the Romans, for they observed the same form) are the better for use, I will not now dispute. I may notwithstanding freely say, that the stronger reason weigheth for the Ancient. For besides the authority of such excellent wits, as they were, and so exquisite in their inventions, the reason of the lightness is to be preferred: Besides the wind hath no such force over them, and they neither hinder the Soldiers, that stand next by entangling, nor by flapping in their faces, nor take away the sight of such things as are to be observed and regarded in the field. For the matter whereof the Ensign was made, 
z Lipsius' ad Polyb. lib. 4. D●. log. 5.  see justus Lipsius in his Commentaries to Polybius. As for the armour of the ensign-baerer (especially the ensign-baerer of the armed) I take it (for I have no authority therein) that he had the same defenfive Armour, that the Soldier which fought under the Ensign had (excepting the Target) both to assure himself from the flying weapons of the light armed, and from the pike and sword of the armed, in case the battle were entered and pierced as far, as the Ensign. For it was no reason, he should carry a Target, lest both his hands should be bound, the right with the Ensign, the left with the Target; and so he have no use of either against the enemy. And in the left hand I would give him a spear, or ●auelin, (not a pike, which cannot be wielded with one hand) for his own defence, and to offend the enemy. Which weapon, I have read Ensigns of ancient time did bear. What the Ensigns place was, whether in front, or in the midst of the Battatle, I see it controverted. 
f Patric. Parall.  Patricius absolutely affirmeth, that the Ensigns were placed in the midst of the front, and had 8 files on the right, and 
p●rt. 2. lib. 10. cap. 3.  8 on the left, to the end they might be seen, and followed by all. That Ensigns were first invented to be a mark of several bodies military in an Army, I have before showed. But it followeth not thereof, that they were placed in the front in time of fight. For being in the middle, they no less gave notice, what the body was, than in the front. The reason of following is of less force; Inasmuch as the Soldier well knoweth whom to follow, though he had no Ensign at all, the Commander always with his motion giving him direction, when to advance forward, when to turn his face to the right, or left hand, when to countermarch, when to double, and when to use all other motions military. And the Commanders were therefore called Leaders, because they went on before, and the Soldiers followed after. So that the Ensign, in regard of following, need not to be set in the front. 
g Leo cap. 7. §. 53. & cap. 14. §. 65.  Yet in exercising the troops, and in marches, I find, that the Ensign was in the front, together with the Captain, Crier, Trumpeter, and Guide. But I take the reason to be, because being in the midst, and having neither file, nor rank with the rest, they might happily bring a confusion, and be a hindrance to the changes, and divers figures of the Battle. When the time of fight was, the Ensign retired to his place, that is to the midst. For so 
h Leo cap. 7. § 33.  Leo interpreteth himself in his precept of closing files: which must be done, saith he, not only by Fileleaders in front, Commanders of five, and Bringers-up in the Rear, but in the midst also, where the Ensign standeth. And I rather agree to Leo herein, because I see, it was the manner of the Romans also, to place their Ensigns in the midst of their Maniples. 
i Lipsius' ad Polyb. lib. 4. Dial. 3.  From whence came the appellations of Antesignani, Soldiers that stood before the Ensigns, and Postsignani, that stood behind. Besides the Ensign being in the front, the Ensign bearer may soon get a clap, who falling the Ensign goeth to ground, and is in danger of losing, which was the greatest disgrace among the Romans, that might befall. Lastly, 
k postea c. 20.  Aelian himself in plain words placeth the Cornet of horse far from the front. For speaking of the ordinary Horse-troupe, he saith it is to consist of 64 horse, the first rank of 15 horse, the 2 of 13, the 3 of 11, the 4 of 9; descending still, and diminishing 2 horse in every rank, till you come to one. He addeth; he shall carry the Cornet, that standeth in the second rank next the ranke-Commander on the left hand: which rank is the second rank, himself declareth, making the rank of 15 the first, the 2 the 13; which is the 7th from the front, and next the rear but one. If the Cornet have no place in front, why should the Ensign, considering both serve to one use, and the reasons of seeing, and following are equal to both? And albeit 
l Suidas in Ectâctos.  Suidas place the Ensign, the Crier, the Trumpet, and sergeant, before the Battle, the Lieutenant in the rear, he is notwithstanding to be understood, of the times of marching, or of exercise, which I noted before. For what should that Rabble of unarmed (being 4. in every Syntagma, and in the whole Phalange 256. ) do in the front in the time of fight, but only pester the chosen of the Army: who therefore have the front, that they may make speedier way into the enemy's battle?  
7 A Reare-commander] Was the same that a Lieutenant is with us. He commandeth the Soldiers in the Rear, no less than the Syntagmatarch in the front, and had his place in the Rear. What the duty of a Reare-commander was, I have showed out of 
m Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 167. E.  Cyrus' words in Xenophon. And 
n postea cap. 14.  Aelian afterwards setteth it down most plainly. He was armed, as the rest of the armed of the Syntagma, namely with Pike, and Target, and with such other arms, as I have described in my notes upon the second Chapter.  
8 A Trumpet.] The invention of the Trumpet is attributed to Tirrhenus Hercules son. But the different use of these officers is worth the noting out of 
a Suidas in E●os.  Suidas: The Crier, saith he, serveth to deliver directions by voice, the Ensign by signal, when noise taketh away the hearing of the voice: the Trumpet by sound, when through thickness of dust a signal cannot be discerned: The Sergeant to bring such things, and dispatch such messages, as his Syntagmatarch commands. So that these officers were held all necessary for a Company, the one supplying the defect of the other, and serving for use when the other failed. The Trumpet then was to be used according to Suidas, when neither the Crier, nor Ensign could do service. With the Trumpet was the signal given for the Camp to remove, for the Camp to lodge. By the Trumpet the Soldiers were taught their time to fight, their time to retreat. The Trumpet set and discharged the watch. From the Trumpet came the measure of the March, and the quickness, and slowness of Pace. In brief, the Trumpet did all the offices, that the Drum doth with us at this day. Whether the Trumpet or Drum, are of most use in the field, I may not now dispute. Only I will say that the Grecians and Romans the most expert and judicious Soldiers, that ever were, held themselves to the Trumpet, and never used the Drum. The Drum was first invented by Bacchus, who, as 
b Polyen. lib. 1. in B●ccho §. 1.  Polyenus reporteth, fight against the Indians, in stead of Trumpets, gave the signal of Battle with Cymbals and Drums. From him it came to the Indians, who used it altogether, as 
c Curtius' lib. ●. 372.  Curtius noteth in the battle betwixt King Alexander the Great, and Porus. The Drum of Parthians is described by 
d Plutarch. in Crasso  Plutarch in the life of Crassus; and by 
e App. in Parthicis 143. C. D.  Appian. 
f Leo cap. 18. §. 113.  And Leo saith, the Saracens, who invaded Christendom, and infected the Turks with their superstition, ordered their fights by the Drum. From this Eastern Asiaticall people it was brought into Europe; and now the general custom is among stall European Nations, that the foot have Drum in the field, the horse Trumpets. And yet for the Trumpet, I cannot say, that all the Grecians held themselves precisely unto it. 
g Plutarch in Lyt●rgo.  Plutarch much commendeth the Lacedaemonian manner of joining with the enemy, and writeth it is in this sort: When the King hath offered the Goat (that was the Lacedaemonian sacrifice, when they were to give battle) he strait commands all the Army to crown their heads, and the Flutes to sound the measure of 
h For this measure s●e jul. Pollux lib 4. cap. 10 § 2.  Castor: And himself withal beginneth the 
i Pae●n ● a hymn pr● to Apollo. ●l. Pollux. lib. 1. cap 1. §. 33.  Paean; (the song they used when they were to charge) and advanceth first against the enemy. So that it is a brave, and no less fearful thing to behold them pacing according to the measure of the Flute; neither dissolving their order, nor showing any astonishment of mind, but mildly, and joyfully approaching the danger of conflict, dividing out their March to the sound of the instrument. For it is not likely, that men so demeaning themselves, can be transported with fear, or choler. Nay rather they must needs have a settled mind full of hope, and assurance, as if God were present on their side: thus Plutarch. Out of whose words it is clear, that the Lacedæmonians used no Trumpets in fight, but Flutes, and made them their instruments to dance, as it were, the measures of war by. For they used an easy, 
k T●. lib. 5. ●03 A.  and slow pace, framed 
l Poly●. lib. 1. in Procle. §. 1.  to the cadence of the sound; which may well be resembled to the solemn measure, in dancing. 
m Athenaeus dipnosoph. lib. 12 517. A.  Athenaeus rehearseth out of Herodotus, that the Lydians used the like. But he addeth; that the Cretans made choice of the Harp for their instrument of war; as though it had been peculiar to that nation. 
n Pausan in Laco●s. 193.  Pausanias testifieth the like of the Lacedæmonians. 
o Polyb lib. 4. 289. E.  Polybius goeth not so far, but affirmeth only that the Cretans, and Lacedæmonians in stead of Trumpets brought in Flutes, and measures into the war. And if it were so that the Lacedæmonians used haps, it is like, they took them from the Cretans. For I find in 
p Plutarch in Lycurgo.  Plutarch, that Lycurgus brought many of his laws from Crete, and had great familiarity with Thales the Cretan, whom he also sent to Lacedaemon, to make an overture for the establishing of his laws, that were then newly finished. Yet 
q Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. 475.  Diodorus Siculus reporteth, that the Lacedæmonians used also Trumpets in their Battles. He writing of a fight that was betwixt the Thebans, and Lacedæmonians under the leading of Agesilaus; useth these words in effect: There was a strong fight betwixt them a long time, and at first Agesilaus had the better; but afterward, when the Thebans issued out of the City at all hands, Agesilaus seeing the multitude, caused the Trumpet to sound a retreat. The sign of retreat here, was given by Trumpet, and it seemeth the Lacedæmonians had the use both of Trumpet, and Flute. 
r Polyen. lib ● in Procle § 6 1. Pausan in Lacom●s. 93.  Of the Flute in pacing toward the enemy to join battle; of the Trumpet in all other military signals, such (I have before noted it) as the rest of the Grecians gave by Trumpet. The place of the Trumpet in the time of the Battle was within the Phalange by the Ensign. 
s Thucyd. lib. 5 393.  Thucydides placeth the Flutes of the Lacedæmonians within the battle, where they can find no room, unless they stand by the Ensigns. And albeit 
t Polyen. lib 1. in Procie. §. 1.  Polienus saith, the Flute led the Army, and went before, yet that is to be understood in the march. For in case of a March, or exercise, 
u Leo cap. ●. § ●.  Leo also giveth the Trumpet place by the Captain in front. When the fight cometh, he retireth himself to his place in the Battle with the rest.  
9 A Sergeant.] The word Hyperetes signifieth a Minister, (which is all one with the French word Sergeant, as appear by the interpretation of our Law itself, wherein the Sergeants, next degree to justices, are called seruientes ad legem. I retain therefore the name of Sergeant, because it is familiar amongst soldiers. And a Sergeant hath the same office in our War that Hypenetes had amongst the Grecians. What his duty and service should be, is declared out of 
x Suidas in Ectactos.  Suidas. There were of these officers, as well among the horse, as the foot, as appeareth in 
y Xenophon. Cyrop. lib. 7. 191. A.  Xenophon. The estimation and worth of their places is expressed by the same Xenophon. 
z Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 2. 44. D.  Cyrus' held the Sergeants in war, saith he, worthy of no less honour, than 
a See Suidas in the word Kerux.  messengers, and Ambassadors in peace. He conceived that they ought to be trusty, skilful in matter of war, understanding, quick, swift, industrious, and void of fear; beside endued with all qualities requisite in the best sort of men; & that they were to accustom themselves to refuse no manner of service, but willingly undergo whatsoever is laid upon them by their Commanders. These Sergeants attended their Commanders in Marches, and other times, save only when Battle was to be joined, and always expected his command. During the fight, they retired to some place, where they might be ready at call; for (as I said before) they could have no place in front.  
10 A Crier.] Concerning the office of a Crier, Suidas hath taught us, that he was to deliver the Commanders pleasure by voice. 
b Leo. cap. 4. §. 16.  Leo calleth him Mandator, from the Latin word, because he signified to the soldiers, Mandata, the commandments of the Captain. In exercise he stood at the head of the Troop, taking from the Commander the words of direction, and making, as it were, proclamation of them to the Soldiers; and served often, when neither Trumpet, nor signal might be given; he was otherwise also of great use. For in all business which required distinct signification of any sudden alteration in the Army, the Crier had his part alone. 
c Xenoph de exped. Cyri lib. 2. 277. ●.  Xenophon telleth in the Grecians return out of Persia, that Clearehus their General led them not against the enemy, both because their courages began to fall, and also because they were all the day fasting, and it grew somewhat late. But yet he turned not out of the way, lest he might seem to fly; but holding on right forward, he came with the vanguard, to the next Villages by sunset there quartered; The very timber of the houses of some of those Villages was broken down, and carried away by those of the King's army. The first therefore lodged themselves reasonably, the last being be-nighted every man took up his lodging as it fell out, and made a great noise, call one after an other, so that the enemy heard it. Whereby it came to pass, that the next of them fled out of their tents. This appeared the next day, for neither was there carriage-beast, nor Camp, nor smoke near at hand to be seen. The King also was terrified as it should seem, with the access of the Army. Which he declared by the next days work. Yet in the process of night a fear seized the Grecians themselves: and the tumult, and hurly-burly was such, as is wont, when men are possessed with fear. Clearchus in this distress commanded Tolmides the Elean (whom he then had with him, the best Crier of those times) after silence, to make proclamation, that the Commanders signified generally, that whosoever could bring forth the Author of this tumult should have a 
a About a 176 pounds ●arling Ill. Poll▪ lib. 9 cap. 6. 430. 437.  talon of silver for his pains. After this proclamation made by the Crier the Soldiers perceived, that their fear was vain, and that the Commanders were in safety: Hitherto Xenophon. By which narration may appear, that the Crier performed that, which neither Trumpet nor other signal could do, the terror rising in the night (which is the time of confusion and disorder) and neither could the Trumpet give any certain sound to remedy the peril, nor any other signal be discerned by reason of the darkness; and this service was done by the Crier amongst his own folk. His service against the enemy is declared in the fact of 
b Xenoph. pistor. G●aec. lib. 2. 474.  Cleocrytus the Athenian Crier who after the fight, betwixt Thrasybulus and the 30. Tyrants (wherein Critias and Hippomachus were slain) with a proclamation to the Citizens, reconciled them to Thrasybulus, and was cause that the Tyrants were deposed, and had their authority abrogated by the people. The like service was done by a Crier in the behalf of the Grecians against the Persians, about the time of the battle of Plataeae. The story is this: 
c Diodor. Si●: lib. 11. 260.  When the Grecians under the conduct of Leotychides, the Lacedaemonian, and Xanthipus the Athenian, had gathered a fleet of 250. Galleys together to the end to deliver the Islanders, and the Cities of the Continent of Asia the less, out of the servitude of the Persians, they sailed out of Delos. The Persians than remained at Samos. But hearing of the approach of the Grecians, they left Samos, and put over to Mycale a City of jonia. And because they perceived their ships unfit for fight, they drew them on land, and fortified the place, where they landed, with a wooden wall, and a deep trench. Nevertheless they sent for foot forces, from Sardes, and other the next Cities, and assembled to the number of a 100000 men; And made provision for all things necessary for war, the rather, because they suspected the jonians would revolt. Leotychides having put his fleet in order, sailed towards the Barbarians, that were in Mycale, and dispatched away before a ship, wherein was a Crier, who had the shrillest voice in all the Army. Him he commanded to sail up close to the enemy, and to proclaim aloud, that the Grecians having overcome the Persians at Plataeae, were now come thither to deliver and set free the Grecian Cities of Asia. This was done by Leotychides to the end to dissever the Asian Grecians from the Barbarians, and to raise a tumult in the enemies Campe. Which also came to pass. What service could be of more importance, then to set a division betwixt the enemies? It was done by the voice of a Crier. More examples I could allege, but these may suffice. The Criers place was always to attend the Commander in the head of the Troops, unless in the time of fight; at which time his voice could not be heard but ga●e place to the noise of Trumpets and clashing of armour.  
11 A Tetragonall form] That is of four equal sides, or four square; But we must understand (which Aelian after teacheth) that there are two kinds of Tetragonall, o● square bodies military, one in number, the other in figure. In number, when the front, and flank of the body have either of them as many Soldiers, as other; as the Syntagma hath 16. in front, and 16. in flank. In figure, when the number of the front is greater, than the number of the flank, and yet front and flank stretch out an equal 
Aelian. cap. 18.  length of ground; as in the squares of horse, whereof Aelian speak● to hereafter. This last square is at this day called a square of ground, because the space of ground, which containeth the length of the front, stretcheth out justly as far, as the space of ground, which containeth the depth of the flank. It is caused by the difference of distance, which is betwixt the Soldiers in front, and betwixt the Soldiers in flank. In front, being closed to fight, the distance betwixt Soldier, and Soldier, is but a cubit; that is a foot, and a half. The distance betwixt soldier, and soldier, in flank is two cubits, or three foot, which proportion will give no more, then half so many men in flank, as in front, and yet maintain the trueness and evenness of the sides of the figure; that is the length of the line, which measureth the front, and flank, shall be all one.  
12 A Pentecosiarchie] The word is a command of 500, and that was sometimes the number. In the Macedonian Phalange, it comprehendeth a 512 men. The cause of difference is the difference betwixt the file of the Macedonians, and the file of the ancient Grecians (whereof I have spoken before) the odd 12 men coming in by the fifth doubling of 16. And the number being so near 500, though somewhat above, the name of Pentecosiarchie is still retained, because it was then in use, and no other more fit could be found.  
13 A Chiliarchie] The command of 1000 men according to the name; Aelian giveth it a 1024, from the doubling of 512. The Tribunes of the Roman Legions are by the Greek Historians termed Chiliarches; yet is there a great difference; for the Chiliarches have no more command, then over their Chiliarchy consisting of 1000 men, and sometimes of more, as here in Aelian of 1024. But every Tribune had in his turn the command of the whole Legion. And again there being 12 Tribunes, to every Legion (which at first had in it 3000, afterward 4000, than 
a Plutarch. in Romulo.  5000, and in the time of 
b Sallust. in jugurtha.  Vegetius 6000 men) how should a Tribune be called a Chiliarch and be a Leader of a thousand, there being in the legion but▪ 6000 men at the most, and yet 12 Tribunes; so that every one could not have, above 500 for his▪ command; and in Polybius time, (the jegion being 
c Veget. lib. 2. cap. 2.  but 4200) not above 300 and odd. But the Roman manner of war and ordering of troops, differed much from the Grecians; and the Grecians in terming a Tribune a Chiliarch, took the next word, and most significant amongst them to express the charge of a Tribune. Our Colonels, for their command, of a Regiment come nearer to the Grecian Chiliarches; yet ours differ in that they have Companies in their own Regiments, which the Grecian Chiliarches had not, and where 
d Quint. Curt. lib. 5. 166.  Q. Curtius saith, that the Chiliarchy was first instituted at Babylon by Alexander, as a reward for service, it seemeth to be otherwise. For as I find this in no other Author, so find I, that Chiliarchies were long before Alexander's time. 
e Xenoph. Cyro●. lib. 2. 43.  Xenophon reporteth, that Cyrus to give encouragement to his soldiers to be valiant, promised to the Taxiarches to make them Chiliarches, to the Lochagis to make them Taxiarches, to the Decharches to make them Lochagi, to the Pempadarches to make them Decarches; 
f Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 4. 88 B.  And that Cyrus made Chrysanthas a Chiliarch of horse in regard of his worth, and forwardness in service. And afterward he calleth 
g Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 168. C. D.  Phranuchus, and Asiadatas, Chiliarches of horse, and A●tabasus and Artagersas Chiliarches of foot: 
h Polyen. lib. 3. in Iphicrate § 10.  Polyenus witnesseth that in Iphicrates his time the Athenians had Chiliarches, and Pentecosiarches, so that the institution of Chiliarches could not be referred to Alexander's being at Babylon, considering it was ●n use before; And 
a Arrian. lib. 3. 64. C.  Arrian reporting the same story, saith not, that Alexander first brought up Chiliarchies there, but that he ordained two Lochi in every horse troop (where to that day there had been none) and two Lochagis to command them. Indeed 
b Diod. Si●ul. lib. 18. 653.  Diodorus Siculus, writes thus concerning a Chiliarch. Antipater, saith he, lying upon his deathbed declared Polyperchon Protector of the Kings (being the eldest of those, that had served Alexander in his wars, and much honoured of the Macedonians) and his own son Cassander the Chiliarch, and second man in authority. The place and institution of the Chiliarch first grew to name and honour under the Persian Kings. So writes Diodorus of this Chiliarchy which Antipater bestowed upon his son Cassander. Which notwithstanding seems much to differ from the common Chiliarchy of the Phalange, whereof Curtius speaks. For Diodorus saith, he was next to Polyperchon in authority. Where in the Phalange there were many Commanders, namely, the Merarches, the Phalangarches etc. above the Chiliarches. Add that he saith, the institution of this Chiliarch came from the Persian Kings, when the Chiliarches of the Phalange had their beginning from the Grecians, and were ordinary in Phalanges, as I have showed. Lastly where Diodorus reporteth, that it had the increase and advancement of honour from the Persian Kings, he showeth plainly, it was not Alexander's invention. And the same Diodorus speaking of the death of Ochus King of Persia telleth, that he was poisoned by Bagoas his Chiliarch in the time of the reign of Philip, Alexander's father. This Chiliarch than I take to be the same, that the General of an army is with us. And I can hardly be persuaded, that Antipater wouldbequeath a less place to his son Cassander.  
14 A Merarchy] The command of a part or half; for a Phalangarchy consisteth of two Merarchies. So that a Merarchy is half the Phalangarchy, and containeth, 2048 men. This part is also called Telos, of which I have spoken in my notes to the seventh Chapter. And yet the word Telos is not alone used in bodies of foot. For 
c Thucyd. lib. 1. 33.  Thucydides speaking of the fight by sea betwixt the Corcyraeans, and Corinthians, telleth, that the Corcyraeans gave the right wing to ten Athenian ships, and having of their own a 100 and 10 ships, divided them into three Tele, every of which was commanded by one of their Generals: so that Telos there signifieth not a certain number of ships, but a part of their fleet divided into 3: & the Commanders of the Corcyraeans are called Strategois.  
15 A phalangarchy] The command of a single Phalange. Of this kind were the 
d Arrian. lib. 1. 14. ●▪ & 35. E & 60. A.  Phalanges in Alexander's army (as I take it) which were led by Caenos, by Perdiccas, by Craterus, by Amyntas, by Ptolemy, by Meleager, and other, as Arrian hath; Before Philip and Alexander gathered those forces together, wherewith Persia was subdued, the armies were of smaller number amongst the Grecians. Neither was it in many Cities might to raise 4096 men; which go to the Phalangarchy of Aelian: If any did, they might well call it an army (Strategia, and the Commander Strategos) and the name of Strategos, or General was usually given to him, that commanded in chief over an army (though small) sent out by any City to war. So then, as the General was called Strategos, a Phalangarchy might also be called Strategia. I have before noted, that the sections of the Phalange are limited, and laid out by the Phalangarchies. And where there are 3 sections in a Phalange, the middle section is in the midst of the 4 Phalangarchies▪ 2 Phalangarchies lying on the one side, and 2 on the other. The 2 other sections are one betwixt the 2 Phalangarchies of the right wing, the other betwixt the two Phalangarchies of the left wing, for betwixt every phalangarchy was a space or section.  
16 A Diphalangarchie] The command of two Phalangarchies; this was one of the wings. Aelian giveth it no Commander ordinary, neither do I remember, that I have read Diphalangarches of Diphalangarchia, as Phalangarches of Phalangarchia, Tetrarch▪ of Tetrarchia. Yet was there one, always that commanded the wing, appointed to that place extraordinarily; So 
a Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 155.  Philip, at the battle of Cheronaea (where he overthrew the power of the Athenians, and Thebans, and their Allies) took the one wing to himself, and gave the command of the other to Alexander his son being then but young. And 
b Arrian. lib. 1. 14. D.  Alexander at Granicus commanded himself the right wing, and appointed Parmenio to the left. So in the battles against Darius at 
c Arrian. lib. 2. 35. E.  Issos' in Cilicia, and at 
d Arrian. lib. 3. 60. B.  Gaugamela in Syria.  

17 Meros'] Meros' is a part by division, coming of the verb, meiro to divide. And as before, Amerarchie, was half a phalangarchy, so here Meros' is half the fourfold Phalange. Each than signifieth half, but to distinguish them, the one is called a Merarchie, that is a Command of half, the other Meros', that is half: A distinction sufficient to know the one from the other. Two of these Meros' make the Phalange containing 16384 men. And these are the bodies military, which Aelian in this Chapter describeth, and which were in use amongst the Macedonians. The other Grecians used other bodies in their armies. The 
e Xenoph. de rep. Lacedem. 686. A.  Lacedæmonians divided their whole city, into fix bodies, horse and foot; every one of which was called Mora, or Moira. Their General was one of their Kings, for they had always two. Every Moira, had a Polemarch (not much differing from our Colonels) four Lochagie, eight Pentecosteres, and sixteen Enemotarchs'. What the number of the Moira was, is uncertain, by reason of the secrecy the Lacedæmonians used in their government, as 
f Thucyd. lib. 39 C.  Thucydides saith. Plutarch 
g Plutarch. in Pelopida.  reporteth, that Ephorus the historian, giveth 500 men to the Moira, Calisthenes 700. Polybius and others 900. 
h Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. 473.  Diodorus Siculus, agreeth with Ephorus, and alloweth but 500 to the Moira. And 
i Xenoph. hist. Graec. lib. 4. 528. C.  Xenophon numbereth the Moira of the Lacedæmonians, which Iphicrates, defeated hard by Corinth, to have been about 600 men. 
k Scholiast. in Thucyd. lib. 5. 392.  See the scholiastes, of Thucydides, for the exact number of these bodies. The 
l Polyen lib. 3. in Iphicrat. § 10.  Athenians had their Chiliarches, Pentecosiarches, Taxiarches, and Lochagie, as I have said before. And with them were the Lochagis last, where with the Lacedæmonians they were next the Polemarches, but the number of the Lochos was not alike, as I have likewise showed before. Cyrus' in 
m Xenophon Cyroped. lib. 2. 43. A.  Xenophon hath these orders military, Myriarches Commanders of ten thousand, Chiliarches of a thousand, Taxiarches of a hundred, Lochagis of twenty four, Decadarches, called sometime Dodecadarches of 12, Pempedarches of six, which are also called Hexadarches. 
n E●ymologic: magn: in voc● Strat●s.  Vrbicius differeth not much from Aelian, save only in the number of the file, and the Officers of the file. For where Aelian hath sixteen to a file, Vrbicius hath but ten: and Vrbicius alloweth but two Commanders to the file, the fileleader, and the Bringer-up Aelian four; the four Enomotarchs'. For the number of the Officers, in the Phalange they agree. And yet the names are not all one. Aelian beginneth with a Dilochite commanding two files, thirty two men, Vrbicius with the Lochagos, who likewise commandeth two files of his, and five men more, namely 25 men. The next in Aelian is a Tetrarch over sixtie-foure men, in Vrbicius a Pentecontarch over fifty men. Vrbicius hath next a Taxiarch, a Syntagmatarch, a Pentecosiarch, a Chiliarch, a Merarch, a Phalangarch: And so hath Aelian. The next in Aelian is a Diphalangarch, Commander of 8192 men; Vrbicius termeth him a Myriarch that is the Leader of ten thousand men. The Tetraphalangarchy is last in both. But Vrbicius assigneth no more, than 16 thousand to his Phalange, Aelian 16 thousand 384. julius Pollux thus divideth his bodids, a Myriarchie, a Chiliarchie, a Taxiarchie, a Hecatontarchie, and a Lochagie. What a proportion Leo makes, is to be seen in the fourth Chapter of his Tactics. Because, he hath a mixture of the Roman and Greek Orders, I remit the Reader to the book.  

So then Aelian hath in his Phalange of armed (besides the two Diphalangarches) 1020. Officers.  Dilochites 512. Tetrarches 256. Taxiarches 128. Syntagmatarchs' 64. Pentecosiarches 32. Chiliarches 16. Merarchs' 8. Phalangarchs' 4.  1020.  
I have set down the figures of all the bodies described by Aelian as far, as the Phalangarchy. The rest would have been troublesome to insert as requiring more paper, then would stand with any reasonable proportion; neither are they greatly needful. For two Phalangarchies joined in an even front, and in a convenient distance, will figure out a Diphalange; four in an even front with a like distance will make the fourfold Phalange. So that thereby the form of it will appear.      

The precedence, and dignity of place in the offices of the Phalange. CHAP. X.  
¹ THe best of the Phalange Commanders is placed on the right wing, the second on the left wing, the third in valour in the right hand next the second Phalange toward the middle section. The fourth on the left hand next the first Phalange toward the middle section likewise. So the first and fourth Phalange have Commanders of the first, and fourth worth: The second and third Phalange have Commanders of the second and third worth. Now we will show by demonstration, that the first, and fourth worth, and valour, are equal to the second, and third; So that the Commanders in each wing are of valour alike.  
² The Leaders also of the several Merarchies are thus disposed. The first hath his place in the head of the first Phalange on the left hand: The second on the right hand of the second Phalange: The third on the left hand of the third Phalange: The fourth on the right hand of the fourth Phalange. Also the Leaders of files in every Tetrarchy are so placed, that the Leader of the first file hath pre-eminence in valour and place; the Leader of the fourth file standeth next him: Then the Leader of the third file, and the Leader of the second file last. For then are Dilochies of equal valour when the first Dilochie hath the first, and fourth Leaders, the second Dilochy the second, and the third Leaders in valour and reputation. For it appeareth in the Mathematics, that, when there are Analogies, or answerable proportions of four magnitudes propounded, that, which ariseth of the first, and fourth, will countervail that, which ariseth of the second, and third magnitude. And because there are four Tetrarchies in every Syntagma, we may give the Leaders of the Tetrarchies place according to the same proportion, as to place the Tetrarch of the first Tetrarchy on the right hand, giving him the first place of worth; on his left hand the Tetrarch of the fourth Tetrarchy in the fourth place of worth. Then again next him the Tetrarch of the third Tetrarchy in the third place of worth, and on his left hand the Tetrarch of the second Tetrarchy in the second place of worth.  
In like manner are the greater commands also to be proportioned.  

Notes.  
THe former Chapter was of the Officers and of the bodies of the Phalange; this is of the place of every one, according to his worth. And first we are to note, that all the 
a Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 3. 85. C.  Commanders were placed in front of those, that they commanded; to the ●nd they might direct, and lead them as occasion should require. For 
b Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 8. 203. A.  Xenophon saith of Cyrus' army, the Decadarches, or file Leaders, had care of the files, the Lochagie of he Decadarches, the Taxiarches of the Lochagie, the Chiliarches of the Taxiarches, the Myriarches of the Chiliarches: So in the Phalange of Aelian the file Leader had the command of his file, the Dilochites of the file Leaders, the Tetrarches of the Dilochites, the Taxiarches of the Tetrarches, and so the rest, till you come to the General, who cared for all, directed all, and under whom all the Commanders were. The General ●ath been placed sometimes in the right wing, sometimes in the midst of the Phalange. 
c Vegetius lib. 3. cap. 18.  Vegetius saith, that the General of the Army is accustomed to be in the right wing betwixt the horse, and the foot. He addeth, this is the place, which governeth the whole battle, from whence the sallying out is most direct, and free. Therefore he standeth betwixt both, that he might both govern horse, and foot with counsel, and with authority exhort them to fight. 
d Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 176. B.  Cyrus' in his battle against Croesus, took his place in the right wing, betwixt the right hand point of the battle, and of the horse, that were ranged in the wing; Alexander the great, in his battles took the same place; 
e Platarch. in Timol.  Timoleon in his fight against the Carthaginians placed himself in the midst of the battle. 
f Diod. Sicul: lib. 20. 743.  Diodorus Siculus, saith, that, it is the manner of the Scythians, that the King should stand in the midst of the Phalange. The like doth 
g Arrian. lib. 2. 36. C.  Arrian affirm of the Persians, and saith, that Darius had that place. 
h Leo cap. 4. § 65. & 67. & cap. 12. § 66.  Leo also giveth the midst of the battle to the General. And there placeth the battle over which he would have him to command.  


1 The best of the Phalangarches] This ordering of the Phalangarches the best on the right hand wing, the second on the left, the third next him in the left wing on his right hand toward the middlesection: The fourth in the right wing on the left hand of the first toward the middlesection thus, 
2 3 4 1  cometh out of a Geometrical proportion, which proportion giveth law to the ordering of the rest of the Commanders. The rule is this: 4. Magnitudes which equally exceed the one the other being compared together that which ariseth of the first, and fourth, is equal to that, which ariseth of the second, and third. As 2. 8. 14. 20. each exceedeth the other, 6. The addition of 2. to 20. begetteth an equal number to 8, and 14. added together. So is it in all other numbers, that have the same equality of excess one above an other. Out of this rule of proportion, Aelian deriveth the giving equality of strength in the Leaders to every body in the Phalange. For Leaders and Commanders are (or aught at least to be) chosen by worth, and valour: and the preferments of the field have been held the due reward of virtue. Say then the Phalangarches are preferred to their places according to their worth, and that the first Phalangarches is most worthy, the second next him, the third next, the fourth least deserving of the four. If you should place them, as their worth is in a rank successively one after an other, the best before the first phalangarchy in the right wing, the second before the next phalangarchy in the same wing, and leave the other two Phalangarches to command the left wing, the disproportion would b● great; the third and fourth not being able to match the worth of the first, and second. But if you place the best Phalangarch before the first phalangarchy on the right wing, the second before the second phalangarchy of the left wing, the third Phalangarch next him before the third phalangarchy on the left wing, toward the middle Section; the fourth before the fourth phalangarchy of the right wing toward the same Section, the valours of the Commanders, will be equal in both wings. For as in the number 1. 2. 3. 4. one and 4. make 5, as many, as is made by joining 2 and 3 together; so the worth of the fourth Phalangarch joined to the worth of the first will arise as high in true valuation, as the worths of the second and third joined together. And where the phalangarchy on the left corner of the left wing is called the second, and the next phalangarchy standing in the same wing the third; it is to be understood that it is second in dignity, not in succession of number; for the fourth phalangarchy in dignity standeth in place and number next the first; and the second phalangarchy hath the last place of the whole Phalange. Their places then are after this manner according to Aelian.  

² b f c ³ g ⁴ d e a ¹  
For the understanding whereof, you are to note, that  


a signifieth the first phalangarchy.  
b the second phalangarchy.  
c the third phalangarchy.  
d the fourth phalangarchy.  
e the Section of the right wing.  
f the Section of the left wing.  
g the middle Section.  
1 the place of the first Phalangarch.  
2 the place of the second Phalangarch.  
3 the place of the third Phalangarch.  
4 the place of the fourth Phalangarch.      

2 The Leaders of the Merarchies] As the Phalangarches so are all the other Commanders of the several bodies placed by four, and the same observation to be had, of the dignities of the place, that was in the Phalangarches: and these 4 Merarchies (for Aelian speaketh of no more than 4,) must stand thus.  
P 2 M 2 M 3 P 3 P 4 M 4 M 1 P 1  


P, standeth for Phalangarches.  
M, for Merarches.    
Robertellus confesseth he findeth these Merarches so placed in a written book, and it is the true placing. The figures, he setteth down out of his own wit (as he termeth it) carry with them no savour of Aelians' proportion. Patricius likewise seemeth to have mistaken this proportion in the figures he hath set down, of which not one is right. I will refer the Reader to their books, admonishing him only of the mistaking. But Aelian placeth here but 4 Merarches; what order shall be for the other four? I have always thought Aelian defective in this place, neither could I hitherto find any man, that hath brought light to clear the doubt. Patricius that purposely discourseth of this place of Aelian, speaketh of bestowing 4 Merarches only, as though the rest were to be thrown away from the Phalange. Robortellus seeking to bestow all 8, bestoweth them indeed, but not according to Aelians' proportion, which notwithstanding he would seem to follow. His figure is this.  
P. 1. M. 8. M. 4. M. 3. M. 6. P. 3. P. 4. M. 5. M. 2. M. 1. M. 7. P. 2.  
The right wing  
The Middle.  
The left wing.  
The proportion is his, as I said, and not Aelians'. For Aelian placed the first Merarch in the right wing; he placeth him in the left; Aelian the second in the second phalangarchy, he in the fourth; Aelian the third in the left wing, he in the right; Aelian, the fourth in the fourth phalangarchy, he in the first. The rest are so jumbled together, as though any thing else had been sought for, rather than proportion. I take not upon me to overrule any doubt; but if amongst the rest I interpose mine opinion, I hope, I shall not incur just blame. Thus then: seeing Aelians' meaning is by evenness and worth of number of both wings to find out the worth of the Commanders of both, if I so distribute them, that the number of the one side shall counterbalance the number of the other, I cannot much stray from Aelians' meaning. The figure following will do it.  
P. 1. M. 5. M. 1. M. 4. M. 8. P. 4. P. 3. M. 7. M. 3. M. 2. M. 6. P. 2.  
The right wing  
The Middle.  
The left wing.  
In this figure I have observed precisely the place, that Aelian gave to the 4 Merarches. The first standeth on the left hand of the first Phalangarch; the second on the right hand of the second Phalangarch; the third on the left hand of the third Phalangarch; the 4th on the right hand of the 4th Phalangarch. The rest I have added, and divided according 


The whole wing.  The right w. The left ●▪ 1 3 5 7 1 3 4 2 8 6 4 2 23 23   the placing of the first: So that the number that ariseth of the addition of both wings, is alike, and the proportion held. In all the rest of the bodies, where there is a Command over 4, the keeping of the proportion hath no difficulty. So every Phalangarch commandeth over 4 Chiliarches; every Merarch over 4 Pentecosiarches; every Chiliarch over 4 Syntagmatarchs'; every Pentecosiarch over 4 Taxiarches; every Syntagmatarch over 4 Tetrarches; every Taxiarch over 4 Dilochites; every Tretarch over 4 files; In all which the Commander, which hath the right, hath the first place, he that hath the 


The Merarches alone.  5 7 1 3 4 2 8 6 18 18   point of the left hand, the second place; he that standeth on the right hand next to him, the third place; the last place is his, who standeth next to the Commander of the right point on the left hand. And for the place of the Phalangarches, and of 4 of the Merarches, and the fileleaders, and of the Tetrarches, they are laid out by Aelian. The rest appear by these, and are to be squared by the same rule of proportion, as Aelian admonished.      

The distances to be observed between Soldier and Soldier in opening and shutting the Phalange. CHAP. XI.  
WE are now to speak of distances both in length, and depth betwixt Soldier, and Soldier, as they stand ordered in Battle. The distances vary in three sorts. For first they are placed in thinner distance for some special causes. And a Soldier so placed taketh up ¹ 4 cubits. But in ² Densation or closing he taketh up 2 cubits. ³ In Constipation or shutting, one cubit.  
Densation then, or closing is, when we draw wide distances close together, and by sidemen, and followers (that is both in length and depth) gather up the body of the Phalange: so notwithstanding that the soldier yet hath liberty to move, and turn about.  
Constipation, or shutting is when the Phalange by sidemen gathereth itself yet closer together, then in Densation; so that by reason of the dearness there is left no Declination, or turning of faces either to the right, or left hand.  
The use of Closing is, when the General leadeth the Phalange against the enemy. Of Shutting when he would have it stand fast (and as it were locked up, and serred) to receive the charge of the enemy.  
Seeing then there are 1024 Fileleaders in the front of the Phalange, it is plain that ⁴ in their ordinary array they take up in length 4096 Cubits ⁵ (that is ten furlongs, and ninety six cubits) In Closing five furlongs, and forty eight cubits. In Shutting two furlongs, a half, and four and twenty cubits.  

Notes.  
AFter Soldiers are armed, and distributed into bodies military, the next care is to be had of their Moving. For as a man, let him be never so well proportioned, and strong, if he place disorderly, and either set too great strides, or reel here, and there, or so mince, and tread out his steps, as if his legs were bound together, groweth hereby deformed, and not only loseth his comeliness, but his activity withal, and possibility to perform any thing by strength: So is it of an Army, that hath either too great distances, or is thronged up, or pestered too close together. 
a Caesar d● bell. gall. lib. 2  Too much thronging bindeth, as it were, the soldiers hands, and taketh away the use of his weapons, as on the other side 
b Plutarch. in Philopoemene.  falling one loose from another, and standing or moving too far asunder, maketh the Battle weak, and disjointed, and subject to the enemy's entry, and easy to be broken. The mean betwixt both was brought in by King Philip, King of Macedonia, who first constituted, and raised the Macedonian Phalange, and invented the distances of opening and closing the same; imitating the 
c D●dor S●c: lib 16 51●.  serring of Targets (called Synaspismos) practised by the old Heroes at Troy. Out of his discipline sprung the distances mentioned here by Aelian: which are of three sorts; The first are large distances of  

1 Four Cubits] Which amount to six foot. For a Cubit containeth a foot and a half. This 
d Pol●b lib 12 664 C. Leo cap 17. § 61.  distance was used in marching, or else in solemn pomps and shows. And the soldier having a pike of 
e Pol ●. lib. 17 764 A.  14 Cubits or 21 long, whereof one half lay forward on his shoulder, and the other half backward, it was requisite he should have a reasonable large distance, both in file and rank, 
f Leo cap 7. §. 54.  to the end, that in turning this way, or that 
Cap. 11.  
The first distance ordinary 6 foot in file as much in rank  
The Rear  
The second distance called Closing & foot in file as much in rank  
The third distance called or serring & foot in file shoulder to shoulder in rank  way, or that way, or moving out of his place (for no man in his march, can always hold his rank) he offended not his next neighbours therewith. This distance our exercise at this day calleth open order. The next distance is of  
Two Cubits] Or three foot. The name of it in Greek is Pycnosis, that is thickening. In Leo it is called Sphinxis, (knitting together) in our modern exercise Order. And it is, when from the distance of 6 foot, we draw our Phalange both by file, and rank, so close, that the soldiers stand but 3 foot one from an other every way. This distance is used, when the Army approacheth near to the enemy (and only cometh not to charge) that it may be ready to shut, and lock itself for the charge, which is performed in the last distance of  
One Cubit] A foot and a half. This is called Synaspismos, joining Target to Target. For, as I before showed, the pikemen of the Macedonians used also Targets with their pikes, and in charging the enemy closed so near in front, that their own Targets touched one another. This kind of fight 
g Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 178. A. It is called by Thucydides, Synciifis, Thucyd. lib. 5. 393. B.  the Egyptians used in Xenophon (which he calleth locking together of Targets) and by means thereof had the advantage against the Persians. The Parthian horse likewise coming to charge Crassus with their staves: 
h Appian. in Parthicis. 144. A. 164. D. C.  After they perceived the depth of the locking of Targets, and the settledness, and steadfastness of the Roman Phalange, they retired, and durst not come to hands with them. And 
i Diod. Sicul. lib. 17. 575.  Diodorus Siculus writes that Alexander besieging the City of Halicarnassus, there was in the City, and in service of Darius one Ephialtes an Athenian, a man of great valour, and strength of body; He by the permission of Memnon General of Darius' Army, determined to make a sally. And taking to him 2000 mercenary soldiers, all chosen men, and giving brands flaming with fire to one half, and reserving the rest for fight, he opened the gates, and fell out, throwing fire upon the engines of battery, which soon caught a mighty flame; And marshalling the rest into a thick and deep Phalange, himself led on, and was the first that fell on the Macedonians coming to aid, and to quench the fire. Alexander advertised hereof sped to the medley; & ordered first the Macedonians in front, after them other choice men, for seconds; and in the third place men of extraordinary account for their prowess, himself leading them on sustained the enemy, which seemed unresistible, and sent others to slake, and put out the fire, and to preserve the Engines. The fight was hot, and albeit the Macedonians found means to quench the fire, yet had Ephialtes the better in the fight; who both himself killed many with his own hands, and the towers from the walls furnished with many Catapelts annoyed grievously the Macedonians. In so much that some falling in the place, othersome forsaking their ground by reason of the number of Engine Darts that fell thick amongst them, Alexander himself was reduced to extremity. Here the old soldiers of the Macedonians; although otherwise freed from such service in regard of their age, having of a long time followed the wars with King Philip, and gained many a battle, were by this occasion tolled out to succour; and as they excelled the younger sort in greatness of spirit, and military experience, so meeting with the runaways, they bitterly reviled, and taunted them for their cowardice; Then 
* Synaspisantes  serring themselves close, and joining their Targets together, they repressed, and held the enemy short, who now seemed to have the victory in his hands. Finally killing Ephialtes, and many other, they drove the rest into the City. A memorable service of the use of Targets, and of the Synaspisme of the Macedonians, which was not used, but when they either gave upon, or received the charge of the enemy. And the Targets so knit together served for a wall (as it were) to the whole Phalange, and by them the soldier was defended from the missive weapons of the enemy, and his body covered even from the piercing of the sword. Synaspismos then, or shutting, is that aistance in the Phalange, which bringeth the sonldiers' Target to touch one an other, and is limited by Aelian to a cubit (that is a foot and a half) betwixt sidemen, and sidemen in the front. What distance the followers should have, Aelian setteth not here do●ne in plain words; but implies, that they should hold their 3 foot still, in that he saith the Phalange in constipation gathereth the sidemen closer, then in densation, but speaketh nothing of followers. 
a Polyb. lib. 17. 764. A.  Polybius teacheth it more plainly; who gives them three foot distance from the Leader, both according to the Macedonian and Roman discipline, and that for the use of their arms: with whom Aelian also agreeth 
b Aelian. c. 14.  afterward. In what manner the Targeteers made their closings, and how their Targets were cast from the back, where they hung, to the left shoulder, I have before noted in the second Chapter, and therefore think it needless here to repeat. Now for the ground, that a Phalange taketh up in each of these orders, Aelian showeth it in the words following, allowing the Phalange.  
4 In 
c See Polyb. lib. 12. 664. C. Leo cap. 17. § 91.  ordinary array four thousand cubit's] The Phalange in open order, saith Aelian, takes up 4096 cubits of ground. This is to be understood in front, or length; for in depth it hath no more, than 64 cubits; every soldier (which are in number, 16 in file) possessing 4 cubits of ground in his open order; A cubit is the part of the arm, which reacheth from the elbow to the middle finger's end, and is as much, as a foot and a half. In front then, there being 1024 Fileleaders, we most allot to each of them four cubits, of ground; to the thousand 4000 cubits, and to the odd twenty four 96 cubits. For four times twenty four makes 96. which together comes to 4096 cubits, and to six thousand one hundred forty four foot.  
5 Ten furlongs and ninety six cubit's] Where this space is squared out by ten furlongs, we must understand, that a furlong contains 
d Suidas in Pl●thro.  four hundred cubits, and 4096 being divided by 400 the quotient is 10: ● that is ten furlongs and 96 cubits, as Aelian saith. Which measure of ground the Phalange of Armed taketh in open Order. Of these furlongs 
e Suidas ibid. & Leo cap. 17. § 89.  seven and a half go to a mile, by which account the front of the Phalange of armed in open order taketh up one mile, a quarter, and 346 cubits, measuring it by feet it amounts to 6130. In closing (which is named Order, and is the next distance) because the soldier is allowed but 2 cubits, that is half so much, as in open Order, the dimension will not exceed five furlongs, 48 cubits; that is 2048 cubits in all, which amounts to half a mile, half a quarter, and 173 cubits, in feet, 3072. In shutting 2 furlongs and a half, and 24 cubits; that is a quarter of a mile and 274. cubits.     

The arming of the Phalange. CHAP. XII.  
THe Phalange is to be armed with Target and Pike. The best Taget is the Macedonian target made ¹ of brass, and ² somewhat hollow, and having ³ eight handfuls in Diameter. The Pike ought to be ⁴ no shorter than 8 cubits; and the longest no longer, than a man may well use and wield in handling.  

Notes.  

IN the second Chapter of this book was handled the diversity of arms, used in the Phalange. This setteth forth the choice, that is to be made for matter and fashion, and what size is best of pike and target. For the other armour of the armed (whereof I spoke, in my notes to the second Chapter) is (no question) to be fitted to the body of him, that shall bear them. He giveth then to the armed a target, and a pike, the target the Macedonian target, the matter whereof was first of brass. I have showed, that the Macedonian target was of brass, and that they were called by reason of the bearing such targets Chalcaspides Brazen-targets. I am induced to think, that, as Philip borrowed many other things in war from the Lacedæmonians, so he borrowed this kind of target from them. For they by the ordinance of Lycurgus, were enjoined to have no other matter in their target, than brass. 
a Xenophon de rep. Laced. 686. A.  Xenophon gives a reason why they were made of brass. For Lycurgus was of opinion, saith he, that such a Target was most fit for war, because it is soon brought to shine, and it gathereth not rust easily, two great commodities in arms. For albeit the chiefest considerations be sureness, and strength, yet is not the beauty to be neglected, which shining doth principally set out. 
b Plutarch. in Crasso.  Besides that it dazzleth the eye of the enemy, and strikes an amazedness into his mind. 
c Xenoph. in Agesilao. 659. B.  Xenophon much admireth Agesilaus, that he so armed, and clothed his army, that they seemed to be nothing, but brass, and nothing, but scarlet. The brass he speaketh of, were the brazen targets of his soldiers, which covered the most part of the body, and were chiefly the object of the eye, without that, that any other weapon was at that time of Brass. Therefore, as I said, I am of opinion that the brazen Target came from the Spartans' to the Macedonians. The Brazen-targets Aelian would have  
² Somewhat hollow] If they should bear straight out without any bowing, besides that they were uneasy, they would lie kicking out from the body, and not cover it much. The arm, or shoulder, that is inserted into the Target, is bowing. And the target somewhat bowing fits it for ease, and slopeth more toward the body to cover it, and is more pliable to be carried. But the hollowness ought not to be much. He would have it also  
3 Eight handfuls in Diameter] The Diameter in a circle is a right line, which is drawn from one side of the circumference to the other passing through the Centre, or middle point of the circle, dividing the circle in two equal parts. Here the Diameter of the target is taken for the exact breadth of the target, which ought to be, according to the Macedonian manner, eight handfuls, or two foot, that is 32 fingers. For four handfuls go to a foot, and four fingers to a handful. 
d Leo cap. 6. § 38.  Leo gives it three Spithams, that is 36 fingers, if he mean the great 
e jul. Pollux lib. 2. cap. 4. § 32. calleth it a span.  Spithame, which is of twelve fingers. And the less comprehending a handful he cannot mean. For so should the breadth of the target be no more, but three handfuls, a breadth insufficient to cover any man's body. Whether of them is the better will appear in trial. The Diameter that serves to cover the body from the upper part of the neck to the middle part of the thigh, is enough in these round targets. That, which is more, is rather troublesome, then fit for use. And I am of Iphicrates judgement in targets, that performing the covering of the body, they should be as light, as may be, lest the shoulder be overloaded with unnecessary weight. In which regard I prefer the Target of Aelian, before that of Leo; Aelians' reaching up to the height of the neck from the middle of the thigh; Leos carrying a handful more in breadth, which in the circumference groweth to a good proportion of weight and greatness.  
4 No shorter than 8 Cubits] That is 12 foot. Short pikes against long have a great disadvantage. With the long pike a man is able to strike, and kill his enemy, before himself can be touched, or come in danger of a shorter, the pike keeping the enemy out so far, as the length is. The experience of the battle of 
f Patricius Parel. part. secun: lib. 3. cap. 8.  Sorano, showeth it; where Vitellozzo Vitelli discomfited the Almains only with the advantage of pikes an arm longer than theirs. Against long pikes, this policy was used by Cleonymus the Lacedaemonian King, as 
g Polyen. lib. 2 in Cleonym. § 2.  Polienus tells. Cleonymus besieging Aedessa, and having overthrown the wall of the City, the pikemen of the City sailed out, whose pikes were each 16 cubits in length. Cleonymus closed his Phalange in depth, and commanded the fileleaders to lay away their pikes; and when the pikemen of the enemy came to charge, to seize upon their pikes with both hands, and hold them fast, and the followers to pass through by the fileleaders sides, and maintain the fight. The fileleaders laid hold on the pikes, and the enemy strove to recover them out of their hands. In the mean time, the followers passing through the rank of file leaders to the front, slew the enemy's pikemen, and got the victory. This was Cleonymus device against long pikes, which notwithstanding derogates nothing from the length of pikes more, than from shortness. For the same policy might have prevailed as well against short pikes, as long, each, assoon as the enemies have seized upon them, growing to be of no use. But that the longer pike is to be preferred before the shorter, I have showed before by reason: and the reformation of arms made by Iphicrates amongst the Athenians, and by Philopomen amongst the Achaians, will be warrant enough so to hold. In the length notwithstanding aught to be a reasonable consideration, that it exceed not the measure of his strength▪ that shall bear the pike.     

The worth that the Fileleaders, and next followers should be of CHAP. XIII.  
THE Fileleaders (as the Commanders of files of the Phalange) are to be the choice and flower of the Army, and to excel the rest as well in stature, as in experience and martial sk●ll. For this Rank knitteth and bindeth in the Phalange, and of all other yieldeth greatest use. For, as a sword taking to the edge as a weight, and sway, the swelling iron towards the back exhibiteth thereby more violence in piercing, so in a Phalange the Rank of Fileleaders is the edge itself, and the multitude of after-comers is the swelling, and sway, and increase of weight.  
Consideration must be had likewise of those that follow in the second Rank. For their Pikes reach jointly over the front, and being next in place they are always ready for use. And the fileleader falling, or being wounded, the next follower stepping to the front in his place, holdeth together, and preserveth the tenor of that Rank unbroken.  
Furthermore, we are to order the third and the rest of the Ranks according to reason▪ and as the valour of our soldiers shall require.  
THis Chapter showeth how the Soldiers are to be ordered in every File: whereof, because I have before spoken sufficiently in my Notes to the fifth Chapter; and the words of this Chapter carry no difficulty, or obscurity with them, I will forbear to treat any further.   

Of the strength of the Macedonian Phalange, and length of the soldiers Pikes. CHAP. XIIII.  
THE ¹ Macedonian Phalange hath of enemies been thought unresistible, by reason of ² the manner of embattailing. For the Soldier with his Arms standeth in close order, or shutting, when he is ready for fight, ³ occupying two Cubits of ground. And the length of his Pike is sixteen Cubits according to the first institution, but in truth it ought to be fourteen Cubits; whereof the ⁴ space betwixt the hands in charging taketh up two Cubits, the other twelve lie out from the front of the Battle. Those in the second Rank, that stand next to the Leaders (losing four Cubits in the Phalange) have their Pikes reaching over the first Rank ten Cubits. Those of the third Rank eight Cubits, of the fourth Rank six cubits, of the fifth 4 cubits, of the sixth 2 Cubits. ⁵ The Pikes of the other behind cannot attain to the first Rank. And seeing five or six pikes are charged over the first Rank, they present a fearful sight to the enemy, and double the strength of the soldier standing fortified, as it were, with five, or six Pikes, and seconded with a main force at his back, as the figure showeth. Moreover they that are placed after the sixth Rank, albeit they push not with their pikes, yet thrusting on with the weight of their bodies, reinforce the strength, and power of the Phalange, and leave no hope for the Fileleaders to fly, or shift away. Some would have the hinder pikes longer, than the foremost, that they of the third, and fourth Ranks might bear out the heads of their pikes equally with the first.  
⁶ The Superordinary Lieutenant of every Syntagma must be a man of understanding, overseeing the soldiers of his command, that they file, and rank; and if for fear, or other occasion, any forsake their ground, he is to compel them again to their places; and in Closing to put them (when need requireth) as near up together, as they should stand. For it is a great strength, and assurance to the Phalange, to have some principal Commander not only in front, but also in the Rear of the Battle, for the causes before mentioned.  

Notes.  
THE strength of the Macedonian Phalange, which consisted principally in the 
a Appian. in Syriacis. 97. E.  protension, and charging of pikes, and knitting together of Targets, is here set down. The whole Chapter seemeth to have been taken out of 
b Polyb. lib. 17. 763. E.  Polybius, who handleth the same argument, and almost with the same words, but that Aelian, and he differ about the number of Cubits, which the Pikes take up reaching over the front of the Phalange.  

1 The Macedonian Phalange, hath been thought to be unresistible] The strength of the Macedonian Phalange appeareth no way better, than by the conquests it hath made. King Philip was the inventor of it; and by that invention raised the kingdom of Macedonia from the poorest, to the powerfullest, and greatest kingdom of Europe; and (that I may use the words of 
c Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 510.  Diodorus Siculus,) finding the Crown, at his coming to it, in bondage to the Illyrians made it afterward Lady of many great Nations, and Cities; and purchased to himself, to be declared General of Greece. And first overthrowing the Illyrians, P●onians, Thracians, and Scythians afterward let upon the kingdom o● Persia to break it, after he had enfranchised the 〈◊〉 Cities of Asia. And albeit death intercepted him, yet he left such forces to his son Aleander, that he needed no other Allies to overthrow the Sovereignty of Persia. After his death 
d 〈…〉  Alexander ●ooke his langdome, and Army, and with it encountering, and v inquishing Darius in two great Battles, run through Asia like a flash of 〈◊〉 ren●ing a pieces a●, that res●ted, or stood in his way, and laid the foundation of that kingdom, which (albeit afterward divided) continued long in his Successors. Neither was the experience of their invincibleness against the barbarous people only, but as much against the Grecians, who ●ill Philip's time were esteemed the chief masters of Arms in Europe. This is clear by the victories, the Macedonians obtained against the renowned Cities of Greece both jointly and severally. 
c 〈…〉.  Philip overthrew the Phoceans, albeit the Lacedæmonians, and Athenians joined with them. The same 
f 〈…〉.  Philip at Cheronaea defeated the power of the Thebans, and Athenians joined together. 
g 〈…〉.  Alexander took and sacked the City of Thebes, that about that time was accounted the mighttest City of Greece. 
h 〈…〉  His Lieutenant Antipater foiled the Laced●nians 〈◊〉 battle, ●nd ste● their King Agis. 
i 〈…〉  Antigonus' Tutor of King Phi●p the son of Demetrius, broke an Army of the Lacedæmonians and Peloponesi● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and chased out of Greece Cleomenes the last brave King of Sparta. 〈◊〉 they were not beaten in the field by any Nation, but only by the Romans. And yet the judgement of 
k 〈…〉  Polybius, doth in this also prove itself good. For where the Romans had these victories against the Macedonians, he assigneth this to be the cause, that the Phalange at the time of the fight had not the proper place, nor means to use it own power in the encounter; so long as the Phalange hath ground enough, and can meet the enemy with a right front, he holdeth it not possible to be foiled, being divided, and in places uneven, he is of opinion, and experience hath taught▪ it may easily be put in a rout. 
l 〈…〉  Plutarch compareth it for strength (so long as it is one body, and maintaineth the Synaspisme jointly) to an invincible beast; being dis●euered, he saith, it looseth the force in the whole, and in every man particular, both in regard of the manner of arming, and also because the violence o● it consists rather in knitting of all parts together, than in particular of any man's valour. Three battles (to praetermit aivers skirmishes,) I find the Romans 〈◊〉 with, and thiem 〈◊〉 the Macedonians; One against King Philip, the son of Deme●us; an 〈◊〉 against Antiochus; the third against Per●eus the so●e of King P●lip. 
m 〈…〉  For I pa● over those, wherein they were beaten by Py●hus, 〈◊〉 wor●. 
o 〈…〉  Philip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phalange, and not using the whole together but fight against the Romans with the right wing only, yet had the better, and w● too ●ard for that part of the Roman Army, that joined with him; but the other 
〈…〉.  win● coming into the field fit rather for a march, than a fight, and not being able to order themselves Phala●ge-wise, were soon defeated, and the Roman victorious, fell upon the r●re o● the right win● (where Philip was, and had now gotten the victory) and so 〈◊〉 the field Antiochus unskilful in true ordering of a Phalange, truste● 
〈…〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 horse than his Phalange, and being to fight with L: Scipio, where he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given full scope, an● extended the front of the Phalange, by making it 16 deep, 〈◊〉 contrariwise narrowed it▪ 〈◊〉 out the depth into 32: whereby he lost the advantage of matching the ●ront of the Romans, and after his horse were beaten, gave facility to the enemy of 〈◊〉 on it all sides. 
p 〈…〉  Perseus' joining battle with Paulus Aemi●us▪ 〈◊〉 long 〈◊〉 the Phalange continued in the right figure▪ slew many of the Romans, an● forced them to retire▪ but following on too eagerly, he came to uneven, and rough ground, wherein the Phalange being dissevered, left spaces, and breaches for the Romans to enter and defeat it. So long then, as the Macedonian Phalange had fit ground, and the right property of embattailing, it stood fast against the Romans the greatest soldiers that ever were, being in their hands, that known not how to use it (as a sword in the hands of a child) it yielded to time and fortune. The cause of the strength of the Phalange is assigned to be  
2 The manner of embattailing]▪ Which consists principally in ordering of Target, and pike; in closing of the Targets by Synaspisme, and in joint charging of the pikes; which lying out thick from the front, besides the horror of the sight, give almost an impossibility to enter the Phalange. I have alleged the judgement of 
r Plutarch. in Aemilio.  Aemilius concerning the sight presented by a Phalange, when the Pikes lie so charged out of the front. 
s Polyb. lib. 17. 764. A.  Polybius thinketh nothing can resist the force thereof. 
t Livy Decad. 5. lib. 573. C.  Livy, albeit many times more than partial to the Romans, yet in the self-same fight between Perseus and Aemilius giveth his judgement thus of the Phalange: The second Legion (saith he) insinuated itself into the middle empty place, and so broke asunder the Phalange. Neither was there any more evident cause of victory, than the fights in divers places at once, which first troubled the Phalange in turning many ways, and afterward plainly disjointed, and scattered it; whose forces being united and rough with charged pikes are intolerable. If by giving on in divers places you constrain it to bring about the pikes immovable through length and weight, it entangleth itself with confused cross. If at one time you charge it both flank, and rear, they fall asunder like a ruinous building. As than they were compelled many ways to answer the Romans, and so to break their battle into many parcels. And the Romans upon the first opportunity of a breach strait ways conveyed in their troops, who if they had met the enemy in front, had run upon the pikes, as in the beginning it happened to the Pelignans, being too forward to come to hand, and could not have resisted the Phalange fast shut, and serred up for the encounter: thus Livy concerning the Phalange. Who albeit a Roman, holdeth the same opinion that Polybius doth. 
u Livy decad. 4. lib. 1. 18.  And in another place telling of Philip's encamping, ●e saith, he was lodged in a woody plot, which was unfit for the Phalange, especially of the Macedons, which unless it cast the pikes, as it were, a muniment before the Targets, (and that cannot be, but in open ground) is of no great use. So than if Pikes may be charged out before the Targets, the Phalange is of great use. But, that I may not seem, to rely upon bare opinion, let us hear by an example, or two, the experience of the Pike, and Target of the Macedonian against the Roman arms. 
x Livy decad. 4. lib. 2. 30. C.  When T. Quintus Flaminius the Rome Consul had driven King Philip, and his army from the straits near Antigonia, seeing that the enemy kept himself with his strength, and abstained from the field, he determined to try the Cities of Thessaly; and having won some by force, some by fear, he came before Rhage, and besieged it. He found the siege longer, and more difficult, than any man would have thought. And the enemy made his resistance, that way, the Consul would hardly have believed, he could. For he imagined that all his labour should be in throwing down the walls. If once he found passage for the Army to enter, there would after be nothing else, but flight and slaughter, as is wont, in wonne-Cities. But after that part of the wall was thrown down with the Ram, and the Army entered the City by the breach, it was the beginning of a new and fresh labour. For the Macedonians, that were there in Garrison, being many, and chosen, thinking it also a glory to them, if they could defend the City, rather with arms and valour, than with walls, serring themselves close together in a deep Phalange, when they perceived, that the Romans began to enter the breach drove them out, the place being cumbersome, and hard to make a retreat. The Consul much offended therewith, and thinking that shame concerned not only the delay of winning one City, but also the state of the whole war, (which for the most part dependeth upon moments of small matters) purging the place which was heaped up with the fall of the halfe-ruined wall, advanced a Tower which in many stories was stuffed with multitudes of armed men, and sent beside Cohorts under their Ensigns to break with main force (if it were possible) the body (they call it the Phalange) of the Macedonians. But the kind of weapons and fight was more advantageous for the enemy, than for the Romans; especially in that place, which was narrow, and straightened with the small space of the overthrown wall. When the Macedonians, serring themselves close, had charged pikes of a great length before their front, and the Romans, after their darts thrown in vain against the jestudo compacted, as it were, of the thick knitting together of the Targets, had drawn their swords, they could neither come up close, nor cut a sunder the pikes. And in case they cut the heads of, or broke any, the steal amongst the rest of the whole pikes filled up the room with their sharp fragments. join that that part of the wall, which was yet whole, secured the enemy's flanks on both sides; neither needed they much ground in retiring or advancing to charge, which things are wont to cause the breach of array. There also fell out a chance which increased their hopes, and spirits. For the Tower being driven on upon a rampire, that was not well rammed underneath, but had loose earth, one of the wheels sinking deeper into the ground than the rest, made the Turret to nod, & lie of one side, that both the enemy believed it would fall, and they within it were put in a pitiful fear. When nothing succeeded well, the Consul was evil appaide, that the Macedonian soldiers, and kind of Arms, might seem matcheable to his, and seeing no great hope of speedy winning the City, and that the place was unfit to winter in, raised his siege. So here the Macedonian soldier is not only equalled, but also preferred before the Roman, and that only by reason of his armour, the Pike and Target. An other experience fell out in the battle betwixt Perseus, and Aemilius, whereof I spoke in this Chapter. The story is this: 
Plutarch. in 〈◊〉.  The Romans coming to join battle with the Macedonians, and not able to come up to them by reason of the length, and joint out-bearing of their pikes. There was one Salius a Captain of Pelignans, who took the Ensign of his Company from the ensign-baerer, and threw it into the Macedonian Phalange. The Pelignans ran in heaps to the place (for it is not lawful, nor honest, for the Italians to forsake their Ensigns) where the medley brought forth wonderful effects. For the Pelignans fought with swords to put by the pikes, and to press them down with their Targets. And seizing upon them to pull them out of the hands of the Macedonians. The Macedonians contrariwise, maintaining their charge with both hands, and striking such, as approached near, through the bodies, arms and all, neither Target nor Cuirass, being able to sustain the violence of the blow, turned topsy-turuy the bodies of the Pelignans, who not with reason, but with the rage of wild beasts▪ threw themselves desperately upon wounds, and upon certain, and foreseen death. So the foremost falling, the followers began to slack. And yet they fled not, but retired to the mount called Olacrus. I will out of Appian join a third experience in the battle of Antiochus 
Appian▪ in Syr●cis. 109. B.  against L. Scipio, which I likewise touched before in this Chapter. As soon, as the Horse, and Chariots of Antiochus were put to flight by the Roman horsemen, and by Eumenes, his Phalange of foot being destitute of horse, first opened, and received the lightarmed, (that had all this while fought in the front) into the midst of it. Then afterwards again closed. And when Domitius Scipio's Lieutenant, encompassed it round with horse and lightarmed, which he might easily do, by reason it was thrust up into a thick Plinthium; it was driven to great distress; being neither able to charge the enemy, nor yet to countermarch in so great depth, as it carried. It grieved them much, that their long experience nothing availed them to annoy the enemy, and that notwithstanding they were subject to arrows, and darts at all hands. Yet, bearing out a multitude of pikes on every side of their square, they called the Romans to come to handy blows, and still made a countenance, as though they meant to charge, keeping themselves for all that within their Ranks, as being footmen, and heavy armed, and the rather, because they had to do, with an enemy on horseback. Besides they were loath to break the thickness of their battle, which form they could not now alter. The Romans also, durst not approach them, and come to sword, fearing their experience in war, and closeness of array, and desperation. But running about here, and there, plied them with arrows, and darts, whereof none was thrown in vain, falling amongst a troop so closely put up together, that they could neither avoid, and decline any thing thrown, nor give way, albeit they saw it coming. At last being weary, and irresolute what to do, they retired easily, with a threatening countenance notwithstanding, and in good order, and not delivering the Romans of fear, who durst not yet come near, but sought to annoy them aloof; till the Elephants placed in the Macedonian Phalange, being affrighted, and not to be ruled by their Governors, troubled all, and gave occasion of flight: hitherto Appian. Out of these three examples, the truth of that, which Aelian saith, is to be seen, that is, that the Macedonian Phalange can not be forced, or resisted by an enemy, (taking with all Polybius his caution) if it be in the right posture, and figure, and have such ground, as is fit. The Romans the best soldiers of all antiquity were repulsed by it at a siege, forced to retire in a battle, durst not come near it, after they had gained the field of the rest of the Army. And the Consul Aemilius, a man that had seen much service, and fought many a battle, and was one of the best Generals of that time, confessed, he never saw so fearful a sight, as when he beheld the Phalange advancing into the field, the bodies joined, the Targets serred, and locked together, darting out fire like lightning, the front rough with couched, and charged pikes, and armed with iron, and threatening present death to him, that durst approach.  

3 Occupying two Cubits of ground] We may not take it, as though the soldier betwixt file, and file had two Cubits, or three foot of ground. For we learned before that in locking up the Phalange, the distance between man, and man in front was but a Cubit. But it is to be understood between rank and rank. For Polybius saith, that the soldier ought to have room for the use of his weapon, which cannot be, without granting him three foot behind, the pike being sometimes to be pushed forward, sometimes to be drawn back, sometimes otherwise handled, as occasion of fight shall require.  
The length of the Pike is 16 Cubits] ᵃ Sixteen Cubits, which is twenty 
See Leo cap. 5. §. 3. & cap. 6. ●. 3●.  four foot, is a great length for a Pike, and it verifieth the words of Livy, that the Macedonian Pike is unwealdy, by reason of the length, and weight; yet do we read of pikes of that length. The 
b Po●yen. lib 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2.  Ae●essans had such. The 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 4 〈◊〉. ●.  Chalybes pikes were about 15 cubits long. 
d 〈◊〉. l. 17 704. A.  But 16 was the length at the first, the Maccdonians brought it to 14, which they took to be a sufficient length against the enemy, and easier for the Pikeman to bear and handle.   
4 The space in charging betwixt the hands taking up two cubi●s] Herein is a difference between Aelian, and Polybius. Aelian would have no more, than 2 cubits lost in charging; 
e Polyb. 17. 764. A.  Polybius saith 4. are lost, and with Polybius agreeth Leo. But the cause of the difference ariseth out of the form of the pike, and of the manner of holding it 
f L●o ●ap 6. ● 39  in the charge. If it be held at the butt end with the right hand, and supported toward the armed end with the left, as the manner in charging is, it cannot lose above two cubits, and Ae●an is in the right. But if, in holding it, you set the right hand 2 cubits from the butt and, then must 4 cubits of necessity be lost. Whereof 2 rest behind the right hand, the other two are taken up by the space betwixt both hands. Our manner of charging is at this day▪ to take the butt end in the right hand, and in so doing we lose but two cubits. But it seemeth our pikes are not made in that form, they were in Polybius time. In Polybius age they had weights at the but: end to make the sharp end the lighter, as the heavy pummel lightereth the sword in handling. 
g Pol●b l. 17. 〈◊〉 A.  This weight was called 
h 〈◊〉. Pollu● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. § ●.  secoma, as it were a counterweight to the heaviness, and length of the pike. Neither do I read any thing elsewhere then in Polybius, concerning the counterweight of a pike. To the handle of an Oar▪ I find in 
i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 di●noso ●. lib 5. ●04. A.  Atheneus, that lead was added, to make the part standing out from the ship more light. But yet Polybius, and Aelians opinions may well agree, and in pikes that have counterweights at their ends (the hold for charging being taken two cubits from the butt end) there may be lost four cubits, where the other sort being held at the butt end itself, lose but 2 cubits.  

5 The pikes of the other behind, cannot reach to the first rank] How shall they bear their pikes then? 
k Polyb. l. 17. 764. D  Polybius showeth, what the manner was. Those ranks, saith he, that stand behind the fifth, can help nothing to the fight in front. And therefore they charge not their pikes low, but bear them towards their forestanders shoulders, the points somewhat erected to secure the battle from above, intercepting by their thick lying the missive weapons, which flying over the front, would otherwise fall upon their heads, that are placed toward the rear. Polybius saith the manner was, (neither to charge, nor order their pikes, but) to bear them forwards stopping towards the shoulders of their companions before. Yet by bearin them so, what security they could ●ue from the missive weapons, that came aloft, I cannot yet conceive. An arrow, dart, or stone, unless it hit just on the midst of the pikes, would do as much, and sometimes more, harm by glancing, then if it had not touched them at all.  
Some would have the hinder pikes longer] The opinion of them, whom Aelian here speaks of, hath little reason to ground upon. For either the pike of th●m that come in the five ranks behind, especially the two last, must exceed in length, or else the fileleader● pikes in shortness, both which are ●like unprofitable. If they be too long, they cannot be wielded▪ if these too short, the enemy shall reach the fileleaders, and not the fileleaders the enemy. The measure of the longest pike was 16 cubits, which yet for aptness and use was by the Macedonians reduced to 14. Say then the sixteenth rank carrieth pikes of 16 cubits; two of the cubits according to Aelian, are taken away in handling, other ten by reason of the distance of the five former ranks. Four cubits alone remain, and reach over the front. If the file Leader in the front shorten his pike to four cubits to make an even extension, he shall not come near the enemy by ten cubits, who in pushing will reach home to him. For what length soever, is taken from the fileleader in front the same is given to the enemy, that pusheth with him. And he shall be able to wound the fileleader, and not the fileleader him, especially the pikes differing in so great a proportion.   
6 The superordinarie Lieutenant of every Syntagma] I have before noted the duty of a Lieutenant of the Syntagma, and it is here well expressed by Aelian. He, that desireth to see more touching the same, let him resort to Xenophons' Cyropaedia: lib. 3. 28. and lib. 7. 178. B. and to Leo, cap. 14. § 79.     

The place of the lightarmed, and the number of every file. CHAP. XV.  
THus much of ordering and marshalling the armed-foote. I will add a word, or two, of the lightarmed, or naked. 1 The General is to place the lightarmed so, that they be ready for all attempts of the enemy, sometime in front, sometime in flank, sometime in the Rear, according to occasion or necessity. For our purpose let them be thus ordered: We will frame also of them 1024 files as many, as the Phalange of the armed contained; So that the first file of the lightarmed be placed directly behind the first file of the armed, and the second file behind the second, and so the rest. 2 Yet shall they not be sixteen to the file, but half so many, namely eight; so that in 1024 files there shall be eight thousand, one hundred, ninety two men.  

Notes.  
1 HItherto all things concerning the arming, filing, embatteling, number, command, distance and precedence of the armed are declared; and likewise, of the arming of the light and somewhat of their place. Now followeth the filing, ranking, and place more exactly, and their manner of embattailing, with their sever all bodies, and commands.  


1 The General is to place] I have spoken somewhat before of the placing of the light. I will now only add a passage of Leo tending thereunto. 
a Leo cap. 14. § 69.  Leo saith thus, you shall range the Archers behind the rear of every file according to the number of the file, (that is four light for twenty six armed, proportioning an Archer for every four armed. Or if it be needful, you shall order them within the files, an armed, and an Archer. Sometimes without the wings of the battle; that is within the Horse. Oftentimes without the Horse a little distance, with a few Targeteers, to defend the uttermost flanks of the Horse. And this is to be done, when you abound in multitude of lightarmed. But those, that use small darts, and javelins, and such like are to be placed, either in the rear of the armed, or in the wings of the battle, and not in the midst. The slingers are always, to be set in the wings. Thus Leo placeth his light armed. But Aelian here (as before in the seventh Chapter) designeth their place in the rear, but so, that he leaveth it to the generals choice, and to the occasion of service to place them, as most befitteth. Being set behind, as Aelians' order is, they must answer the armed in number of files, & be directed by the files of the armed for their standing; that is every file of the lightarmed is to order itself in a right line after a file of the armed in such manner, as the armed are before embattled.  
Aelian in the beginning divided the foot into three parts, Armed, Targeteer's, and lightarmed. To the armed he hath given place, and maketh the Phalange to consist of them, the lightarmed he rangeth in the rear of the armed, what shall become of Tagetiers? for he speaketh not a word of placing them. By that I read in Arrian I would think, they were placed amongst the lightarmed, and next to the armed. First because Aelian saith, many number them amongst the light. Then I see the Hypaspists placed betwixt the Horse, and the armed in Alexander's fields, at Granicus, at Issos', and at Gaugamela; Lastly Leo in the passage before recited, when he placed the lightarmed without the Horse, he joineth Targeteers with them, for their safeguard. ᵇ Cyrus likewise placeth them next the armed in the rear; and after them the Archers.   
2 Yet shall they not be 16.] The file of the lightarmed is less in number, than the file of the armed. For if they should be 16 in file, the number being but half to the armed, they should not be able to make above 512 files, and breeding there by a disproportion both in placing, and correspondence one to an other, not equal the length of the Phalange. Besides standing eight in file, and in the rear, their flying weapons will be sent with more force against, their enemy; In as much as the hindermost of them are nearer the enemy by twenty four foot, which the last eight in a file of 16 deep take up. And missive weapons, the less their compass is, when they are sent against a mark, with more violence they pierce. As they hurt not greatly, if the distance be too far, from whence they come.     

The names of the bodies of the lightarmed. CHAP. XVI.  
THeir names and degrees are these. Four files of lightarmed are called ¹ a Systasis of 32. men. Two Systasies a ² Pentecontarchy of 64 men. Two Pentecontarchies ³ a Century of 128 men. In every Century ought to be 5 Superordinarie men: an Ensign, a Reare-commander, a Trumpeter, a Sergeant, and a Crier. Two Centuries contain 256 men, and are called ⁴ a Psylagy. Two Psylagies a Xenagy of 512 men. Two Xenagies a Systremma of 1024 men. Two Epixenagies a Stiphos of 4096 men. Two Stiphos an Epitagma of 1024 files, 8192 men. These aught also to have 8 Superordinarie men, whereof four should be Epixenagies, the other four Systremmatarchs'.  

Notes.  
CAP 16  
A Systasis  
A Pentecontarchy  
The light Armed  
The Front  
But here I may not praetermit the curiosity of the Grecians in their appellations, and their plenty of speech, apt to give diversity to things, that are divers. For where there are bo●es, amongst armed, and lightarmed, which consist of the same number, and therefore, as it seems, might well enough have been comprehended under one name, they notwithstanding to avoid confusion, and for perspicuities sake have thought good to call them by sundry names. Thirty two armed men are called a Dilochi; 32 light armed are a Systasis; 64 armed are a tetrarchy; 64 light armed a Pentecontarchie; 128 armed a Taxis; 128 light, a Hecatontarchie. Our tongue will not afford such variety. For albeit in common speech we distinguish the kind of soldier; yet confound we the name of the body, and of the command. A certain number of Pikes under a Captain we call a company of Pikes; So many shot under a Captain we likewise call a company of shot. The Captains, one a Captain of Pikes, and the other a Captain of shot. A company of Curacers of horse, we call a troup of Curacers; as many Argoleters, a troup of Argoleters. The Commanders of either of them we term Captains, the one of Curacers, the other of Argoleteres. But let us come to particular explication.  

1 Asystasis] It cometh of Synistemi to stand together: and asystasis is a standing together; which word albeit it may be extended to any kind of people assembled, and standing together; yet it is here appropriated to soldiers; and more particularly to 4. files of light armed, consisting of 32 men, 8 men going to the file.  
2 A Pentecontarchie] The command of 50 men. And so it was used of old. But the Macedonian, gave 64 men to this command, and yet retained the name, because it was familiar, and well known.  
3 A Century] Aelian calleth it a Hecatontarchie, the command of a 100 men. The name was usual before the Macedonians time, and it contained 100 men. But the Macedonians gave it 128 men. This was answerable to the Syntagma amongst the armed, and had the like officers. Yet whether it had a Captain, or no, may be some doubt; the rather because Aelian in this Chap: nameth no Commanders, but Systrematarchs', and Epixenagies; and those he would have super-ordinary. For my part, I think they had Centurions also. For as every body of the armed had a head, so I would think it requisite also amongst the lightarmed, especially seeing there was a Bringer-up, and other officers belonging to a Company; which unless they had a Commander, would become unprofitable. For if there were no Captain, to whom should the Crier, or Trumpet, or Sergeant of the century resort for direction? Add, that the light were often drawn to the wings, to the front, or other places of service, which could not be done without Leaders. For to put a Systrematarch, or an Epixenagie to lead a Century, were to leave the rest of the Centuries under them without a Commander. Besides, the Macedonians were very particular in their commands, and left no body without a heads which is the cause of the multitude of Commanders in the Phalange. But they are not here mentioned. No more are the 
a 〈◊〉 ●ap 20.  Commanders of the horse in the division of the bodies of the horse, and yet I think no man will doubt, but the horsem●n had Commanders. 〈◊〉, I find in the Grecian history, Captains of the lightarmed often named. 
b Xenoph. de exp●d 〈◊〉. lib. 1. 270. D  〈◊〉 is said to be Commander of the Targetires, in a fight the Grecians had against the Persians. 
c Xenoph de exped. lib. 4. 322 D  Stratocles commanded the Cretan Archers in the return of the Grecians out of Persia. 
d Arrian. lib. ●. 9 C.  Eurybates Captain of the Cretan Archers in Alexander's army was slain by the Thebans at the ●ege of Thebes. 
e Arrian. lib. 2. 55.  When Antioch●s the Captain of the Archers was dead, Omb●io was chosen in his place. Mention is made also in 
f Arrian. lib. 1. 23 B.  Arrian of Clearchus the Captain of the Archers. And when Aelian calleth the 4 Systremmatarchs', and the 4 Epixenages superordinary (Ectactous) he might have said as much of all the other Commanders. And he saith expressly of the offecers of the century, that they were superordinary (Ectactoi).  
4 A Psylagis] The word is a body of lightarmed. Which word, if it were taken, as it naturally signifieth, is common to, and comprehendeth all the bodies of the lightarmed, whereof Aelian speaketh in this Chapter. But here it is restrained to a body of lightarmed, which compriseth 256 men, and 32 files, and so it is to be taken.  
A Xenagie] That is, a command of strangers. Aelian before saith, that a Syntagma was by some called a Xenagie. I have given my opinion there of the original of the word, which I need not to repeat here; This only I will note, that of all the bodies of the lightarmed, no one hath a common name with the body of the armed, but only the Xenagie. And Aelian giveth also that body of the armed an other name, call it a Syntagma. The Xenagie hath in it 512 men, and 64 files.  
A Systremma] 
g Polyb. lib. 1. 47. B.  It signifieth a conglobation, or trooping together. Proper names are wanting for these bodies, and therefore such taken, as might at any hand signify the thing meant. In continuance of time use hath gained a passage, and made them to be accepted as proper enough. The Systremma containeth 1024 men, and 128 files. There is nothing to be found in Aelian of the Chiliarchie of the lightarmed; Yet doth 
h Arrian. lib. 9●. C.  Arrian mention 2 Chiliarchies of Archers in the Army of Alexander.  
An Epixenagie] A command above a Xenagie; As afterward in the command of the horse, there is an Ephipparchie above a Hipparchie. The word is improper and hard enough, but when it is received by use, what should we seek for more? It containeth 2048 men, and 256 files.  
A Stiphos] It is derived from steibo, to thicken, and in penury of an other name, this body of the lightarmed is called Stiphos, because they are thickened, and thronged together. There is in it 4096 men, and 256 files.  
An Epitagma] Is the last body amongst the lightarmed. The signification of Epitasso is to place behind. From thence cometh Epitaxis, placing the lightarmed in the Rear, which word is after used by Aelian. Epitagma is derived from the same 
〈◊〉 cap. 3●.  fountain; and it is called Epitagma, not of placing behind, (for sometimes they were placed before, sometimes in the flank) but it was the best name they could give to the whole lightarmed. And yet it may be, that because all the lightarmed in ancient time were placed behind, the whole mass was called Epitagma, as being placed after the armed in the rear. The Epitagma hath in it 1892 men, and 1024 files, for so many lightarmed attend the Phalange.  
Eight superordinarie men] Why these eight men should be superordinarie more than the rest of the Commanders, I conceive not yet. If Aelians' meaning be, that these alone shall command the lightarmed, history and practice of ancient times convince the contrary. Besides where he nameth four Epixenagies, it agreeth with the number, that are in the Epitagma of light. But where he addeth four Sistremmatarchs' more to make up the number of the eight Superordinarie, it is hard to know, which four he meaneth, considering there are eight Sistremmas in the Epitagma.   
Now because the fi●es of the lightarmed are in embattailing to be marshaled to the files of the 〈◊〉, I thought good to set down, how the bodies of both agree, by comparing them together i● files not in number of men. For in number of men they cannot well agree, because the file of 〈◊〉 armed hath more, than the file of the lightarmed. And the number of the armed in gross is 16384, of the lightarmed but 8192. And I will first begin with the Systasis, because it is the least body of the light.  
The bodies of the armed, The bodies of the lightarmed. A tetrarchy A Systasis, 4 files. A Taxis A Pentecontarchie, 8 files. A Syntagma A Hecatontarchie, 16 files. A Pentecosiarchie A Psilagie, 32 files. A Chiliarchie A Xenagie, 64 files. A Merarchie Asystremma, 128 files. A phalangarchy An Epixenagie 256 files. A Diphalangarchie A Stiphos 512 files. A Tetraphalangarchie An Epitagma 1024 files.    

The use of lightarmed foot. CHAP. XVII.  
DArters, Archers, and all other, that use flying weapons, are good ¹ to begin the fight ² to provoke the enemy, to break and shatter armour, ³ to wound, annoy, and beat down a far of; ⁴ to disarray the enemy, ⁵ to repulse their horse, ⁶ to beat in their lightarmed, ⁷ to discover suspected places, and to lay Ambushes. Lastly these first undertaking the Skirmish, and continuing it with the rest, and seconding them, and serving ⁸ for speedy, and farres-of-attempt, work many, and great effects in fight.  

Notes.  
THe arming, place, filing, bodies, and command of the lightarmed are hitherto handled: Now followeth the use, and service they perform in the field. And first we are to think of the body of an army, as of the body of a man, that is compact of several parts: Of which some parts are of more use than other, some being able to perform their function without 〈◊〉 help of the other, some except the other help, can do nothing to purpose of themselves. The parts of an army are like. The armed are the strength of the field, and are the refuge for the rest in extremity. The light joined with the armed, work great effects (those which Aelian speaketh of in this Chapter and many more) without them they cannot so much as maintain a place in the field. 
a Xenoph. Cyro●. lib. 7. 188. C.  And as Xenophon saith, Let them be never so many in ●umber, yet dare they not stand or abide a few armed. In which respect, a place fit hath always been sought for their service, to secure them from the access of the Horse, or of the enemies armed. Which place was either behind the Phalange (as Aelian here would have it) or else in the wings betwixt the Horse, and the armed, or if they skirmished loose before the front, and chanced to be pressed with the enemy, they retired into the intervals, and conveyed themselves behind the Phalange in safety. 
b Leo cap. 14. § 105.  Leo saith, if there be any place of strength, it will much help the lightarmed. For after their flying weapons spent, retiring thither, they will be in more security, as a steep rocky place, or the bank of a river, or a high hill, or such other. Our stories report, that at the battle of Agincourt in France 200 English Archers were bestowed in a meadow fenced with a deep ditch; from whence they so gauled the French horse and foot, that they were a great help to the victory. The like happened before at Poitiers, where that brave Prince of Wales eldest son of Edward the third, having to fight with the whole power of France under the leading of their King, gave safeguard to his Archers, with hedges, and ditches, and other strengths. So that the Frenchhorse having no access to disorder them, were overwhelmed with the tempests, and storms of their arrows, and such a victory obtained by our nation, as might ma●ch the most renowned of all antiquity. To say nothing of the invention which Henry the fifth used against the horse of France for securing his Archers. The story saith, he devised stakes of two yards long, and armed both ends with pikes of iron, the one to stick into the ground, and the other to gall, and enter the horses bellies, in case they came to charge our Archers home. By means whereof he carried the famous victory of Agincourt. This for the assurance of the light armed, when they come to fight, without which assurance, their service would be weak, and scarce worth the having. Their service then according to Aelian hath many particulars. And they are good to  

Provoke the enemy] If the enemy be in a wood, a fen●e, a hill, a fort, a town, or other place of strength, that admitteth no access, the manner hath been to send out the light army to show themselves, and with a Bravado to toll him out of his advantage, and bring him into the field, where he may more easily be dealt withal. Examples are plentiful, but I will content myself with a Macedonian example. 
c Arrian lib.  Alexander leading his army against the Triballs, that had hid themselves in a wood, commanded his Archers, and Slingers to run out, and to shoot, and sling amongst the Barbarians to see, if he could toll them into the plain. The Archers, and Slingers spared not to let fly, and the Triballs being wounded with arrows, threw themselves out of the wood with all speed, to fall upon the unarmed Archers. Alexander presently commanded Philotas with the Horse of upper Macedonia to charge the right wing; on which part they cast out themselves furthest. And Heraclides, and Sopolis with the horse of Botti●a, and Amphipolis the left, himself stretching out in length the Phalange of foot, & setting the rest of horse before the Phalange, led against the midst of the enemy. As long as it was but a skirmish, the Triballs had not the worst. But after the Phalange close serred came up roundly to them, and the Horsemen charged them no longer with darts, but pressed, and overbore them with their horse, they fled through the wood to the river.  
To begin the fight] 
d Leo cap. 14. § ●04  Leo agreeth. If, saith he, we have lightarmed enough, let them, before the army join, send their darts, and arrows at the enemy, and 
〈◊〉. decad. 5. l●b. 2 39 B.  after the fight of the armed is begun ply the flank with their missive weapons, that at ouce both their flanks may be assaulted. It hath been and is now the ordinary course to begin the fight with the lightarmed. And because we shall read of no battle almost wherein it was not so, I will forbear examples.  
To wound a farreof] The light serve to great purpose, if the General desire not to come near to fight, but seek to annoy his enemy a far of without danger of his own folks 
〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 4. l●b. 8. ●61. B.  Livy telleth of Cn. Manlius Volso, that being to make war against the Gallo Grecians, that fled into the mountains, and awaited the Romans there, and sought to defend themselves, by advantage of the place, he prepared great plenty of darts, arrows, bullets, and small stones for slings: and leaving his legionari● soul●iers behind, led his light armed, against the enemy, that possessed certain straits, by which his army must pass. After some fight the Gallo-Graecians being not sufficiently armed, to defend their bodies from the missive weapons, the lightarmed of the Romans forced the passage. And following them even to the Camp, where their Companions came to their aid they first drove them into their Camp, and after the legionary Soldiers coming up, they won it. I have before rehearsed the history of Iphicrates, who with his Targetires (that came seldom to hand blows, but plied the enemy with dar●s a far of) overthrew and slew a whole Moira of the Lacedæmonians. The Acarnans, likewise with this kind of fight, much encumbered Agesilaus, that made an excursion into their Country. The story is this, ᵃ Agesilaus having taken a great prey, in the territory of the Acarnans, 
e Xenoph hist. Graec. lib 4. 513. D.  rested that day, where he had taken it, being busy in selling of it. In the mean time many Acarnan Targeteer's assembled themselves together, where Agesilaus was encamped upon the side of a mountain, and with darting and slinging, they forced his Camp to descend to the plain, themselves in the mean time being free from hurt. The next day Agesilaus led away his army. The passage out of the place was strait, by reason of the mountains lying about in a circle, which the Acarnans possessing, plied the Lacedæmonians with darts, and stones, from the higher ground, and sometimes descending to the skirts of the hills, they pressed the army so, that it could not move forward. And when the armed, foot, or horse, fell out upon them, they profited little: For the Acarnans retired immediately, to their strength. Agesilaus perceiving it would be hard for his army to wind out of those straits, so long as the enemy so hung upon them, resolved to charge those on his left hand. For the ascent on that side was more easy, both for his horse, and armed foot. Commanding therefore, his men to charge, the armed (of 29 years of age) first fell on, and the horse after them upon the spur. Himself followed with the rest. The Acarnans therefore, that were descended, and busy a darting, were quickly put to flight, and many slain in seeking to remount the hills. But their armed foot, and most of their Targeteers, stood imbattailed on the top, and from thence both threw other missives, and lanced javelines, wherewith they wounded horsemen, and killed some horse. But being ready to be charged by the Lacedaemonian armed, they fled, losing some 300 in the flight. These lightarmed then, as long as they can keep aloof from the enemy, annoy them sore by wounding (as Aelian saith) a far of; as soon as the armed come up, they are glad to quite their place, and save themselves by flight.  
4 To disarray] So long as a battle remaineth in order, no victory is gotten against it. Breaking of array, and disbanding, are companions of flight, and of forsaking the field. The armed, that are to endure the efforts of the light armed, must either keep still their order, and suffer themselves, to be knocked down, and slain, as they stand, or else provide for themselves, by flight, or by yielding. For the lightarmed effect with their missive weapons the one, or the other. An 
e Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 178.  example may be seen in the Egyptians in Croesus his battle, who after the defeat of the rest of the army, maintained yet the fight, and yielded not to Cyrus, though he had now the victory. Cyrus' at the first charged their backs with his horse, and being not able to break them, was fain to command his Archers, and darters, to shoot and cast their darts at them: whereby the Egyptians after many wounds, and loss of their people, were finally constrained to yield. A like example is before alleged 
f Appian. in 〈◊〉 109. ●.  of Domitius the Lieutenant of L. Scipio, who with missive weapons alone forced the Macedonian Phalange to scatter, and take themselves to flight.  
5 To repulse their Horse] The light armed alone, without a sure retreat to the armed, or else some place of strength, can d●e little in repulsing of horse. I have showed before in the ● exploit of Crassus into Persia, how the lightarmed were beaten in by 
〈…〉.  the Persian horse, and by the show of wounds, they received, and with their fear, discouraged the armed. The like happened in 
c Plut in Ant.  Antony's retreat out of Persia, the lightarmed being fain to shroud themselves from the Persian horse within the Phalange of the armed. Be they never so many, without some such assurance the horse will soon overrunue them; having this assurance their service much afflicteth horsemen both in wounding them, and in killing their horse. Therefore 
d L●u. decad. 4. lib. 1. 26. A. B.  of ancient time it was usual to mingle horse, and light armed together. For the enemy's horse so charged, cannot be able to resist both. A notable example is in 
e 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Hirtius: Caesar, saith he, having a journey in hand, and but a small number of Horse, and legionary Soldiers, was in his way set upon by the enemy abounding in store of Horse, and of light armed Numidians amongst them. And when the Soldiers of Caesar fell out to charge, the enemy's horse galloped away, and the foot stood fast, till the Horse with a full carreare returned to the rescue. This kind of fight troubled Caesar much, and would have troubled him more, had he not recovered hills, that were not far of, and by that means shaken of the molesting enemy. And for repulsing horse there is no better means for the armed foot, then with the light armed to line that part of the battle, where the horse shall be about to give on.  
6 To beat in the light armed] The light armed being nimble and quick, and seeking always advantages by changing of ground, can never be forced by the armed foot, (who are charged with heavy furniture, and by reason thereof can make no speed) to seek succour in the battle of their armed. Either they must be beaten in by the horse, or by the contrary light armed, as Aelian hath here. The Horse are commonly to encounter with Horse, and the lightarmed with lightarmed, amongst whom the greater number prevaileth, their skill, and arms being alike. For the fight being a far of, many will sooner wound, or kill a few, than a few many, saith 
f Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 2. 39 E.  Xenophon: If the fight be at hand the better armed, or better minded will drive the other out of the field. The 
g L●u decad 4. lib. 1. 16. B.  Roman Horse, and the lightarmed, were too hard for the Macedonians, and chased them to their Campe. And that happened by reason their armour was fitter to close, and to fight at hand. So our Archers at the battle of Cressy compelled the Genua crossbows to forsake the field, the english bow being better in use, than the Genua crossbow. When they have made the contrary light armed to quit their place, they are at liberty themselves to serve, where most advantage may be had of their service.  
7 To discover suspected places, and lay ambushes] Suspected places are such for the most part, as ambushes are laid in. Ambushes are of two kinds, being laid either to endamage the enemy's battle in the field, or to hinder, and disappoint his march. The places, such as are removed from sight, and had need of special discovery. As woods, mountains, forests, rocks, banks of rivers, caves, hills hollow, and deep ways, and the like, The most part of which are rough, and intricate, and scarce passable for the heavy armed, and horse. But the light armed▪ that are not encumbered with weight of arms, & able quickly to advance, or retire, are fittest to lie close in such places, or to search if the enemy be lodged there. For the first kind of Ambushes we read, that both heavy armed, and horse have been● employed. The wars of Hannibal in Italy afford plenty of examples herein. For the other, which is to b●set or discover ways, there are none so fit, as the light armed, whose quickness, and expedition, giveth then advantage to assault their enemy with their missive weapons, though the ground be never so unequal, and means to view any place suspected without almost any danger of their own. 

〈◊〉 Cap 18 The Square  
. 9.in Front  
.3. in Flank  
8. in Front  
.4. in Flank  
.10. in Front  
.5. in Flank    
8 For speedy and far attempts] A heavy armed man is not fit for far or sudden attempts; he is armed for a firm and steadfast fight, and not for concursations. Alexander, whensoever he was to use expedition, took with him the horse and lightarmed, leaving the armed to come after. 
a Arrian. lib. 1. 7. D.  So did he, when he oppressed Clitus, and Glaucias in their camp▪ 
b Arrian. lib. 2. 31. E.  so when he possessed himself of the straits of Cilicia; 
c Arrian. lib. 2. 31. F.  so in preventing of the burning of Tarsus; 
d Arrian l. 3. 64 E.  so in seeking to take the straits of the Vxians, 
e Arrian. lib. 3. 65. D.  and the gates of Persia 
f Arrian. lib. 4. 99  and the rock of Aorne. The same hath been the manner of other Generals, as I have noted in other places. For when Celerity is requisite, who so fit to be employed, as they who have nothing to hinder their speed? The Targetiere had but a light target, and a sp●are; the lightarmed but their arms. And what are they? bow, and arrows, darts, and slings, which have no weight in them. 
g Polyen. lib. 3. in Iphicrate § 2.  Which was the reason also, that in victory they were employed in giving cha●e to the enemy, that had lost the field. The armed used to follow in good order of battle, the slaughter, and execution was delivered to the light armed, and horse. Wherein notwithstanding the counsel of 
h Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. lib. 1. 265. B. lib. 7. 416. A. B.  Iphicrates was held good; take heed (said he, to his lightarmed) of ambushes, and spare not to press hard upon the rear of those, that fly, till you come to rivers, or straits, or ditches. For it is dangerous in such places to hinder the enemy's flights, lest fear turn into desperation.     

The fashion of Horse-battailes: and first of the rhomb; the Wedge, and the Square. CHAP. XVIII.  
THose, that have written before me, have diversely framed Horse-battailes, some of just squares, some longer in flank, then in front, some like a rhomb, some like a Wedge, but none of them have (if I may speak freely) expressed fully their own conceits. Therefore to make all things clear, and better to be understood, I will set down the several figures of each several kind.  
¹ It seemeth the Thessalians whose power was great in Horse, were the first, that used the kind of battle ² fashioned in form of a rhomb (the invention whereof is attributed to jason) as fittest for all encounters; The Horsemen thus ordered being ready to turn their faces every way with speed, and not easy to be surprised in flank, or in the Rear. Because the best men stand in the flank, and the Commanders in the Angles, as namely the Captain of the troop in the front, and in the right, and left Angles those, that are called Flanke-commanders, and the Lieutenant in the Reare-angle.  
³ The Scythians, and Thracians have used Wedges, and likewise the Macedonians by the ordinance of King Philip. For this kind of battle was held of mor exact use, than the square, because the Commanders are placed in a circle; and consisting of a narrow front, it maketh ready passage through any distance, and an easier wheeling and returning to the first posture, as having no such troublesome windings about, as hath the Square.  
⁴ The Persians, and Sicilians, and most Grecians made choice of Squares, being of opinion they were more easy to frame, and fitter for joint-moving of the Horse, and more effectual in use. For they are sooner in order being digested into files, and ranks, and in this order alone all the Commanders fall upon, and charge the enemy with one main force. Those are best Squares, that double the number of the length to the number of the depth. As when there are eight in length, and four in depth, or ten in length, and five in depth. These in number are of unequal sides, but in figure four Square. For the length of a Horse from head to tail compared with his breadth requireth more men in rank, then in file [to make up the Square] Some allow thrice as many in length, as in depth, and think by that means a perfect square may be form: because for the most part, the length of a Horse seemeth thrice as much, as the breadth betwixt his shoulders. Therefore they give nine in front, and three in flank. For a multitude of Horsemen yield not the same advantage behind, that foot do, when in the depth of the Battle they jointly thrust on; in as much as the Horse help nothing to the settledness of fast resistance, being neither able to thrust those forwards, that are before, nor yet to link, and knit with them, and so to make one weight, as it were, of the whole body; and in case they press upon the foremost, by disordering, and distempering their own Horse, they annoy themselves more, than the enemy. Therefore it always falleth out, that when there are as many Horse in length, as in depth, a Square of number is made, but the sides of the figure are unequal, the depth exceeding the length in proportion: but when the figure of the Troop is Square, the number of the sides and front, is unequal.  

Notes.  
IN the second Chapter of this book, the army was divided into two kinds, footmen, and Riders. Footmen again into three, armed, Targeteer's, and light armed. Of these three is hither to treated. Rider's follow, who either used Horses, or Elephants. Horses either alone, or else in Chariots. Of these Aelian treateth severally hereafter. For the arming, and place of Horse in the field, he hath sufficiently spoken already. The following discourse is: First, of the manner of embattailing horse (wherein he setteth down the diversity of usage in ancient time) Then of Chariots, and lastly of Elephants. 
a P●n natural. histor. lib. 7. cap 56.  That a horse is a kind of beast, that loves man, and is most faithful unto him Pliny testifieth. The use of him is for carriage, and for service in the field. And in the service of the field an army without horse, is in a manner no army. Iphicrates (as I have said before) comparing an army to a man's body resembleth the horse to feet. And as the body hath no power of moving, or rather removing, the feet being lame, or taken away▪ so is the army slow, and unfit for expedition, that is destitute of horse; and may be well resembled to those beasts, that creep upon their bellies, whose greatest haste is with little speed. The horse do great service in the field of themselves alone; and are principally employed in matters that require quickness in dispatch. Therefore are they fit for discoveries, either of the enemy's country, or of his camp, or of his march, or of other things, whereof the General desires to have notice. And not for discoveries alone, but to spoil, and destroy, whatsoever the enemy hath growing, to make prey of his Cattle, burn his houses, kill his people, surprise his places of strength, and to ●mbarre him from doing the like to us; to bring and convey provision for our Camp, to shut in the enemy, that he go not out his camp for like causes, to hinder the enemies march by falling on the rear. Briefly all expeditions of celerity are for the most part delivered to the horse alone. Especially as long as they are in such places, as give them liberty to go on, or retire at their pleasures. Yet are they often joined with the light armed, as I have showed. They often join likewise with the armed. 
a Diod. Sicul. lib. 16. 512. Pol. lib. 3. 266 A. B.  And if they may come to charge the enemy's battle in the flank, or rear, at such time, as our armed charge in front, they ●ndanger all. But for employment alone against the armed foot many examples of former times show, how weak there force is. 
b Hirtius de bell. Af●ican. Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. lib▪ 3. 309. ●. Plut in Anton. Appian in Par. 164.  And how little they prevail (especially against armed, that are practised in fight, and resolute Soldiers) The examples I have quoted in the margin make the matter clear. For further confirmation I will set down Xenophons' opinion, which all be it, it were delivered concerning the Persian horse, that came against the armed foot of the Grecians in their return out of Persia▪ yet the reason stretcheth to all horse in general. His words sound thus: 
c Xenoph▪ de exped. Cyr. lib. 3. 302. B. C.  If any of you faint in mind (said he to the Grecians) because we have none, the enemy many horse, let him consider, that ten thousand horsemen are no more, than ten thousand men. For no man was ever slain in battle by biting, or stroke of a horse: Men they are, that perform, whatsoever is done in fight. As for us (the foot he meaneth) our mounting is much more firm, and steadfast than theirs. They hang upon their horse, and are in fear not only of us, but to be shaken of and thrown to ground. We contrariwise have stable footing, and shall be able both with great assuredness to strike, and direct our aim with more certainty. One advantage the horsemen have, they may more securely run away. Hitherto Xenophon. And so much is summarily spoken of the service of horse.  

1 The Thessalians, whose power was great in horse] The Thessalians inhabiting about the mountain Pelius were the first, that fought on horseback, and were therefore called Centaurs. When they watered their horses in the river Peneus, the horse heads stooping to drink made the unskilful multitude, who saw the bodies of men joined to the shoulders of the horse, conceive, that the upper part was man, and the neither Ox. For it should seem, horse were not so well known then, as Oxen▪ with which they laboured and ploughed their land. The Poets therefore feigned, that they were monsters compounded of two divers natures, man and ox, or bull; and that Centaurus, the beginner of the race was begotten by Ixion upon a cloud, which was figured like juno. Howbeit Servius giveth a better original of the name, saying, that certain servants of a Thessalian King seeing their master's Neat, raging with the Brimse (a fly that biteth cattle) got a horse back, and pricking them with goads, reduced them to their stables; and that they were after called Centaurs, Para kentein tous taurous, of pricking the neat. The great Etymologicon giveth yet an other beginning of the name. For where I have said that Centaurus was begotten by Ixion upon a cloud, which was figured like juno, with whom Ixion was in love: The Etymologicon saith, the son of Ixion, and of the cloud was called Centaurus: Apo tou ton patera autou kentein ten auran. But 
d Diod▪ Sicul. lib. 4. 189.  Diodorus Sicul. reporting the history of the Centaurs, speaketh not of Centaurus, the father of the race but saith notwithstanding, that they were bred of a cloud, and that the Nymphs brought them up, and that they were the first horsemen, and therefore called Hippocentauri which gave occasion to the fable, that they had two natures. It is generally agreed, that these Centaurs were Thessalians, and that they were the first horsemen, that are mentioned in any history. And as they were the first, so by reason of their long practice 
e Xenoph. hist. Graec. lib. 7. 644. D.  they were accounted the best, the most valiant, and the most expert horsemen of all Greece, even to the time of Philip, son of Amintas King of Macedonia, who conquered all Thessaly (saith 
f just. lib. 7. 633. C.  justin) not of desire to make himself rich of the prey of that Country, but to win to his army the strength of the Thessalian horsemen. Whose service he used afterward in all his war. Neither did they less service to his son 
g Diod. Sicul. lib. 17. 573. & 594.  Alexander, in whose greatest 
Plutarch. in Alexand.  battles their virtue clearly appeareth, and is especially commended by histories. 
h Plut. in Pyrth.  Pyrrhus, also, principally by their valour, put the Romans to flight. 
e Plutarch. in Agesilao.  Agesilaus returning out of Asia towards his Country led his army through Thessaly, and being much encumbered in his mareh by the Thessalian horsemen, that were his enemies, he charged them 
Xenoph. H●st. graec lib 4. 518▪ A.  and overthrew them, and pleased himself marvelously therein, because with troops of horse, which himself had raised, and disciplined, he had overthrown the Thessalians, that were (saith Xenophon) so highly renowned for horsemanship.  
2 Fashioned and form of a rhomb] There are three kinds of horse battles mentioned by Aelian, the rhomb, the Wedge, and the Square. And the square is either a just, square, or longer in flank then in front, or in front then in flank. The rhomb was the invention of the Thessalians, and in that form they usually fought. But where he maketh jason to be the inventor of it, he afterward expoundeth his own meaning, attributing the invention to Ileon the Thessalian (from whom also it was termed Isle) but the chief practice to jason. Euclyde defineth a rhomb in this sort: ᶠ A rhomb is a square figure, that hath the sides equal, but the angles not right. 
b Euclyd. lib. 1. definite. 31.  That is, the four sides of the square are of one, and the same length, but the points, which make the angles, are two of them stretched out in greater length, and become more sharp, two of them brought narrower together, and made more blunt, than the right angles of a Tetragonall square. See the figure. It is the same figure in a battle, that at this day we call the Diamond battle, which is sometimes practised amongst the foot for show, and evercise sake, but amongst the horse I have not seen it practised. And as the square goeth to charge with all the soldiers, that stand in one of the sides, that is with the front, (for the front is but a side of the square) so the rhomb chargeth with one of the points, which is the front of the rhomb. Whether of them is of most use in the field, I am not to determine. For the square stands the practice of our days, besides the usage of the Persians, Sicilians, and most Grecians, as Aelian saith. For the rhomb the Thessalians alone (which notwithstanding were acknowledged the best horsemen of Greece) unless we allow the Wedge for a parcel of the rhomb, (a rhomb being but a double Wedge, as making two wedges, when it is divided in two) and then have we for the rhomb not only the Scythians, and Thracians (both nations very good Horsemen) but King Philip Amintas son, and Alexander the great, and his successors. Either of both forms have their reasons. For the squares they, that use them, held opinion (as Aelian saith) that they were easier to frame, and fitter for joint moving of horse, and sooner in order of file, and rank, and that the Commanders jointly charged the enemy, which in no other form could be done. For the easiness to frame I see no great difference, only custom, and use, must in every for me, yea in the squares themselves make the horseman ready to know, and take, and keep his place. The same may be said for the joint moving of the horse. Now to file and rank is common to the square with some Rhombes, and as soon done in the one, as in the other, the number of the troop being once known, and every horseman having his place assigned, and the form resolved upon, into the which it must be cast. For where there are 4 kinds of Rhombes, one, that fileth, and ranketh; an other, that fileth, but ranketh not; the third, that ranketh, but fileth not; the last that neither fileths, nor ranketh (as Aelian teacheth in the next Chapter) The first will find no more difficulty, of fi●ing, and ranking, than the square, the two next albeit the one rank not, the other file not, yet the want of filing, or ranking hindereth no more the readiness of framing them, than the use of filing, and ranking helpeth the other. The fourth is rather curious then profitable, as I take, neither do I find● example of it. And it may be truly affirmed of it, that the square is much easier to be fashioned. We shall have occasion to speak of the last three in due place. Touching the joint falling on of the Commanders, I confess the advantage is great. For when the best men (such as the Commanders ought to be) altogether fall upon the enemy, they are very like to put hard to them. And as it is a great part of skill to bring many hands to fight, so is it no less, to bring the best hands to fight. Many hands make light work, the best hands sure work. Now for the rhomb Aelian allegeth these reasons. First, that it is fittest for all encounters, because the horsemen are ready to turn their faces every way with speed. Then, that they cannot be surprised in flank, or rear, having the best men in their flanks, and the Commanders in every point of the rhomb. And cannot the square turn faces every way? They can, but not with the same advantage. For the rhomb, which way soever faces are turned, remaineth in the first form. And whether it be to the right, or left flank, or to the rear, it keepeeh still 4 even sides, and the men of most service in the sides. Besides that one point always affronteth the enemy. Not unlike a Calthrop, which howsoever you cast it to the ground, hath one point bearing right up to wound the horses feet: But the square in turning faces to either flank altereth the form of the front. In a broad square, the front at the first was longer than the sides, faces being turned to either flank the sides become longer, than the front; chose in the Hearse▪ battle. Besides in such turning of faces the square loseth the advantage of embattatling, the Commanders, that stood in the front, standing now in one of the flanks, and being not able to charge the enemy jointly, (the greatest advantage of that form) and so the front being without Commanders, is subject, and in danger of surprise, where the rhomb, which way soever faces turn, hath as many Commanders in the front, as at first. But let us take the horse square in full strength with all Commanders in front; whether shall that form be better, than the rhomb? I dare not affirm it. For where there are two kinds of fight; One with main force, the other with sleight, and Art; in the first I will prefer the square, in the last the rhomb. The square for slaughter and violent overthrowing, the rhomb for piercing, and artificial breaking the enemy's battle, which last amongst great Commanders hath always been accounted the best kind of winning. In the square all the Commanders fall jointly upon the enemy, and because they are supposed to be the chief of the Army, in all likelihood they will overthrow the foremost, and slay many. Yet by reason of the length of their front, they stick man to man, and can make no far entrance, and the victory hangeth doubtful, till they have slain the most of them, that resist, and so make the rest to fly. The rhomb contrariwise, being narrow, and pointed in the front, first forceth a passage with the point, which maketh way to the rest that follow, and then without great labour piercing further, and further, breaketh the adverse battle, & disperseth, and putteth them to flight, and after doth execution at pleasure. Neither can I make a fitter resemblance, then by comparing the 2 figures, one to an axe, the other to a wedge, both instruments used for dividing solid masses of wood. For the axe, albeit sharper, than the wedge, yet having the edge drawn out in length, can not by any strength be driven far into the wood, but by doubling many strokes, and by much labour cometh at last to divide it. The wedge contrariwise, though not so sharp, being once entered, insinuateth itself more by little, and little with the narrowness of the point, and maintaining the hold it first got, at last forceth it asunder, though it be never so tough. So is it in the square, and rhomb: whereof the square beginneth, and endeth with violence; the other useth first cunning, and mildness, as it were, to enter: being once entered renteth a pieces, and disparteth all that standeth in the way. The manner of our times alloweth not of Rhombes; Experience of former times highly prized them. I will insist upon the Thessalians alone, who are accounted the inventors of the rhomb, & fought always rhomb- wise. Polybius had seen their service, and been General of the Horse in his own country, and therefore able to judge. He giveth this censure of them; 
a Polyb. lib. 4. 278. B. C.  that in troops, and being imbattailed, they could not be resisted: to fight man to man in single combat, they had neither will, nor courage. What then should be the reason, they should be so powerful in troops? No other, than the form of their imbattailing, which form was the rhomb here mentioned by Aelian. In this form they commonly beat the Grecian, and Persian squares, and got the reputation of the best horsemen of Europe.  

3 The Scythians and Thracians used the wedge] The rhomb is of 4 sides, the wedge but of three: and half a rhomb maketh a wedge, as will be showed in the next Chapter. The wedge was used by the Scythians, and Thracians, and whether King Philip of Macedonia borrowed it of them, I am uncertain. But I rather incline to think, that his The ban Master taught him as well the wedge, as other forms of battles. The cause of my conjecture is, for that I find that his 
b Diodor. Sic: lib. 16. 510.  fellow scholar Epaminondas beat the Lacedaemonian horse at Mantinaea in that form. 
c Xenoph. hist. Graea. lib. ●. 646 B.  Xenophon recounteth the story to this effect: The enemy (they were the Lacedæmonians) ordered their horse like a Phalange of armed in depth, without mingling foot with them: But Epaminondas made a strong wedge of horse also (for before he tells the Theban armed were cast into a wedge) and joined some foot with them, conceiving after he had cut in pieces the horse, he should not miss of overcoming the other forces of the enemy. And so going to charge he was not deceived of his hope. Thus Xenophon. Of joining horse and light armed together, I have spoken before: And that they were lightarmed, that Epaminond as joined to his horse, 
d Diod. Sicul. lib. 15 pag 502.  Diodorus Siculus showeth. By Xenophon than it is plain, that not only the Scythians, and Thracians, but the Grecians also, when they thought it convenient, used the horse-wedge, and that Epaminondas ordered both foot, and horse in a wedge. And considering King Philip was brought up in Epaminondas his Father's house, and made partaker of the learning wherewith Epaminondas was instituted; it is like in erecting a new military discipline amongst the Macedonians, as he took many other things from the Grecians, so he borrowed this form, having first seen the notable effect thereof at Mantinaea.  
Now Aelian bringeth reasons, why the wedge was holden better than the square. Let me with leave add a word or two why I take it to be better than the rhomb. And first it cannot be denied, that the wedge having the same manner of disposition that the rhomb hath, that is a front ending in a point, where the Captain standeth; two points of the two flanks, where the flanke-commander stands, the Lieutenant in the rear, and the best men in the flanks, but it must be as powerful to open the enemy's battle, as the rhomb is. Then it hath this advantage of the rhomb that it bringeth more hands to fight. For let the rhomb and wedge be framed of an equal number, the wedge in figure resembling the forepart of the rhomb must have the horse, that should be ranged in the rear of the rhomb, orderly couched within the 3 sides thereof: where by both the number of the horse in the sides is increased, and the bulk of the body betwixt flank and flank enlarged. And seeing both the rhomb and the wedge go to the charge with the point of their front, the wedge both hath the property to pierce, and enter the enemy's battle by art, and sleight, as well as the rhomb, and doth it with more strength, because of the great number of hands in the sides, which all come to fight. join, that the hinder part of the rhomb serveth only to avoid surprises, and worketh nothing in charging. For after the two flank points are entered, the rest of the rhomb growing narrower, and narrower toward the Rear, falleth further off from the enemy, and is content only to follow the way, that was made to hand by the front, and flanks; without being able to strike a stroke; especially if it preserve the order it ought to keep: whereas all parts of the wedge are effectual, the point to enter, the sides even to the flank corners, where the Rear endeth, to dispart and dissever▪ and finally to disorder the enemy, whereby the victory ensueth. And if we may rely upon authority, the authority of King Philip will sway much for the wedge. For unless he had held it better than the rhomb, he would not have chosen, nor accustomed his Macedonians to it, nor Alexander after retained it, if he had not been of the same opinion. Neither did the event deceive them: for almost in all battles their horse thus disposed carried away the victory. But, as I before noted, neither rhomb, nor wedge have found grace in the eyes of the great Generals of our days, nor can we tell what to insist upon, till experience hath taught, how well these forms will agree with the weapons, and service of our modern wars.   
4 The Persians made choice of squares] The square is the third, and last form of horsebattaile that Aelian mentioneth; whereof there are three kinds; one with a larger front, than flank; an other with a larger flank than front; the third, with front, and flank equal. All these three were used amongst the Persians, and Grecians. For two of the first, Xenophon may witness. When Agesilaus, after Tissaphernes (the King of Persia's Lieutenant in part of the lesser Asia) had broken truce with him, made an incursion into Phrigia, 
h Xenoph. H●st. graec▪ lib. 3. 498. D.  Xenophon telleth, that the rest of his journey was without impediment, till he came not far from Dascylium. There when his horsemen galloped to a hill to discover the country, by chance the horsemen of Pharnabazus (an other of the King of Persians Lieutenants) being about the same number that the Grecians were, and sent by Pharnabazus under the command of Rathynes, and Bancaeus his bastard brother, galloped up the same hill, and discovering one the other no further of, than two parts of a furlong, at the first they stood still; the Grecians ordered Phalange-wise 4 in depth, the Barbarians making their front 12 in length, the depth many more. Afterward the Barbarians began first to charge. when they came to hands, all the Grecians that joined, broke their staves. The Persians having Corneil darts killed some 12 horsemen, and 2 horses. Hereupon the Grecians fled. But when Agesilaus came with the Army to the rescue, the Barbarians again forsook the field. The Persians than used a square longer in flank, than front: The Grecian a square longer in front, then flank. But which of the three squares is most to be esteemed Aelian showeth in the words following, saying those squares are best, that  
5 Double the number of the length, to the number of the depth] What the length, and depth in a battle are, we have seen before. Yet to understand Aelian the better, let us repeat, that the length of a battle is the extension of the front; the depth the extension of the flank. To double then the number of the length to the number of the depth, is to place twice so many men in front, as in flank. As for the purpose, 6 in front, 3 in flank; or 8 in front, 4 in flank; or 10 in front, 5 in flank. And that this was the manner of the Lacedæmonians appeareth by the 
i Plutarch. in Lycurgo.  Oulamos, or horse-troupe instituted by Lycurgus, which was figured Tetragonally with 4 equal sides, and contained in it 50 horse. Now that it could not be a square of number, that is, to have as many horse in flank, as in front may hereby be showed, because no square number will make 50. The nearest is 7 times 7, which amounts to 49. But proportioning the number of the length double to the number of the depth, that is 10 in front, and 5 in flank, even 50 will arise▪ So that the horse troup of the Lacedæmonians had the number of the length double to the number of the depth, and made a square in the equality of measure of the sides, not in number, which is the Tetragonall figure, whereof Plutarch speaketh. And where Xenophon (as I have alleged before) reporteth that the horsemen of Agesilaus were but 4 in depth, it hindereth not this truth. For, as I noted before, the ordinary array of the Lacedæmonians foot was 8 in depth. Yet did Pausanias the Lacedaemonian King cast his men into a deep Phalange against Thrasibulus. Other examples I have alleged in the same place touching the same matter. Besides this appeareth to be but a tumultuous fight either of the parties coming suddenly in the sight of the other, and going presently to charge, before they could have time to alter the order they then were in. And to say the horse troop of the Lacedæmonians ought to have been but 4 in depth, it must thereof necessarily follow that they were 12 in length, which yet will come short of 50: 4 times 12 makes but 48. Indeed 
k Leo cap. 12. 9 40.  Leo holdeth opinion, that in a horse battle, the depth ought to be no more than 4. I will set down his words as near, as conveniently I can english them. The depth, saith he, or thickness, as it was of ancient time limited, is sufficient, if it be of 4 horse in every troop; because in horse a greater depth will be idle, and to no purpose. For they cannot, as foot do with their thickness, thrust one an other forward from behind; and so the foremost, will they, or nill they, are forced to go against the enemy. And this is done amongst foot. But the horse can not thrust forward those, that are before them, nor the fileleaders that stand in front, be seconded in that kind by the rest, that stand in depth after the fourth man. For if they be Lancers, the fifth rank cannot reach with their lances to the front. If Archers, they shall be fain to shoot aloft for fear of hurting their companions before; and so their arrows serve for no use, after fight is joined. Therefore is the number of 4 sufficient in depth, as I have said. This was the opinion of Leo. To which I cannot absolutely assent; unless he had given 8 for the front of his troop, and so made it of 4 equal sides in figure, not in number, as Aelian requireth to be done in the best squares. For the reason of lances not reaching to the front in the fifth rank, reacheth not home to the reason of war. Aelian before hath declared, that the pikes of the seventh rank reach not to the front of the Phalange. Yet no man will thereof infer, that the Phalange ought to be but 6 deep. Yea but the foot that come after, help the foremost, seconding them, and thrusting them on with the weight of their bodies, which the horse can not do. This must be granted to be an advantage, that foot have above horse in depth. Yet are there other reasons also of giving depth to a Phalange: In the order whereof two considerations concur; one of offence, the other of defence. The reaching of pikes or horsemen's staves over the front is good for offence, that is to annoy the enemy in the shock: likewise the thrusting on of those that come behind, serveth with the violence to make them give ground. A reasonable depth is for defence, in as much as it defendeth a Phalange against the endeavour of the enemy to break it a sunder. And as it is a fault to make it too deep, so is it likewise a fault to make it too shallow. Too much depth narroweth the front, and giveth easy means to the enemy to encompass, and o●er▪ front it. 
l Leo cap. 14. §. 108. 109.  Too much shallowness on the contrary side maketh it weak, and ready to be broken, and dissevered by the enemy, and giveth a passage through, and means not only to encompass the front, but at the same instant also to assault it behind, and so utterly to defeat it. So that the reasons of Leo reach not home, as I said, there being other causes of thickening a horse troop besides reaching of Lances to the front, and joint thrusting on of the horse coming behind. And where Leo speaketh but of 4 horse in depth of a troop, Polybius saith plainly that being ordered for fight, they had for the most part 8 in depth; Polybius a man which lived in the times, whereof Leo speaketh, and had been General of the horse of the Achaeans. Besides Leo seemeth not a little to differ from himself. 
m Leo cap 7. § 81. & cap. 14. §▪ 70.  For in his seventh Chapter, he writeth after this manner: If there be many horse (that is above twelve thousand) let the depth be of 10. If but few, let it be no more than 5. In squares therefore I hold Aelians' proportion best, to double the number of the front, to the number of the flank; and as the number of the troop ariseth (for horse troops are not always of one number) to enlarge the length of 
Cap. 19 A rhomb filing but not ranking  
The Front  
The Rear  
Cap. 19 A rhomb neither filing nor Ranking  
The Front  
The Rear  
Cap. 19 A Rhomb Ranking but not Filing  
The Front  
The Rear  the front, and the depth of the flank proportionably one to another.  
6 When there are as many horse in length as in depth] I noted before in the ninth Chapter, that there were two squares of equal sides, the one of number, the other of figure; which two squares differ in this, that the one maketh unequal sides in the shape of the battle, the other equal. The first at this day, we call a square of men, the other a square of ground. When the number of the sides is equal in length, and depth, it giveth but half so much ground in front, as in flank. Each soldier, if it be a foot battle, occupying a foot, and a half of ground in front, when he goeth to charge, where in flank he must have 3 foot. And in a horse troop 3 foot in front, and double, or (as some say) treble as much in flank. And so are the sides unequal. The even length of flank and front giveth a like ground to both, and maketh the sides of the figure equal, but the number of the front double to the number of the flank, whether it be in horse or foot. In foot, because the soldiers in rank have but half so much distance, as they have in file; In rank a foot and a half, in file three foot. In horse, because the length of the horse is much more, than his breadth, and that length is fully stretched out in flank, the breadth only in front.     

Why Rhombes were first brought into use, and the divers forms of them. CHAP. XIX.  
THE form of the rhomb seemeth to have been taken up for the necessary use thereof. For the Captain possessing the first place, the next following Horsemen are not to rank with him, but to come a little after on both sides; so that ¹ the heads of their Horses may reach to his horse shoulders, & on the right, & left hand, and behind, they ought to keep good distances that too much thronging and clustering together, breed not disorder, whilst some horses being by nature sullen fall a flinging oftentimes, and foul with other; and considering the beast is somewhat long of body, that in turning about he wound not the horsemen, that are in fight, whilst with his heels he aimeth at the Horses next unto him.  
They that fashion Horse into Rhombes, so fashion them, that some Rhombes file, and rank; some neither file, nor rank; othersome file, but rank not; other rank, but file not: every particular whereof standeth thus.  
They that would have ² a rhomb both file and rank make the greatest rank being the middlemost of an uneven number, as of 11, or 13, or 15. To which they join other ranks before, and behind, every one containing two less than the former; as if the greatest rank consist of 15, the next ranks on either side are to have but 13, the next on either side of these 11. and so every one two less, till at last you come to 1. And the whole troup is to consist of 113 horse.  
³ The half rhomb is called a wedge being fashioned three square; so that the form thereof appeareth in the rhomb.  
Other have form the rhomb so, that the ⁴ Horsemen embattled in that form, neither file, nor rank, conceiving that turnings and other motions will be more easily performed in this figure, nothing hindering before, behind, or in flank. And first they place the Leader; then one at his right, and an other at his left hand, so distant, that their Horses heads reach up to his Horse's shoulders, as is said before. And the first row they make of an uneven number (as 11). The Leader of the troup standing in the midst, and 5 other being laid to him backwardly on either side; so that this Rank containeth two sides of the rhomb. Then the reare-Commander is placed directly behind the Leader, and to him are other joined forwardly on either side, and the number of every following rank after the first, is to be two less than the former, and therefore 4 must be added on either side to the reare-Commander, and the number of the second rank be 9 This rank maketh two sides Parallel to the two former sides of the rhomb. The third must be 7, and so forward to one. The whole troup hath in it 36 Horse. ⁵ Polybius expresseth the form by the Greek letter Δ. and maketh it to consist of 64 men.  
Other Rhombes there are which ⁶ file, but rank not, and are fashioned thus: They make a file of any number, the Captain of the troup being fileleader, and the Reare-Commander the last of the file. To both the flanks of this file, they lay two other files, either of them one less in number, than the first. These they begin to place, even with the midst of the distances of the first file on both sides, as if there were 10 in the first file, the next files on either side should have 9 a piece, and the next after them 8 a piece, and still one less in all the rest aftercomming-files, and so it will fall out, that the Horsemen shall file, but not rank. This form is profitable for turning of faces, when need is, from one point of the rhomb to another. ⁷ Turning to the right hand is called turning to the staff. Turning to the left hand is called turning to the Rains. But if a troup be ⁸ to rank, and not to file, it must be ordered thus: The middle and greatest rank is to be made of an uneven number, and the rest of the ranks on both sides, laid even with the distances of this rank, as was done in the filing troup. So shall you have a troup that ranketh, but fileth not.  

Notes.  
THE former Chapter had a general division of Horse battles into Rhombes, wedges, and squares; this comprehendeth the sundry figures of Rhombes, and the manner of framing them. Rhombes therefore are of 4 kinds, some filing, and ranking; some filing, not ranking; some ranking, not filing; some neither filing, nor ranking.  

1 The heads of the horses reach to the heads of his shoulders] Aelian saith, that in a rhomb the Captain standeth first, and the heads of the next horse reach to his horse shoulders. This rule, if it be taken generally, and meant of all Rhombes, will deceive us; if for two kind of Rhombs alone, there is nothing more true. The rhomb neither filing, nor ranking; and the rhomb filing, not ranking, have the followers horses heads advanced to the shoulders of them, that stand before. But the rhomb filing and ranking, and the other ranking not filing, come wholly behind the horse of the Captain, as the figure shows, and will appear in the verbal description of the rhomb.  
2 A rhomb both to file and rank] To make a rhomb both file and rank, choice must first be had of an uneven number for the rank the midst of the Troop, where the manner is to begin the rhomb; which number must neither be too great, lest the Troop grow also too great, nor too little, lest there be in it no strength. Aelian gives a 11, 13, or 15 for that rank, and willeth us to begin the frame by placing first the middle rank, to which the other ranks are to be joined on both sides, the middle men against the middle man of the first rank in a right line of file, and the rest in like sort; every Rank still decreasing 2 men, till at last in the front, and reare-angle you come to one. The figure of this kind of rhomb I have placed in the precedent Chapter; wherein the middle rank is of 11, and the whole troop of 61, and the horse heads of those that follow reach not to the former horses shoulders.  
3 The half rhomb is called a wedge] I have spoken of wedges before, but nothing of the framing of them. Aelian here showeth how they are framed, when he saith, that the form of them appeareth in the rhomb, and that the half rhomb is a wedge. For as in a rhomb filing, and ranking, you begin with placing the middle rank first, and so proceed adding on both sides rank to rank, till you come to one man in the front: So must you proceed in a wedge, saving that to the first, and greatest rank you join the rest only on the one side, abating still in every rank 2 men, till you come to the point of the front, where the Captain standeth alone. And this was the ordinary horse troop amongst the Macedonians, and is described in the next Chapter.  
4 That the horsemen neither file nor rank] The second kind of rhomb specified here by Aelian is directly opposite to the first. The first both filled, and ranked, this neither fileth, nor ranketh; and is that kind, which I noted in the last Chapter, to have more curiosity, than use. For the rest, what is more easy to frame, than they? In which either files, or ranks are laid together; or files alone, or ranks alone. And out of that joining both in the inward parts of the rhomb, and the outward (that is the flanks) arise, and are without difficulty figured. In this you must first begin with the outsides, and make two front lines, or sides of the rhomb; and after add as many to the Rear. And then when the 4 sides are framed, and have their place, patch up by piece-meal the rest of the body within. Wherein if there be not very large distances left betwixt horse, and horse, especially every one being laid head to shoulder to an other, it is not possible to convey so many horses within the four sides, as will make up the full rhomb. And yet make it up as you will, the trouble is more, than in the rest of the Rhombes. And for the use, I see not how it can be greater, than in the rest, whatsoever is alleged for turnings, and other motions. And the more I think upon it, the more I am induced to think, that it was the invention of some Tacticke master (of whom were great plenty amongst the Grecians) who seeing that some Rhombes filled, and ranked not; other ranked, but filled not; other both ranked, and filled, and that the two first were opposite the one against the other, would needs bring in a fourth, neither filing, nor ranking, to make an opposition likewise against the third. But because this kind also is specified by Aelian, let us see how it is to be framed. Aelian for examples sake would have the troup to consist of 36 horse. To put these 36 horse in a form, that shall neither file nor rank, we are thus to work. First, we must begin with the two front sides of the rhomb, and make them of 11 horse, placing them thus: The Leader and Captain in the point; next him backwardly on each side a horseman, his horse head reaching to the shoulders of the captains horse; then on the outward side of each of these a Horseman, and their horses heads must likewise reach to the shoulders of the next horses before. So must you go on, till you have in like manner bestowed 2 a piece more on each side, still opening the two sides of the rhomb proportionally. Thus done you have two sides of the rhomb which will be in this form. Then are we to fashion the two Rear sides of the rhomb of 9 horse, placing them after this manner: The Lieutenant in the Rear angle, directly opposite to, & yet looking toward the Captain; on either side of him forward toward the front 2 Horsemen, their horses shoulders lying even with the head of the Lieutenant's horse. And after them the other 6; 3 on one side, and 3 on the other in the same proportion. And so have we the other two sides of the rhomb in this form. which being joined to the former make the 4 sides of the rhomb; In the framing whereof 20 of the 36 horse are bestowed. There remain 16, which are thus to be ordered: Within the rhomb we must at reasonable distance place a horseman behind the Captain in aright line, and in the manner as before lay 3 to him on each side. The number will amount to 7, and this is the figure Then another horseman is to be set at the same distance directly before the Lieutenant, and on each side of him two other toward the front, which will be 5 in all, and in this form And these 12 horse joined together, will fashion out a lesser rhomb, comprehended within the sides of the first. So are 32 horse disposed of. The 4 that are left are thus to be ordered. In a right line again after the Captain, and at the former distance is another horseman to be set: Then 2, one of the one side, & the other of th' other side of him, their horses heads reaching to his horses shoulders thus The horseman left must supply the void place, standing directly before him, that stood next before the Lieutenant thus And this is the true description of the troup neither filing, nor ranking. I have been the longer in describing it, because the figure graven is not fully to my mind, no horse head reaching to the shoulders of the horse, that standeth before him.  
5 Polybius maketh it to consist of 64 men] Aelian took the number of 36 horse to frame this rhomb, Polybius requireth 64. The number is not material, so the form be observed. If you make it of 64, you are to take 15 horse for the 2 front sides, and 13 for the 2 rear sides, and so in every rank within to diminish 2, as you did in the former.  
6 Which file, but rank not] The third kind of rhomb fileth, but ranketh not. It is easy to frame. Take what number of horse you please, and make a file; then lay to the distances betwixt horse, and horse of that file on each flank two other files, each file containing one less in number, than the first. And the heads of the files are to be laid right against the space which is betwixt the Captain, and his follower, and the rest of the horses against the other spaces successively. In all the pairs of files, that follow, and are laid to the flanks, you must still diminish a horse a piece, till you come to the points, which have but one either of them. And of this abatement of one in every file, both front, and rear, and flanks grow into points, and make a rhomb: As of the even number in every file, a square battle would arise. See the figure. This was the form the Thessalians fought in, as appear by 
t after cap. 46.  Aelian.  
7 Turning to the right hand] The turnings of horsemen and footmen to the right, and left hand, are not termed by the same names. And the difference cometh of the diversity of weapons carried on the right, or left side. The horseman in his right hand held his staff, in the left the rains of his bridle. The armed-foote in his right hand his pike, on the left shoulder his Target. Hence was it, that when the horseman was commanded 
u Polyen. lib. 4. 217. ●21.  to turn to the right hand, they bid him turn to his staff; the footman to his pike. When to the left hand, they bid the horseman turn to the Rains, the footman to the Target.  
8 To rank, and not to file] This is the last kind of rhomb, and it ranketh, but fileth not. It is made by a contrary way to the former. The filing rhomb began at the front point, & reare-point, & proceeded to the flanks. This beginneth at the flank points, & proceedeth to the front and rear. First therefore a rank is to be laid of what number you list. Aelian would have it of an uneven number; but it will fall out as well in an even number, as the figure showeth. To the distances of this rank you must lay 2 ranks more, one on either side, whose number must be one less a piece, than the former rank. Thus continue laying ranks still toward the front, and rear, and in every pair of ranks diminish one a piece, till you come to the points, either of which have but one, namely the Captain, & the Lieutenant, and the rhomb will rank, and not file.   

Cap 20 The ordinary horse troop consisting of 64  
The right Flank Commander  
The captain  
The Front  
The Lieutenant  
The left Flank Commander     

The place of Horsemen in the field, the number of an usual horse troop, the degrees, and names of the officers of the Horse in general. CHAP. XX.  
THE Troops of Horse, as the lightarmed, are placed sometime before the Phalange, sometime on the right, or left hand in flank of the Phalange, sometime behind the lightarmed in the Rear. For our purpose, let them be placed in the Rear, and ¹ let the first troup be of 64 men, and the first rank thereof 15 Horse The next 13. The next 11; and in all the rest abate 2, till you come to the last, which is one.  
² He shall carry the Cornet, that standeth in the second rank next the Ranke-Commander on the left hand. All the Troops shall be 64 in number. The horsemen in all 4096. ³ Two Troops are called an Epilarchy of 128 horse. Two Epilarchies ⁴ a Tarentinarchy of 256 horse. Two Tarentinarchies ⁵ an Hipparchy of 512. Two Hipparchies ⁶ an Ephipparchy of 1024 horse. Two Ephipparchies ⁷ a Telos of 2048 horse. Two Telos make ⁸ an Epitagma of 4096 horse.  

Notes.  
HItherto of squares and Rhombes, usual horse battles amongst the Grecians. Now followeth the horse battle of the Macedonians, of which P Aelian hath thus afterward: This form of horse battle is called a wedge by Tactics, and it was invented by Philip King of Macedonia, who placed his best men before, that by them the weaker might be held in, and enabled to the charge. As in a spear, or sword, the point whereof, by reason of sharpness quickly piercing maketh way for, and letteth in the middle blunt iron. I have spoken somewhat of the wedge in the two last Chapters. Aelian in this Chapter showeth the number, and manner of framing it, and how many troops ought to attend the Phalange, and under what offices, and degrees.  

1 Let the first troop be of 64 men] The number of the wedge ought to be 64 horse. You make it beginning (as the rhomb that ranked, but filled not) with a rank of 15 horse. Then must you proceed toward the front, with an other rank of 13, the middle man filing with the middle man of the first rank, and the rest with the rest. And so you are to continue abating still two in every following rank, till at last you come to one, who is the Commander of the Troop, and standeth in the point of the front.  

2 He shall carry the Cornet] The place of the Cornet is not right set down in the figure. He there standeth on the right hand of the middle man of the second rank, where as he should stand on the left. And you must not account the second rank to be the rank next to the Commander in the front; but as Aelian doth, that was secondly placed after the first consisting of 15, which was in the Rear. So that the Cornet is to stand in the next rank to the Rear.  
But here is nothing said concerning the distances, that aught to be betwixt horse, and horse. Of the distances between foot, and foot he hath spoken in the 11 Chap: But of the distances betwixt horse, I find nothing, but general words. That which wanteth in Aelian, I will supply out of other Authors. We must understand then, that two kind of distances were observed amongst horsemen; one for marching, an other for fight. In marching there ought to be 6 foot betwixt horse and horse. Aelian hath before given this distance to the foot. And that horse held it likewise appeareth by Polybius. Who reprehending Calisthenes for carelessness in describing the battle betwixt Alexander and Darius at Issos', specially taxeth this: That he placed thirty thousand horse, and thirty thousand mercenaries, in fourteen furlongs of length. whereas the place was not capable of half the horse. 
n Polyb. lib. 12. 663. A.  His words have this sense; The order of horse, when they are prepared for fight, is for the most part 8 in depth. And there is a distance to be left in front betwixt every troop, to give liberty to wheel and double-wheele. So that one furlong will contain 800 horse; and 10 furlongs 8000; 4 furlongs 3200: And eleven thousand, and two hundred Horse will fill the space of 14 furlongs in length. The words seem at first somewhat obscure, being well weighed they will be clear enough. Polybius saith, that these 800 horse were ordered 8 in depth, and that they took up a furlong of ground in length. There must be therefore of them a hundred files. For a hundred files of 8 horse a piece, will arise to 800 horse. Compare then these 100 files, (the length of the battle) to the length of a furlong. And seeing a furlong containeth 400 Cubits, or six hundred foot, every file shall have 4 cubits, or 6 foot space betwixt them. And so the distance betwixt file and file in a march will be 4 Cubits, or 6 foot. The other distance of three foot appeareth in 
o Leo cap. 17. §. 89.  Leo, whose words stand thus: Put the case, that the battle is of 600 horse in length, and 500 in depth, seeing that every horse in length of the battle possesseth three foot in breadth, the number of feet will amount to 1800; And seeing again that every horse in depth possesseth 8 foot, there will arise hereof 4000 feet; so that in the fouresided figure, out of the length of 1800, and the depth of 4000 feet arise 720 Myriad of square feet. And the Perimeter alone of the outward four sides containeth 11600 feet. And because 6 feet make a fathom, and a 100 fathoms make a furlong, and 7 furlongs, and a half, make a mile, the whole Perimeter of 11600 feet will come to two mile, and a half, and near a 10th part. In this distance therefore according to the closest order, or shutting, the thirty thousand horse are contained. But if they stand not so close, you must alter your account according to the thinness, and out of the greatness of place conjecture of the multitude of the people. So Leo. Which place albeit it seem to require a large interpretation, because many things worth the noting offer themselves in it; yet for this time I will only insist upon that, which I first propounded, that is the distance of three foot betwixt horse, and horse, when they go to charge (for that is the meaning of Leo, when he speaketh of the closest order) which distance is expressly here set down. And the matter will yet seem more clear, if we add the words of Leo in the Paragraph next, but one, to this, which are these: The oldest Tactics in ordering of foot Battles give every man at the first distance four Cubits; when the battle is closed two Cubits; when serred and shut one Cubit. Out of which proportion a Scout may exactly discover by the quantity of the place the number, not only of horse, but of foot also. These oldest Tactics that Leo mentioneth agree with Aelian, as we have seen. But where the foot have three distances, the horse are to have but two. The open order of six foot they ought to have, and likewise that of three foot; nearerer they cannot come together, because of the breadth of their horse, and because they are to have room sufficient for the wielding of their weapons.  
All the Troops are to be in number 64] A Troop consists of 64 men, and to the Phalange belong 64 Troops, as the Phalange containeth 64 Ensigns, or Syntagmas of armed foot. To which Ensigns the 64 Troops of horse are proportioned. Their place is according to Aelian after the lightarmed; not one troop after, or behind an other, but one beside an other, in one front; and that front in a right line, which stretcheth out, as long as the Phalange of armed itself. Now the files of the armed being 1024 in number, and the number of the horse in the last rank (which containeth the length of the Horsebattaile, and should answer the number of files) but 960, we must seek out a proportion to make the length of both equal one to another. The difference then betwixt them in length is 64 men, which in order take up 192 foot. And where there go four Phalangarchies to a fourfold Phalange, and 16 troops of horse are placed behind every phalangarchy, we must divide these 192 foot into four parts; every of which parts will amount to 48 foot, and give to each troop three foot distance one betwixt an other (for distances betwixt one troop, and an other, Polybius holdeth necessary) and so shall the 16 troops of horse take up as much ground in length as a phalangarchy. The one containing 256 files in length which occupy 768 foot of ground, and the other 240 men in the last rank, which occupy 720 foot. To which adding 48 foot of distance, there ariseth the even number of 768. And so shall the 64 troops of horse be even in length with the fourfold Phalange.  
The names of the Offices, and Commands of the Horse follow, wherein as I before noted in the foot, we must not press too near the property of words, but take them, as they have been used among Soldiers.   
3 Two troops are called an Epilarchie] One troop is called Isle, and the Commander an 
o Cap. 18.  Ilarch; for so he is termed before in Aelian. Two troops an Epilarchie, and the Commander an Epilarch, as it were a Commander over two Isles, troops. He hath 128 Horse under his command.  
4 A Tarentinarchie] Of Tarentines mention is made in the second Chapter. The name of a Tarentinarchie is not given to this Troop, because it consisted of Tarentines, but because of likelihood the Tarentine horsemen had so many in a troop Let it be, as it will, it signifieth here a troop of 256 Horse.  
5 An Hipparchie] Properly signifieth the command of horse, and Xenophon useth the word Hipparch for the General of horse; but Aelian, and the Tactics use it for the command of 512 horse.  
6 An Ephipparchie] As it were a command over two Hipparchies, or over 1024 horse.  
7 A Telos] The name of Telos is given both to a body of horse, and to a body of foot. A Merarchie was called by some Telos (saith Aelian before) and contained 2048 armed. The Telos of horse containeth 2048 horse. So the bodies are equal in number. The word sometimes signifieth a Command, or Dignity, from which signification this body, as seemeth, hath the name.  
8 Epitagma] The whole body of lightarmed was called an Epitagma, which name is given likewise to the whole body of horse comprising 4096 horse. It may be they are both so called, because they are placed behind the Armed, as I noted before. For that place Aelian assigneth unto them.     

The diligence to be used in choice, and exercise of the best forms of Battles. CHAP. XXI.  
THE Inventions and conceits of those, that lived in old time, about Troops of Horse are declared, in what form every one was cast, and for what cause some used one form, some another. Now it behoveth (as in things that carry with them great difference) not carelessly, and negligently, to rely upon the bare precepts; but rather by daily exercise to make try all of every kind of figure, and so attaining to the perfect knowledge of that, which is readiest, and of most advantage, to admit and receive it in true fight. For it were great simplicity, considering in matters of less importance men by curious inquiry reach to the exact finding out of many things, herein not to ground upon perfect and sure experience, before we come to join with the enemy.  
Troops may be enlarged or lessened, as it shall seem convenient to him, that hath the command.   

Of Chariots; the names, and degrees of the Commanders. CHAP. XXII.  
AS for ordering Chariots and Elephants, albeit they are worn out of use, yet to make up the measure of this discourse, I will remember their names, as they are set down in ancient writers. In the Art of ordering Chariots for the field, they call two Chariots a ¹ Zygarchy; Two Zygarchies a ² Zyzygi; Two Zyzygies an ³ Epyzyzygi; Two Epizyzygies an ⁴ Hartamarchy; Two Hartamarchies a ⁵ wing; Two wings a ⁶ Phalange.  
A man may use many and sundry Phalanges of Chariots, and yet retain the same names in every Phalange. Some have framed simple Chariots to serve withal; other some have armed them with Scythes prominent and standing out on each side.  

Notes.  
THere were two kind of Chariots used of ancient time, the one a simple Chariot, the other a Chariot armed with scythes. The first kind was used by the Heroes (as they term them, that is the renowned Soldiers of old, such as were Achilles, Hector, Cycnus, Aeneas, Turnus) as appeareth by Homer, Virgil, Ovid, and other Poets. The last was brought in by the Generals of later times, especially by those that reigned in Asia, and in Africa. For the 
m Liv. decad. 4. lib. 7. 142. B.  Europeans have counted them fruitless, and vain mockeries, and amongst them you shall hardly find any mention of Chariots. Aelian toucheth them only, because both they, and Elephants were in his time grown out of use. Wherefore I mean likewise to pass them over slightly, only directing the Reader, that is desirous to understand their manner of fight to places of History, where they are mentioned. And first see for their  
Form. Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 152. D. E. & 156. B. C. de exped. Cyr. lib. 1. 264 A. B. Liu. decad. 4. lib. 7. 142. A. Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 596. Quin. Curt. lib. 4. 119 & lib. 8. 371.  
Their violence, Diod. Sicul. lib. 17. 593.  
Their place in the battle, Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 6. 168. C. D. Liu. decad. 4. lib. 7. 142. A. Diod. Sicul. lib. 14. 408.  
Remedies against them, Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 592. 593. Xenoph. de exped. Cyr. lib. 1. 265. Liu. decad. 4. 142. Quint. Curt. lib. 4. 141. Plutarch. in Sylla.  
I come to the names of the Commands of Chariots.  

1 A Zygarchie] The command of two Chariots; as it were a yoke of Chariots.  
2 A Syzygy] The command over two yokes, as it were, of Chariots joined together; that is over 4 Chariots.  
3 An Episyzygy] The command over four yokes of Chariots, that is over eight Chariots.  
4 An Harmatarchie] Properly the command of Chariots. But used by Aelian for the command of 16 Chariots.  
5 A wing] As foot, so Chariots, and Elephants, had their wings of battle. To the wing went 32 Chariots. Yet find I this order of imbattailing Chariots no where, but in Aelian. He that will, let him read the places, that I have noted before, for the ordering of Chariots. Notwithstanding I can not doubt, that the names given here by Aelian, are taken out of ancient writers.  
6 A Phalange] It consisteth of 64 Chariots; and we here see, that Chariots also had their Phalanges, as well as foot, and Horse.     

Of Elephants; the names, and degrees of their Commanders. CHAP. XXIII.  
TOuching Elephants, he that is Commander of one Elephant is called ¹ Zoarcha; Of two ² Therarcha, and the body a Therarchy; Of four ³ Epitherarcha, and the body an Epitherarchy; Of eight ⁴ Ilarcha, and the body an Ilarchy; Of 16 ⁵ Elephantarcha and the body an Elephantarchy; Of 32 ⁶ Keratarcha, and the body a Keratarchy. That which consisteth of 64 we call ⁷ a Phalange of Elephants, as if a man should name the Commander of both the wings Phalangarcha.  

Notes.  
THe use of Elephants was greater amongst the people of Asia and Africa. Those of Europe esteemed them not much. And yet we find, that they were brought into the field by the Romans also; who first saw Elephants in Italy in the wars, they had against King Pyrrhus. ● The Indian Elephant was preferred before the African for greatness 
d Liu. decad. 4. lib. 7. 141. Poly●. lib. 5. 425. C. D.  of body, strength, and courage. Many things are written concerning the service of Elephants. But because Aelian toucheth no more, than the names of the bodies, and the degrees of Commanders, I will only note such things, as I find concerning them in Histories. Their kind of armour, and furniture I have taken out of Livy, and expressed them as near, as I could, in figure.  
For their power, strength, and manner of fight, see Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 609. & lib. 19 717. Polyb. lib. 1. ●5. D. & lib▪ 5. 425. C.  
Their place in battle, Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 685. Arrian. lib. 5. 111. Liu. decad. 4. lib. 7. 141. B. Appian. in Syriac. 107. Polyb. l. 1. 34. D.  
The distance one from an other. Arrian. lib. 5. 111.  
Light armed in the distances betwixt Elephant and Elephant, Diodor. Sicul. lib. 17. 609. & lib. 18. 665. & lib▪ 19 685. & 716. Plurarch. in Pyrrho.  
Remedies against Elephants, Diodor. Sicul. lib. 18. 665. & lib. 19 717. Polyb. l. 1. 42. A. Hirt. de bell. African. 416. Liu. decad. 3. lib. 7. 194. C.  
I have noted before the impropriety of names given to military bodies as well in the armed and the light armed foot, as in horse troops, and in Chariots. That defect is no less in Elephants. The Commanders and commands of them having names, which were at first large, and improper enough, but afterward made good by use, and received by the Tactics as significant to express the things, for which they were invented. The first is given to him that is to command one Elephant. Who is called  

1 Zoarchos] The Commander of a living creature, that is of one Elephant. The next is  
2 Therarchos] A Commander of Beasts: which name is appropriated to him, that commandeth two Elephants, and the body itself is named a Therarchie.  
3 An Epitherarcha] Having the authority over the Therarchie and the body is called an Epitherarchie comprising four Elephants.  
4 An Ilarch] As it were the Commander of a troop; and the body is called an Ilarchie. I'll is commonly applied to horse, and signifieth a horse troop, and Ilarcha the Captain. But here Ilarcha signifieth the Commander of 8 Elephants.  
5 An Elephantarch] A Commander of Elephants; as though the other bodies before mentioned were not of Elephants. Such straits are men often times driven unto in devising new names for new things, which notwithstanding pass afterward and grow familiar by use. Elephantarcha commandeth 16 Elephants, and the command is called an Elephantarchie.  
6 A Keratarch] The Commander of a wing, the body a Keratarchie, having in it 32 Elephants. A wing of Chariots had as many.  
7 A Phalange] This is the greatest body and consisteth of 64 Elephants. But as Chariots may be ordered into many Phalanges, and yet the same names retained in every one of the Phalanges, so it is in Elephants. For that armies have had in them at once above 64 Elephants appeareth by Histories. Polybius, and Diodor Sicul: testify, 
c Polyb. lib. 1. 39 B.  the first that the carthaginians, 
d Diod. Sicul. lib. 17.  the last that King Porus against Alexander had the one 140, the other 130 Elephants in their armies. 
e Polyb. lib. 5. 421.  The same Polybius saith that Ptolomey had against Antiochus 73 Elephants in his army, and Antiochus 102. And 
f Plutarch. in Alexand.  Plutarch reporteth that Androcottus, King of a part of India, gave to Seleucus at on time 500 Elephants     

The names of military motions expressed in this book. CHAP. XXIV.  
THus have we set down in particular the kinds of perfect Forces together with the several names of every body; Which being premised, it seemeth 
Cap 25  
〈…〉 Faces turned to the right hand  
The Front  
C●●s or one Turning of Faces to the right hand  
The Front  
The first standing  
The Front  fit to deliver the words of exercise, that when the Commander, shall will any thing to be done, the Soldier in daily experience acquainted before with the signification of every of them, and with the moving in each figure may easily perform and execute, whatsoever is commanded.  
There is a motion called Clisis whereof one kind is to the Pike, the other to the Target; Another is called Metabole; another Epistrophe; another Anastrophe; another Perispasmus; another Ecperispasmus; beside we say to file; to rank; to return to the first posture; to countermarch; to double. Likewise we use the words Induction; and Deduction to the right, or left hand; a broad-Phalange; a deepephalange; and uneven-fronted Phalange: and Parembole; and Protaxis; and Entaxis, and Hypotaxis; and Epitaxis and Prostaxis. The signification of which words I will shortly deliver. And yet I am not ignorant, that the precepts of war are not by all Tactics expressed in the same terms.  

Notes.  
AElian in the Chapters precedent, hath numbered up all kinds of forces, as well foot, as Horse, and Chariots, and Elephants, that in ancient time were accounted necessary for war. And hath given them their armour, and furniture, and distinguished them into military bodies, and imbattailed them, and taught the distances, that they ought to hold in fight. It followeth now that he speak of motions military; which are the life of an army, and only give means of victory; and without which all preparation of forces is vain, and availeth nothing in the field, nor to the end, for which they were levied. This Chapter than containeth the names of those motions; the following Chapters the particular explication of them. To which we will note, what we find in ancient writers. For the signification of the words, I refer them to the several Chapters, where they are expounded.    

Of turning, and double turning the soldiers faces, as they stand embattled. CHAP. XXV.  
¹ CLisis or turning of the face, is the particular motion of every Soldier declining his face either to his Pike, that is to the right hand, or to his Target, that is to the left hand. The use of it is, when the enemy showeth himself in flank ² to encompass our wings, or else to charge us: or for some other cause, whereof I will speak in convenient place. ³ Two turnings of the face towards the same side transfer the sight of the Soldier to the rear of the battle. And this kind of motion is called Metabole: being also used either to the Pike, or to the Target. In the first standing the moving of the soldiers face toward the Pike is called Clisis, the second moving the same way Metabole. For Metabole is the conversion of every man's face particularly to the place, which was behind his back. And the same that Metabole is in each several Soldier, the same is Perispasmos, or wheeling about in the whole battle. There are ⁴ two kinds of Metabole, the one from the enemy, the other to the enemy. Metabole is defined to be a changing of every man's face in particular from the front to the rear; or chose. Turning about from the enemy is, when the Soldier turneth his face twice towards the Pike; To the enemy, when he turneth twice towards the Target.  

Notes.  
Four kind of Motions are set down by Aelian whereby upon any occasion the battle may be somewhat changed: Turning of faces, countermarch, wheeling, and doubling, whereof the first may be used, in what order soever your battle standeth, the second only in open order, the third ●n close order only, the fourth either in close, or open order. Clisis, or turning of faces, whereof this Chapter entreateth, albeit it may be brought in also in open Order; Yet is it not done for the most part but in close order; and then especially, when none of the other motions have place. The Grecians always coveted to bring their file Leaders, that is their best men, to fight. In open Order they chose to countermarch; In close Order, having place, to wheel their battle about, and so turn the face of it against the enemy. If they could do neither of these, they came to the last remedy, which was turning of faces of every particular man in the battle.  

1 Clisis, or turning of faces] This motion is of less pains then any other, but of no less importance, or necessity. In the rest the Phalange changeth the place, or the form: In this it holdeth both, and yet is ready for any attempt of the enemy. Only every Soldier in particular turneth his countenance to the right or left hand, as he is commanded. To turn his face to the Pike is to turn to the right hand, because that hand bore the pike, to turn to the Target is to turn to the left hand; because the Macedonians carried their targets on their left shoulder. For the use of this turning of Faces, Aelian saith, It hath place when the enemy showeth himself in flank  
2 To encompass, our wings] Clisis is no more, then bearing faces to the right, or left hand, that is to our wings. When then we find our enemies, to encompass our right wing, we turn our faces, and weapons that way to receive him: to the left, when he cometh to charge us on that side. If on both sides, then turn we the faces of our Phalange half to the right, half to the left hand; which is the Antistomus Phalange whereof Aelian speaketh hereafter. Briefly, there is almost none of the marching Phalanges which are afterward described, but it hath need of this motion. Besides if upon any occasion the Phalange be to move from any of the flanks, you are only to command Turning of faces to that flank, and then to lead on. I will give an example, or two. 
a Polyen. lib. 4. in Alexand. § 17.  Alexander at Arbela having imbattailed his army to fight with Darius, had intelligence, that Darius had strewed the ground betwixt the two armies with Calthropes. He commanded therefore the right wing, which himself led, to turn faces to the right hand, and follow him, to the end to go round about, and avoid the places, that were sowed with Calthropes. Darius' marching against him to the left hand, disjoined his troops of horse, and Alexander taking the advantage, and giving in quickly betwixt the spaces, put Darius to flight. If Alexander had marched on with the right front, he had fallen upon the Calthropes. To avoid them, be used the benefit of this motion, and turning faces to the right hand he led on, until he had passed the danger, and then turning again to the first posture, went to charge, and defeated the enemy. An other example is in 
b Polyb lib. 11. 634.  Polybius, who describing the battle betwixt Machanidas the Lacedaemonian Tyrant, and Philopoemen the Achaean General, telleth, that Machanidas having in the left wing put the Achaean mercenaries to flight, followed hard the chase. Philopoemen as long▪ as there was hope, endeavoured by all means to stay his men: when he saw them utterly defeated, he hasted to the right wing, and perceiving the enemy busy in chase, and the place void, where the fight had been, commanding the first Merarchies to turn their faces to the right hand, he led them on with high speed, not yet breaking the order of their imbattailing. And quickly seizing upon the forsaken ground, he both cut betwixt them, that gave chase, and home, and withal got the advantage of the upper ground against the left wing of the armed. Whereby he obtained the victory. If Philopoemen had in this action used wheeling of his battle, which only was the other motion, which would have served his turn, besides the troublesomeness of the winding about, he should have been forced to have used two wheelings, and so failed of the celerity, which was at that time requisite. Faces were turned in a trice, and he made himself Master of the ground, he desired, before he could have wheeled once his battle.  
3 Two turnings of the soldiers face] Clisis, or turning faces to the right, or left hand, consisteth of one turning and moveth no further, than the side. If the motion be to the rear, it hath two turnings, and is called Metabole, which is defined to be a changing of every man's face in particular from the front to the rear, or chose. And as wheeling of the whole body carrieth about the fronts of the battle to the rear; So doth Metabole turn the face of every particular Soldier, and maketh him look from the front to the rear. The word properly signifieth a change, which happeneth herein, when the soldiers are changed from the front to the rear, or chose. The use of Metabole is principally to resist the enemy that gives on upon the rear. 
a Plut. in Pyrrh.  So Pyrrhus being entered the City Argos with a few, and overpressed with multitude, retired by little and little, and defended himself, often turning his and his soldiers faces against the enemy. 
b Polyen. lib. in Agesilao.  So the army of Cyrus the elder retiring from the walls of Babylon, often turned about their faces to the left hand, and waited their enemy▪ who were reported to be on foot, and ready to come and charge them. And if the enemy assault both the front, and rear, it hath been the manner to continue half the soldiers in each file with their faces to the front, and command the other half to turn their faces to the rear against the enemy behind. And this form is called Phalanx Amphistomos described by Aelian cap. 38. And sometimes it is used to speed our march, and prevent the enemy, as was said before of Clisis. 
c Xenoph. Cyrop. lib. 7. 189▪ D.  Agesilaus made an incursion into the Territory of the Thebans, and finding a Trench, and Rampart cast up by the Thebans for defence of their Country, and only two narrow ways betwixt, he cast his army into a hollow Plinthium, or square, and led it against the left hand passage, whither all the Thebans flocked for defence. But he turning about faces from the rear, hasted away, and gained the other passage, where no man was present to resist, and entering spoiled the Country; and returned without impeachment.  

4 There are two kind of Metaboles] Before were rehearsed two kind of turnings of faces about, one to the pike, the other to the target, here is added two more, one from the enemy and the other against the enemy; which are all one indeed, and differ only in name. What the true meaning of these turnings should be, I am in doubt, Aelian expounding them one way, Suidas an other. Aelian esteems them by the right, and left hand, Suidas, albeit he have that signification also, esteemeth them by the front and rear. Therefore Suidas defines the turning from the enemy to be a turning about, toward the rear: that against the enemy, a turning about toward the front. Aelian would have the first to contain two turnings toward the right hand, the second two turnings toward the left. I for my part assent rather to Aelian. For touching the turnings of Suidas, I cannot yet understand, why turning toward the rear should be a turning from the enemy; Or toward the front a turning to the enemy: Considering that whether soever you turn faces, the enemy is imagined to be there; faces and weapons being to be opposed always against the enemy, which is the only end of turning. Aelians' opinion seemeth to have more probability in it, at least if I conceive the right reason. For I take it thus: That seeing the Grecians (as the Romans likewise) were Targeteer's, and carried their targets on their left side, and in fight advanced that side always nearest the enemy, which they sought to cover with their targets, that therefore the turning about to the enemy, was called turning to the Target; as contrarily turning to the right side, on which side the Pike was carried, and which being naked of such defensive arms was called 
a Latus ape●ū  the open side, and therefore further removed from the enemy, might for the same cause be termed turning from the enemy. So that I take turning about to the enemy, and turning about to the target to be all one, as also turning about from the enemy, and turning about to the Pike, howsoever the name differ. This is my conjecture, which I shall imagine to be true, till I find some man, that will be pleased to give me a more probable reason: I only add now the words of command in this motion.  


As you were.  
Faces to the right hand.  
Faces to the left hand.  
Faces about, to the right or left hand.  
The figure showeth the manner.        

Of wheeling, double, and treble-wheeling of the battle, and returning to the first posture. CHAP. XXVI.  
¹ EPistrophe (or wheeling) is when the battle being so closed, that no man can turn, or twice turn his face by reason of the nearness of man to man, it wholly, and jointly wheeleth (as a ship, or some other body carried about) the order thereof remaining undissolued. When the wheeling is to the Pike, we warn the right-corner-file-leader to stand still (as it were the hook of a door hinge) and the rest of the battle proceeding forward to turn about the same fileleader like the door. In the same manner is wheeling to the Target; It may be thus defined: Epistrophe is, when shutting the battle by gathering close the Followers, and Sidemen, we turn it wholly (as the body of a man) toward the Pike, or Target, it being carried about the corner-file-leader, as about a Centre, and, changing the place of the front, transfer the countenance of the soldier to the right, or left hand; the followers and sidemen every one remaining in file and rank as before. How it is to be done I will show hereafter.  
Anastrophe, or returning to the first posture, is the restoring of the wheeling to the place, where the battle first stood close, before it began to wheel. Perispasmos, or wheeling about, is the motion of the battle in two wheelings, so that thereby the front cometh to the place of the rear. ² Ecperispasmos, or treble wheeling, is the motion of the battle in three wheelings, so as, when it turneth to the Pike, the front cometh about to the left flank; when to the Target, it cometh about to the right flank.  

Notes.  
THis Chapter hath a divers kind of turning from the other mentioned in the last Chapter, which for distinction sake, is called Epistrophe, or wheeling. The other turned no more, than the soldiers faces, every man yet keeping the same ground▪ be had before. This wheels the whole body, and changeth the place of the Phalange either to the right, or left hand, or to the rear. And as there was in the turning of faces a particular motion of every particular soldier to the right, or left hand, called Clesis, and an other turning about called Metabole: so is there in this a general wheeling of the whole body to the right, or left hand, called Epistrophe, and an other wheeling about to the rear called Perispasmos. But let us hear the description.  

¹ Epistrophe (or wheeling) is, when the Battle] Shortly Epistrophe is no more, than the first turning of the battle to the right or left hand. In doing whereof first the files must be closed to the hand, you mean to wheel, than the ranks. Then the corner fileleader on the same hand is to stand still, than all the rest keeping their files, and ranks closed, to turn to the same hand jointly about the Corner-file-leader circlewise, who is to move by little, and little▪ till he have turned his face to that side, which was intended. And when the first rank is even with him, and the rest wheeled enough to the same hand, they are to stand still: The words of the definition of Epistrophe (or wheeling) are plain enough in Aelian; I need use no exposition. Now because in exercise we rely not upon one form of motion alone, but acquaint our soldiers with all the kinds; It is necessary to bring the body again to the first place, to the end we may proceed in the rest. This reducing to the first Posture is called Anastrophe, by which the battle returneth, but by a contrary hand, to that, to which the Epistrophe was made. And but for changing the hand the wheeling back again is all one with the wheeling forward. We shall see hereafter how it is done. To bring the battle to have the front, where the rear was, you must use a double wheeling. And that is called Perispasmos. Which cometh of two Epistrophes, and is made either to the right, or left hand. Only it must be observed, that if the Perispasmos (or wheeling about) be to the right hand, the Anastrophe (or reducing to the first posture) must be to the left. Contrary it is if the Perispasmos were to the right hand.  
2 Ecperispasmos] I could never hitherto conceive any use of a treble wheeling (for so Aelian takes the word) unless a Perispasmos were first made, and the battle had the front already brought to the rear, and so an Epistrophe added from the rear to the same hand. Otherwise seeing that one wheeling is sooner made, than two, and therefore sooner than three, I see no need of three wheelings, especially seeing we may do that, we desire with one. For example, let us wheel our battle thrice to the right hand, the front will come to be in the place of the left flank. The same will be performed as well with one wheeling to the left hand. Et frustra fit per plura, quod potest fieri per pauciora, especially in matter of war, where the least moment of time often carrieth the whole business. The like may be said of Ecperispasmos to the left hand.   
The use of the motions of wheeling, and double wheeling, is, when the battle being closed, and the enemy coming to assault you in any other one place, than the front, you seek to bring the best men to fight. For if you be to be charged in two places at once, or more, wheeling helps little; except it be to turn the front to one enemy, and in that case your only shift is, to turn faces against them, that come to charge, on what side soever they come. Examples of these two motions, I mean Epistrophe, and Perispasmos meet us almost in every Greek History. Of which I will represent one, or two, especially of the latter; the rather because practise giveth both light, and life to precepts. 
a Plut. in Pyrrh.  Plutarch recounteth, that after King Pyrrhus, had in vain assaulted Sparta, he was invited by an Argivan named Aristaeus to receive Argos into his protection, and that he marched thitherward with his army. Arieus the king of Lacedemonia laying ambushes for him, and taking the principal straits▪ by which he was to pass, charged his rear, wherein the Galatians and Molossians were. When Pyrrhus heard the bruit and noise, he sent his son Ptolemy with the band of Companions to aid, himself with all speed marching out of the straits, led on his army. The medley being sharp about Ptolemy, and the chosen Lacedæmonians commanded by Eualcus' standing close to their business, Oroesus a Candiot of Aptera, valiant of his hands, and swift of foot, running cross against the young Prince gave him a deadly stroke and overthrew him. His fall made the rest to fly. And the Lacedæmonians having the victory, and following the chase came into the Champion ground still killing but not remembering they were not followed with armed foot. Upon whom Pyrrhus, having even then heard of, and being much moved with the death of his son, wheeled about the Molossian horsemen. And himself first advancing upon the spur imbrued himself with the slaughter of Lacedæmonians. He always seemed mighty, and terrible in arms; but then he exceeded himself in daring and valour. For turning his Horse upon Eualcus who shunning him, shifted a side, and with all struck at his bridle hand as he passed by, and wanted but little of cutting it off. But missing the hand, he light upon the rains, and carved them quite a sunder. Pyrrhus with all struck him through the body with his Lance. Then leaping from his horse, and fight a foot, he cut in pieces the chosen Lacedæmonians, that fought to recover the body of Eualcus. This was the fight that Pyrrhus made by wheeling about his Horsemen against the Lacedæmonians, that followed upon his Rear. Another example of Wheeling about is reported by Polybius, and it is of Amilcar Annibals' father, this is the history. The mercenary soldiers of the Carthaginians revolted from them, and overthrew some of their Generals, and shut them up within the City of Carthage, possessing both other straits, that led into the Country, and also a bridge laid over a river called Macar, which river was not passable, but by that Bridge. Besides, they built a City for defence of that Bridge. Amilcar seeking to dislodge the enemy from that Bridge, and having no way to come at them conveniently; observed, that when certain winds blue, the mouth of the river toward the sea was commonly filled up with sand, and would give passage sufficient for his army. Finding then a fit time, he put over his army in the night, and before day, or ere any man knew of it, made himself Master of the passage; and presently led against them, that held the bridge. Spendius (he was one of the chief Rebels) hearing thereof, advanced to meet Amilcar in the plain, and both ten thousand from the City at the bridge foot, and fifteen thousand more from Utica, came out one to aid another, thinking to wrap in the Carthaginians between them; who were not above ten thousand Soldiers of all sorts, and 70 Elephants. Amilcar led on his army. Before were the Elephants, the horse, and light armed followed next, the armed foot came last. And perceiving the enemy, that followed his Rear, pressed hard upon him, he commanded his whole army to turn about. Those that were in the Vanguard of the march he willed to return to him with speed;▪ the other, that at first had the rear, he wheeled about, and strait opposed against the enemy. The Lybians and mercenaries imagining the Carthaginians fled for fear, fell upon them disorderly, and boldly came to hands. But when they saw the Horsemen, being now turned about, and come up near to the foot, and already put in order, make a stand, they themselves, by reason they looked for nothing less, fell into a fear, turning their backs fled presently, as before they gave on unadvisedly, and stragglingly. And some of them falling upon their own people, that were coming on, wrought both theirs, and their own destructions: othersome were trampled upon, and trod to death, by the horse, and Elephants, that followed the chase. Thus far Polybius. And thus far of Wheelings. The figure, and words of command are reserved for the 32 Chapter, where the manner of wheelings, and returning to the first posture is set down.    

Of filing, ranking, and restoring to the first posture. CHAP. XXVII.  
TO file is, when every particular man keeping equal distance from other standeth in his own file lineally betwixt the fileleader and bringer-up. To rank is, to be in a right line even with his sidemen in the length of the battle. ¹ To restore to the first posture is, to bring the sight of the Soldier to the same aspect, he had before the first turning. As if his face were at first towards the enemy, being commanded to turn towards the Pike, and thence to return to his first posture, he is again to return his face toward the enemy.  

Notes.  
OF filing, and ranking enough is spoken before.  
1 To restore to the first posture] This motion differeth from Anastrophe before specified. For Anastrophe bringeth back again the whole body to the first place after a Wheeling: This the soldiers faces particularly to the first aspect. So that this is used after the making of an Anastrophe. For always in motions it is requisite, that the soldiers faces move forward. To move backward hath many inconveniences, of stumblings upon uneven ground, or stones, or pits, or stubbes, or such like. Which is the cause that in Anastrophe after a Wheeling, Aelian willeth, that the Soldiers turn their faces the contrary way first, then move on, till they have recovered their first ground, then open ranks, and files, and lastly to restore to the first aspect. And as it differeth from Anastrophe so differeth it likewise from Metabole. Metabole only turned faces about, this setteth the Soldier in his former posture, not only for his face, but for his arms, also, which, are ordered as at first. The words wherein this motion is expressed by Aelian are Ep orthon apodounai, and Eyes orthon apoca●astesai, which is interpreted by Gaza in arrectum reddere, to restore up right, by Arcerius rectum reddere, to restore right, and so the words sound. Aelian interpreteth it to set again the soldiers sight in the same aspect in which it stood at first: as if being placed with his face against the enemy he be commanded to turn his face to the Pike, and then again to restore his face to his first posture, he must return, and set his face against the enemy. Aelian therefore referreth it to the sight, he first had, which if it be the right meaning, how can it be upright, or right, more in that, then in any other posture. For the Soldier not only in front, but in flank, and in the rear carrieth himself upright, or right. I doubt not, but that it may be applied to the upright standing of men, as appeareth by sundry places of Pausanias: Who rehearseth, that Minerva's Image set 
a Pausan. in Articis 43.  in the Temple Parthenion standeth upright, orthon esti, and in an other place, that in Corinth 
b Pausan. in Corinth 89.  in the Temple Pantheon, there were two Images of Mercury standing upright, Ortha, 
c Pausan. in Corinth. 87.  and that in the Temple of Fortune the image of Fortune was carved of Parian- stone, and stood upright▪ Orthon: and that in Neptune's Temple situate in the Corinthian Isthmus, the images of Amphitrite and Neptune stand in a Chariot, and the boy Palemon upright upon a Dolphin, Orthos. In all which places Orthos designeth the site of men. But here, as I take, it cannot be so applied. Because in every motion, not only in this, the men stand upright. How then can they be restored to their standing upright, when they do it already. I take the original of the appellation to come from another cause, and that is from the ordering of the Pike. For when the battle is first set in the field, every Soldier stands with his Pike ordered, that is upright. For to order a pike is to set the butt end on the ground before the Soldier somewhat wide of his right foot, and to hold it upright with the right hand borne even with the shoulder. But when you begin, or continue any motion, the manner is to advance, or to shoulder the Pike, and so to proceed. But being commanded to return to the first posture, it must be ordered again. So that the first posture of an armed man is to stand with his pike upright. And after many motions and windings, he at last returneth to the same posture, which I take the command of Ep'orthon apodounai to signify. Now that I may not seem to rely upon a probable conjecture alone, I will bring witness for the confirmation of my opinion. It is reported by 
d Diod. Sicul. lib. 15. 473.  Diodorus Siculus, that Agesilaus the Lacedaemonian King with an army of eighteen thousand foot, and fifteen hundred horse, invaded Boeotia. The Athenians before hearing of Agesilaus coming had sent five thousand foot, and 200 horse to aid the Thebans, who gathering their army together seized upon a long narrow hill distant 20 furlongs from the City; And making the hard access to the place a kind of fortification against the enemy, they there waited his coming, fearing to hazard upon even ground in regard of the renown, and glory of Agesilaus. Agesilaus, having imbattailed his troops, led them against the Boeotians; and approaching near, sent his light armed to sound their disposition to fight, which being easily repulsed by the Thebans by the advantage of the higher ground, he advanced the rest of his forces being imbattailed in such manner, as might give greatest terror. Chabrias the Athenian willed his Soldiers to await the enemy contemptuously both keeping their first array, and their Targets at their knees, and continuing their Pikes upright ordered; who when they jointly as upon a word given, did as they were commanded, Agesilaus both wondering at the good order, and at the assured fashion of the enemy thought it not fit to strive with unequal ground, and by forcing them to fight, to compel them to be valiant, whether they would, or no. Hitherto Diodor Sicul. of the Strategem of Chabrias against Agesilaus, which consisted in the contempt of Agesilaus, and all his forces: First in not stirring one foot, to meet the enemy, then in keeping the array they held before; further in sinking their Targets to their knees; Lastly in continuing the former order of their Pikes, that is not making readyto charge, but remaining with their Pikes ordered, as they were at first. Agesilaus advancing his army thought to strike a fear into his enemy; Chabrias trusting to the strength of the place, scorned the Brovado of Agesilaus, conceiving, he would not be so hardy to adventure the fight upon so great an inequality of ground. He therefore willeth the 
Cap 28 The Macedoman Countermache by file  
The rear  
The front of the first standing  
The Countermarche in action  
The file leaders with their faces about standing firm  
The bringers up dismarching  
The front after Countermarche  
The ground taken before the front of the Phalange  
Cap 29 The Lacedaemonian Countermarche  
The Countermarche in action  
The fileleaders advancing in Countermarche  
The bringers up standing firm with their faces turned about  
The front after Countermarche  
The ground taken beyond the reareof the Phalange  
Cap▪ 20 The Chorean Countermarche  
The Front in the first standing  
The Bringers up moving  
The fileleaders dismarching  
The front after Countermarche  
Cap. 20. Countermarche by Rank  
The Countermarche in action  dyer's not to alter their posture, but to continue as they were. The words concerning the Pike are: En ortho tò dorati menein. That is to continue their pikes upright (En ortho) Now whether the same be the posture, that the Tactics describe, when they speak or restoring Ep' ortho, upright, I refer to the judgement of the Reader. ᵃ Poliaenus 
b Polyen. lib. ●▪ in Agesilao.  remembering this Stratagem useth somewhat different words, and yet consenteth in meaning. Chabrias saith he, commanded his Soldiers not to run out against the enemy, but quietly to stand still holding their pikes before upright, and their Targets before their knees which they were wont to do, when they would a little ease themselves of the weight of their Targets. Where Diodore, hath en ortho tò dorati menein, to continue their Pikes upright. Polienus hath protinomenous ta dorata ortha, holding before them their Pikes upright. But both have pikes upright and Diodorus his Continue hath relation to the Posture they were in, which Chabrias would not have them to alter: Polienus his hold before to that they were commanded to do. In ordering of Pikes at this day I have showed, that the Soldiers hold them upright, the but end set on the ground before, and somewhat wide of their right foot. 
b Aemil. Prob. in Chabria. 105.  Aemilius Probus reciting this history perverteth the Stratagem: He saith that Chabrias forbade the Phalange to give back, and taught his Soldiers to receive the enemies charge kneeling with one knee, the other set against the Target, and with the Pike abased. Wherein he quite dissenteth from Diodore, and Polien. Diodore saith, the command was to keep their array; Polienus not to run forward, but quietly to stand still; Probus not to give back. Probus saith, they should kneel with one knee, and rest against the Target with the other; Diodore that they should hold their Targets sunk to their knees; Polienus that they should carry their Targets before at their knees. Probus that they should abase, and charge their Pikes; Diodore that they should continue, and order them upright; Polien that they should hold their Pikes upright. So that Diodore and Polien agree, and expound one another: Aemilius Probus bringing in a new history dissenteth, as I said, from the other two; especially in making that to be a form of fight prescribed by Chabrias (a simple form to receive the charge upon their knees) which was a contempt, to show how little, especially in that strength of ground, he regarded Agesilaus; which contempt also made Agesilaus retire, not doubting but it proceeded from a great assurance of the enemy. Therefore as I said I take these words ep' orthon apodounai, not only to appertain to the aspect of the Soldier, but also (and that much rather) to the erection, and ordering of Pikes.    

Of Countermarches, and the divers kinds thereof, with the manner how they are to be made. CHAP. XXVIII.  
THere are two sorts of Countermarches, one by file, the other by rank; each of these again is divided into three kinds. The first called the Macedonian: The second the Lacedaemonian: The third the Choraean, which is also the Persian, and the Cretan. ¹ The Macedonian is that, which leaving the ground, it first had, taketh in lieu thereof the ground, which was before the front of the Phalange, and turneth the aspect of the Soldier backward [where before it was forward.]  
2 The Lacedaemonian is that, which leaving likewise the ground it first had, taketh in steed thereof, the ground which was behind the Rear of the Phalange, and turneth also the face of the Soldier the contrary way.  
3 The Persian is the Cretan, and Choraean: This keepeth the same ground of the Phalange, every soldier taking another place for that, he had, the fileleader the place of Bringer-up, and so the rest in order; and turneth also the face of the Soldier the contrary way.  
4 Countermarches by rank are made, when a man would transfer the wings into the place of the Sections; and the Sections into the place of the wings, to the end to strengthen the midst of the battle. Likewise the right hand parts into the left hand parts, and the left hand parts into the right hand parts. They that fear to countermarch the Phalange in gross the enemy being at hand, do it by Syntagmaes.  
I will now set down, in what manner countermarches aught to be made.  
The Macedonian countermarch by file is said to be, when the fileleader turneth about his face, and all the rest with the Bringer-up go against him on the right, or left hand, and passing on to the ground before the front of the Phalange place themselves in order one after an other, according as the fileleader himself hath turned his face. Therefore it maketh show to the enemy appearing in the Rear, of running away: Or it is when the fileleader turneth about his face, and the rest passing by him on the right or left hand place themselves orderly one behind another.  
But the Lacedaemonian is, when the Bringer-up turneth his face about, and all the rest turning also their faces, and proceeding forward together with their fileleader order themselves proportionably in the ground, which was behind the Rear of the Phalange. Wherefore to the enemy appearing behind, it makes a semblance of falling on. Again the Lacedaemonian is, when the fileleader turning his face about to the Pike, or Target transferreth the whole file to another place equal to the first; and the rest following stand, as before, behind▪ him. Or else, when the Bringer-up turneth his face about, and he, that stood next before him, passing by on the right or left hand, is placed again next before him, and the rest following are placed one before another in their former order till the fileleader be the first.  
The Choraean is, when the fileleader turning about toward the Pike, or Target, precedeth the file, and the rest follow, till the fileleader have the place of the Bringer-up, and the Bringer-up the place of the fileleader. And these are the Countermarches by file.  
In the same manner are Countermarches made by rank in case a man would countermarch by rank. For every rank Countermarching either keepeth the same ground, or changeth the right hand place, or else the left hand place, of the battle, one of which must needs fall out, and never faileth.  

Notes.  
THe two former motions are performed, one in close Order, the other in all Orders; Epistrophe when the battle is shut so close, that (as Aelian saith) a man can turn his face neither the one way, nor the other. Clisis in open Order, Order, and close Order. The two ● following motions, Countermarch, and Doubling, one is done in open 
See Leo cap. 7. § 83. 84.  Order, the other for the most part in open order too; and yet sometimes in Order, and close order; as we shall see in due place. This Chapter handleth Countermarches, the next Doubling. Countermarch is a motion, whereby every soldier marching after other, changeth his front for the rear, or one flank for the other. For there are two kinds of Countermarches, one by file, and the other by rank. And each of these is again divided into three; the first called the Macedonian; the second, the Lacedaemonian; the third the Choraean, or Cretan. A Countermarch by file is, when every soldier followeth his Leader of the same file; By rank, when every soldier followeth his sideman of the same rank in the Countermarch.  

1 The Macedonian Countermarch] In this Countermarch, the purpose of the Commander is to turn the front of his battle against the enemy that showeth himself in the Rear; and withal to take the ground that lieth before the front of the Phalange. It is called the Macedonian Countermarch (saith Aelian) because the Macedonians were the inventors of it. Which of the Macedonians he telleth not, but excludeth Philip, and Alexander, who both used the Lacedaemonian Countermarch. And before their times I have not read of any warlike Kings of Macedonia The manner of it is this; First all the Fileleaders turn their faces about either to the right or left hand; then the next rank passeth thorough by them on the same hand; and being come to their distances, place themselves directly behind their Fileleaders, and then turn about their faces the same way. And so the third rank after them, and the fourth, and all the rest, till the Bringers-up be last, and have taken the rear of the battle again, and turned about their faces. The figure expresseth not well the action. For in it the Bringers-up begin first to countermarch, which according to Aelian should move last. Yet may this Countermarch be done, as the figure is. But I take Aelians' way to be easier, and readier. And it may be also, that the Countermarch expressed in the figure is lost in the text. For one of the Lacedaemonian Countermarches, which proceedeth the contrary way, beginneth the motion with the Fileleaders, as this doth with the Bringers-up, as we shall strait see.  
2 The Lacedaemonian countermarch] In this Countermarch the proceeding is contrary to that of the former; that took the ground before the Phalange, this takes the ground after. In that the moving was from the Rear to the front, in this from the front to the rear. This is the invention of the Lacedæmonians. Aelian describeth it to be done in two manners: One, when the Bringers-up first turn about their faces, and the next 
See Leo cap. 12. §▪ 95.  rank likewise turning faces beginneth the Countermarch, and every man thereof placeth himself directly before his Bringer-up, and the third do the like; and so the rest, till the rank of the Fileleaders come to be first: The other, when the Fileleaders begin the Countermarch, and every one in their files follow them orderly. The figure expresseth this last. Aelian preferreth the Lacedaemonian Countermarch before the Macedonian: because in it the soldiers seem to fall on, and go to the charge; where in the Macedonian they seem to fly. There are notwithstanding times, when it is better to use the Macedonian. As in case you mean to march on, and not to fight with the enemy, except you be compelled: Or else you seek to gain some ground of advantage. For the Macedonian continueth still the march, and stayeth not; the Lacedaemonian returneth upon the enemy, and so looseth ground in marching. Agesilaus after victory gotten against the Argives, against whom he stood in the right wing, hearing that the Thebans had beaten the Orchomenians in the left wing, used the Lacedaemonian Countermarch against them. The words of 
x Xenoph. hist. graec. lib. 4. 519. C.  Xenophon sound thus: Here the strangers were about to crown Agesilaus (thinking he had got the victory) when news was brought that the Thebans, after they had broken the Orchomenians, had forced a passage as far as the baggage. Then Agesilaus, countermarching his Phalange▪ led against them. The Thebans perceiving their Confederates were fled up to the mount Helicon, closed their troops together, as near as they could, seeking to open a way by force, and to get up unto them. Agesilaus albeit he might by giving way to the foremost have followed them at heels, and charged the rear, yet did he it not, but met the Thebans front to front. Thus encountering, and clashing their Targets together they fought, thrust on, killed, and were killed. In fine some of the Thebans broke through to Helicon; other some, as they sought to escape, were left dead on the place. Agesilaus here followed the chase upon the Argives toward the mount Helicon: The Thebans upon the Orchomenians the contrary way towards the enemies Campe. The Thebans seeing their confederates fled to the mount Helicon, returned toward them, Agesilaus countermarched to meet them, met them, and fought with them. For the Countermarch he used, I make account it was the Lacedaemonian, himself being a Lacedaemonian. And he used it to meet the Thebans bravely in front. The same Agesilaus, after he had by night encamped in a piece of ground behind Mantinaea encompassed 
Xenoph. hist. graec lib. 6. 605. D.  about with mountains, perceiving the next morning, that the Mantinaeans gathered together upon the tops, that lay right over the head of his rearguard, determined to lead his Army out of the place with all speed. Now if himself should lead, he feared the enemy would give upon his Rear. Therefore standing still, and turning his arms against the enemy, he commanded the last of the Phalange to march back again from the Rear, and come up to him; and so at once he brought his Army out of the straits, and made it by little, and little stronger. When the Phalange was thus doubled, he proceeded in that order into the Champaign, & there again reduced the depth of the armed foot to 9 or 10 men in every file. This place of Xenophon, if it be not corrupted, is very obscure. And I cannot tell whether to take it for doubling of the front, or the Macedonian countermarch. The words make for a doubling. For Xenophon saith plainly, the Phalange was doubled. Besides he addeth, it was made by little and little stronger; which could not be done with a Countermarch. And that a deep Phalange, or Hearse, (such as this by the evenings march, and the straits it entered, seemeth to be) is made stronger by doubling the front, there is no question. On the other side, the straits, through which it was to pass, persuade me, it should be a Macedonian Countermarch. For in doubling the front the length still increaseth; & the manner is not to enlarge, but to extenuate the front, when an Army is to be conveyed through a narrow place. And Xenophon saith expressly, that Agesilaus led it through the straits into the Champaign in that order, to which it was reduced last; & that in the Champion the depth of the Armed was lessened, and brought to 9 or 10; for there Agesilaus imbattailed his Phalange to receive the enemy, if he would charge. And in a march through strait ways the front is commonly narrowed, and proportioned to the way; but in open ground the Phalange is again brought to the just length. So that it seemeth the depth was much, before it come into the plain; because in the plain it was brought to 9 or 10 men, and therefore no doubling. Lastly Agesilaus, (and the front I doubt not of the Phalange with him) turned face to the enemy, before the Rear came up to him. which is done in no other motion, than the Macedonian countermarch. In which all the Fileleaders first turn about their faces toward the enemy, and then the whole battle marcheth against the Fileleaders, and placing themselves orderly behind them, turn their faces the same way, that they have done before. Now where it is in Xenophon, that Agesilaus having gained the Champaign, extended his Army to 9 or 10 Targeteres, I suspect a fault to be in the number of 9; and that it ought to be read 8 or 10. To extend a Phalange is to draw it out in length. the length is the space betwixt the point of both wings. When he saith he extended it to 10, the meaning is he drew it out so far in length that he left but 10 in depth. Ten is the decas, whereof I spoke before, and I have likewise noted, that the Lacedæmonians for the most part, made the depth of their battle 8. The number of 9, as all other uneven numbers, was rejected by the Tactics, as unfit for doublings. So that mine opinion is that Xenophon at the first wrote 8 or 10, not 9 or 10, howsoever 9 be crept into the place of 8. But to return to Agesilaus, admit he used doubling of ranks, or of the front in retiring out of the Mantinaean straits, yet give me leave to be of opinion, that the Macedonian Countermarch had been the fittest motion for that purpose. For himself being thereby cast in the rear, he had both prevented the charge of the enemy (which he feared) and yet wound better out of the straits, the long Hearse, which still remained in the Macedonian Countermarch, being more proportionable to issue out of a narrow place, than a broad-fronted Phalange, which ariseth out of doubling the front.  
3 The Persian is the Cretan or Choraean] This Countermarch is called the Persian, and Cretan, because it was used amongst the Persians and Cretans. And it was termed the Choraean also, of the similitude it had with the solemn Grecian dances upon stages; the company, that showed themselves in such dances being called Chorus. Who in their dances ordered themselves into files, and ranks, as soldiers do in battle, and moving forward to the brink of the stage, when being straightened by the place, they could pass no further, they retired one through the ranks of the other, exceeding not the bounds of the place, as is done in this Countermarch. The other two kinds of Countermarch changed the ground, they had before. The Macedonian took the ground before the front; The Lacedaemonian the ground after the rear. The Choraean holdeth the same ground, & beginneth the motion with the Fileleaders, who notwithstanding proceed no further, then thither, where the Bringers-up stood, their files following them, & every soldier keeping the same distance, he had before the moving. The figure shows the manner of it. 
h Xenoph. de rep. Lacedem. 686. E.  These Countermarches by file, are to be made, when the enemy appears in the rear, and cometh to charge us. And they are made to the end, to bring our best men, that is the Fileleaders, to the encounter. Wherein notwithstanding there is a caution to be held, that if the enemy be very near, or so near, that we cannot conveniently countermarch, 
See Leo cap. 18. §. 39  before he come up to us, we forbear, lest we fall into disorder, and in disorder be easily defeated. In which case the best remedy is to turn faces about, and so receive him. Hitherto of Countermarches by file.  
4 Countermarches by rank are made] The ends of Countermarches by rank are two in Aelian: one to strengthen the midst of the battle; the other to strengthen the wings. If the strength of the enemy's battle, lie most in the midst, reason of War would, that we should oppose our greatest strength against the midst. If in the wings against the wings. There is an other cause of strengthening the wings, namely if the enemy be ready to charge either of them: and this strength Aelian would have given by the Countermarch of our best men into the wings. It shall not be from the purpose to make all plain by an example or two. 
i Herodot. in Calliop● 248. & Plutarch. in Aristide.  Herodotus reporteth, that before the battle of Plataea betwixt the Grecians, and the Persians, it was agreed betwixt the Athenians, and Lacedæmonians, that where the Athenians had vanquished the Persians in the battle of Marathon, and had lately slain Masistius the General of the Persian horse; and by those encounters had good experience of the Persian manner of fight; and where the Lacedæmonians were imbattailed in the right wing against the Persians, the Athenians in the left wing against the Thebans, and other Grecians, that took part with the Persians: they should change, and the Athenians have the right wing, the Lacedæmonians the left. These news were carried to Mardonius the General of the Persians; who whether fearing the Athenians, or desirous to fight with the Lacedæmonians, changed his place from the left into his right wing, to the intent to oppose against them; which when Pausanias saw, he returned to his right wing, and Mardonius to his left, the place, which he had at the beginning. Here are changing wings on both parts; The one coveting to fight in the left wing, the other desirous to fight in the right. The Countermarch by rank from the right wing would have fitted Pausanias: as the contrary Countermarch would have fitted Mardonius. Yet am I led to think that Pausanias used a wheeling of his battle, and so conveyed it from one wing to an other behind the battle of the other Grecians, to the end, that being shadowed by them, he might the better hide his purpose from Mardonius. An other example I find in Livy and Polybius both. It is this: 
k Liv. decad. 3. lib. 8. 204. B. Polyb. lib. 11. 640. B.  Publius: Scipio, who was afterward called Africanus, and Asdrubal the son of Gisgo, being encamped near together in Spain brought daily out of their Camps their Armies one against an other. And after they had long stood waiting, who should begin the fight, which was done at neither hand, they conveyed them back again. The manner of their imbattailing was this. The Romans, and likewise the carthaginians mingled with the Africans, had the middle, their Confederates the wings. The opinion was they should fight in that order. Scipio when he perceived this to be firmly believed, the day before he meant to fight, made an alteration of all. When night came, he gave the word through the whole Camp, that horse, and men should dine, before it was light day, and that the horsemen in Arms should keep their horses bridled, and saddled. The day was scarce sprung, when he sent his horse, and lightarmed to beat in the Carthaginean Guards, himself straight followed with the armed Legions; disposing the Romans (contrary to the settled opinion of his own people, and of the enemy) in the wings, and receiving the Allies into the midst. Asdrubal raised out of his bed with the cry of his horsemen, had no sooner leapt out of his Tent, and seeing the tumult before the trench of his Camp, and the amazedness of his people, and the Ensigns of the Legions shining a far of, and the field full of enemies, presently sent out his whole power of horse to undertake the Roman horse. Himself issued out of the Camp with his foot, not changing any thing of his wont manner of imbattailing. The fight of the horsemen had now a long time been doubtful, and could not be tried, because still, as they were beaten (which happened a like to both) they found a safe retreat within the battles of foot. But when the Armies were come within 500 paces one of an other, Scipio giving a signal of Retreat, and opening his battle, received all the horse, and lightarmed into the midst, and dividing them into two parts, placed them as seconds, behind the wings. Now when time was come to begin the fight, he commanded the Spaniards, who had the middle ward, to march on leisurely, and sent a messenger from the right wing (for he commanded there) to Syllanus and Martius, willing them to stretch out the left wing, as they saw him stretch out the right; and to charge the enemy with the lightarmed, and horse, before the middle wards might be able to come up, and join. The wings being thus stretched out, they led with all possible speed three Cohorts of foot, and three troops of horse a piece, against the enemy, besides the lightarmed, and those that were received into the Rear, who followed athwart. There was a great empty space in the midst, because the Ensigns of the Spaniards came slowly on. And now the wings were in fight, when the old soldiers Carthaginians and Africans, the strength of the Army, were not yet come to use their darts, neither durst they run into the wings to help them, that fought for fear of opening the midst of the battle to the enemy, who was coming on against them. The wings were pressed with a double medley. The Horse, lightarmed, & Velites, wheeling about their Troops, charge their flanks. The Cohorts pushed on in front, to the end, to break of the wings from the body of the battle. And the conflict was unequal both in all other respects, and especially because a rabble, as it were of drudges, and untrained Spaniards, were opposed against the Roman and Latin soldiers. The day being now far spent, the Army of Asdrubal oppressed with the morning's tumult, and compelled to take the field, before they had strengthened their bodies with meat, began to faint, and fail in strength; which was the reason that Scipio lingered out the day, & made the fight somewhat late. For it was passed the seventh hour, before the wings of foot attached one an other: and yet the fight came later to the middle wards. So that the scorching heat of the south-sunne, and the labour of standing armed, and hunger, and thirst, first afflicted their bodies, before they came to hands with the enemy. Therefore they stood leaning upon their Targets, and being weary both in body, and mind, they gave back at last; keeping notwithstanding their array no otherwise, than as if the battle being yet entire, had retreated at the commandment of the General. But when the victors, perceiving them to shrink, so much the more eagerly pressed on, the brunt could hardly be endured any longer. And although Asdrubal restrained, and stopped them, that gave ground, crying that hills and a safe place of retreat was at their backs, if they could be but entreated, to retire easily; yet fear overcoming shame, and the enemy killing them that were next to hand, they forthwith turned their backs, and universally powered out themselves into flight. This stratagem of Scipio resteth principally in shifting his best men (the Romans) into the wings; the Spaniards his worst into the midst, and in keeping the Spaniards aloof from joining; and in hasting to try the day with the Romans against the weakest of the enemy. Hasdrubals way to meet with this stratagem had been to countermarch by rank half his Carthaginians, and Africans into one wing, and half into the other. And by that means his Spaniards should have had the midst against the Roman-Spaniards, and his old soldiers Carthaginians and Africans been opposed in the wings against the Romans, and Latins, and the advantage eluded, that Scipio sought.   
As the Countermarches by file were of three kinds, so are the Countermarches by rank; namely the Macedonian, the Lacedaemonian, and the Choraean. The Macedonian beginneth to move at the corner of the wing, which is nearest to the enemy, the enemy appearing to either flank. And therefore incurreth the same imputation, that was laid upon the Macedonian countermarch by file; as seeming to run away, because it dismarcheth from the enemy. Yet is there use of it, as well as of that by file. For by this countermarch you may set the strongest part of your Army against the enemy, and apply the weakest to some River, Lake, hill, or such like, so that the enemy can not come to encompass it. It taketh the ground that lieth on the side of the contrary wing. The Lacedaemonian taketh the ground that lieth on the side of that wing, which is toward the enemy, and bringeth the best men to be foremost against the enemy: And therefore beginneth the moving on the contrary side. The use of it is, when your forces are such as are able to encounter the enemy, and you desire to bring your best men to fight. The Choraean keepeth the same ground, the battle had at first, & bringeth one wing to possess the place of the other; Or else the Sections to possess the place of the wings, as might have been done in the last example cited concerning Scipio and Asdrubal. The manner of countermarch by rank is contrary to the countermarch by file. In countermarch by file the motion was in the depth of the battle, and either the front removed toward the rear, or the rear toward the front, and took one an others place. In this the motion is in length of the battle flanke-wise; the wing either marching into the midst, or else clean thorough to the other wing. In doing it the soldiers, that stand uttermost in the flank of the wing, must move first to the contrary wing, and the rest of every rank severally follow them in order, The figure will show the manner of the motion. Patritius utterly mistaketh the countermarch by rank; and groundeth himself upon a wrong principle, namely that in all Countermarches the Fileleaders must march toward the rear, and the Bringers-up towards the front. And therefore in changing the wings into Sections, he makes the wings to fall of behind in the rear (the Fileleaders wheeling about) and there to join themselves as near, as the middle Section will give leave, and the Sections falling back likewise, to join themselves to the flanks of them, that were the wings. Whereas the nature of this Euolution is clearly to leave the Fileleaders in front, and Bringers-up in rear, as they were at first. And albeit the Fileleaders than change their places, yet change they their place with none, but with File leaders, and the change is, but a change of hands, the right hand for the left, or the left hand for the right. For whereas the Fileleaders of the right wing had before the right hand, now in countermarch by rank, being transposed to the left wing, they have the left hand of all the rest of the Fileleaders; as likewise the Bringers-up of the other bringers-up.  

The words of Command may be these,  

For the Macedonian Countermarch by file.  
Fileleaders turn your faces about (to the right or left hand).  
The rest of every File pass thorough in order one after another, and place yourselves at your distances after your Leaders, turning your faces about; and so stand.   

For the Lacedaemonian Countermarch by file.  

The first manner.  
Bringers-up, turn your faces about (to the right or left hand.)  
The rest turn your faces about and beginning at them, that are next to the Bringers-up, countermarch and place yourselves in your distances before the Bringers-up, and one before an other till the Fileleaders be first.   

The second manner.  
Fileleaders, countermarch to the right, or left hand, and let every man's file follow him, and keep true distance.    

For the Choraean countermarch by file.  
Fileleaders, countermarch to the place of the Bringers-up, and stand, and let your files follow you keeping their distance.   

For the Macedonian countermarch by rank.  
The right or left hand corner file, turn your faces to the right, or left hand.  
The rest of each rank, pass through to the right, or left hand; and place yourselves orderly behind your sidemen keeping your distance.  
Cap 29 Dobling of Ranks  
The front before Dobling of ranks  
Dobling of ranks in action  
The front after Dobling of Ranks   

For the Lacedaemonian countermarch by rank.  

The first manner.  
The corner file, where the enemy appeareth, turn your faces to the right or left hand; The rest of each ranks turn your faces, and pass through, (to the right or left hand) and place yourselves before your sidemen orderly keeping your distances.   

The second manner.  
The right or left wing, where the enemy appeareth not, countermarch to the contrary wing, and all in the Ranks follow every man his side-man; keeping your distance.    

For the Choraean countermarch by rank.  
The uttermost corner file of the right, or left wing, countermarch into the place of the left or right wing, and stand.  
And the rest follow ranke-wise keeping their distance.      

Of doubling, and the kinds thereof. CHAP. XXIX.  
¹ THere are two kinds of doubling, one of Ranks, the other of Depth, or files: and ² either of these double the number, or the place. ³ The length is doubled in number when of a front of 124 files we make a front (keeping the same ground) of 248 files, by inserting in the spaces betwixt file and file, some of the followers, that stood in the depth. This is done to the end to thicken the length of the battle. If we lift to recall them to their first posture, we are to command those, that were inserted, to countermarch to the place, they had before.  
⁴ There are, that mislike these doublings, especially the enemy being at hand; and would have a show of doubling made, without indeed doubling the Phalange already ordered, by stretching out the lightarmed, and the Horse, on both sides of the wings of the Battle. ⁵ The use of doubling the length is, when either we would over-wing the enemy, or else ourselves fear to be over-winged.  
The Depth is doubled ⁶ by inserting the second file into the first; so that the Leader of the second file be placed next behind the Leader of the first file, and the second man of the second file be the fourth man of the first file, and the third man of the second file be the sixth in the first file, and so forth the rest, till the whole second file be engrossed into the first; and likewise the fourth file into the third, and all the even files into the odd.  
Doub●ing of the Depth by Countermarch is made, either when the next side-files in several [as in the former example the second, and the fourth, and the rest of the even files] countermarch to the Rear, and place themselves behind the Bringers-up of the odd files; or else the files remaining in their first place, and number, half of them, dividing themselves from the other half, countermarch likewise to the Rear, and conveying themselves behind the other, there order themselves, and so double the depth of the Phalange.  
If we would return them to the first posture, we must recall those, that were conveyed to stand behind, to the place they had before the Countermarch.  

Notes.  
THE former three Motions alter not the form of the Phalange. For whether you turned faces, wheeled, or countermarched the Phalange, the depth and length remained one. The motion to be expressed in this Chapter induceth an other shape to the Phalange; and maketh it seem a different body from that it was before, being by Doubling extended either in length or in depth. For Doubling the number of men, or the place of the Phalange in front, maketh the length twice as much, and doubling the same in flank maketh the depth double to that it was before. For Doubling is nothing else, then making a military body twice as long, or twice as deep, as it was before.  

1 There are two kinds of doubling] The Doubling are either of length or depth; Or (which is all one as 
n Suidas in the word Dip●asiasai.  Suidas saith) of ranks or files. For ranks stretch out in length, files in depth. And these again are divided into two other kinds, the body being  
2 Doubled in number or place] That which is here called number, is called elsewhere persons; or 
o Suidas in the word Dip●asiasai.  (by Suidas) men. It is called persons in the Insertion which is made to Aelian, I know not by whom, in the precedent Chapter of Countermarches. Which because it lay thrust in betwixt the description of Countermarches, and nothing pertained to that argument, I never made doubt, was crept into the text. And I am rather confirmed in my opinion, because I saw it note● with an Asterisk in that Aelian (being of Robortellus Edition) which the learned Isaac Casaubon had quoted, and purposed to set forth, if untimely d●ath had not prevented him. I will here set down the words, because they differ not much from Aelian, and may give some light to the manner of Doubling. It is to be understood (so are the words) ●hat a Phalange is doubled in persons, or place. when we therefore take half the soldiers from the Depth, and making files of them, place them even with the rest in length of the front, so that of 124 files we make 248, this is Doubling of persons. In like sort we double the place with 124 files (not increasing the number) but only commanding some to turn to the Pike, some to the Target, till the Phalange be stretched out to a convenient length, as from 5 furlongs to 10. In the same manner is the depth doubled. For either one file is inserted into an other, man for man, so that the second fileleader becomes the follower of the first, and the second man in the second file, the follower of the second in the first file, and so the rest: Or else 16 men are so extended, that they hold as much ground in length, as 32 usuallydoe. So far the insertion. It followeth in Aelian.  
3 The length is doubled in number] When the front hath twice as many files, as it had before, this is Doubling in number, or in men, or in persons. For the persons, or men, make the number in the files. And the files carrying an even depth of men, and being doubled, double the number of the front, or length. Aelian speaketh but of one kind of doubling, namely of number, and that must be done in open order, as I said before. For the files of 16 standing in open order, if you command the Middlemen (as we term them at this day, they were called in the Macedoman files the third Enomotarchs') to double their ranks: These middle men with the hinder half file march up to the front, & so doubling the front in number leave yet the same measure of length. The figure showeth how it is done. Yet are there two other ways, when the Phalange standeth in close order▪ both which double the number, and place. One is when the Middlemen divide themselves, and one half with their followers turning their faces march out of the right flank: The other of the left flank of the Phalange. And then turning their faces again, sleeve up and join themselves in an even line with the File leaders in front; The other when all the Middle turn their faces one way and march out with their followers beyond one flank right or left; and turning faces again sleeve up to the front, and stand even with the Fileleaders. One of these is done, when we desire to enlarge both the wings of the Phalange; the other, when but one wing. Of these two last ways, I have set down no figure, because I find them not expressed in Aelian. Cleandridas the Lacedaemonian, used yet an other kind not spoken of by Aelian. 
n Polyen. lib 2. in Cleandrida. § 4.  Polienus telleth the story thus: Cleandridas making war upon the Thurians, having half as many men again, as they, conceiving if they had intelligence hereof, they would hardly be brought to fight, imbattailing his Phalange, stretched it out in depth. The Lucan's therefore, contemning the small number, drew out their forces in length, with intent to over-front the enemy; which Cleandridas perceiving, commanded the followers to march up, and rank with their Leaders; and by that means increased the length of his Phalange, and over-fronted the enemy; who being encompassed, and assailed with missive weapons on all hands perished entirely, excepting a few, that saved themselves by shameful flight. The words seem obscure to a man not acquainted with the Tactics. There are two kind of soldiers saith Aelian in a file, Leaders, and followers. All the Leaders are the odd of the file; as the first, the 3. the 5, the 7, and so forth: the followers are the even, as the 2▪ 4, 6, 8. Those that are in the same rank, are called sidemen. Now, saith Polien, Cleandridas willed the followers to step forward, and to rank, and become sidemen with their Leaders: that is, he willed the even files to double their ranks with the odd; and so extenuated the depth, but increased the length of his Phalange; by which art he overfronted, & enclosed the enemy on all sides. This way then to double ranks, or the length of the battle, is to insert the even ranks man by man into the odd. All the Doubling that have been rehearsed, were Doubling either in number alone, or else both in number, and place. For doubling of place alone nothing is said in Aelian. The Insertion I recited, supplieth this defect: saying, the place is doubled with 124 files, only by commanding half to turn to the Pike, half to the Target, till the Phalange be stretched to a convenient length; as from 5 furlongs to ten; which is as much to say in few words, as to open the Phalange; Or to bring it from order, to open order. For so the front possesseth double ground, to that it had before.  
4 The use of Doubling the length is] Two causes are assigned for the doubling of the length: 
o See Leo cap. 7. §. 69. & 79.  One to overwing the enemy, the other to avoid overwinging ourselves. Cleandridas in the example above, performed both: For he both disappointed the Lucan's that sought to encompass him, and beside encompassed, and enclosed them. The narrower the front is, it is the more in danger of over-fronting; 
p Xenoph Cyrop lib. 6. 168. B.  being drawn out in length it is freer from enclosing, because a greater compass must be fetched, before it can be enclosed. Yet are we to take heed, that in doubling of the front, we give it not so much length that it fail in depth. The want of length, or depth is alike dangerous, and giveth advantage to the enemy. I have touched before, and quoted Leo glancing only at his words. Now I will set them down as they lie: 
q Leo cap. 14▪ §. 103.  When the thickness or depth of the Phalange (saith he) is gathered up and made more thin, it behoveth not so to lengthen it, that it become altogether weak and without depth. For it will so come to pass, that the enemy shall easily cut it in pieces, and make a passage through it, and not only seek to encompass it before, but passing through the midst, be found behind, and there endamage it. And this it behoveth a General, not only to take heed, he suffer not himself, but also endeavour to put upon his enemy. Hitherto are the words of Leo: showing the disadvantage of a battle too much thinned by doubling the length. But 
i Leo cap. 7. 69.  Leo elsewhere addeth an other cause of doubling, namely to make show a fair sight of the Army. For the more ground it taketh in front, the more will the number appear, and the bravery of every man in particular discovered. Further Antigonus used also this doubling for a polic●e to beguile his enemy. 
k Poly●n l●b 4. in 〈◊〉. ●. 19  Polien reporteth the fact thus: Antigonus encamped against Eumenes with an army inferior in number. And when messengers were sent often from one to an other, Antigonus at the receipt of a messenger of the enemy, commanded one of his soldiers to come running in, as it were out of breath, and all to be-sullied with dust, and to bring news that his Confederates were come. Antigonus hearing the news, leapt for joy, and sent away the messenger. The next day he led his Army out of his trench, doubling the length of his front. When the enemy heard of their messenger the news, that was brought to Antigonus concerning his Confederates, and saw the length of his battle doubled, they imagined that the depth was answerable to the front. And therefore they dislodged being afraid to join with him.  
5 There are that mislike] Countermarches, and Aelians' doublings of number, are dangerous the enemy being ready to charge. Because the files of the Battle must be kept in open Order ●ill the motions be ended; which posture is not fit to receive the charge of the enemy, as we saw out of the eleventh Chapter. The other two doublings are done in close order, whereof I made mention a little before; The one dividing the middle men in half, an● sleeving them up by the battle on both sides; The other sleeving them upon one side which you will, may be used without danger, as well when the enemy is near, as when the fight is: in as much, as they disturb not the battle, but advance fresh aids against the enemy on the flanks of it.  
6 By inserting the second file] There are two manner of doublings of the depth or of files; one in number, the other in place. In number, when one file is inserted into another, the Leader or first man of the second file standing behind the Leader of the first; the second behind the second, the third behind the third, and so forth of the rest: Or when the even files countermarch, and their Leaders place themselves behind the Bringers-up of the odd, their files following them; or (which cometh all to one) the files being whole, they divide themselves into two parts in the front, and half countermarch, and place themselves in the Rear of the other file to file: albeit the two last are Doubling both in number and place, and not in place alone. The true Doubling of the place alone is not Aelian. The Insertion whereof I spoke, remedieth this defect also. There it is said, that when 16 men (that is a file) are so extended, that they possess as much length as 32 should do, (that is, as 2 files) it is doubling of place. which is nothing else but changing of the soldiers order into open order. For in their order they have 48 foot in depth; in their open order 96 foot in depth. In this Doubling of depth we must take heed that we make not the front of our Army to narrow; lest we give opportunity to the enemy to encircle, and encompass it. Polybius noteth this a great faul● in Marcus Atilius Regulus, at such time as he fought with the Carthaginians, and was taken prisoner. His words have this effect: ᵏ The Romans seeing the enemy order 
● Po●yb. l. b 1.  his battle marched out against him fu●l of courage. Being notwithstanding somewhat appalled at, and foreseeing the Elephant's violence in coming on, they set their Darters before, and placed many maniples of Armed behind, one after an other, and divided the Horse half into one wing, half into the other. Then making the whole battle shorter, but deeper, than they were wont, they provided well against the Elephants, but not against the Horse, that far exceeded theirs in number. Being now come to hands the Roman horse overpressed with multitude of the Carthaginians quickly fled from either wing. But the foot of the left wing, partly avoiding the Elephants, partly contemning the Mercenaries, fell on, and charged the right wing of the Carthaginians, and putting it to flight, followed hard, and gave chase even to the trench. But of those, that were placed against the Elephants, the first sinking under the violence of the beasts, perished being overturned, and trodden to death by heaps. The body of the battle remained a while unbroken by reason of the depth of them, that were after placed. But when the Rear of all, encompassed by the horse, was forced to turn about, and fight with them; and the other that had by force made way through the midst of the Elephants, and were now behind their backs, came up to the fresh Phalange of the Carthaginians, standing in good order, they were by them slain. Thus fortune being contrary on all sides, the Romans for the most part were trodden to death by the excessive might of the beasts, and the rest died with the darts of the horsemen in the place, where they fought. The error of Attilius Regulus was in ordering his battle too deep; by means whereof it was easily encompassed, and distressed by the Carthaginian horse. 
m Appian in Syriacis ●07. B.  Appian likewise blameth Antiochus for ordering his Phalange 32 men in depth, where the Macedonian Phalange ought to but 16 deep, showing that by that oversight it was encompassed by the Romans, and overthrown. I have touched the history in my notes before. Many other examples might be alleged, but these two are sufficient for our purpose.   

The words of Command in doubling of the length by number.  
Middle men double your Ranks to the right, or left hand.  
By this Command the middle men with their half files march up to the front, in the spaces betwixt the files, and stand even with the Fileleaders, and the rest even with the rest of the Ranks.  

Doubling of the length in place.  
Stand in your open order.  
One half openeth their files to the right hand, the other to the left, and stand six foot one from another.   

Doubling of the depth in number.  
Double your files to the right or left hand.  
The even files fall into the spaces of the odd files.  
Double your files by countermarch to the right or left hand.  
The even files countermarch, and fall behind the rear of the odd, and place themselves lineally after them, observing their first distances.  
Divide your files and double them by countermarch to the right, or left hand.  
Half the files divide themselves from the other half, and countermarch out behind the Rear, then turn their faces towards the place behind the Rear of the standing files, which removed not; then march on, and place themselves orderly behind them file to file, then turn their faces, as at first.   

Doubling the depth in place.  
Ranks open behind to your open order.      

The broad-fronted Phalange, the deep Phalange, or Hearse, and the uneven-fronted Phalange. CHAP. XXX.  
PLagiophalanx, or the broad-fronted Phalange, is that, which hath the length much exceeding the depth.  
Orthiophalanx, or the deep Phalange (commonly called the Hearse) is that, which proceedeth by wing having the depth much exceeding the length. In general speech every thing is called Paramekes, which hath length more than the depth; and that which hath the depth more, than the length, Orthion: and so likewise a Phalange.  
The Phalange Loxe, or uneven fronted, is that, which putteth forth one of the wings (which is thought fittest) toward the enemy, and with it beginning the fight, holdeth off the other in a convenient distance, till opportunity be to advance   

Of Parembole, Protaxis, Epitaxis, Prostaxis, Eutaxis, & Hypotaxis. CHAP. XXXI.  
PArembole, or insertion is, when placing soldiers before we take off the hindmost, and rank them within the distances of the first.  
Protaxis, or fore-fronting, is when we place the lightarmed before the front of the armed, and make them forestanders, as the Fileleaders are.  
When we place the lightarmed behind, it is called Epitaxis, as it were an after-placing.  
Prostaxis, or adjoining is, when to both flanks of the battle, or to one flank, some part of the hindmost is added, the front of them, that are added, lying even with the front of the battle; such addition is called Prostaxis.  
Entaxis, or Insition, is when it seemeth good to set the lightarmed within the spaces of the files of the Phalange man to man.  
Hypotaxis, or Double-winging, is when you bestow the lightarmed under the wings of the Phalange, placing them in an embowed form; so that the whole figure resembleth a threefold gate, or door.   

How the motions of wheeling, double, and treble wheeling of the battle are to be made. CHAP. XXXII.  
IT followeth to show how a battle may be turned or wheeled, and how after reduced to the first posture, or Station.  
Cap. 30.  
Plagiophalanx or the Brode-Fronted Phalange  
Orthiophalanx or the Hearse  
Protaxis, or forefronting  
The Front  
L●●halanx or the uneven fronted Phalange  
Cap. 31.  
Hypotaxis, or double-winging  
Entaxis, or insertion  
Protaxis, or forefronting  
Cap. 32. The manner of wheeling  
The first posture  
Closing of files  
Closing of ranks forward  
The Front  
But in case we desire to wheel to the left hand, we command the left-hand-file to stand still, and all the rest to turn their faces to the left hand, and move forward close up to the left hand file; Then to turn their faces as they were; Then to gather up the hinder ranks; Then to wheel the battle to the left hand, and stand; and so is it done, that was commanded. But if restitution to the first posture be needful, we must do, as we did in returning from the right. For every man must turn about his face to the Pike; Then the whole battle wheeling about the left-hand-corner-file-Leader must return to the place, it had; Then all the fileleaders stand firm, and turn about their faces, and the rest open their ranks in moving forward and make Alte; Then the left hand file is to stand firm (for it hath the place it first had) and the rest turning their faces to the right hand to open their files, and move forward, till they have recovered their first distances; then to turn their faces as at first; and so shall every man be in his first posture. Now if we would wheel the battle about, to the pike we are to make 2 wheelings to the same side, so will it come to pass that the fileleaders shall in the change have their faces turned to the Rear, where before they had them looking out from the front. But in restoring to the first posture we command it to wheel about to the right hand; That is, we give it two wheelings more the same way; So the fileleaders will have their faces set, as at first. Then we command the fileleaders to stand firm, and the rest to open their ranks behind; then to turn their faces about; Then the right hand file to stand still (for it hath the right place) and the rest turning their faces to the right hand to march on, till the former distances are regained; then to make Alte. So is the battle reduced to the first Station.  
If you would have the battle turn about to the Target, you are to give contrary directions; That is, in stead of commanding a double wheeling to the Pike, to command a double wheeling to the Target; Then by making two turns the contrary way, to use the like changes, we spoke of before.  
There is likewise a treble wheeling of the battle, when it turneth thrice to the same hand, namely to the Pike, or Target. The double wheeling to the Pike transferreth the soldiers face from the front to the back of the battle: The treble wheeling to the Pike bringeth his face to the left flank. The treble wheeling to the Target chose to the right flank.  

Notes.  
BEfore in the 26 Chapter Aelian discoursed of wheeling, and the kinds thereof. The manner, how it is to be done, is reserved for this place, I need not therefore remember any thing else, besides the words of command.  

The words of command in Epistrophe.  
The uttermost file on the right or left hand stand firm  
The rest turn faces (to the side purposed) and march up to the file standing firm.  
Faces as you were.  
Close your ranks forward:  
Wheel the body (to the hand appointed) and when you have your ground, stand.   

Returning to the first Posture, or Anastrophe.  
Faces to the right or left hand  
Wheel back the body to the ground, it first had.  
Fileleaders stand firm: the other ranks open to their first place.  
Faces about (to which hand you will)  
The corner file (to which the turning was) stand firm, the rest open to their first ground.  
Faces as you were, and order your Pikes.   

Perispasmos, or wheeling about.  
In wheeling about, the same words to close the files, and ranks, are to be used, which were used in Epistrophe, there remaineth no more, then to say Wheel about your body, to the right, or left hand.   

Anastrophe or returning to the first Posture.  
Return to your first Posture.  
The same form is used, that was held in the former returning unto the first posture for opening ranks and files.   

Ecperispasmos, or treble wheeling.  
In this motion the same course is held, that was in the wheeling; But only that you command a treble wheeling. And the returning to the first Posture, or Anastrophe is all one, but for the same difference.     

Of closing the battle to the right, or left hand, or to the midst. CHAP. XXXIII.  
Cap ●● Of Changes  
The front after closing  
Closing to the right hand in action  
Closing to the left hand  
Closing to the middle  
Closing to the right hand  
The Front before closing  
The Front of the 〈◊〉 before closing  
If the Phalange be to be closed in the midst, the Diphalange on the right hand must turn their faces toward the Target, and the Diphalange on the left hand their faces toward the Pike; Then move forward toward the midst of the Phalange; Then, after their true distance gained, to set their faces, as they were, and to gather up the Ranks behind.  
When we would reduce the Phalange to the first posture, we command to turn faces about; then to open the Ranks, and all to move on, but the first Rank; then to turn their faces again, and the right Diphalange turning to the Pike, and the left Diphalange to the Target to follow their Leaders, till they have recovered their first distances. Then to set their faces, as they were.  
This rule is to be observed in all turnings about of faces, when they are made out of closings, that the Pikes be advanced, lest they hinder the Soldier in making his turning.  
The lightarmed are to be taught, and exercised after the same manner.  

Notes.  
IN the 11 Chapter the distances, that aught to be betwixt soldier and soldier, are particularly treated of. This Chapter showeth, how they are to be gained, that is, how we are to proceed out of one distance into another. And because the open order is it, that is commonly begun withal, it is here taught how from thence to pass to the rest, and to return to it again. The end of closings is spoken of before. In regard of place they are said to be of two kinds: One to the wing (right or left) the other to the midst of the Phalange. I cannot express the manner better, then by setting down the words of command, or direction, which are these in  

Closing to the right wing.  
The right-wing-corner-file stand firm  
The rest turn faces to the Pike, and move (according to the distance required) to the right hand.  
Faces, as you were.  
Close your hinder ranks forward, and order your Pikes.   

Restoring to the first posture.  
Fileleaders stand firm.  
The other Ranks, turn faces about, and open behind to the first distance.  
Faces as you were.  
The right-wing-corner-file stand firm; the rest turn faces to the Target, and proceed to your first distance.  
Faces as you were; and order your Pikes.   

Closing to the left wing.  
It differeth not from the other, but that the moving is to the contrary hand.   

Closing to the midst of the Battle.  
The right-wing turn faces to the Target, the left to the Pike.  
Each move up to the midst of the Phalange, and stand at the distance named.  
Faces as you were.  
Close the hinder ranks forward, and order your Pikes.   

Restoring to the first Posture.  
The first rank stand firm.  
The rest turn faces about, and open the ranks to the first distance.  
Faces as you were.  
The files next the middle section stand fast, and the right wing turn faces to the Target, the left to the Pike, and move on till the first distance recovered.  
Faces as you were, and order the Pikes.  
We may not forget Aelians' general rule for turning of faces out of Closing, that the Pikes be always advanced. For when you come up to the closeness required, the Pike upon the shoulder will hardly admit turning of the face. The like falleth out when you would open from the Closing.     

The use, and advantage of these exercises of arms. CHAP. XXXIV.  
THese precepts of turning about of faces, of wheeling, and double wheeling of the Battle, and of reducing it to the first posture, are of great use in sudden approaches of the enemy, whether he show himself on the right, or left hand, or in front, or in the rear of our march. The like may be said of Countermarches; Of which, the Macedonians are held to be the inventors of the Macedonian; the Lacedæmonians of the Lacedaemonian; and for this cause either to have name accordingly. The Histories witness, that Philip (who much enlarged the Macedonian kingdom, and overcame the Grecians in battle at Cheronea, and made himself General of Greece) and likewise his son Alexander (that in short time conquered all Asia) made small account of the Macedonian countermarch, unless necessity forced it; and that they both by the use of the Lacedaemonian became victorious over their enemies. For the Macedonian countermarch the enemy falling upon the rear, is cause of great confusion; in as much as the hindermost dismarching toward the front, and making a show of running away, it more encourageth, and emboldeneth the enemy to follow. For fear, and pursuit of the enemy [ordinarily] accompanieth that kind of countermarch. But the Lacedaemonian is of contrary effect. For when the enemy showeth himself in the rear, the Leaders with their followers bravely advancing, and opposing themselves, it striketh no small fear, and terror into their minds.  

Cap. 30  
The Fileleaders  
A Deduction to the left hand  
A right induction  
The Front  
A Deduction to the right hand   

Cap. 36.  
The Coelembolos, or hollow fronted wedge  
The Front  
The right Induction   

Cap. 36.  
The Coelembolos  
The left wing  
The right wing  
The front  
The Phalange set against the left wing of the Coelembolos  
The Phalange set against the right wing of the Coelmebolos  
The forbearing Phalange    

Of the signs of direction, that are to be given to the army, and their soverall kinds. CHAP. XXXV.  
We are to acquaint our forces both foot, and horse, partly with the voice, and partly with visible signs, that whatsoever is fitting be executed, and done, as occasion shall require. Some things also are to be denounced by the Trumpet, for so all directions will be fully accomplished, and sort to a desired effect. The signs therefore, which are delivered by voice, are most evident, and clear, if they have no impediment. But the most certain, and least tumultuous, are such, as are presented to the eye, if they be not obscured. The voice sometime can hardly be heard by reason of the clashing of armour, or trampling, and neighing of Horses, or tumult of carriage, or noise, and confused sounds of the multitude. The visible signs also become many ways incertain, by thickness of air, and dust, or rain, or snow, or sunshine, or else thorough ground, that is uneven, or full of trees, or of turnings. And sometimes it will not be easy to find out signs for all uses, occasions eftsoons presenting new matter, to the which a man is not accustomed. Yet can it not fall out, that either by voice, or by signal, we should not give certain and sure direction.   

Of marching, and of divers kinds of Battles fit for a March: And first of the right-induction, of the Coelembolos, and the Triphalange to be opposed against it, CHAP. XXXVI.  
BEing now to speak of marching I will first give to understand, that some kind of march is a Right-induction, other some a Deduction on the right, or left hand; And that in a single, or double, or treble, or quadruple-sided-battaile. In a single, when one enemy is feared; In a double, when two; In a treble, when three; In a quadruple, when the enemy purposeth to give on on all sides. Therefore the march is undertaken sometimes in a single Phalange, sometimes in a twofold Phalange, or else in a threefold Phalange, or in a fourfold Phalange.  
A right-induction is, when one body of the same kind followeth another; as if a Xenagy lead, and the rest follow Xenage-wise. Or a Tetrarchy lead, and the rest follow according to that form. It is so called, when the march stretcheth itself out into a wing having the Depth much exceeding the length.  
Against it is opposed the 
* Hollow Wedge.  Coelembolos, which is framed, when the Antistomos 
* Double Phalange.  Diphalange disjoineth the Leading-wings, closing the Rear in manner of the letter V: as the figure after placed doth teach, In which the front is dissevered, & the rear joined, and knit together.  
For the Right-induction pointing at the midst of the enemy's battle, the Coelembolos quickly opening before serveth both to frustrate the charge of the front, and to clasp in, and cirumvent the flanks of the right-induction.  
Furthermore a 
* Treble Phalange.  Triphalange is to be set against the Coelembolos, one Phalange fight against one wing of the Coelembolos; The second against the other, and the middle, and third forbearing, and expecting a time fit to charge.   

Of Paragoge, or Deduction. CHAP. XXXVII.  
PAragoge, or Deduction is, when the Phalange proceedeth in a wing not by file, but by rank, having the Commanders, or fileleaders, either on the right hand, which is called a right-hand-Deduction, or on the left hand, which is called a lefthand- Deduction. For the Phalange marcheth in a double, treble, or quadruple-side accornding to the place, and part, it is suspected, the enemy will give on. And both the Paragogies beginning the fight in flank do make the length double to the depth. This form of fight was devised to teach a Soldier to receive heedfully the charge of the enemy not only in front, but also in flank.   

Of the Phalange Amphistomus. CHAP. XXXVIII.  
THe Phalange 
* Double fronted Phalange.  Amphistomus (for it is so called, because it hath two fronts, and that part of the battle, that is set, and advanced against the enemy, is called a front) Seeing then in this form the middlemost are ordered back to back, and those in front and rear make head against the enemy, the one being Commanders of the front, the other of the rear, therefore it is called Amphistomus. It is of great use against an enemy strong in Horse, and able to give a hot, and dangerous charge; and principally practised against those Barbarians, that inhabit about the river Ister, whom they also call 
* Horsemen that use two horses, one spare, the other being vidden upon.  Amphippi because they change Horses in fight.  
The Horse battle to encounter this form hath a Tetragonall shape, being for the purpose divided into two broad-squares (they are broad-squares, that have the front twice as much as the depth) And these Squares are opposed severally against the divisions of the foot-battaile.   

Of the Phalange Antistomus. CHAP. XXXIX.  
THe Phalange 
* Doulbe flanked Phalange.  Antistomus is like the Amphistomus the form being a little altered; so that it accustometh the soldier to resist the several kinds of incursions of Horse. All that hath been spoken concerning the former Phalange both for foot, and Horse agreeth with this figure also. Herein they differ, that 
Cap. 37. A four fronted Phalange against all allemptes of the Enemy  
The Front of the rear  
The Front of the right flank  
The Front of the March  
The Front of the left flank  
Cap. 38. The Phalange Amphistomus  
Cap 39 The Phalange Antistomus  
Front  
Cap. 40.  
The Horsmans' wedge  
Front  
A Diphalange Antistomus  the Amphistomus receiveth the charge in front, and rear, the Antistomus in flank But aswell in the one, as the other, they fight with long Pikes, as do the Alans, and Sauromatans'. And the one half of the soldiers in the files turn their faces forward, the other half backward; so that they stand back to back. This form hath two fronts, the one before, where the fileleaders, the other behind, where the back-Commanders stand. And being also divided into a Diphalange it maketh the forefront with the one, and the after-front with the other Phalange.   

Of the Diphalange Antistomus▪ CHAP. XL.  
A Diphalange Antistomus is that, which hath the fileleaders placed not in Deduction outwardly, but inwardly face to face one against-an other, and the reare-Commanders without, one half in a right, the other in a lefthand Deduction.  
This form is used when the Horse give on and charge Wedge-wise. For the * Wedge shooting forth into a point, and having the Commanders following in flank, and endeavouring to dissever, and break the front of the foot, the Leaders of the foot, foreseeing their purpose, place themselves in the midst with intent either to repulse them, or else to give them a thorough passage without loss. For the Wedge flieth upon the foot in hope to charge the multitude in the midst, and to disorder the whole battle: And the foot Commanders conceiving well the fury of that kind of form, leave a little space betwixt either front, and stand like walls on both sides, and jointly turning their faces toward the midst, give them a fruitless, and empty passage.  
This form of Horsebattaile is called a Wedge by Tactics, which was invented by Philip King of Macedon, who placed his best men before, that by them the weaker sort might be held in, and enabled to the charge: as we see in a spear, or in a sword, the point whereof by reason of the sharpness quickly piercing maketh way for, and letteth in the middle blunt iron.   

Of the Diphalange called Peristomus. CHAP. XLI.  
THe Phalange of the Diphalange * Peristomus proceedeth by deduction in a wing, the oblique deduction on the right hand having the fileleaders without, the left hand oblique deduction the reare-Commanders within. The figure showeth the intent of them that fight so ordered. For the battle going to charge, having been at first Tetragonall, divideth itself into two oblique wings (the right, and the left) of purpose to enclose the adverse square-battaile. And they fearing to be enclosed transform themselves into two several marching-Phalanges directing one against the right, the other against the left wing. Therefore it is called Peristomus, as having the front bend against the enemy both ways.   

Of the Diphalange called Homoiostomos, and of the Plinthium. CHAP. XLII.  
A Diphalange * Homoiostomus is so named because a whole file (that is 16 men) moving by itself, another file followeth it. And it is therefore called Homoiostomus, because they that follow, follow in a like figure.  
This kind is opposed against the Plinthium. * Plinthium is a form of Battle, that hath the sides equal both in figure and number. In figure because the distances are every where equal; In number because there are as many men in length, as in depth. In this foure-sided-Battaile are none in the flanks, but armed, without Archer, or Slinger to help. When therefore two Phalanges march together, one by another, and both have their Leaders either in a right-hand, or lefthand Deduction it is called a Diphalange Homoiostomus.   

Of the Diphalange Heterostomus. CHAP. XLIII.  
A Diphalange * Heterostomus is that, which proceedeth by Deduction, having the Leaders of the former Phalange in a right-hand-Deduction, and of the following Phalange in a left-hand-Deduction: so that the battles march counterchangeably, one having the Leaders in one flank, and the other in the other: and so the rest.   

Again of the Battle called a rhomb, and of the foote-halfe moon to encounter it. CHAP. XLIV.  
THe battle framed in form of a rhomb, was first invented by Ileon the Thessalian, and was called I'll after his name; and to this form he exercised and accustomed the Thessalians. It is of good use, in that it hath a Leader at every corner, at the point the Captain, of the Troop, the reare-Commander behind, and on either side the flanke-commanders. The foot battle, fittest to affront this, is the Menoides, or Crescent, having both the wings stretched out, and in them the Leaders, and the midst embowed to environ and wrap in the Horsemen in their giving on. Whereupon the Horsemen ply the foot a far off with flying weapons, after the manner of the Tarentines, seeking thereby to dissolve, and disorder their circled frame of marching. Tarentum is a City of Italy, the Horsemen whereof are called Acrobolists, because in charging they first cast little Darts, and after come to hands with the enemy.  

Cap. 42.  
The Battle called Plinthium  
The front  
The Diphalange Homoiostomus  
Cap. 43. The Diphalange Heterostomus  
The Fileleaders  
The bringers up  
Cap. 45.  
Heteromekes or the Hearse of Horse  
The front  
Plagiophalanx, or the broad fronted battle of foot  
Cap.  
Epicampios Emprosthia  
The front    

Of the Horsebattaile Heteromekes, and of the Plagiophalange to be opposed against it. CHAP. XLV.  
THe Horse battle 
* A H●rse.  Heteromekes is that, which hath the depth double to the length. It is profitable in many respects. For seeming to carry but few in so small a breadth it deceiveth the enemy, and it easily breaketh his forces with the thickness, and strength of the embattailing, and may without perceiving, be lead through strait, and narrow passages.  
The Foot-battaile to encounter it is called the Plagiophalange, or broad-fronted battle. For being but slender in depth it beareth forth and extendeth itself in length; so that, albeit it be broken in the midst with the charge of the Horse; yet is nothing broken, but a little of the depth; and the fury of the Horse is carried not upon the multitude of the foot, but strait, and immediately, into the open field. And for that cause is the length thereof much exceeding the depth.   

Of another kind of rhomb for Horsemen, and of the foote-Battaile Epicampios Emprosthia to encounter it. CHAP. XLVI.  
ANother sort of rhomboids there is, whereof I need say no more, but that it fileth, and ranketh not. For I have before showed the use, and that Ileon the Thessalian was the inventor, and that jason Medea's husband most put it in practice. The use thereof is great being directed, and lead, in the four corners by the Captain, the Lieutenant, and the two flanke-Commanders. It is commonly fashioned of Archers on Horseback, as the Armenian, and Persian manner is.  
Against it is opposed the foote-battaile called 
* The hollow fronted battle.  Epicampios Emprosthia, because the circumduction of the front is like an embowing. The end of this form is to deceive and overreach the Archers on Horseback either by wrapping them in the void space of the front, as they charge, and give on upon the spur, or else disordering them first with their wings, and breaking their fury, by overthrowing them finally with their ranks about the middle Ensigns. This kind of Battle was devised to entrap and beguile. For opening the middle hollowness it maketh show but of a few, that march in the wings, having notwithstanding thrice as many following, and seconding, in the rear. So that, if the wings be of power sufficient for the encounter, there needeth no more; if not, retiring easily on either fide, they are to join themselves to the bulk of the Battle.   

Of the foot-battaile called Cyrte, which is to be set against the Epicampios. CHAP. XLVII.  
THe Battle to be opposed against the Epicampios is called 
* The convexebattaile.  Cyrte of the circumferent form. This also maketh semblance of small forces by reason of the convexity of the figure. For all round things appear little in compass; and yet stretched out in length, and singled, they prove twice as much, as they appeared to be: as is evident in pillars, which are round; and therefore in sight show the one half, and conceal the other.  
The greatest piece of skill in embattailing, is to make a show of few men to the enemy, and indeed to bring twice as many to fight.   

Of the Tetragonall Horsebattaile and of the wedge of foot to be opposed against it. CHAP. XLVIII.  
THe 
* foursquare.  Tetragonall Horsebattaile is square in figure, but not in number of men For in Squares the number is not always the same: and the General for his advantage may double the length to the depth. The Persians, Sicilians, and most of the Grecians do affect this form, and take it to be easy in framing, and better in use.  
Against it is opposed the Phalange called 
* Wedge.  Embolos, or Wedge of foot, all the sides consisting of armed men. This kind is borrowed of the Horseman's wedge. And yet in the Horse-wedge, one sufficeth to lead in front, where the Footewedge must have three, one being unable to bear the sway of the encounter. So Epaminondas the Theban fight with the Lacedæmonians at Mantinaea, overthrew a mighty power of theirs by casting his army into a Wedge. It is fashioned if the Antistomus Diphalangy in marching join the front of the wings together, holding them open behind like unto the letter A.   

Of the foot-Battaile called Ploesium, and of the winding, or saw-fronted foot-battaile to encounter it. CHAP. XLIX.  
THe Battle Ploesium hath the length much exceeding the depth. And it is called Ploesium, when armed foot are placed on all sides, the Archers, and Slingers, being thrown into the midst. Against this kind of Battle is set the winding-fronted-battaile, to the end that with the unequal figure, they may 
Cap. 47.  
The Cyrte or convex half Moon  
The front  
The Epicampios  
The front  
Cap. 48.  
The foot wedge  
The front  
The Horsbattaile square in figure, not in horse  
The front  
Cap. 49.  
The Peplegmene  
The front  
The Plesium  
Cap. 50.  
The adverse battle  
The overfrontnig battle  
Cap. 50.  
The adverse battle  
The overwinging battle  train out those of the Ploesium to cope with the foremost of the winding-fronted-battaile, and by that means dissolve, and disorder the thickness o● the same. And the fileleaders of the winding-battaile are to observe, and mark the fileleaders▪ of the Ploesium, that if they still maintain their closeness, and fight serred, they also encounter them in the like form; if the Ploesium fileleaders sever themselves, and spring out from their main force, than they likewise be ready, to meet them man to man.   

Of Hyperphalangesis, and Hyperkerasis, and of Attenuation. CHAP. L.  
HYperphalangesis, or over-fronting is, when both wings of the Phalange overreach the enemy's front. Hyperkerasis, or overwinging is, when with one of the wings we overreach the front of the enemy. So that he, that overfronteth, overwingeth, but he, that overwingeth, overfronteth not. For they, that match not the enemy in multitude, may yet overwing them.  
Attenuation or lessening is, when the depth of the battle is gathered up, and instead of 16 men a smaller number is set.   

Of conveying the Carriage of the Army. CHAP. LI.  
THe leading of the carriage, if any thing else, is of great importance, and requireth a special Commander. It may be conveyed in five manners, either before the Army, or behind, or on the one flank, or the other, or in the midst.  
Before the Army, when you fear to be charged behind. Behind the Army, when you would lead toward the enemy. When you fear to be charged in flank on the contrary side. In the midst, when a hollow-Battaile is needful and fit.   

Of the words of Command, and certain observations about them. CHAP. LII.  
LAst of all we will briefly repeat the words of direction, if we admonish, first that they ought to be short, then that they ought to be without double-signification. For the Soldiers, that in haste receive direction, had need to take heed of doubtful words, lest one do one thing, and another the contrary. As for the purpose: If I say turn your face, some it may be, that hear me, will turn to the right, some to the left hand, and so no small confusion follow. Seeing therefore these words turn your face import a general signification, and comprehend turning to the right, or left hand, we ought in stead of saying turn your face to the pike, to pronounce it thus: To your Pike turn your face, that is, we ought to set the particular before, and then infer the general. Like reason is, if you say, turn about your face, or countermarch. For these are also general words; And therefore we should do well to set the particular before. As to the Pike turn your face about, or to the Target turn your face about. Likewise the Lacedaemonian countermarch, not the Countermarch Lacedaemonian. For if you place the word Countermarch first, some of the Soldiers will happily fall to one kind, other to another kind of Countermarch. For which cause words of double sense are to be avoided, and the special to be set before the general.   

Of silence to be used by Soldiers. CHAP. LIII.  
But above all things silence is to be commanded, and that heed be given to directions: As Homer specially signifieth in his descriptions of the Grecian and Trojan fights.  

The skilful Cheeftaines pressed on, guiding with careful eye  
Their Armed troops, who followed their Leaders silently.  
You surely would have deemed, each one of all that mighty throng  
Had been bereft of speech, so bride led he his heedful tongue,  
Fearing the dread Commanders check, and awful hest's among.  
Thus marched the greeks in silence, breathing flames of high desire,  
And fervent zeal, to back their friends, on foes to wreak their ire.   
As for the disorder of the Barbarians he resembleth it to birds saying.  

As shoals of fowl, geese, crane's, and swans with necks far stretched out,  
Which in the slimy fens Caïsters winding streams about  
shear here, and there, the liquid sky, sporting on wanton wing.  
Then fall to ground with clanging noise, the fens all over ring:  
None otherwise the Troyans' fill the field with heaped sounds  
Of broken, and confused cries, each where tumult abounds.   
And again:  

The captains marshal out their Troops ranged in goodly guise;  
And fo●rth the Troyans' pace like birds, which lad the air with cries.  
Not so the greeks, whose silence breathed flames of high desire,  
Fernent in zeal to back their friends, on foes to wreak their ire.    

The words of Command. CHAP. liv.  

Thus then are we to command.  
TO your Arms.  
Stand by your Arms.  
Carriage away from the battle.  
Mark your directions.  
Separate yourselves.  
Advance your Pikes.  
File and rank yourselves.  
Look to your Leader.  
Rear Commander order your file.  

a Before cap. 11.  Keep your first distances.  

b Before cap. 25.  Faces to the Pike, move a little further, stand so, as you were.  

b Before cap. 25.  Faces to the Target, move a little further, stand so.  

b Before cap. 25.  Faces about to the Pike, move a little further, stand so.  

c Before cap. 29.  Double your Depth. To your first posture.  

c Before cap. 29.  Double your Length. To your first posture.  

d Before cap. 28.  The Lacedaemonian countermarch. To your first posture.  

d Before cap. 28.  The Macedonian countermarch. To your first posture.  

d Before cap. 28.  The Choraan countermarch. To your first posture.  

e before cap. 26.  Battle wheel to the Pike. To your first posture.  

e before cap. 26.  Battle wheel about to the Pike. To your first posture.   
These precepts of the Art Tacticke (most invincible Caesar) I have laid out to your Ma.tie, which will be a means of safety to such, as shall use them, and of ●he overthrow of their enemies.    

THE EXERCISE OF THE ENGLISH IN the service of the high and mighty Lords, the LORDS the ESTATES of the united PROVINCES in the Low COUNTRIES.  
THE Soldiers are divided into two kinds, Foot and Horse. The Foot again are of two kinds; Pikemen and Musketeers.  
Pikemen are armed with a headpiece, a Cuirass and Tases defensive, and with a Pike of fifteen foot long, and a Rapier offensive. The Armour is all iron; the Pike of Ashen wood for the Steal, and at the upper end an iron head of about a handful long with cheeks about the length of two foot, and at the butt-end a round strong socket of iron ending in a pike, that is blunt, yet sharp enough to fix to the ground. The form thereof is expressed in the graven figure.  
The Musketier hath a headpiece for defence, a Musket, the barrel of the length of 4 foot, the bore of 12 bullets to the pound; a Bandelier, to which are fastened a convenient number of charges for powder (sometimes as many as 15 or 16) a leather bag for bullets, with a pruning iron; a Rest for the Musket with an iron fork on the upper end to support it in discharging, and a pike on the neither end to stick into the ground▪ lastly, a Rapier. The figure of this armour also is here inserted.  
These soldiers, both pikemen, and Musketeers, are divided into Companies; and every Company consisteth, half of Pikes, half Musketeers. The Companies are some more in number, some less. Some reach to 300 men, some 200, some 100, some 90, some 80, some 70. Every Company hath these officers of the field: A Captain, a Lieutenant, an Ensign, 2 sergeant, 3 Corporals, two Drums; and for other uses a Clerk, a Surgeon, and a Provost.  
Companies are compacted into Regiments; and the Regiments commanded by Colonels. Regiments contain not always a like number of Companies, some having 10, some 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, some 30 Companies and above. In every Regiment are a Colonel, a Lieutenant Colonel, a Sergeant Maior, all officers of the field; a Quartermaster, and a Provost-martiall for other employments. It shall not be greatly to the purpose to mention higher officers, than Colonels, my principal intent being no other, then to set down the arms and exercise of our Nation in the said united Provinces. Their arms are spoken of. Their exercise follows.  
FIrst both Pikes and Muskets are ordered into files of 10 deep. The Musketeers are sometime placed before, sometime in flank, sometimes in the rear of the pikes.  
To exercise the motions, there are two distances to be observed.  
The first is when every one is distant from his fellow 6 foot square, that is in file and rank 6.  
The second is when every Soldier is 3 foot distant one from the other aswell in file, as in Rank.  
And because the measure of such distances cannot be taken so justly by the eye, the distance of 6 foot betwixt the files is measured, when the Soldiers stretching out their arms do touch one an others hands: and betwixt the Ranks, when the ends of their pikes come well nigh to the heels of them, that march before. And the measure of 3 foot betwixt the files is, when their elbows touch one another; betwixt the ranks, when they come to touch the ends of one another's Rapiers.  
For to march in the field, the distance of 3 foot from file to file is kept, and of 6 foot from Rank to Rank.  
To order themselves in Battle, as also to go towards the enemy, the distance of 3 foot in file, and rank, is observed; and likewise to conversion or wheeling.  
The Musquettiers also going for to shoot by Ranks keep the same distance of 3 foot, but going to skirmish they go a la Disbandade, which is out of order.  
There is yet another sort of distance, which is not used, but for to receive the enemy with a firm stand, and serveth for the pikes only (for the Musquettiers cannot be so close in files, because they must have their Arms at liberty) & that is, when every one is distant from file to file a foot and a half, and 3 foot from Rank to Rank. And this last distance is thus commanded, Close yourselves thoroughly. But it is not to be taught the Soldiers, for that, when necessity shall require it, they will close themselves but too much, of their own accord without command.  
To begin therefore to do the exercises, the Company is set in the first distance, to wit of 6 foot in file, and rank, and thus is said  

These are the general words of Command which are often to be used.  
Stand right in your files.  
Stand right in your ranks.  
Silence.   

To the right hand.  
As you were.   

To the left hand.  
As you were.   

To the right hand about.  
To the left hand as you were.   

To the left hand about.  
To the right hand as you were.   
You must note, that when they are commanded to be as they were, they must return thither, from whence they parted; and if they turned to the right hand, they must return to the left, and so in countermarch.  
The headpiece.  
The forepart  
The headpiece close.  
The back  
the right gauntlet  
The left vantbrace  
The left cuishe  
The breast  
The back  
the guard  
the left ●●●●let  
The Armour of the Pikman  
The Gorget  
The Breast  
The Tales  
The Head-piece  
The Back  
The Pike  

To the right double your ranks.  
Ranks as you were.   

To the left hand double your ranks.  
Ranks as you were.   

To the right hand double your files.  
Files as you were.   

To the left hand double your files.  
Files as you were.   

With half files to the right hand double your Ranks.  
Half files as you were.   

With half files to the left hand double your Ranks.  
Half files as you were.   

Files to the right hand countermarch.  
Files to the left hand countermarch.   

To the right hand or left at discretion as you were.   

Ranks to the right hand countermarch.  
Ranks to the left hand countermarch.   

To the right or left hand as you were.   

Close your Files to 3 foot distance.  
Close your Ranks to 3 foot distance.   
Understand that in Closing from the outsides to the middle the Soldier is ●stand in his distance of 3 foot in file, and not closer.  

To the right hand wheel.  
To the left hand wheel.   
Open your Ranks backwards in your double distance to wit at 12 foot, and this for a single Company.  
Ranks as you were, sc. at the first.  
In opening Ranks or Files, you must keep them closed until the second Rank or File beginning from the outsides have taken their distances, and so shall the rest remain close until every Rank or File have taken their distance● in order.  
Open your files, to wit to the first distance of 6 foot.  
If you will command to close files to the right hand or left hand, the outmost file standeth still, and the rest close to that file.  

For the Pike with a firm stand.  
Advance your Pikes.  
Order your Pikes.  
Slope your Pikes.  
Charge your Pikes.  
Order your Pikes.  
Trail your Pikes.  
Cheeeke your Pikes.   

More for the Pikes first with a firm stand and then marching.  
Charge your Pikes.  
Slope your Pikes.  
To the right hand charge your Pikes.  
Slope your Pikes.  
To the left hand charge your Pikes.  
Slope your Pikes.  
Charge your Pikes to the Rear.  
Slope your Pikes.  
Order your Pikes.   
This must be observed charging your Pikes with a firm stand to set the right foot behind, and charging the Pikes marching to set the left foot before.  

For the Musket.  
THe Postures in his Excellency's Book are to be observed; but in exercising you must only use these three terms of direction.  

Make ready.  
Present.  
Give fire.   
Your Musquettiers must observe in all their motions to turn to the right hand, and that they carry the mouth of their pieces high, aswell when they are shouldered, as in pruning, and also when they hold their pans guarded, and come up to give fire.  
In advancing towards an Enemy, when they do not skirmish loose and disbanded, 
The enemy before the Vanguard.  they must give fire by Ranks after this manner.  
Two Ranks must always make ready together, and advance ten paces forward before the body, at which distance, a Sergeant (or when the body is great some other officer) must stand, to whom the Musquettiers are to come up before 
Advancing.  they present, and give fire, first the firstranke. And whilst the first gives fire, the second Rank keep their Muskets close to their Rests, and their pans guarded, and assoon, as the first are fallen away, the second presently present, and give fire, and fall after them.  
Now assoon as the first two Ranks do move from their places in the front: The two Ranks next them must unshoulder their Muskets, and make ready, so as they may advance forward ten paces as before assoon as ever the two first ranks are fallen away; and are to do in all points as the former. And all the other Ranks through the whole division must do the same by twoes, one after another.   

A manner there is to give fire retiring from an Enemy, which is performed after this soret.  
As the troup marcheth the hindermost rank of all keeping still with the troup is to make ready, and being ready, the soldiers in that rank turn altogether 
The enemy in the Rear.  to the right hand and give fire, marching presently away a good round pace to the front, and there place themselves in rank together just before the front: As soon as the first rank turn to give fire, the rank next makes ready, and doth as the former, and so the rest.  
We give fire by the flanks thus. The uppermost file next the Enemy must be 
The enemy in flank.  commanded to make ready, keeping still along with the body, till such time, as they be ready, and then they turn to the right, or left hand (according to the sight of their enemies either upon the right, or left flank) and give fire altogether. When they have discharged they stir not, but keep their ground, and charge their Pieces again in the same place, they stand. Now as soon as the foresaid file doth turn to give fire, the uttermost next it makes ready always keeping along with the troup till the Bringer-up be past a little beyond the Leader of that file, that gave fire last; and then the whole file must turn, and give fire, and do in all points as the first did, and so the rest one after the other. A Sergeant, or if the troup be great some other better qualified Officer must stand at the head of the first file, and assoon as the second file hath given fire, and hath charged, he is to lead forward the first file up to the second file, and so to the rest one after another, till he hath gathered up again the whole wing, and then he is to join them again in equal front with the pikes.  
Last of all the troup or whole wing of Musquettiers makes ready altogether, 
The enemy in front.  and the first rank without advancing gives fire in the place they stand in, and speedily, as may be, yet orderly falls away, all the ranks doing the same successively 
without advancing.  one after another.  
Thus much of the arms and exercise of the foot. The horse ensue.   

The order and discipline holden in Horse-troopes, or in the Cavalry.  
THE Cavalry hath for his Chief the General, the Lieutenant General, and the Commissary general.  
To the Cavalry there is a Quartermaster general, and a Provost general belonging; the justice resorteth to the Council general of war of the Army.  
The Cavalry is of two sorts. Har quebusiers, and Curassiers.  
The first have for defensive arms, the Cuirass pistol proof, and a light headpiece. For offensive the Carbine of 3 foot, 3 inches length, and the bore of 20 bullets in the pound, and Pistols like unto the Curassiers.  
The Curassiers have for defensive Arms a complete armour, the Cuirass pistol proof. For offensive two pistols having the barrel of 26 inches in length, and the bore of 36 bullets in the pound. See the figure of Arms.  
For the order in Regiments the 40 Companies entertained by the States do make eleven Regiments.  
The Regiment of the General hath always the Vanguard, the others alternatively and by turns, and he that hath it this day, the next day after hath the Rear, the rest following in the same sort.  
Those which command the Regiments are called Colonels. The Regiments are compounded of 3, or 4 Companies (of 3 at the least) and the Colonels Company marcheth always on the left wing of the Regiment.  
The Captains receive orders from their Colonels, as these from the Commissary General.  
All the Companies are divided in 3 equal parts, which are called Squadrons, and distributed to the three chief officers; Captain, Cornett, and Lieutenant, having each of them adjoined an old Soldier, which they do know to be of more desert, called a Corporal.  
Marching in the field, every Officer marcheth at the head of his Squadron, the Lieutenant excepted, which marcheth behind with the Quartermaster; and the third Corporal at the head of the Lieutenant's Squadron.  
The Companies are divided by files, and ranks, the file 5 deep, and no more, how strong soever the Company be.  
They observe that in marching in battle they must be close together, and to do the Motions there must be 6 foot distance from one Horseman to another.  
The Companies being in battle, there must be 25 paces distance left between every Company, and 50 betwixt every Regiment at the least.   

The exercise of Arms for the Cavalry.  
To open the Squadron you must first open the ranks and after the files.  
To close the Squadron, you must first close the files, and after the ranks.  
There be two sorts of distances betwixt the files; the one close, and the other open.  
In the Close there must be no distance or intervals betwixt the files, to the open there must be 6 foot betwixt every file.  
Likewise there must be two sorts of distances betwixt the ranks; the Close, which must be without interval or street; and the Open, which must be six foot distance.  
In a march it must be understood, that the ranks must never be more opened, than the open distance of 6 foot.  
And to the end that the troup may march in good order, and observe well their distance betwixt the ranks, without that the last may be forced to run or go to fast, there must be heed taken, that so soon, as the first ranks begin to march, all the troup, and the Rear also at one time march.   

The words of Command are  

Open your Ranks.  
Open your files.   

Stand right in your ranks.  
Stand right in your files.   

To the right hand.  
As you were.   

So the left hand.  
As you were.   

To the right hand about.  
To the left hand as you were.   

To the left hand about.  
To the right hand as you were.   

Files to the right hand countermarch.  
Files to the left hand countermarch.   

To the right or left hand as you were.   

Ranks to the right hand countermarch.  
Ranks to the left hand countermarch.   

Close your files.  
Close your ranks.   

To the right hand wheel.  
To the left hand wheel.     

Faults escaped in the Book.  
PAg. 2. in the margin beneath, for Spartionem read Spartianus. Pag. 9▪ lin. 20. for was, were. & lin. 31. for Bircanna, Bircenna; and in the marg. lin. 40. for Dipnoseph, Dipnosoph. pag. 10. lin. 26. in marg. for Adrian, Arrian. p. 14. l. 11. in marg. for Dipnoseph, Dipnosoph. p. 15 l. 18. for Marsilians, Massilians. p 17. l. 47. for pluimes, Plumes. p. 18. l 49 for conceited by, conceitedly. p. 20. l. 45. for Thureo, Thureoi. lin. 48. deal full. p. 22. l. for Those, These. l. 11. for Ochanes, Ochane. l. 32. deal Then. p. 23. l. 12. for Divarates, Divarates. p. 27. l. for imitation, imitation. p. 2●. l. 11. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 17. deal That. p. 29. l. 4. for quiety, quietly. l. 25. slings, slingers. p. 30. l. 35. in marg. Analast. Analact. p. 31. l. 13. put in, it. p. 32. l 29. & 33. for bells, bellies. p. 33. l. 35. 38. 41. for Sotridas, Soteridas. p 34 l. 3. for forceble, forcible. l 19 Popana, Popana. 29. unfailable, unfailible l. 42 deal once, &, for all. p. 35. l. 42. reduct, reduce. p 36. l. 40. in marg. de bet, de bell. p. 39 l. 17. stroke, struck. p. 44. l. 12. in marg. Enometis, Enom●tis. 24. Enomotarches, Enomotarches. 31. 33. Prucestes, Peucestes. lin. 47. after Patricius, a full point. p. 49. l. 27. Bathera, Batheia. 40▪ liptismos, leptismos. p. 50▪ l. 14. after supported, a full point. 34. easily, easily. p. 53 l. 6. Prataxis, Protaxis▪ pag. 55. l. 35. for having, giving. pag. 56. l. 18. sure, safe. lin 32, 37. Ansetaus, Ansetaus. 41. Then, They. 46. a full point after through. p. 57 l. 31. betwixt the, and examples, put former. p. 58. l. 2. Pharnabarus, Pharnabazus. l. 18. after Monomachy, a full point. 37. the, ●hem. 48. after number, a full point. p 59 l. 6. speedily, speedily. 36. motion, motions. 39 40. your, you. 41. after form, a full point. p 60 l. 16. fi●th, fifth. 18. after may be, set the figure 2. 28. after sort, deal as, and for 2 read 4. p. 61. l. 18. never, neither. p. 62. l. 23. after Lydians, a full point. p. 63. l. 15. for 500, 5000. lin. 22. for 800, 8000. p 66. l. 26. for 500, 400. lin. 25. read, when it is greatest in Xenophon hath no more, than 100 pag. 68 l. 35. besides, to pretermit. p. 70. l. 40. fight, read marching. p. 72. l. 1. after Sun. set, read, and. l. 37. for, of. p. 75. l. 19 & 27. Lochagie, Lochagi. l. 32. Pempedarches, Pempadarches. p. 78. l. 2. & 4. of, on. p. 79. l. 11. for fourth, third. p. 80. l. 29. insert after, an Army, that etc. ●oreth disorderly. & lin. 47▪ after 21. insert, foot. pag. 82. lin. Target, Targets. lin. 30. for 6130. read 6144. pag 84. l. 14. Philopomen, Philopoemen. p. 87. l. 36. Quintus, Quintius. l 37 after, himself with, insert, in. p. 88 l. 39 fought, sought. p. 90. l. 41. they, those. p 91. l. 30. twenty six, sixteen. pag. ●2 l. 29. after 1024 men, insert Two Systremm●s an Epinen●gy of 204● men. p. 96▪ l. 44. after, flanks, insert, and front p 98. l. 37. after, Amb●shes are, insert, or may be. p. 99 l. 18. for flights, flight. p. 112. l. 44. nea●er, nearer. p. 114. lin. 23. read Episyzygy. Harmatarchy. p. 115. l. 34. greater, great. p. 122. l. 4. Lacedaemon. lin. 21. a comma, after, cutting it of. another comma, after a sunder. p. 124. l. 19 after proceed, put out, but. p. 130. l. 28. for and, but. p. 135. lin. Middle, Middlemen. pag. 136 l. 4. after, particular, insert, be. lin. 20. after doublings, insert, which. p. 138 l 15. read Entaxis. the folios are false pag 138. 139. pag. 142. l. 19 for Chap. 24. read 34. pag. 153. l. 23. after Rapier, insert for offence. pag. 154. l. 6. after 6, add foot. lin. 3●. after, thus, insert, it. pag. 155. lin. 1. after right, insert, hand.   

THE CONTENTS OF THE NOTES.  

CHAP. II.  
OF Arms in general. Pag. 12.  
Defensive arms of old time. Pag. ibid.  
Offensive arms. Pag. ibid.  
Strength of arms; therein of the matter. Pag. 13.  
Fitness for the body. Pag. 15.  
Fitness for the field. Pag. 15.  
Comeliness. Pag. 17.  
Three kinds of Footmen. Pag. 19  
1. Arms of the armed. Pag. 20.  
The form of the Macedonian Target. Pag. 20.  
The matter. Pag. 21.  
The Macedonian Pike. Pag. 23.  
The wood it was made of. Pag. ibid.  
Target and Pike both used together. Pag. ibid.  
How the Target was carried. Pag. 22..  
2. The lightarmed and their appellations. Pag. 24.  
1. Arrows and the Nations that were Archers. Pag. 25.  
The estimation of Archers of ancient time. Pag. ibid.  
That good service might be drawn from our bows even at this day. Pag. ibid.  
2. Darts, and the divers names given them. Pag. 27.  
The matter, fashion, and force of Darts. Pag. 28.  
3. Slingers. Pag. 29.  
The best slingers. Pag. ibid.  
How far a sling will reach. Pag. ibid.  
3. Targeteers. Pag. 30.  
The form of their Target. Pag. ibid.  
Their Pikes. Pag. ibid.  
Their other arms. Pag. ibid.  
The Hypaspists in the History of Alexander. Pag. ibid.  
Horsemen. Pag. 32.  
Cataphractes. Pag. ibid.  
Their, and their horse's armour. Pag. ibid.  
Their Lance. Pag. 33.  
Their manner in charging. Pag. ibid.  
Launciers. Pag. ibid.  
Their, and their horse's armour.  
Tarentines. Pag. 35.  
Their arms, and manner of fight. Pag. ibid.  
Archers on horseback. Pag. 36.   

CHAP. III.  
Levies of Soldiers. Pag. 37.  
Considerations in Levies. Pag. ibid.  
What number. Pag. ibid.  
The heads of the Art of War. Pag. 38.  
The effect of exercise in Soldiers. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. IU.  
Files, and the divers significations of Lochos, a file. Pag. 40.  
The number of Aelians' file. Pag. ibid.  
Other files more or less. Pag. ibid.  
The reason of Aelians' number in a file. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. V.  
Disposing of files. Pag. 42.  
The best man the leader, and why. Pag. ibid.  
The difference betwixt the Romans, and Grecians in bringing their best men to fight. Pag. 43.  
An Enomoty. Pag. 44.  
The place of Enomotarchs'. Pag. ibid.  
The Dimeritt, or Commander of the half file. Pag. 45.  
The worth of the fileleader. Pag. ibid.  
Leo his disposing of a file. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. VII.  
A Phalange. Pag. 48.  
The etymology of the name. Pag. ibid.  
The Phalange not always of one number. Pag. ibid.  
The Inventor of the Phalange. Pag. 49.  
The length of it. Pag. ibid.  
The depth. Pag. ibid.  
The thickness. Pag. ibid.  
The breadth. Pag. 50.  
The wings. Pag. ibid.  
The middle Section. Pag. ibid.  
Whether there ought to be more, than one Section. Pag. ibid.  
The place of the lightarmed. Pag. 53.  
The place of the horse. Pag. 55.  
In the wings. Pag. 56.  
In the rear. Pag. 57  
In the front. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. VIII.  
What motions transfigure the Phalange into another shape. Pag. 59  
The number fit for motion of the Phalange. Pag. 60.  
The number of the Macedonian Phalange. Pag. 61.  
The number of the lightarmed.  
Of horse the number.   

CHAP. IX.  
The Commander of the Phalange. Pag. 65.  
The number of them. Pag. ibid.  
The double signification of the word Tetrarchy. Pag. ibid.  
The manifold signification of Taxis. Pag. ibid.  
And of Syntagma. Pag. 66.  
The officers of the Syntagma. Pag. 67.  
The Ensign. Pag. ibid.  
The beginning of Ensigns. Pag. ibid.  
Why they are borne. Pag. ibid.  
The form of the Ensign. Pag. 68  
The matter of the Ensign. Pag. ibid.  
The place of the ensign-baerer in fight. Pag. 60.  
The Trumpet, and use thereof amongst foot. Pag. 70.  
It was the signal instrument of the Grecians. Pag. ibid.  
The Drum. Pag. ibid.  
How it came into Europe. Pag. ibid.  
The Lacedæmonians used both Flute, and Trumpet. Pag. 71.  
The place of the Trumpet in Battle. Pag. ibid.  
A Sergeant's duty. Pag. ibid.  
Qualities requisite in a Sergeant. Pag. ibid.  
His dignity. Pag. ibid.  
His place in fight. Pag. ibid.  
A Criers office. Pag. ibid.  
His place in fight. Pag. 72.  
The tetragonall form of a Syntagma. Pag. 73.  
The number of the Chiliarchy. Pag. ibid.  
The Roman Tribuneship and it differ. Pag. ibid.  
Our Colonels come nearer the Chiliarch. Pag. ibid.  
Whether it were first instituted by Alexander at Babylon. Pag. ibid.  
The Persian Chiliarch. Pag. 74.  
The Merarchy. Pag. ibid.  
The Phalangarchy. Pag. ibid.  
The bodies military of the Lacedæmonians. Pag. 75.  
Of the Athenians. Pag. ibid.  
Of Cyrus in Xenophon. Pag. ibid.  
Of Vrbicius. Pag. ibid.  
Of julius Pollux. Pag. ibid.  
The number of the officers of Aelians' Phalange. Pag. 76.   

CHAP. X.  
The places of the officers of the Phalange.  
All the Commanders in front. Pag. 77.  
Alternative Commanders. Pag. ibid.  
The place of the General. Pag. ibid.  
Of the Phalangarches. Pag. ibid.  
Of the Merarches. Pag. 78.  
Of the rest. Pag. 79.   

CHAP. XI.  
Distances. Pag. 80.  
Open order. Pag. ibid.  
Order. Pag. 81.  
Close order. Pag. ibid.  
The ground a Phalange possesseth in each order. Pag. 82.   

CHAP. XII.  
The matter of the Macedonian Target. Pag. 83.  
The hollowness. Pag. ibid.  
The breadth. Pag. ibid.  
The length of the shortest pike. Pag. ibid.  
Advantage of long pikes. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. XIIII.  
The strength of the Macedonian Phalange. Pag. 85  
The conquests of King Philip, and Alexander his Son. Pag. ibid.  
Battles wherein the Romans beat the Macedonians. Pag. 86.  
Proof of the Macedonian imbattailing against the Romans. Pag. 87.  
Distance betwixt soldior, and soldior in fight. Pag. 89.  
How much of the length of the pike is lost in charging. Pag. 90.  
How the pikes of the sixth rank, and the other after them are to be held in fight. Pag. ibid.  
The pikes of the Rear longer, than those in front. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. XV.  
The place of the Lightarmed. Pag. 91.  
The place of Targeteers. Pag. 92.  
The File of the Lightarmed. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. XVI.  
The names of the Lightarmed. Pag. ibid.  
The cause of impropriety of names. Pag. ibid.  
The curiosity of the Grecians in their names. Pag. 93.  
Whether there were Captains of the Centuries of the Lightarmed. Pag. ibid.  
The bodies of the Armed and lightarmed compared. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. XVII.  
The use of light armed. Pag. 95.  
Lightarmed joined with the Armed. Pag. ibid.  


The lightarmed good—  
To provoke the enemy, Pag. 96.  
To wound a far of, Pag. ibid.  
To disarray, Pag. 97.  
To repulse horse, Pag. 98.  
To beat in the enemy's lightarmed, Pag. ibid.  
To discover suspected places, Pag. ibid.  
For far and speedy attempts. Pag. 99     

CHAP. XVIII.  
The form of Horse-battailes. Pag. ibid.  
The service of Horse. Pag. 100  
The Thessalian horsemen. Pag. 101.  
The fable of Centaurs. Pag. ibid.  
The rhomb. Pag. 102.  
Whether the rhomb or Square be better in Horse. Pag. ibid.  
The Wedge. Pag. 104.  
Whether the rhomb or Wedge be better. Pag. ibid.  
divers kinds of Squares. Pag. 105.  
The Square in figure. Pag. ibid.  
The depth in the Square. Pag. 106.  
The Square in number. Pag. 107.   

CHAP. XIX.  
divers forms of Rhombes. Pag. ibid.  
A rhomb filing and ranking. Pag. 108.  
A rhomb neither filing nor ranking. Pag. 109.  
A rhomb filing not ranking. Pag. 110.  
A rhomb ranking not filing. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. XX.  
The Horse-troupe of the Macedonians. Pag. 111.  
The number, and manner of framing it. Pag. ibid.  
The place of the Cornett. Pag. ibid.  
The distance betwixt horse, and horse. Pag. 112.  
The distance betwixt Troupe, and Troupe. Pag. 113.   

CHAP. XXV.  
Turning of soldiers faces. Pag. 117.  
The end of this motion. Pag. 118.  
Two turnings, or Metabole. Pag. 119.  
Turning to the Pike, or Target. Pag. ibid.  
Turning to the enemy, or from the enemy. Pag. ibid.  
The words of direction in this motion. Pag. 120.   

CHAP. XXVI.  
Wheeling the battle. Pag. 120.  
How it is done. Pag. 121.  
A Treble wheeling. Pag. ibid.  
The end of this motion. Pag. ibid.  
Examples of double wheeling. Pag. 122.   

CHAP. XXVII.  
To restore to the first posture. Pag. 123.  
What 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. XXVIII.  
Countermarches. Pag. 125.  
The Macedonian Countermarch by file. Pag. 127.  
The Lacedaemonian. Pag. ibid.  
The Choraean. Pag. 129.  
Countermarches by rank. Pag. 132.  
The words of direction. Pag. ibid.   

CHAP. XXIX.  
Doubling. Pag. 133.  
The length doubled in number. Pag. 134.  
The use of it. Pag. 135.  
The danger of it the enemy being nigh. Pag. 136.  
The Depth doubled. Pag. ibid.  
The words of command in this motion. Pag. 137.   
FINIS.