A TRUE CHRONOLOGIE OF THE TIMES OF THE PERSIAN Monarchy, and after to the destruction of jerusalem by the Romans.  
WHEREIN BY THE WAY briefly is handled the day of Christ his birth: with a declaration of the Angel Gabriels' message to Daniel in the end of his 9 chap. against the frivolous conceits of Matthew Beroald.  
Written by EDWARD LIVELIE, Reader of the holy tongue in Cambridge.  
AT LONDON, Printed by Felix Kingston for Thomas Man, John Porter, and Ralph jacson. 1597.   

TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, MY VERY Honourable good Lord, my Lord the Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace.  
THE knowledge of former times (most reverend) by profane authors recorded, for the great profit and delight thereof, hath not without cause been always highly esteemed of the best & wisest men in Heathen common wealths; guided only by nature's law, the word of life not known amongst them. This keepeth the memory of things done of old, and in spite of death, preserveth still in some sort, as it were the life of Noble ancestors, who by their prowess and wisdom, for guiding the course of man's life aright, have left most worthy examples, and notable patterns of virtue behind them. To Christians it hath this more to commend itself: that it bringeth much light to the understanding of God his word, and greatly availeth to the advancement of that truth whereby souls are won to the Lord: wherefore I cannot but marvel at the (shall I term it folly or rather madness?) of those men, which for the continuance of the Persian Monarchy, and the reign of the several kings therein: are bold to reject the true histories of ancient writers, who living in the times thereof, have set forth the same for the ages to come. The cause and main ground whereof, is nothing else but their own error in misunderstanding holy Scripture; by wrested interpretation, making flat contradiction between the spirit of God, and profane truth: So not only wrong is done to those excellent men, who by their pains have deserved well: but also even the certainty of God's word itself, by this means is weakened, & made doubtful, and called into question. For it is not possible that one truth should be repugnant to another. Now because truth (as Augustine writeth in his second book de doctrina Christiana) is the Lords wheresoever it is found, & therefore every Christian in duty bound to stand for the maintaining thereof, against all adversaries, so far forth as his strength will serve: I have according to my poor talon, undertaken the defence of the true History & Chronologie of the Persian times against the adversaries thereof: and withal an exposition of the Angel Gabriels' message to Daniel agreeable thereunto. The one, that is my account of the times in fast persuasion I hold so sure: as that I steadfastly believe scarce 2. years under or over, if any at all will be easily disproved: which in so great a number, were a small matter in regard of those men's conceit, who are bold at one dash to chop off no less than a hundred years. For the other, I mean my exposition; by reason of interpreters disagreement among themselves, having not like evidence: I refer myself to learning's skill, the judgement of cunning Linguists, and sound Divines. In English rather then in Latin I have chosen to set forth this treatise: for no other cause in the world but one. That as my own Countrymen in their native language, by reason of Matthew Beroald the first broacher of the new Chronological History of the Persian Empire, translated into English, and some other books, do read the wrong, in danger thereby to be seduced: So likewise in the same their mother tongue, by this my pains they may see the right, & so hold themselves therein from going astray. This my labour I am bold to present unto your Grace, sundry reasons moving me thereunto. For having in intent sought herein the upholding of truth, to the good of my Country, and the benefit of Christ his Church amongst us (the chief care whereof for these matters appertaineth unto your Grace.) I feared not the check of unseemly boldness, if by the honour of your Grace's name, I should seek to commend the same. Your great love of learning, and kind good will to Students, heartened me on: But above all, my especial motive hereunto, was the earnest desire of my heart, to show some token of my dutiful remembrance of your great kindness heretofore so many ways showed unto me. That I was first scholar, and after fellow of Trinity College in Cambridge, it proceeded of your loving mind, and favourable good will unto me, besides other benefits many, some greater than the form, which were too long to recite. In regard whereof if it may please your Grace to accept of this acknowledgement of my duty: I shall account the same my duty doubled. Thus with my hearty desire of your Graces happy estate long to continued, to the glory of God, & the good of his Church, and the wealth of this land, & your own sound comfort, I most humbly take my leave of your Grace: this 24. day of November in the 1597. year of Christ our Lord.  
Your Grace's most bounden. EDWARD LIVELIE.   

A TRUE CHRONOLOGIE OF THE TIMES OF THE PERSIAN MONARCHY.  

CIcero, if ever any other was one which verified that doctrine of the blessed Apostle Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians: that the wisdom of God, of the wisest of the world was accounted foolishness. The learning of the Grecians, all arts pertaining to humanity, being held together to use his own term in a certain kindred between themselves he had in great price. The knowledge thereof he admired, the professors he honoured, and by quick conceit and sharp wit, together with earnest travail and diligent study therein: he grew to that ripeness of deep knowledge and sweet speech, & wise counsel, whereby he became the rare ornament of his country, the precious jewel of his age, and the great glory of the world, far beyond all before him, never overtook of any after him. But touching true divinity, & the people of God, with the word of life amongst them: they were no better esteemed of him, than Paul and his preaching was of the learned Philosophers of Athens; being mocked for his labour, and accounted a babbling tool. Let his own mouth make proof hereof, in an Oration which he made for Lucius Flaccus, being at that time accused amongst other matters, for detaining great sums of gold, sent yearly upon devotion by an usual custom out of Italy, and some other provinces of Rome to jerusalem. This action of his client, withstanding the jews herein; he greatly commendeth. jerusalem, the holy and glorious seat of God his service, he calleth a suspicious and backbiting City. The devout worship of God, and the holy religion of the jews, he termeth barbarous superstition, by great contempt, in regard of the glory and ancient customs of the Roman Empire, & in the end he concludeth them a people not accepted of God: because they had been overcome by the enemy and put to their tribute. This was the reckoning which Tully made of them, who by divine knowledge of God his word, were the only wise people in the world: 
Deut 4.  whereby it appeareth that in his eyes the profane learning of men was deemed more excellent than the wisdom of God. Amongst his sciences no place was left for divinity. The knowledge of God his word, was too base for that company. Much better was the doom of the ancient Fathers of the primitive Church, by the light of God his spirit, who used all other arts and learning, as helps and handmaids to the understanding of divine scripture, being Lady and Mistress of all: to the which all human wisdom oweth duty and service. Augustine a rare instrument for the benefit of GOD his Church, came notably furnished with much other reading to the study of divinity. His skill therein he proved not only by writing of the liberal sciences: but also alleging of Poets and other Authors, and fitting their sayings to the phrase of holy scripture to make it more plain; whereof one cometh now to my mind, in his books of speeches, taken out of a secular Author as he termeth him. Et scuta Latentia condunt. They hide the privy or secret lying shields, meaning such as not before, but after the hiding, lay secret and hid. This he maketh serve for the understanding of a like speech, in the 25. chapter of Genesis in the Greek bible, of Esay, and jacob, whose birth a little before was mentioned. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the young men grew. They were new borne babes, far from that ripeness of years, to be called young men, and therefore the action of growing in this place, goeth before the young men's age: to signify that being little children. At the length after much growing up in age, they became young men. In his second book De doctrina Christiana, he declareth at large, that human sciences, and the learning of the gentiles, and profane histories, are very helpful and profitable to the understanding of holy scripture. The learned father Hierom also in many places bringeth much light, & great service, from diverse and sundry profane writers, to the understanding of God his word. In his commentaries on Esay the thirteenth chapter, declaring the true meaning of the prophet's words there uttered concerning the desolation of Babylon, which other leaving the truth of history expounded allegorically: hath these words. Audivimus Medos, audivimus Babylonem, & inclytam in superbia Chaldaeorum: nolumus intelligere quod fuit, & quaerimus audire quod non fuit. Et haec dicimus non quòd tropologicam intelligentiam condemnemus; sed quòd spiritualis interpretatio, sequi debeat ordinem historiae. Quod plaerique ignorantes, lymphatico in scriptures vagantur errore. We have heard saith he of the Medes, we have heard of Babylon the glorious city of the Chaldeans; we will not understand that which hath been; but we seek to hear that which hath not been. Neither say I this to condemn tropological understanding, but that spiritual interpretation ought to follow order of history: which the most part being ignorant of by mad wandering do range about in the scriptures. The same father being by some blamed, as too much addict to the study of Secular knowledge; in an epistle of his to on Magnus a Roman Orator, taketh upon him the defence and commendation thereof, by the examples of the best and most excellent christian fathers before him. I must needs therefore greatly commend the wisdom of our forefathers, in ordering our universities. Where young scholars are first trained up in the studies of humanity, before they enter into God his school: that by that means coming furnished, and ready stored with many helps from their former learning, they may find a more easy way and speedy course in that most grave race of divine knowledge, which is yet behind for them to run. And surely so it is; and every one shall find the experience hereof in himself. It is not to be spoken, how much and how clear light, the diligent study and reading of Latin and Greek writers; yield to the knowledge of holy scripture. Which by some few examples I will let the reader understand. The Eleans, in time of pestilence brought upon them by exceeding great abundance of flies; call upon their God Myiagrus: which being by sacrifice once appeased, all those flies forthwith perish. This Pline reporteth in his tenth book the eight and twentieth chapter. Whereunto for confirmation may be added, that which is recorded by Pausanias in the first book of his Eliaca: that Hercules sacrificing in Olympia, was mightily troubled with a huge multitude of flies; till such time as he had done sacrifice to jupiter apomytoes, by whose power all those flies were soon after dispersed. And hereof he saith, that the Eleans use to sacrifice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is to jupiter Apomytoes which driveth away flies. Sotinus also in his Polyhistor the second chapter, maketh mention of Hercules his chapel in the beef market at Rome; into the which after sacrifice and prayer made to the God Myiagrus, he entered by divine power without flies. All these testimonies serve to understand the reason of the name Baalzebub, in scripture given to the God of Ecron, in the first chapter of the second book of the Kings: signifying the god of flies, or the flies jupiter (If it be true that Augustine affirmeth in his questions upon the book of judges, that Baal is jupiter) so called as should seem by those reports of Pliny, Pausanias, and Solinus: of the power which was attributed unto him in driving away flies whereof he is termed Myiagrus, that is a chaser of flies, and Apomyius, as it were a defender, or preserver from flies. Horatius in his last Satire, telleth of one Rufus Nasidienus, who had invited to a great supper, Maecenas a chief Lord in the Emperor Augustus Caesar's Court; with many other noble men of Rome: that whenas in the midst of supper, the daintiest dishes being now set upon the board, the hangings aloft by chance suddenly broke, and daubed that honourable company with cobwebs, and powdered the costly meats and wines with filth, and filled all full of choking dust: Posito capite, ut si filius immaturus obisset, flere: Holding down his head, he wept bitterly, as it had been for the untimely death of a dear son. So then the casting down of Cain his countenance in the fourth of Genesis, argued sorrow. And the virgins of jerusalem, at the destruction of their city, hanging down their heads to the ground, in the Lamentations of jeremy the second chapter, thereby declared their conceived grief. The prophet David at such time as he fled from his son Absalon, and likewise all the men that were with him; every one covered his head and wept. Haman also being made an instrument to honour Mardochaeus, whom he hated to the death: for sorrow hasted home with his head covered, whereby some have understood nothing else but dust and ashes laid thereon, which is a ceremony indeed of sorrow; but not meant in those places. The custom in those times was, not only to lay dust on the head in token of grief; but also to enclose and shut up as it were the head and face, with some cloth or vail from men's eyes. As many examples out of the Heathen Authors may easily show.  
Ulysses' as Homer declareth, having heard one Demodicus sing of the glorious & worthy acts of the Grecians at Troy: covered his head and face with a cloth and wept. The soldiers of Ajax in Sophocles, hearing of the woeful case of their Captain, for grief of Ulysses' preferment before him, being distraught of mind; covered their heads with veils. Demaratus a King of Sparta by the subtle practising of his enemies, was deposed of his kingdom, as not of the Royal blood: who after bearing Office in the City, and opprobriously in way of scorn, and derision, being asked, what it was to be first a King and then an Officer; took it to the heart, and with these words uttered, that that question should be the cause either of much joy, or much woe to the Lacedæmonians, covered his head and got him home. This is recorded by Herodotus in Erato.  
Xenophon in his Symposion telleth of a certain jester called Philip: who at a feast where Socrates with other grave company was present, assaying once or twice by his ridiculous jests to move them to laughter, but all in vain: muffled up himself for sorrow and left his supper.  
Demosthenes the famous Orator of Athens, as Plutarch writeth in his life, in a certain Oration of his before the people being hissed at; hied him home in great heaviness with his head covered. 
In his 4. book.  It is recorded by Q. Curtius of Darius' King of Persia; that hearing of his wives death; Capite velato diu flevit. He wept a great while having his head covered. That the cover was a cloth hiding the face as well as the head, appeareth immediately after in these words:  
Manantibus adhuc lachrimis, vesteque ab ore reiecta, the tears yet trickling down, & the cloth being cast away from his mouth, he lift up his hands to heaven. Sisigambis that kings mother, was a spectacle of rare misery. She lost her Father and four score brethren, all in one day most cruelly killed by Artaxerxes Ochus. Her own child a mighty King the last Monarch of Persia, she saw twice overcome by Alexander, & in the end traitorously slain by his own servants; the kingdom of Persia a overthrown, herself Captive: yet all these crosses she bore in some tolerable manner, so long as Alexander lived, who honoured her exceedingly as his own mother. But after his death, bereaved of all comfort, she tore her hair, cast her body on the ground, refused secure, and wrapping up her head with a vail, ever after abstained from meat & light, till welcome death made an end of her woes.  
Thus David and haman's covered heads, by so many examples, of such as for extreme sorrow or shame of themselves, not abiding men's sight, muffled their faces, are cleared of doubt. And hereby the understanding of another place in the 53. Chapter of Esay not a little helped: where our blessed Saviour is compared to one hiding his face. For this, as hath been proved, being an argument of an heart oppressed with grief, is effectual and notable, to declare that which immediately before was spoken of Christ: despised and refused of men, a man of sorrows, and acquainted with grief: whereunto the next words are these: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: That is, to interpret it aright, and as it were hiding the face from us.  
This here I may not pretermit: that this ceremony of the covered head is used sometimes in scripture, and other where in another sense. As in the 7. Chapter of Ester: where we read of Hamans' head covered by other against his will, to signify that now in the king's wrath he was appointed to death. For this likewise was an ancient custom used of divers Nations, to muffle up the heads of men condemned to die: or guilty of some grievous crime deserving death. Polixena king Priamus his daughter, by the sentence of Agamemnon and other Princes of Greece adjudged to die, was led to the slaughter of Ulysses, with a vail over her head. As we read in the tragedy of Euripides, called Hecuba. Philotas the son of Parmenio one of the chief Princes of Alexander the great, found guilty of high treason against the king: was brought before him to his answer, Capite velato having his head covered saith Q. Curtius in his 6. book. Festus Pompeius, in the word Nuptias saith, that the Law commanded his head to be covered, who had killed his Parent. lastly Cicero in his Oration for C. Rabirius, bringeth the very sentence of judgement itself, or verses, as he termeth them, used of Tarqvinius superbus, the last and most cruel king of Room. Caput obnubito, arbori infaelici suspendito. Cover his head, hang him up on a woeful tree.  
Let me by thy patience (gentle Reader) proceed to one argument more in this kind, and so an end. That which is told by the Evangelist of Saint john Baptist eating Locusts seemed incredible to some, greatly doubting of that kind of meat: and therefore supposing the place to have been corrupted by the writer's fault, by some slip setting down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as though his meat had not been locusts, but choke pears.  
Thus in their own conceit they were wiser than God, by ignorance of truth witnessed in divers profane Authors. Galen upon Hipocrates his Aphorisms the 2. book, the 18. Chapter is one, declaring there the force, which locusts being eaten have to nourish. Pliny in the 28 chap. of his 11. book saith, that among the Parthians they were counted a pleasant meat. Strabo in his 16. book of Geography, maketh mention of a certain people which lived of them. Bellonius in the 2. book of his observations, the 88 chapter, testifieth from the report of some Authors, that in Africa they were eaten as dainties: not for Physic, but even for nourishment. Thereby proving it a thing not uncredible, that john Baptist should eat locusts. But Diodorus Siculus most fully of all other declareth this in his, 4. book: where he telleth of certain Aethiopians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is locust eaters, who neither eat fish, nor cattle, but only locusts continually: which at the spring time of the year they get in great abundance, and salt them up to preserve them for meat.  
Thus I have given as it were a taste by this little, out of Pliny, Pausanias, Solinus, Horatius, Homer, Sophocles, Herodotus, Euripudes, Xenophon, Plutarch, Quintus Curtius, Festus, Pompeius, Cicero, Galen, Strabo: how great service Heathen writers do to the word of God, for opening the true meaning thereof. A taste I call it in regard of all that which for declaration of other matters might be said herein, which were the work of a huge volume, and great toil.  
These writers then for many parts of Scripture are diligently to be sought into, and not as some rash brains imagine, to be cast away as unprofitable in the lords school house: but especially for Daniel above all. In other places they may seem profitable: but here they are necessary: even by Hieroms judgement, who in a preface to his commentaries on this book affirmeth, the manifold Histories of Greek and Latin Authors, to be necessary for the understanding of daniel's Prophecies.  
These helps therefore I mind to use for unfolding the 4. last verses of the 9 Chapter of Daniel, containing an entire prophesy of the estate of the holy City after the jews return, from the building thereof, unto the utter destruction of the same by Vespasian the Emperor of Rome: and therein of the coming of jesus Christ the Lord of life, above 500 years before. Which is a most certain argument of Divine wisdom in Daniel from heaven, and a proof of that which Balthasar had heard, that the spirit of the holy Gods was in him: whereby also he foreshowed many years before the destruction of the Babylonian Empire by the Medes and Persians, & the Persians overthrow by Alexander; and the great troubles, which long after that time the jews suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes. All this skill came from God: for the knowledge and foretelling of things to come, is that which God only hath left in his own power, and challengeth to himself in the Prophet Esay. I make known those things saith, God, which have not yet happened. The Heathen Poet Sophocles could see this, thus writing in the Tragedy of Ajax the whip bearer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Many things saith he may be known of men, when they see them come to pass: but of things to come yet unseen, there is no prophet.  
I am not ignorant that Porphyrius a Tyrian Philosopher, a wicked and ungodly jew, of the kindred and sect of the Sadduces, an Infidel, an enemy of Christ, a hater of God and his word: who wrote fifteen books against the Christians, to weaken and extenuate the truth and authority of daniel's prophesy, devised this shift to say, that the jews long afore daniel's time (seeing these things done,) committed them to writing under daniel's name, thereby to win credit to their books.  
This fine devise of Porphyry is nothing else but a vain cavil: For it is well known, that the coming of Christ is spoken of by Daniel in divers places: which can not be said to have been written by the jews, who first had seen the coming of Christ, seeing that they neither at that time when he came, acknowledged him, and ever since have been so far from believing in him, that usually to this day they even curse his memory. Porphyrius herein hath been answered at large by the learned Fathers Methodius, Eusebius, Caesariensis, and Apolinarius, withstanding his blasphemy. And Hierome for learning as noble as any, in one short sentence most wittily and pithily, turneth all his reasoning against Daniel, for Daniel against himself. Porphirii impugnatio testimonium veritatis est. Tanta enim in hoc Propheta dictorum fides inventa est; ut propterea incredulis hominibus videatur non futura dixisse: sed praeterita narrasse. Porphyry his impugning of Daniel (saith Hierome) is a testimony of his truth: because the sayings of this Prophet have been found so certain, and of so great credit, that therefore unbelievers have judged him rather to tell things past, than to speak of things to come. But if there were nothing else at all to be said: yet even this one prophesy of Daniel which I have in hand, touching the desolation of jerusalem, the truth and certainty whereof was at the length verified by the event itself, at such time as Titus destroyed the Temple, and City: were enough to stop the adversaries mouths. Yea though all the Infidel Porphyries' in the world, with all their cunning shifting stand together, they shall never be able to avoid the force of this prophesy: but that it must needs argue a divine spirit in Daniel. For they cannot here say, that the jews after they had seen the Temple destroyed by the Romans, forged a prophesy thereof in Daniel his name. Because even Christ himself, in the 24. of Matthew, allegeth this prophesy of Daniel concerning the desolation of the holy City, in the flourishing time thereof, about 37. years before it was fulfilled. Whereby it is evident, that this prophesy was commonly known & read in the Church of God among the jews, as written by Daniel long before the event had showed the truth thereof: So Daniel yet standeth a divine prophet of the Lord, inspired with heavenly knowledge of things to come from above; and seeing that in one thing truly foretold this is proved of him, there is no cause at all to doubt of the rest.  
This is a sure foundation of divinity, a sound stay of religion, a strong prop of faith to be reposed in the undoubted truth of GOD his word, a mighty upholder of the providence of God against all the Atheists and Epicures of the world: Which Josephus very well perceiving, and in the end of his 10. book of antiquities, disputing against this kind of men, fetcheth his reason from the sure truth of daniel's Prophecies. The error saith he of the Epicureans hereby is reproved, which take God's providence in governing things out of this life, believing the world to be carried by his own force without a guide or overseer. Wherefore considering daniel's prophecies, I cannot but condemn the foolishness of those men, which deny that God hath any care of men's affairs. For how could it come to pass, that the event should answer his prophecies, if all things in the world were done by chance. Caluin also in the first book of his institutions: Doth not Daniel saith he, so prophesy of things to come by the space of 600. years, as though he wrote an History of things already done, and commonly known? Good men by the diligent meditation hereof shall be abundantly furnished to quiet the barking of the ungodly: for this evidence is clearer, then that it can be subject to any cavils.  
This was the judgement of josephus & Caluin against Atheists and profane Epicures, to their shame and overthrow: taken from the certainty of daniel's foreshowing things to come. Even this one prophecy of daniel's weeks, is a very hammer to beat them down to the ground, and a wire scourge as it were to tear them all in pieces: And therefore of all true Christians to be had in great reverence, and the understanding thereof to be desired as pearls, and diligently sought for, as hid treasure. To the finding out hereof two things are most requisite: the one is a just account of the times: the other, a true interpretation of the words in the original tongue. If we fail in either of these, there is no hope to known what Daniel meant by his weeks: For neither good interpretation alone is enough without exact chronology; nor this without the other serveth much to purpose. The sundering of these two things, which must needs stand together, hath been the cause of such turning and tossing this excellent piece of Scripture in so many men's heads, so many ways: therefore in these two things especially shall be the employment of my pains; if happily thereby this noble text of Scripture may receive some light to the clearer perceiving thereof.  
Marcus Varro a learned Roman, as Censorinus telleth in his book De die natali, measured all time by three spaces: whereof one was from the beginning of men, to the first flood: for the ignorance of the things which happened therein called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unknown. The second from that flood to the first Olympiad; for many fables and tales therein reported, termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fabulous. The third & last, from the first Olympiad to his age, containing more certain truth of history, & therefore called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, historical.  
This was Varro his judgement commended by Cicero also in his first book of Academical questions: where speaking to Varro he useth these words: Thou haste opened the age of thy country and ordering of times. Unto Varro herein agreed julius Affricanus in his third book of Chronicles, (As Eusebius witnesseth in his tenth book De praeparatione evangelica) until the time of the Olimpiads, saith Affricanus, there is no sure knowledge in the Greek History, all things being confusedly written without agreement between themselves: But the Olympic times have been exactly handled of the Grecians, by reason of regestring their acts and records therein, of no longer time than every four years space. Censorinus after him speaking of the time from the first Olimpiad; In this space, saith he, was never any great dissension or controversy among writers for computation of time: except in some six or seven years at the most. And even this little that was, Varro himself by his great skill and diligent pains, at the length discussed, and found out the truth, and showed clear light: by which the certain number not of years only, but even of days might be perceived.  
The Grecians, saith Chitraeus in his Chronicle, have no certain computation of times, and order of years before the Olimpiads. This was the judgement of the best learned in all times, in all countries, for all kind of skill, concerning the certain, accounted of time by Olimpiads used of the Grecians, received of the Romans, followed and commended of Christians, even the flower of them, the most ancient Fathers, Clemens Alexandrinus. Eusebius, Hierome, Orosius, and other for knowledge of God's word most famous and renowned: continued & kept from age to age, not contradicted with reason of any. Except peradventure some to show the fineness of their wit by Sophistry, might cavil against it. For the better understanding of that which hath been, and shall hereafter be said of Olympiads; it shall not be amiss here to show what is meant thereby.  
Olympia was a certain place of Greece, where games of running, wrestling, leaping & such like were instituted by Hercules in honour of jupiter Olympius, whereof the place was called Olympia, and the games Olympiads, & Olimpiac games, & the sports of Olympia, which after Hercules for a long time being discontinued, were at the length renewed again by Iphitus King of that country, about seven hundred seventy and five years before the birth of our Saviour Christ. Being so revived, they were from that time forward continued, by the space of a thousand years and more after, every four years in summer, about the month of july solemnized. This four years space was called Olympias. By these Olympiads the Grecians numbered their years, counting from that time wherein they were begun again by Iphitus. As appeareth by Velleius Paterculus, Solinus, Phlegon, Pausanius, Censorinus: who all refer the beginning thereof to Iphitus: neither for this matter that I know of amongst writers, is there any doubt at all. Beyond Iphitus I cannot warrant any certain account of years among the heathen, greatly marveling at the folly of those men, who busy themselves in searching for sure knowledge by ordered times, many ages before.  
A Christian Prince not long ago standing much upon his parentage, by this kind of men was seduced. A trifling Courtier perceiving his humour, made him believe that his pedigree in ancient race of royal blood, might be fetched from Noa his Ark: wherewith being greatly delighted, forthwith he laid all business aside, and gave himself wholly to the search of this thing so earnestly, that he suffered none to interrupt him whosoever, no not Ambassadors themselves, which were sent to him about most weighty affairs. Many marveled hereat, but none durst speak their mind: till at the length his Cook, whom he used sometime in stead of a fool, told him that the thing which he went about, was nothing for his honour: for now saith he, I worship your Majesty as a God; but if we go once to Noas' Ark, we must there yourself and I both be a kin.  
This saying of his foolish Cook cast him in a dump, and stayed the heat of his earnest study, and brought him to a better mind, from his vain error in deceivable times, far beyond the compass of truth: which, as before hath been showed, was limited from the first Olimpiad downward, within these limits of time by the testimony of Varro, Affricanus, Censorinus, & the judgements of many other learned men in all ages, being certain and void of error, is the reach of daniel's weeks: yea to come nearer home by 200, years and more, within that part thereof, which by the learning, wisdom, and knowledge of excellent men, hath been made most famous: that is to say from the Persian Monarchy, in the first year of Cyrus, to the second of Vespasian Emperor of Room; wherein the City of jerusalem was destroyed, and the jews common wealth overthrown, within the lists and compass whereof, the fulfilling of this prophesy is contained, even Beroaldus himself, though an adversary of the received Grecians Chronologie, in his 2. book, and 2. chapter: where he saith, that before the times of Cyrus the Greek Histories have no certainty: seemeth to acknowledge some truth of History afterward: whereof he giveth this reason, because in Cyrus his age, were the 7. sages of Greece living together, one of them being Colon the Athenian, acquainted with Croesus' King of Lydia, who fought against Cyrus. This whole space from the beginning of Cyrus his reign, to the destruction of the holy City by Titus, containeth 629. years from the Olimpiad, wherein Cyrus began, to the same season of that year, wherein jerusalem, Temple, and City was set on fire. For the Persian kings reigned by the space of 230. years. From the death of the last King of Persia to the birth of Christ, were about 328. years and a half. And thence to the desolation of jerusalem set on fire 70. and a half with two months, or there about.  
The proof of these three parts, in this order I mind to follow. But before I come to the right path, as it were of the Persian times: It shall be requisite, first to take certain stumbling blocks out of the reader's way: whereof one is the opinion of the Hebrew writers, who by great reason should have been skilful in these matters, in regard of their deliverance from slavish captivity, and many other benefits granted unto them by the Persian Kings. Some of these writers reading in the 11. of Daniel of a fourth king to reign in Persia; and presently after a prophesy of the overthrow of that Empire by Alexander the great: thought there could not possibly be any more than four in all. The names forsooth of these four they gather from Esdras, making mention in his fourth chapter of Cyrus, Assuerus, Artaxerxes, Darius, & then after in his seventh chapter of another Artaxerxes. Now lest that Esdras should seem by five names, to dissent from Daniel, speaking only of four kings, they make the first Artaxerxes to be all one with Assuerus, and because the last king of Persia, overcome by Alexander, in the Histories of divers nations was known by the name Darius: to make all good, they say he had likewise two names, one Artaxerxes, the other Darius. This was Aben Ezras opinion, one of the wittiest & best learned amongst them. R. Moses a Spaniard and Priest, came somewhat nearer to the truth, parting these two names Assuerus, and Artaxerxes mentioned in the 4. of Ezra, betwixt two several Kings, and so by his judgement they were five in number. Others, as R. Sadiah, and Abraham Davison, counting daniel's fourth king not from Cyrus, but from Darius the Mede inclusively, leave only three kings for the Persian Monarchy to run out under them: that is, first Cyrus, and after him Assuerus, the third and last Darius, the supposed Son of Ester by Assuerus. But how can this agree with Esdras in whom five names of the Persian Emperors are recorded? Well enough say they, for Assuerus & the first Artaxerxes were one and the same. And likewise Darius and the second Artaxerxes by Abraham Davisons' opinion. Now concerning the years of their reign. Aben Ezra maketh this reckoning of his three former kings years. Cyrus to have continued three years, Assuerus fourteen, Darius twelve, the rest of that Monarchy expired in Artaxerxes, whose 32. is mentioned in scripture: but Davison giveth to Cyrus' three, to Assuerus sixteen, to Darius 32. In whose second (as he sayeth) the Temple was builded, and himself slain 30. years after by Alexander: But the most general and received opinion seemeth to be that which is declared in their Hebrew Chronicles Rabath and Zota: that the whole time of the Persian kingdom was 52. years, counted from the first of Darius the Mede: whereof 18. were spent before the building of the Temple, and 34. after.  
This is the rabbinical stuff of the chief Masters of the Hebrews, being at odds betwixt themselves, & dissenting from others, & therefore not without cause doth Pererius in his commentaries upon Daniel (speaking of this chronology of theirs) say, that it is false, feigned, full of faults, toys, ignorance, absurdity, and unconstancy, and altogether ridiculous, as it is indeed. Temporarius is more sharp & bitter against them. The Thalmudists, Cabalists, and Rabbins (saith he) are blind in the Persian times, and the writings of the jews herein plain proofs of pitiful ignorance in them: who can read the chronologies of the Rabbins, their Seder Olam Rabath, their Seder Olam Zota, their Historical Cabbala, without laughing? Therefore the knowledge of times is not to be fetched from the dote of these men being more blind than moules. All this which they say is true I confess: The Church of God for other matters is much beholding to the Hebrew Rabbins, being great helps unto us for understanding holy scripture in many places, as well of the new testament as the old: but touching the knowledge of the Persian Empire, wherein they should have been most cunning, they were as blind as beetles, no light herein amongst them for knowledge to be seen, but darkness for ignorance enough and too much. The reason whereof is, that they wanted the key as it were of profane Histories, and secular learning, to unlock the shut & hid meaning of daniel's oracles. Without the which by scripture alone it can never be opened. Some of them not disdaining to read the Latin and Greek histories, by the direction of these guides went not so far astray. josephus in his Antiquities proveth it. This may suffice to clear the right way from the first stumbling block.  
Annius Viterbiensis hath been another to the downfall of many, setting forth certain ancient chronicles, under the names of Berosus, Manetho, and Philo; and together with them, one other of the Persian Monarchy, fathered upon Metasthenes an ancient Persian: Wherein he reckoneth the kings of the Persian Monarchy, eight in number, in this order: First Cyrus, then ancient Artaxerxes Assuerus: After him Darius with the long hand, the fourth Darius Nothus, the fift great Artaxerxes Darius Meneon: the sixth Artaxerxes Ochus: the seventh Arses: the eight & last an other Darius. The whole time of these kings he maketh 190 years. These books thus commended with such glorious titles of noble and ancient Historiographers, were in great request and much followed of many learned men, and excellent Divines, for a long time embracing them as the only true Chronologie of all other, and alleging their authorities as oracles from heaven undoubted and sure: being indeed nothing else but masking counterfeits, covered with the glorious titles of ancient and famous writers. At the length they were found out and detected by the cunning of divers skilful men: who searched unto them and sifted them nearly. Volaterranus in his fourteenth book, giveth no credit unto them. Lewes' Vives in his preface to the eighteenth book of Augustine de civitate dei, calleth them monsters, and dregs, & frivolous books of uncertain Authors. Gerardus Mercator counteth of them no better than Fables, and false and forged writings. joseph Scaliger inveigheth sharply against them in many places, terming them lies, dreams, forged and feigned stuff. And the Author thereof himself he calleth unlearned and shameless. johannes Vargara, Beatus Rhenanus, Functius, Beroaldus, Pererius, and Temporarius.  
All these have uncased these counterfeit Authors, and taken the visards from their faces: But especially above all the rest, the two last named Pererius & Temporarius, have laid them open to the wide world, to appear that which in very deed they were. That is not the true Berosus, Mavetho, Metasthenes, & Philo themselves: But all false, and forged out of Annius his shop of lies: Whom Temporarius therefore calleth a triffeler, a juggler, a deceiver, and the books so set forth by him, toys, lies, legerdemain, witchery, bastards, changelinges. Pererius reproveth Annius his childish ignorance, folly, rashness, arrogancy, and the writings themselves he termeth false, erroneous, feigned, lies, deceits, with this conclusion in the end. Valeat igitur, & in perpetuum valeat haec Anniana Chronologia, & quae toties a viris doctis profligata & iugulata est, iaceat in posterum, sempiterna hominum oblivione sepulta: nec sit post hac qui eam exhumare, & ad fidem aliquam atque authoritatem, quasi ad vitam revocare audeat. Sat sit adhuc eam, cum non erat bene nota, imposuisse multis, nunc detectis atque in apertum prolatis fucatis eius mendaciis, & fallaciis, si quem circumuenerit, ac deceperit: nimis profecto stupidun & vecordemeum fore necesse est. That is, Let this Chronologie therefore of Annius farewell, yea for ever let it farewell; and that which hath often been cast down, and the throat thereof cut, let it hereafter lie buried in everlasting forgetfulness: neither let any take it out of the grave, and call it back again into credit & authority, as it were to life. Let this be sufficient, that it hath already deceived many, whilst it was not thoroughly known: but now the coloured lies and deceits thereof being detected and brought to light, If hereafter any be deceived thereby, he must needs be too too blockish and witless.  
This is Pererius his censure, no otherwise in my judgement then such forgery and falsehood hath deserved: whereof take this as a manifest argument. josephus in the tenth book of his Antiquities the 11. Chapter writeth, that Megasthenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is in the fourth book of his Indian affairs, making mention of Nabugodonosor: went about to prove him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; to have passed Hercules in prowess, and greatness of acts: which place Peter Comestor in his Scholastical History upon Daniel, using to prove Nabugodonoserum fortitudine & actuum magnitudine Herculem transcendisse: that Nabugodonosor went beyond Hercules in valour and great acts, citeth Megasthenes for it in his book of judgements, reading judiciorum by some corruption in the translation of josephus, crept in for Indicorum. Hereupon Annius transforming first Megasthenes into Metasthenes: and then Indica, that is Indian affairs, into judicia which signifieth judgements: made this the title of his forged stuff, Metasthenes his book of the judgement of times. This I hope is enough, if any thing can be enough, to keep men which have eyes, from taking hurt at this block.  
another much like unto it hath been the conceited fancy of Matthew Beroald in the third book of his Chronologie the eight Chapter, setting down the Persian Kings in this order. The first Cyrus, the next Assuerus Artaxerxes, the third Darius Assirius, the fourth Artaxerxes Pius, the fift Xerxes: And then after him the other six in order, as they have been declared and named by other. Of these eleven Kings how many years particularly every one reigned, it is uncertain saith Beroaldus; but generally the whole time of all was 130. years, beginning with Cyrus in the 3. year of the 80. Olympiad, & the 295 of Rome. This is Beroaldus his opinion, for the kings and time of that Empire: much like that of Annius. In manner it is more honest, being not fathered on other: in matter as absurd and ridiculous, if not more; making more kings, and fewer years: thrusting in such as never were known, and feigning names which never were heard of. For where was Assuerus Artaxerxes, Darius Assirius, and Artaxerxes Pius, ever spoken of by any Author of credit divine or profane? Who ever besides himself, once dreamt of an Artaxerxes Pius to be Father to Xerxes? Or that Xerxes made war against Greece before his Father's death? Aeschilus' a learned Poet, who flourished even in those very times, in his Tragedy called Persa, might soon have taught him a better lesson: raising his father Darius long before dead, out of his grave to tell news. Doth not such stuff as this deserve the terms of monsters, dregs, dreams, lies, toys, as well as that opinion of Annius, which even Beroaldus himself reproveth? Is it not worthy of such a farewell, as that wherewith Pererius biddeth Annius his Chronologie adieu?  
These be the opinions, which in the course of Chronologie, have to divers learned men, been occasions of error. The vanity whereof shall yet better appear by that which followeth, being laid unto them. For as divers sorts of cloth compared together, and held to the light, are quickly by the eye discerned, the course from the fine: So the approved true history of ancient time, being laid to these latter conceits, will leave an easy view for reason, and the eyesight as it were of the mind, to judge which is best.  
First for the kings of Persia who they were that reigned therein. The name of the first to be Cyrus, is agreed of all. The second was Cambyses, heir thereunto as well by birth as his fathers will. The next lawful king after him was Darius: whose father Histaspis, as Severus Sulpitius in his second book of the holy History writeth, was cozen German to Cyrus. The fourth king succeeding to the imperial Crown of Persia, was Xerxes the son of the same Darius. Then the other six in order; of whom amongst writers, that I know of, there is no controversy at all. The first four kings here named, in that order succeeding one another, have been so recorded by those names unto us, of most ancient Poets, and noble Historiographers, which either lived in the days of the said kings, or else came very near unto them, and so have been delivered from hand to hand, and from age to age, to this day continued by a long succession of the most skilful men for learning, that ever have been: whether rightly or no let reason scan. First the dominion of the Persians was large and wide, and contained many countries. A great part of India, all Medea, Parthia, Babilonia, Chaldea, Hyrcania, Armenia, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Phoenicia, all the land of Israel and juda, all Egypt, and much of Lybia, all Syria, and the less Asia; wherein also they had their imperial seat at Sardes a City of Lydia, the kings of Persia oftentimes making their abode therein. And continually their deputies in their absence, most of the kings blood or alliance. Besides Cyprus, and many other islands. To be short, it reached from Persia all a long, so near Greece and Europe, that there was no land left to part them, but the Sea called Aegeum. And that in some place so narrow, as a bridge hath been made over it from brink to brink, not a mile long, with continual recourse and traffic between them. These were the places of this Monarchy, of all other for wisdom and prowess most famous.  
The times thereof, by the singular knowledge & virtues of excellent men, were no less noble. The seven wise men of Greece so renowned, Thales of Miletus, Solon the Athenian, Chilon the Lacedaemonian, Pittacus of Mytilene, Bias of Priene, Cleobulus of Lindia or Caria, and Periander the Corinthian, all much of one standing, about the time of Cyrus. Besides them Pherecides the Syrian, and Pythagoras both for deep knowledge wondered at, Zenophanes, Anaximander, Heraclitus, Anaximines', Philosophers. Aeschilus', Anacreon, Pindarus, Simonides Poets. Theagines, Hecataeus, Dionysius, Herodotus, Story writers. Partly in the days of Cambyses and Darius: partly in the time of Xerxes: Then Socrates, Thucydides, Euripides, Sophocles, Democritus, Hypocrates, under Artaxerxes, and his son Darius Nochus, about the times of the Peloponesian war. Plato and Xenophon, were Socrates his scholars, who continued towards the end of the Persiam Monarchy, with Isocrates, whose scholars were Theopompus and Ephorus, both historiographers, so contrary one to another by their master's censure, that the one needed a spur to set him on; the other a bridle to hold him in. Aristotle and Demosthenes saw the end. Many of these were borne, & dwelling in those places which were under the Persian government; and paid tribute unto them.  
In these places and times so furnished, and beautified with these worthy ornaments, mark the ways and means, whereby the kings of Persian made their names known & preserved their memory. By proclamation whereof we have an example in the first of Esra. Thus sayeth Cyrus' king of Persia and so forth. By letters to and fro, whereof are to be seen in the same book and Thucydides, and other: making mention by name who sent them, and to whom. By immunities & privileges as in the seventh of Esra. By embassage whereof many examples are read in Herodotus. Cambyses sent to the Aethiopian king, and Darius to the Grecians: By leagues and covenants of peace, as we read in Thucydides. By coins, as the pieces of gold coined by Darius Histaspis, thereof called Darikes. By erected monuments. The same king going to war against Scythia, erected at Bosphorus two pillars with two inscriptions, one in Greek, the other in the Assyrian language, thereon engraved; declaring the Nations which went with him: And at the river Toarus in Thracia, an other with this inscription: HITHER CAME DARIUS THE SON OF HYSTASPES KING OF THE PERSIANS, LEADING HIS ARMY AGAINST THE SCYTHIANS, as Herodotus declareth in Melpomene. By Cities and Rivers called of their names Cyropolis of Cyrus, Cambysene of Cambyses, Xerxene of Xerxes; Cyrus a river in Scythia, & Cambyses an other. In Volaterranus, Pomponius, Mela, Pliny, Strabo, by their pictures. Mandrocles painted Darius sitting in a thorn, after the manner of the Medes: and conveying over his Army, which he dedicated to the Temple of juno, with mention of Darius his name. By their Images: and those remaining many ages after. Plutarch in Alexander's life, telleth that Alexander seeing the Image of Xerxes thrown down by the company pressing into the kings Palace of Persia; stayed at it, and spoke unto it, as it had been alive. Lastly, by their Tombs, testifying their names to the world after their death: being a thing desired of all even of mean account, and willingly yielded of kind posterity, that the memory of their name may endure, and not die with themselves. Strabo in the fifteenth book of his Geography from Aristobulus, and Onesicritus, recordeth that the tomb of Cyrus was found by Alexander, so many years after his death preserved, with an inscription testifying who he was. And that Darius also had the like memorial.  
The names then of the Persian kings could not possibly be hid, by so many means being made known in flourishing times, and learned ages, and places of knowledge, and withal their Courts frequented with many noble Grecians, for virtue and birth. Hippias, and Demaratus, whereof the one had been king of Sparta; the other tyrant of Athens: Metiochus the eldest son of Miltiades, Democedes a famous Physician of Croton in Italy, who healed king Darius and his wife Atossa of grievous pains, and divers other which were too long to rehearse, to omit many brave soldiers of Greece serving them in their wars.  
Now let the Reader use his skill for choice of the names, and number of the kings betwixt Cyrus and Xerxes. Whether with Beroaldus he will have these three; Assuerus Artaxerxes, Darius Assyrius, and Artaxerxes Pius, in so many ages never known or read of in any author of reckoning: or only these two; Cambyses, and Darius Histaspis from Theagines of Rhegium, and Hecateus of Miletus, story writers: the one under Cambyses, the other under Darius, delivered unto us by continual succession, from age to age, by the space of two thousand years and more, by the careful diligence of the best historiographers, that ever have been in the world, without any disagreement or controversy amongst them. Thus much for the kings now concerning their years.  
That the beginning of Cyrus was the first year of the 55. Olympiad, is agreed of all: the first year of Cyrus, sayeth Codomon in his chronicles; of all writers is applied to the first of the 55. Olympiad. joseph Scaliger proveth it by two testimonies in his fift book de emendatione temporum. How many ancient and learned writers so ever saith Scaliger, have accounted times, every one of them hath cast the first of Cyrus, to the first of the 55. Olympiad. Diodorus Siculus, Thallus, Castor, Polybius, Phlegon; as the most ancient and learned Author Tatianus writeth. Africanus also in Eusebius testifieth the same in these words. After the 70. years of captivity, Cyrus reigned over the Persians that year wherein the 55. Olympiad was celebrated, as may appear by the Libraries of Diodorus, and the Histories of Thallus and Castor, and beside of Polybius and Phlegon, yea of other also who regarded Olympiads, for the time is agreed upon of all. This therefore for the beginning of the Persian Monarchy being so generally testified, may suffice. If any here do ask in what part of that year Cyrus began to reign, it is gathered from the same Africanus probably in the third book of his Chronicles: where, as Eusebius testifieth of him, in his tenth book de praeparat. evang. he reckoned from the first Olympiad to Cyrus, 217. years. Which is not otherwise true, except Cyrus begin toward the end of that year. Again, in the fift book of his Chronicles, making the fourth year of the 83. Olympiad, the fifteenth of the Persian Monarchy; as we read in the same Eusebius his eight book de demonstrat. evang. he leaveth the beginning of Cyrus to the first year of the 55. Olympiad, near the end thereof: as every one may easily perceive.  
The beginning thus made manifest, we are now further to search the end of that Empire: Which being once likewise found maketh known the continuance thereof. Alexander the great was the man which overthrew that Empire: whose death by the testimonies of Diodorus Siculus in the seventeenth book of his Historical Liberarie, Arrhianus in his seventh book, and Eusebius in his Chronicles, is set in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad. What say I Diodorus, Arrhiamus, Eusebius, when as all, whosoever wrote of those times, agree herein, by Gerardus Mercator his report in his Chronicles? The death of Alexander, saith he, of all writers is noted to have happened in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, when Hegesias was chief ruler at Athens. If this testimony of Mercator be of less importance, in regard of the late time wherein he lived; josephus an ancient Author of credit and skill, in his first book against Appian beareth him record, very constantly affirming this to be verified by the universal consent of all writers; that Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad. This is somewhat, but not altogether enough, except we can learn in what part of that first year of the same Olympiad he died. For the knowledge of this we are beholding to Eusebius. Whose words are these in his eight book de demonstratione evangelii. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is in English thus much, Alexander ended his life in the beginning of the hundred & fourteenth Olympiad.  
Making then our account from the five & fiftieth Olympiad, to the beginning of the hundred & fourteenth, wherein the light of Macedonia was put out; we find the space of two hundred thirty and six years between approved not by weak conjectures, frivolous conceits, or trifling toys, but a strong consent of writers, which as josephus in his 1. book against Appian, is a sure token of undoubted truth; when they all agree. Six years and about three quarters before Alexander's death, the Persians had been by him subdued, receiving as great a blow, as ever before other Nations had received from them; their power now being brought to an end. How is this proved? The year is declared by Diodorus, the second of the hundred and twelfth Olympiad, the month by Arrhi●mes, October, the day by Plutarch is found the first of that month. This was the unhappy year of the Persian overthrow, the woeful month of their fall, and the sorrowful day of king Darius his undoing, who after this victory was contemned of his men, forsaken of his soldiers, betrayed by his servants, made a slave to his Captains, in most base manner shut up within a vile waggon, covered with filthy skins, as it were in a prison, and so carried about at their pleasure. In the end they stabbed him with many wounds, and left him for dead, slew the waggener, thrust the beasts through with darts, which wanting a guide strayed from the high way about half a mile. Where one of Alexander's soldiers going to drink, by chance espied the waggon, & coming unto it found the king now drawing on; who first craved of him a little water. After he had drunk, acknowledging this for the last misery of his wretched estate, that he was not able to requite his kindness, and withal wishing well to Alexander for the great honour which he had done to his wife and children, he ended his life in the third year of the hundred and twelfth Olympiad, as appeareth by Diodorus Siculus, and Arrhiames; who further hath set down the month Hecatombeon, being the season of the Olympic sports, and answering partly to our june, and partly julie: This was the tragical end of that mighty king, making proof of the brickle estate of Princely pomp, and the unstaid stay of worldly glory, wherein he lived near six years.   

These limits thus bounded of the Persian Empire, that is to say, the five & fiftieth Olympic exercise for the beginning, and the entry of the third year of the hundred and twelfth for the end, give sure evidence of the whole continuance to be two hundred and thirty years, if we begin from the fifty and five Olympiad; if from the end about nine or ten months after in the spring of the year, when Cyrus began to reign as is probable and likely, by that which before hath been declared, two hundred and nine and twenty years with two or three months. And thus they are divided among the Persian kings.  
Cyrus reigned thirty years, recorded by two ancient Historiographers living in the Persian times, in their Persian Histories; Dionysius and Ctesias; Cicero also in his first book De divinatione, justin, Clemens Alexandrinus 1. Strom. Eusebius in his Chronicle, Hierom on the seventh of Daniel, Beda in his book De sex aetatibus confirm the same: and Orosius in his second book against the Heathen, bringeth Tomyris the Queen of Scythia, after she had slain Cyrus in battle & thrown his head into a vessel of blood, insulting over him with this speech: Now fill thyself with blood, which could never yet satsifie thee this thirty years. This had been foreshowed to Cyrus by a dream, as Cicero from Dionysius reporteth. Wherein the sun appearing at his feet, and Cyrus catching at it thrice with his hands, every time it trowled itself away. Which the skilful Magis of Persia interpreted of thrice ten years reign.  
Cambyses succeeded him, the time of whose reign was seven years & five months: which together with the seven months more of Smerdis the usurper, and counterfeit brother of Cambyses, made up eight years, as Herodotus declareth in Thalia.  
Darius Histaspis ruled by the space of full six and thirty years, as Herodotus writeth, & Eusebius in his Chronicles, and Severus in his second book. Xerxes' in the second year of his reign subdued the Egyptians, and in the sixth invaded Greece with an innumerable army, yet driven to fly by a few. In the 16 year after, and one and twentieth of his reign, being the last year of the seventy and eighth Olympiad, as Diodorus Siculus declareth by his cowardice and corrupt life, he growing into contempt with his Nobles was slain: Many writers give him one and twenty years. Severus, Beda, Eusebius, Clemens Alexandrinus, 1. Stromatum hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 twenty six for twenty one: an easy slip in writing far from the enditers mind.  
Artaxerxes the long handed was his son, who held that Monarchy by the space of forty years; witnessed by Diodorus Siculus in his eleventh and twelfth books; Eusebius, Hierom, Isidorus, Beda, with other.  
Xerxes and Sogdianus after him enjoyed the Empire one year between them both.  
The next was Darius Nothus, holding the imperial crown nineteen years, as Diodorus Siculus, Tertullianus against the jews, Eusebius, Isidorus, Severus, Beda and other declare.  
Artaxerxes Mnemon succeeded him, and continued in his government the longest of all other; even three and forty years, my Author is Diodorus in two places: first in the end of his thirteenth book, and again in his fifteenth; who likewise witnesseth that Artaxerxes Ochus his successor ruled three & twenty years: which is confirmed by the testimony of Sulpitius in his second book.  
The last but one was Arses, continuing three years in his Empire by Sulpitius. In whose death the blood Royal from Cyrus, was extinguished; all his brethren and children by cruel treason being made away. A just reward of his father Ochus, his Tigerlike, and Wolvish cruelty in murdering his Princess.  
The last of all was Darius Codomanus, an usurper rather than a lawful heir, who of all the rest had the hardest hap in his imperial state, received by wrong, continued in toil, ended in woe, after six years, which by Eusebius, Isidorus, Hierom and others, was the time of his reign.  
The whole number and general sum of all from first to last, is two hundred and thirty years; so by this reckoning of every several king's reign, is found nine or ten months in the whole above the Olympic account, from the end of the first year of the 55. Olympiad. These months must be taken partly from the one and twentieth of Xerxes being not fully expired, as appeareth by Diodorus Siculus, giving him not full one & twenty: yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more than twenty. And partly from Arses; whom Bagous a faithless Eunuch poisoned, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, now reigning the third year, saith Diodorus about the beginning of his seventeenth book, thereby signifying that it was not fully complete; and partly also from the sixth of the last Darius which was not wholly & perfectly finished. For Artaxerxes Mnemon begun his reign in the end of the Peloponnesian war, or a little after in the month of April, as may be gathered by Diodorus Siculus, in the end of his thirteenth book, compared with Thucydides. Thucydides saith it begun in the beginning of the spring two months before the years end: which time by Codoman and others skill, fell to the first of April. It lasted (saith Thucydides) seven and twenty years, and some few days more. Darius' died after the peace made between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians, saith Diodorus Siculus, meaning that peace which made an end of the war.  
Giving therefore him three and forty, and Ochus three and twenty, and Arses three, all perfect; they must end about that season in the first year of the hundred and eleventh Olympiad. Arses I grant reached to that year, yet not to that month of April by a good while. For Philip king of Macedonia, was slain by Pausanias in that hundred and eleventh Olympiad the first year thereof, witnesses Arrhiames and Diodorus, and that in winter about the four and twenty of januarie, as Chitraeus affirmeth in his Chronologie. But Arses was poisoned, and Darius had succeeded him, while Philip was yet a live; and had purposed to have made war against him, as Diodorus writeth. Hereby it is evident that neither Arses his three years, nor Codomans six years could be fully ended, seeing that he was slain in summer, about the beginning of the third year of the hundred and twelfth Olympiad, as appeareth by Arrhiames.  
Thus are found from the beginning of the five and fiftieth Olympiad, to the death of the last Monarch of Persia, two hundred and thirty years. And from Cyrus thither two hundred and nine and twenty years, and more by guess about two or three months. And lastly from Cyrus to Darius, now the second time by Alexander vanquished, in which conquest many make an end of the Persian Empire, two hundred and eight and twenty years and a half.  
These times of the Persian Monarchy, being I know not by what mishap brought into question and great controversy among the learned, and withal of great importance for the understanding of God his word; have need to be strengthened with all force that may be. And therefore I will yet make further search for stays and props as it were to uphold them.  
Eusebius in his tenth book, de Preparatione evangelica saith, that the second year of Darius Hystaspis, was the first of the threescore and fift Olympiad, so found just by the former reckoning. The war of Xerxes, that Darius his son, and Nephew to Cyrus, of all other was the most famous. Who led against Greece the greatest army that ever was heard of before or after, of twenty hundred thousand fight soldiers; for the huge multitude thereof drinking running rivers dry, and as Cicero saith, walking upon the Seas, and sailing on the land: because that he digged through great mountains, to make the seas meet for his navy to pass. And in other places of the sea, made bridges to go over a foot. Leonides a valiant king of Sparta, to the wonder of all ages following, only with four thousand men, encountered, resisted, and fought with that powerful host, at the straits of Thermopylae. Xerxes' at the first sent fifteen thousand, than twenty thousand, and last of all fifty thousand against them. At every time making choice of better men then before. First begun the Medes, bearing hateful minds against the Grecians with desire of revenge; for the slaughter of their kinsmen a little before at Marathon. Next after them fought the Persian soldiers themselves, in whom the Persian king of all other nations under him reposed most confidence. Yea of these Persians were chosen the most valiant men amongst them all, called the immortals; because their number never decayed. Last of all was a choice company of the chiefest men of all the whole host, for stoutness, valour and courage, picked out from the rest. And they also stirred up by great promises of rich rewards. All these fight against that handful of the Grecians had like success: a great number was slain; many wounded, the rest put to flight. Xerxes' maugred, thus stayed by a few from passing further into Greece, was at his wit's end, till such time as one of that country had informed him of another way, by which some of the army came upon the back of Leonides, and so enclosed him on both sides, which Leonides having intelligence of by a secret friend a little before, sent all the rest of his company home saving five hundred. These he encouraged, and the more to enable them for battle, exhorted them to dine before, with resolved minds to take their supper among the dead. Which done, and night come, they invaded the Persian camp, came to the king's Pavilion, slew all that were in it, wandered to and fro seeking the king, who a little before had got himself away, and killing on both sides as they went. The Persians in the dark not discerning the matter, were greatly amazed, ran out of their tents they witted not whether, fearing nothing so much as this, that the whole power of Greece had set upon them. In this hurlie burlie they slew one another, till the day light bewrayed the truth, when Leonides with his soldiers fought still. At the length wearied with overcoming, and oppressed on every side with main force of that powerful number; they died in the midst of their enemies with glory, having slain to the number of twenty thousand.  
The battles wherein Xerxes had this welcome into Greece, many old writers with great agreement refer to the beginning of the seventy and five Olympiad. Diodorus in his eleventh book writeth, that Xerxes warred against Greece in the first year of the seventy and five Olympiad, Callias then being Mayor of Athens. Dyonisius Halicarnassaeus in the beginning of his ninth book agreeth hereunto; naming that very year of the same Olympiad, and the same Mayor of Athens, for the time of Xerxes fight against Greece. Eusebius also in his Chronicles hath a plain confirmation hereof, referring to the first year of this seventy and five Olympiad, that battle wherein Xerxes his power by sea fought against the Athenians, and took a most shameful overthrow. Diogenes Laertius in the life of Socrates writeth, that in the time of Callias his government at Athens, in the first year of the seventy five Olympiad, the Poet Euripides was borne; Suidas nameth the very day of his birth, even that wherein Xerxes his navy was overcome by the Grecians at Salamis. The same Laertius reporteth from ancient Historiographers, that Anaxagoras being borne in the seventy Olympiad, was twenty years old when Xerxes passed into Greece, and Callias ruled at Athens: thereby giving us to understand that by the received opinion of former ages, Xerxes invading Greece, and Callias his majoralty at Athens, fell to the first year of the 75. Olympiad. In like manner Pindarus, borne in the 65. Olympiad, and at Xerxes his war forty year old by Suidas record, approveth the truth of that account. Who so list to make trial shall easily see an exact agreement betwixt this Olympiad and the years of Xerxes before rehearsed. Africanus in the fift book of his Chronicles, affirming that the fourth of the 83. Olympiad, was the 20. of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and the 115. of the Persian kingdom, maketh all good.  
The Athenians after the Persians overthrow, and Xerxes his flight out of Grecia grew mighty, having by their great navy obtained the rule of the sea, and subdued many people of Greece. Whereupon the Lacedæmonians, who dwelled in that part of Greece which was called Peloponnesus, suspecting their power, and fled unto for aid, took part against them; which in the end was the occasion of that long and fierce war between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians, called the Peloponnesian war. The one people spoiling by sea, the other by land: so that by this means the Grecians which most gloriously had triumphed in many battles over the mighty Monarches of the world, were now brought low, and pitifully wasted in most lamentable manner, turning their forces from the common enemy to their ruin against themselves: the continuance, beginning, and end of this war is most exactly described by Thucydides an Athenian Gentleman, the penner thereof, who flourished in that time and saw the war with his eyes, from the beginning to the end; yea was a chief captain therein, a writer for certain truth of history, and perfect reckoning of time most excellent, and of such account in the ages following, that even the best followed him, and gave credit unto him. Demosthenes the famous Orator of Athens took pains to copy out his books eight times with his own hand, as Lucian reporteth. This exact historiographer, in the entry of his second book, telleth that this war begun in the fifteenth year of the league, which after the taking of Eubaea was made for thirty years to come, Aenesias being then Mayor of Sparta, and Pythodorus of Athens, and the year of their majoralty now within two months expired, in the beginning of the spring. For the better understanding of these words, concerning the taking of Eubaea, and the thirty years league, I will briefly touch the history.  
Eubaea was an Island near unto Greece, in the Aegean sea, which having been subject and tributary to the Athenians; at the length spying their opportunity, by reason of a great overthrow of the Athenians in Boeotia, and the Lacedæmonians holding against them; by which their power was greatly weakened, fell from them, refusing to serve them, or pay them tribute any longer. For this cause Pericles a noble man of Athens, was sent against them with a great host, who once again subdued them. And a little after their return from Eubaea, now the second time by Pericles so conquered; a league was made between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians, to endure for thirty years following. The articles and covenants of this league were graven in a pillar of brass set in Olympia, as Pausanias recordeth in the first of his Eliacx, where he also declareth the time thereof to be the third year of that Olympiad, wherein Criso of Himaera won the race. Now that that Olympiad wherein Criso of Himaera won the race, was the 83. we have the testimony of Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in the end of his tenth of Roman antiquities, and the beginning of the eleventh. Hereof it followeth by Thucydides compared with other writers; that the Peloponnesian stirs began in the first year of the 87. Olympiad; for that is just the 15. year from the third of the 83. wherein the thirty years league was made. Again, for clearer confirmation hereof, Diodorus Siculus in his twelfth book hath left in record, that the year of Pythodorus his majoralty at Athens, in the end whereof Thucydides beginneth that war, was the first of the 87. Olympiad.  
This therefore I hold for a certain truth, that the beginning of the Peloponnesian war happened in the first year of the 87. Olympiad, toward the end thereof, about the beginning of April, so as the Olympic exercises of that year, were solemnized the summer before going: and the 4. 8. 12. 16. 20. 24. 28. summers of that war were Olympic years; which of the fourth and the twelfth is plainly testified by Thucydides himself in the third and fift books of his history. In the seventh year of this war Thucydides telleth, that Artaxerxes died in winter; which for the certain knowledge of the Persian times, is a most excellent place, a sure fort, a sound argument, a clear testimony, a strong proof from him, which lived at that time, was as old as the thing itself which he telleth, saw the effect with his eyes, studied from his heart to set forth the truth. If the former account be agreeable to this testimony of Thucydides, as it is most precisely, I see no cause why it may not triumph over all adversaries, how powerful and how well learned soever. Mark then the agreement.  
Xerxes' his 21. wherein he died, was said to be the fourth of the 78. Olympiad. Artaxerxes reigned 40. which being numbered from that year of his father's death, bring us just to the fourth of the Olympian, and the seventh of the Peloponnesian war; the set time of Artaxerxes his death by Thucydides: who best of all other writers now extant in the world, knew the certain truth of it, and for credit in this matter, he hath none comparable unto him. The same Thucydides making the 20. of the Peloponnesian war, to be the thirteenth of Darius Nothus, confirmeth it once again. For adding thirteen of that war under Darius, to seven under Artaxerxes, that number is made up. The continuance and end of this war, by the same Thucydides is showed in his fift book: where he declareth the whole time of that war to have been 27. years, to the overthrow of the Athenian Empire, and the taking of their haven Pyreus by the Lacedæmonians, and their associates. Of this had gone a prophesy long before in many men's mouths: which himself with his own ears many times had heard; that it should endure thrice nine years: which is confirmed by Diodorus Siculus, very plainly affirming that war to have lasted 27. years, in two places: first in his twelfth book, treating of the beginning of that war, and after in his thirteenth book, speaking of the last year thereof, which he saith was the last of the 93. Olympiad, as in deed it was: for 27. years added to the first of the 87. Olympiad, wherein it began, make an end of it in the fourth of the 93.  
After Thucydides followed Xenophon, who from the one and twenty year of that war where Thucydides left, continued in writing the course of that History to the end: a man living in those days careful of the truth, and skilful in History, commended even by Beroaldus himself, though otherwise an adversary of the true ancient Chronologie, and History of those times: In the fifth Chapter of his fourth book, Xenophon saith Beroaldus, writeth that the government of Athens was committed to a few in that Olympic year, wherein Crocinus the Thessalian won the race, but which Olympiad it was in number he declareth not: Which if he who then lived, and prepared himself for service had done; he had rid us of much trouble. Let us see therefore what help is given by this excellent writer to ease us herein.  
In his first book of Greek affairs, this first he setteth down very flatly, that the year wherein Enarchippus at Sparta, and Enctemo at Athens were Majors, was the first of the 43. Olympiad, wherein Eubotas the Cyrenian won the race, and a new game of yoked horses called Synoris was first ordained, at that time won by Enagoras of Elis, where lest any might think Xenophon to have been deceived, we have for further warrant, the testimony of Pausanias in the first book of Eliacx. The running (saith he) of two horses of ripe age called Synoris, was instituted in the 93. Olympiad, wherein Euagoras the Elian got the victory. Now this being made plain by Xenophon, that Enarchippus was governor of Sparta in the first year of the 93. Olympiad; if it can be further showed by him, in what year of the Peloponnesian war the same Enarchippus ruled at Sparta; we shall easily perceive by evident direction from this worthy Author, to what year of every Olympiad, the beginning, midst, & ending, and every particular year of that war appertaineth.  
To show this we have a Catalogue of all the chief Spartan Magistrates, which bare Office in every year of that war called Ephori, set down by Xenophon in order by their names, in the second book of his Greek History in these words. The first (saith Xenophon) was Aenesias under whom the war began in the 15. year of the 30. years league, made after the taking of Eubaea. After him succeeded these, Borasidas, Isanor, Sostratidas, Exarchus, Agesistratus, Agenidas, Onomacles, Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Cleiomachus, Ilarchus, Leon, Chaeridas, Patesiades, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Exeratus, Onomantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Isias, Aracus, Enarchippus, Pantacles, Piteas, Archytas, Endius. In whose time Lysander having done the exploits before rehearsed sailed home. By this Catalogue of the Lacedaemonian Majors, it is manifest that Xenophon for account of time, in this war agreeth most exactly with Thucydides. The war began in the nine months' end of Aenesias the first Ephorus, and ended at the pulling down the walls of Pyreus, 27. years after, which reach to the nine months' end of the 28. Ephorus; so that from the beginning of the second Ephorus, near three months after the beginning of the war, to the end of the 28. Ephorus, near three months after the end of that war; are likewise just 27. years, perfectly and fully complete.  
And is it not even so by Xenophon? doth not he declare the throwing down the walls in the haven Pyraeus to have happened toward the end of Archytas his government at Sparta? And are there not full and even 27. years from the beginning of Brasidas, the second Ephorus to the end of Architas, who by Xenophons' number in that Catalogue was the 28? Is there any beetle so blind, which cannot perceive this exact agreement betwixt Xenophon and Thucydides, for the account of those years?  
The Peloponnesian war as may be gathethered by Thucydides, begun with the spring about the first of April toward the end of Aenesias his year. Brasidas succeeding him begun his year about the beginning of the next summer, being the first of that war. The second summer fell to the third Ephorus, and so in order with the rest. The eleventh Ephorus by Xenophons' beadroule was Pleistolas, for the tenth summer: which is verified also by Thucydides, in his fift book, speaking of a league made betwixt the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians in the end of Pleistolas his majoralty at Sparta before the summer of the eleventh year. The 21. Ephorus recited by Xenophon for the 20. summer, is Alexippidas. The truth whereof is witnessed and confirmed by Thucydides likewise in his eight book, wherein he telleth that in the twentieth year of the Peloponnesian war a peace was concluded between Tissaphernes Lieutenant of Asia, and the Lacedæmonians in the plain of Meander, Alexippidas then being Ephorus of Sparta. The next after Alexippidas, for the 21. year there named, is Misgolaidas, for the 22. Isias, for the 23. Aracus. Then after them followeth Enarchippus the five and twentieth Ephorus for the 24. years summer. This Enarchippus being first placed in the beginning of the 93. Olympiad, and after by his Catalogue found in the 24. year of the Peloponnesian war; leaveth this clear by Xenophons' meaning, that the 24. year of that war beginning with summer, was the first of the 93. Olympiad. The three Ephori after Enarchippus, succeeding in the other three years of that Olympiad set down by Xenophon in order, not only in his table, but even in the context of his History, for three several years are these. Pantacles, Pyteas, & Archytas, in whose time the Athenians being conquered by Lysander, were driven to yield. The next year after was the first of a new Olimpiad, so acknowledged most truly, and very orderly by Xenophon himself, in his second book; where having declared the things done under Archytas. In the year following (saith he) was that Olympiad wherein Crocinus the Thessalian won the race, Endius then bearing office at Sparta, and Pythodorus ruling at Athens. Now if any ask which Olympiad this was in number; that most manifestly appeareth by the former, namely expressed to have been the 93, so that it needed not again for the next expressly to say that it was the 94. which had been nothing else but recocta cram, according to the proverb, coleworts sodden again. Furthermore Xenophon not far from the beginning of the 2. book writeth, that the navy of the Lacedæmonians was delivered to Lysander. When 25. years of the war were past and gone, which must needs be in the 29. year. Immediately after he addeth that in that year Cyrus killed two of his kinsmen, for not holding their hands within a muff when they met him, as was used to be done to kings, in token of honour and loyal duty for their greater security, that they might be void of all suspicion & fear of harm. And then followeth that the next year after which must needs be the 27. and last, Archytas was Ephorus of Sparta.  
Thus from Xenophon we learn, that which Beroaldus wished, the 24. and 27. years of the Peloponnesian war yoked the one with the first, the other with the last of the 93. Olympiad, which for sound knowledge of the Persian times, to discern them a right is very material, and a sure bulwark for defence of my former Chronologie. Whereby was proved that Cyrus begun in the first of the 55. Olympiad toward the end, from which time to the fourth of the 93 near ended are 155. years. That is to say. 30 of Cyrus, 8 of Cambyses, 36 of his successor, of Xerxes' 21. of Artaxerxes 40. & with that of Xerxes, and Sogdianus included 20. of Darius Nothus; whose reign ended almost together with the Peloponnesian war, as before hath been declared by the testimony of Diodorus Siculus, and appeareth by Thucydides making his thirteenth, the twentieth of the war.  
Erastosthenes an ancient writer in the time of Ptolomeus Euergetes (a man to use Pliny his term) cunning in the subtlety of all learning and approved of all (so Pliny testifieth of him in his second book) set forth certain rules of Chronologie; which Dionysius Halicarnasseus for the truth thereof, & exact reckoning greatly commendeth in his first book of Roman antiquities. These rules have been preserved unto this age by the careful diligence of the ancient learned father Clemens Alexandrinus. 1. Strom. From the first Olympiad to Xerxes passing into Greece, he accounted 297. years: thence to the beginning of the Peloponnesian war 48. and after to the end and dissolution of the Athenians common wealth 27. all these gathered together are 372. from the first Olympiad, so saith Eratosthenes, agreeing with Xenophons' reckoning to Archytas his majoralty at Sparta ended with that war and the fourth of the 93. Olympiad. For 93. Olympiads are fourscore & thirteen times four years, that is the number of Eratosthenes 372. From which sum 54. Olympiads, containing 216. before that wherein Cyrus begun, being taken away; with almost one year more from the beginning of it to Cyrus, there remaineth for the Persian Monarchy to the end of the Peloponnesian war 155. years before spoken of.  
Diodorus Siculus was a man of wonderful pains, and exceedingly precise in exact computation. He spent thirty years in making his History, from Sicily his native country he travailed into Egypt, and the greatest part of Asia, and Europe to search the truth of those things which he wrote. A diligent reader of all the ancient writers before him from Herodotus, and other before and after succeeding in order, whom he hath followed in the matters which he telleth. And therefore not unfitly the title of his work is called, not a History but a Library. justinus Martyr called him the most famous Historiographer of the Grecians. Eusebius commendeth him by the name of a notable man, in great request among the learned. But Henry Stephen above all other praiseth him exceedingly, giving him that place & degree amongst the learned Historiographers, which the sun hath amongst the stars; in regard of exact defining those things which he writeth of by ordered times. This writer therefore confirming all those things before spoken of touching the kings of Persia, and the time of their reign may be in steed of many: so as in him alone we may see the judgement not only of Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon; but also of calisthenes, Duris, Timaeus, Philiscus, Theopompus, Ephorus, and other by him diligently read, perused and cited, which at this day are not any where found.  
It were infinite to bring all that might be said out of Authors for the verefying of this Chronologie: tedious to be read, & toilsome to be written. Therefore passing over many testimonies of divers writers, I will now come to the Roman Story, to see if it likewise by agreement of time, may avail any thing to fortify those limits and bounds, which have been set for the Persian kings.  
The Romans in continuance of time became Lords of Greece, where the Olympic sports were celebrated. And therefore it could not otherwise be, but that they knew well enough how the years of their City were answerable to the Olympic reckoning of the Grecians. Polybius of Megalopolis a City in Arcadia, near as ancient as Eratosthenes, by Cicero accounted amongst the best authors, for worthiness & credit commended by josephus, by Velleius Paterculus honoured with this testimony, that he was a man excelling in wit, had in great estimation, and followed by Livy and other: in the third book of his history affirmeth, that the first Consuls of Rome were 28. years before the passage of Xerxes into Greece, which was in the end of the last year of the 74. Olympiad, as appeareth by that which before hath been declared. Hereof it followeth, that the first of the 68 Olympiad being the 14. of Darius Histaspis, was that wherein the new government of that City by Consuls was established. Whereas before it had been governed by kings for the space of 244. years from the first building thereof, unto this time adding 28. years, or seven Olympiads more. We come toward the end of the last year of the 74. Olympiad, & being the 272. of Rome, wherein Xerxes passed into Greece, as Polybius testifieth; the next year after was the first of the 75. wherein Xerxes with his great army was overcome, as before hath been proved.  
The truth hereof is verified by A. Gellius in the last chapter of his seventeenth book, where he writeth that Xerxes was overcome by Themistocles at Salamis four years before the consulship of Menenius Agrippa, and Horatius Puluillus, wherein a great kindred of noble Romans called Fabiuses, to the number of 306. having taken upon them at their own charge to fight against a certain people, were slain by the subtlety of their enemies, circumvented at the river Cremera: for this is declared by the Roman histories, to have fallen out in the 277 year of Rome, and the 33. from the banishment of the kings.  
Dionysius of Halicarnassus in his fift book of Roman antiquities, reckoneth sixteen years betwixt Brutus one of the first Consul's death in the end of his year, and the Marathon fight, referring the battle at Marathon to the seventeenth year after Brutus his burial, and the eighteenth after the kings driven out of the City, wherein Gegainus, Macerinus, and Minutius Augurinus were Consuls. 
In his 7. Book.  Which by constant agreement of almost all authors, he sayeth was in the second year of the 72. Olympiad. So he maketh the 31. of Darius Histaspis, and the 262. of Rome, and the second of the 72. Olimp. all one year: as it was indeed most exactly agreeing to the testimony of Polybius before rehearsed, and the Greek Chronologie of the Persian kings and the Olympic reckoning. A. Gellius in the place aforenamed saith, that the Marathon battle happened in the 260. year of Rome: which is likewise true according to his beginning of the years of that City, as afterward shall appear.  
Livy the famous Latin writer of the Roman history, in the end of his fift book telleth, that the Frenchmen and Swichers having invaded a certain people of Italy, were by a noble embassage from Rome entreated to departed, without hurting their friends and associates having no cause offered to do it. This very stoutly they refused to do, except they might have part of that country granted unto them to dwell in: a thing thought unreasonable, that by force of arms & dint of sword they should go about to take that which pertained nothing unto them. Whereupon they fell to a fierce and sharp battle, wherein the Roman Ambassadors contrary to the law of arms, took part with their associate neighbours against them: yea killed one of their chief captains. At the first the French by their legates complained, & receiving no amends for the wrong done unto them; their hearts were so stirred, that presently without any more ado they turned their force against Rome, going in all haste to invade it. About eleven mile from the City, they were met withal by the Romans, who being put to flight, fled the greatest part to other places, a few to Rome; which was so interpreted by the Citizens, as though all the rest had been slain; being astonished with fear, they had no regard to shut their gates. At the length they sent a certain number of the stoutest and strongest men into their Castle called the Capitol, well appointed with victuals and weapons to defend it. The aged Senators being resolved to hazard their lives, & to bequeath themselves to the sword, went home, sat down in their robes at the entry of their houses in open sight of their enemies, who marveled thereat: yet using no cruelty, till one of them for stroking M. Papirius an old Senator, his beard was rapt on the pate for his labour with an ivory staff. Then began the slaughter, first of him, after of the rest; the City they sacked and burned, all but the Capitol, which had been taken also by them in the night climbing up, had not the keaking of Geese in time bewrayed their intent. This calamity happened to the Romans in the 365. year of Rome, as we read in Livy: which by ancient registers and records of the Censors, of long time preserved in their posterity, from father to child by many ages, was testified to be the 121. year from the last king's reign. These records Dionysius Halicarnassaus read and saw with his eyes. This 121. after the Consuls, with 244. before them, make up Livies number 365.  
Now that Rome was taken of the Swichers in the beginning of the 98. Olympiad, is proved by great agreement of learned writers in the first book of the same Dionysius, which from the 68 wherein the Consuls began, is just the 121. year. Adding hereunto the years before the 68 Olympiad, to the beginning of the Persian Monarchy in the 55. and those after the 98. Olympiad, to the end thereof in the third of the 112. all agree. The Olympic reckoning of the Persian times is justified by the Roman History.  
Polybius in his third book telleth, that L. Aemylius being Consul of Rome, was sent into Illyrium with an army in the first year of the 140. Olympiad. At what time Annibal set forward in Spain to besiege Sagunt, which by the Roman history is found the 533. of the city. Of these 533. one hundred and eleven were between the death of the last king of Persia and that setting forth of L. Aemylius. And 192. of them were from the beginning of Rome, with the seventh Olympiad to Cyrus. There remaineth for the Persian Empire 230. years, which space for it before hath been declared, and now once again proved by the years of Rome.  
One proof more of the testimony from Heaven, and so an end: Time is of the Philosophers defined to be the measure of the heavenly motion; the course and moving whereof being always certain & uniform, without disorder or going astray, how so ever it is with men, there can be no error in it. By that measure is known the length from one Solstitium to another, from eclipse to eclipse, exactly without missing a day or an hour. Astronomy, saith Temporarius, teacheth what space of Heaven, the Sun, the Moon, and other Stars, run out in an hour, a day, a month, a year, yea many thousand years, and defineth the spaces from one eclipse to another most perfectly; so as one of them being once found, we cannot after for the times following be deceived in a day. Ptolemy a learned Egyptian, of a deep and long reach in the knowledge of Astronomy, and other Mathematical sciences, in his Almagest hath recorded divers eclipses of the Moon of ancient time preserved amongst them, from the beginning of Nabonasars' reign, long before the jews captivity in Babylon: which Censorinus in his book, de die natali, speaking of, saith.  à nostris ita ab Aegyptijs, quidam aenni in literas relati sunt, quos Nabonozaru nominant; quod à primo eius imperij anno consurgant As (saith he) of our men, so of the Egyptians, certain years have been committed to writing, which they call Nabonasars', because they rise together with the beginning of this Empire. One of these eclipses there by him so registered, happened in the seventh year of Cambyses, about the 16. day of julie, 224. years, and 140. days after the beginning of Nabonasar, which was the six and twenty day of February, in the first year of the eight Olympiad, and the fift year of Rome. Another by the same Ptolemy recorded, was in the year wherein Phanostratus was Maior of Athens, 365. years, with 112. days after Nabonasars' coronation, which lead us to the eyghteenth day of june, in that year of Phanostratus now very near spent. The distance of these eclipses, by examination is found full a hundred one and forty years within one month. So much time by the course of Heaven ran out, from the sixeteenth day of julie, in the seventh of Cambyses, being the second year of the 64. Olympiad; to the eight day of june, in the year of Phanostratus, which Diodorus Siculus very truly setteth in the second of the 99 Olympiad, yet blamed for it by Temporarius in his third book of Chronological demonstrations: who striveth for that year of Phanostratus to be the third of the named Olympiad but all in vain. Heaven itself giveth sentence against him, and verifieth the testimony of Diodorus, making the very same number neither more nor less.  
Meto, a skilful and learned Astronomer, as Ptolemy in the third book of his Almagest declareth in the 316. year of Nabonasar, the 21. day of the Egyptian month Phamenoth, answerable by our computation to the 28. day of june, Apsendes then ruling at Athens, observed the Astronomical point of summer's beginning, called Solstitium, which in this our age is about the eleventh of that month, the Sun then entering into the tropic of Cancer. So great alteration in the space of 2020. years is bred betwixt our time and theirs, for want of exact appointing and right ordering of the leap year. From that time to the end of the 50. year of Calippus his first period: Hipparchus an excellent Mathematician, a man whom nature made partaker of her secrets, as Pliny writeth of him; gathered a perfect sum of 152. years. That this period of Calippus began with the third year of the 112. Olympiad, it is agreed by clear consent of many writers. For about that time Darius was slain, and thereby this period of Calippus began together with Alexander's Monarchy, now by the death of Darius established in his hands, without claim of any. In memory whereof this period was ordained, and the account of years after taken from that head.  
The 50. years then of this period being taken from the former sum, there remains 102. years from the end of Apsendes his government, to the death of the last king of Persia: which by the record of ancient writers is so acknowledged and verified, placing Apsendes in the last of the 86. Olympiad (which was the 32. year of Artaxerxes the long handed) and the slaughter of Darius in the third of the 112. These 102. with 127. and some odd months from Cyrus to the 32. of that Artaxerxes included, contain the received time of the Persian kings, 229. years with some few months more to the beginning of Alexander's Monarchy, at the last Persian kings death. Which even that most famous eclipse of the very next year before, wherewith Alexander's soldiers were scared, eleven days before his last battle against Darius; putteth out of doubt. For from that in the seventh of Cambyses before spoken of, to this Astronomical coming by exact calculation, findeth 192. years and 66. days. Which with the time following from the last eclipse to Darius his death, and the years of Cambyses and Cyrus before the first Eclipse, make up that full reckoning.  
Thus the glorious servant of all the world the Sun, which among other services to the use and behoof of men (whereof he took his name in the holy tongue to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a minister or servant (according to that in the fourth of Esdras: God commanded the Sun, the Moon and Stars, that they should serve man) hath this for one appointed unto him, to be for times, and years, and days. Even this Chronologer I say, of all other without exception most true and sure, witnesseth for Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, Eratosthenes, Polybius, Diodorus, and other writers of ancient time; if they be not for credit sufficient of themselves, that their Chronologie of the Persian years is good; the mouth of Heaven which cannot lie hath approved it.  
The truth for this point being thus opened; it now remaineth to see what may be brought against it, and to remove some doubts, as it were mists from the reader's eyes.  
Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in the preface to his first book of antiquities, affirmeth that the Persians continued not above 200. years in their sovereignty. It is true being accounted from the death of Cyrus, who by the space of thirty years was occupied in winning that Empire; and being once won, they kept it near 200. years after.  
joseph Scaliger a man of rare gifts, a great light of this age; one whom the Church of GOD for his pains, is much beholding to, in his fift book de emendatione temporum, speaking of Xerxes his passage into Greece, is so uncertain and wavering in this point, that it is hard to find in what judgement he rested. For first he maketh it a thing undoubted, that Xerxes passed into Europe in the end of the fourth year of the 47. Olympiad: and in the beginning of the 75. fought at Thermopylae: then a little after he thinketh that passage of Xerxes to have happened the year before, that is to say, in the end of the third year of the 47. Olympiad, being moved thereunto by the authority of Herodotus and Thucydides. The one even Herodotus in Polymnia, making mention of an eclipse of the Sun, at such time as Xerxes marched forward with his host from Sardes toward Europe in the spring time of the year: which by Scaligers calculation fell to the third year of the 74. Olympiad, and so Xerxes his battles in Greece to the fourth year of it. The other, that is Thucydides in his first book, writing that the Persians once again invaded Greece in the tenth year after the Marothon field, which being fought in the second year of the 72. Olympiad, the tenth after it, is the fourth of the 74. Again, contrary to both these sentences, he yet allegeth another from Eratosthenes, Diodorus Siculus, and Plutarch, three worthy men for skill, who referred Xerxes his passage into Greece to the first year of the 75. Olympiad: and this he approveth most of all in the chapter of the first Consuls. Thus joseph Scaliger 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, dissolving one doubt by another as one saith, leaveth his reader in the briars; which I will assay to help him out of either all or some, if happily I can.  
First therefore concerning Herodotus, it is evident and plain by his testimony, that Xerxes fought his battles in Greece, in the first year of the 75. Olympiad; because he maketh account of 80. years from the first of Cyrus thither: and if this be not enough, the same Author in plain words declareth, that the games of Olympia were celebrated about that very time, wherein Leonides resisted his huge host, and stopped their passage. First in Polymnia speaking of this matter, he sayeth, that the time of the Olympiad fell out together with that business. Again in Urania he confirmeth it, telling that as Xerxes marched forward from Thermopylae, certain Grecians came unto him offering their service, who being asked what the Grecians then were about, answered that they kept and beheld the Olympian games, the winners whereof received an Olive crown: which one Tigranes a noble Lord of Persia hearing, presently burst forth into this speech: What worthy men are we brought to fight against; which strive not for money, but virtue and prowess. This then by Herodotus his own mouth being thus made clear, that the year of Xerxes fight in Greece, was an Olympic year, it could not possibly be in Herodotus judgement, as Scaliger would have it, the fourth year of the 74. Olympiad. Moreover, Herodotus writeth in Urania, that Callias was then Mayor of Athens, when Xerxes took that City and burned it, which year of Callias his majoralty at Athens, being the first of the 75. Olympiad, as hath been sufficiently already declared by the testimonies of Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, Diogenes Laertius, and Suidas, what doth it else but make further proof of the same Herodotus his meaning against Scaliger? But what shall we then say to the eclipse of the Sun, mentioned by Herodotus, which as Scaliger writeth, proveth that war to have been sooner by one year? H. Bunting dissolveth this doubt, by acknowledging that eclipse to have happened in the spring time of that year, wherein Xerxes went to Sardes, which Herodotus by some error as he thinketh, transposed to the year following, when Xerxes went from Sardes into Greece, an easy slip in History.  
Now to come to Thucydides, whereas he writeth that the tenth year after the Persians overthrow at Marathon, they came again with a huge army to subdue Greece; he meaneth that year to be the tenth, wherein Xerxes having gathered his army together, marched to Sardes: which was the very beginning of that war, for that was the first leading of his army against the Grecians: and in that year he made a bridge from Asia to Europe, for the passage of his army over, and digged down the hill Atho, to make the seas meet for his Ships to pass through, and sent his Ambassadors into Greece, to demand land and water; which was a kind of proclaiming war against such as refused to be subject unto him. These things all were done in the tenth year after the Marathon fight: and in the next which was the first of the 75. Olympiad, were Xerxes his battles fought at Thermopylae, and other places of Greece, being the eleventh from that Marathon war, even so acknowledged by Scaliger himself in that book, in the chapter of the Persians overthrow at Marathon; howsoever after he seemeth to be of another opinion, and to make it the tenth, not understanding Thucydides aright.  
Yea but Eratosthenes, Diodorus Siculus, and Plutarch, three excellent writers, referred the passage of Xerxes into Greece, to the first year of the 75. Olympiad, and so his battle at Thermopylae, to the second year thereof. Eratosthenes indeed I grant, reckoning from the first Olympiad to Xerxes passing into Greece 297. years, reacheth to the beginning of the second year of the 75. Olympiad, and goeth a year further than other. Yet so as if any thing be here amiss, it is mended in his next account, from Xerxes to the Peloponnesian war, the distance whereof he maketh 48. years; which with the former 297. are in all 345. from the first Olympiad, to the first summer of the Peloponnesian war: which is a most perfect reckoning received and agreed on, so there is no great matter of difference.  
Now touching Diodorus Siculus, his words are so manifest against that assertion of Scaliger, as maketh me marvel that he should be so deceived in mistaking them. First the word which he useth is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he warred, or led his army, being much more large than he passed over. Again having described the year by the number of the Olympiad 75. the first year thereof, and the chief officer of Athens Callias, and the Roman Consuls: he setteth down for that year so described, the battles of Xerxes at Thermopylae, at Artemysium, at Salamis, and his flying out of Greece, and the leaving of Mardonius there with a great host. And in the second year of that Olympiad, being the year of Xantippus his majoralty at Athens; he placeth the victory of Pausanias against Mardonius at Plateae, and the departure of Xerxes from Sardes to Susa, after the overthrow of his forces by sea and by land: so that there is no doubt at all by Diodorus Siculus, but that Xerxes his fight at Thermopylae, happened in the first year of the 75. Olympiad, according to the testimonies and consent of ancient Historiographers before declared.  
As for Plutarch, howsoever that is gathered of his words in one place there cited by Scaliger: yet otherwhere he showeth himself of another mind: For in the life of Aristides, the battle at Plateae which happened the very next year after Xerxes his discomfiture, he referreth to the second of that Olymp. that by the judgement of Scaliger himself so expounding the place, in his first book treating of the Theban period. If then the next year after Xerxes invading Greece be the second of the 75. Olympiad by Plutarch; needs must the year of Xerxes fight in Greece, by him be the first, which is agreeable to others Chronologie and the very truth.  
The same Plutarch in the life of Numa maketh some doubt of the Olympic reckoning, being committed to writing in regard of the beginning thereof very late, by Hyppias of Elis, without any sure ground, whereunto of necessity we must yield credit. This objection is answered by Temporarius in his Chronologie, that though it were granted that Hyppias erred in setting down the true and exact time of the first Olympiad, yet that hindereth the true Chronologie and order of times following nothing at all, which is very true: for set the case, that that Olympiad which Hyppias made the 40. in number, was not so much, but only the 30. and so the first, 40. years short at the least of his account. It is not a pin matter. The order and account of the times coming after for all that, may be most perfect and sure without missing one minute, which I will declare by a familiar example. The year wherein our gracious Queen began her happy reign, according to the computation of the Church of England, was the 1558. of our Lord, but in truth the 1558. & this year by our account 1597. is in very indeed by exact reckoning 1598. The cause whereof was the error of Dionysius, called parvus Abbas, who was the first inventor of this account, supposing Christ's birth to have been later by one year then indeed it was: and so making that the first of our Lord, which was the second; as is confessed and acknowledged of the best learned and most skilful Chronologers of our age. This error in the first year of Christ, is no let at all to the exact reckoning of all the years following. For there is the same distance of years, from the 1558. to the 1597. by the usual account: which is from the 1559, to the 1598. by the true account. Yet to speak my mind, howsoever Dionysius miss in the reckoning of the years of Christ; I hold it out of controversy that Hippias erred not, unto whose time the memory of the Olympiads had been preserved, from four years to four years, from the beginning thereof, in times of knowledge, & places of fame, where was great concourse of people keeping the account thereof, not in their minds only, but also in writings as is most like. And whether he erred or no; for the Persian times and after it is no matter, as I have declared before, seeing the error in the first is constant in all the rest, if any error have been.  
Therefore Plutarch's doubt for any thing that I can see, had no reason at all, but seemeth to savour of an usual custom of the Academical sect, which was always ready furnished to dispute on either side, pro or contra, either for the truth or against it. For this is most certain that he followeth that reckoning by Olympiads himself in many places, as giving credit thereunto and making no doubt thereof. In his treatise of the ten Orators he saith, that Andocides was borne in the 78. Olympiad, when Theogenides was governor of Athens. And that Callias was governor in the 92. Olympiad, and that Isocrates was borne under Lysimachus in the 86. Olymp. 22. years after Lysias, whose birth he setteth in the second of the 80. Olympiad, in the year of Philocles: all which reckonings agree very perfectly to the ancient Olympic account, and the Histories of Thucydides, Xenophon, and Diodorus Siculus. Pliny in the fourth Chapter of his 36. book hath these words; Marmore scalpendo primi omnium inclaruerunt Dipoenus & Scyllis, geniti in Creta insula etiamnum Medis imperitantibus: Priusquam Cyrus in Persis regnare inciperet, hoc est olympiad circiter quinquagesima. The first of all other for graving of marble were famous Dipoenus & Scyllis, born in the Island of Creta, whilst yet the Medes bore rule; before Cyrus began to reign in Persia, that is about the 50. Olympiad. Hereof Matthew Beroald in the second Chapter of his book of Chronologie gathereth, that Cyrus began in the 50. Olympiad by Pliny's testimony, herein dissenting from other, who placed his beginning in the 55 but whosoever cometh with an even mind to the truth, may easily perceive another meaning in Pliny, & that the words hoc est olympiad circiter 50, ought not to be referred to that which is said of Cyrus, priusquam regnare inciperet, before he began to reign; but the former part of the sentence giving us this to understand the time wherein Dipoenus & Scyllis were famous engravers in Marble, to have been about the 50. Olympiad in the days of the Medes Sovereignty before Cyrus had got it away from them to the Persians. Thus no dissension at all between Pliny and other, but great agreement is found.  
Much other such like stuff is brought of Beroaldus from divers authors, by cold conjectures, not any sure knowledge: all for the most part in that kind as maketh either against himself, or nothing for him. Pericles being a young man, was of some of the aged sort in Athens thought to favour Pisistratus the tyrant in countenance & speech, as Plutarch telleth in his life, which could not be as Beroaldus supposed, except the old men who had known Pisistratus, had at that time been a hundred years old. A thing in his judgement unlike to be true. It is not so unlike, as strange that a man of his learning and reading should judge so of it; seeing that we read of many examples of men of those years. Valerius Corninus, who was Consul of Rome six times, lived full out a hundred years, and likewise Metellus Pontifex. Solinus in his Polihistor telleth, that Masinissa begot his Son Methymnus at 86. years age. In the time of Claudius Caesar, one T. Fullonius of Bononia, was found to be 150. years of age, which in Lydia was a common thing, as by Mutianus is reported. Terentia the wife of Cicero lived 107. Clodia 115. Many other by Pliny are recorded in his seventh book the 48 49, 50, Chapters, in divers countries between a hundred, and a hundred and 50. years old. But of all other one Xenophilus living 105. years without any disease or hurt of his body, was wondered at. That Gorgias Leontinus a famous Orator much about that time with Pericles, lived 109. years, we have the testimony of Appolodorus his Chronicles in Diogenes Laertius, within one year acknowledged also by Pliny. Even in this our age at home in our own country, it is no strange thing to find examples of such as lived out that time, which Beroaldus accounted so incredible, that he could not persuade himself of it to be true: but his incredulity is no proof to weaken the credit of credible writers. But I will not strike with him for this to grant it a thing uncredible, let us examine his reckoning.  
Pericles died in the third year of the 87. Olimpiad (not the 88 as Beroaldus saith) before his death he had been one of the chief governors of the Athenian common wealth forty years. This Cicero teacheth in his third book de oratore: so the beginning of his authority falleth to the three years (not of the 78. as Beroaldus would) but the 77. Olympiad. About that time some old men gave this judgement of him, that he was like Pisistratus: and might not that be done but of such as were then a 100 years old? surely yes; for Pisistratus died not passed threescore years before: whereof 22. had passed from the Marathon battle, and 20. more from the expelling of Hippias out of Athens, declared by Thucydides, and 18. before from the beginning of Hippias who succeeded Pisistratus. Yet some more besides these must be added to the old men's age to have knowledge of Pisistratus in his life time to deal liberally, let that time be twenty years before the death of Pisistratus: so their age is left four score years very usual at this day in divers lusty men, although I would have this observed which Plutarch writeth, that judgement to have been given of Pericles when he was a young man, whereby some advantage yet might farther be taken if it were a matter worth the standing upon. Aelianus in his third book, the 21. chapter (saith Beroaldus) telleth of Themistocles, that being a child, and as he came from School meeting Pisistratus the tyrant, was willed by his overseer attending upon him to go out of the way: which he refused to do, and asked if there were not room enough for him beside. Whereunto is repugnant that which justin telleth in his second book, that Themistocles was a young man at the Marathon war, when he must needs be at the least 66. years old, if Aelianus say true: for the sons of Pisistratus after their father's death reigned 36. years, witnessed by Herodotus in his fift book, than after were twenty more to the Marathon fight; and before Themistocles could in such an answer show so stout a mind against the tyrant, it is like he was ten years of age.  
Beroaldus here also in his account is deceived, mistaking Herodotus, who in Terpsichore indeed affirmeth, that the Pisistratan stock reigned 36. years: yet not meaning thereby as Beroaldus would feign have it, that Pisistratus his children reigned so long after their father's death; but that the whole time of father and son was in all so much. This appeareth by Aristotle, an author for credit very sufficient, in the fift book of his politics the twelft chapter, making the whole reign of the Pisistratan stock 35. years, that is 17. of Pisistratus himself, and 18. after of his children. And so is Herodotus to be understood, giving them 36. in all, only differing from Aristotle in a year. Whereby it may be thought that Pisistratus reigned some few months more above 17. years: so his reckoning comes short by almost twenty years. Again, there was another Pisistratus the son of Hippias, and Grand child to the elder Pisistratus before spoken of, who in the year of his majoralty, dedicated in the market place at Athens, the Altar of the twelve Gods, as Thucydides writeth of him in his sixth book. And this in my judgement is the man, to whom that History in Aelianus may be fitly applied, and stand very well with that which justin hath concerning Themistocles fight at Marathon.  
Yea but Pliny in his 34. book writeth, that the Athenians the same year wherein the kings of Rome were driven out, being the fourth of the 67. Olympiad, set up the images of Harmodius and Aristogiton, who had killed Hipparchus the tyrant: far wide from that which Dionysius telleth in his sixth book, that Hipparchus was ruler at Athens in the 71. Olympiad. What say you to that? Nothing, but that Beroaldus being belike ashamed of his folly in bringing such an argument, calleth it in again as it were, by answering that it was another Hipparchus which Dionysius speaketh of. Another argument he taketh from Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in his fift book, making the war at Marathon later by sixteen years then the death of Brutus; thereby referring the year to the fourth of the 71. Olympiad, which by Cicero seemeth cast to the 73. wherein Coriolanus a Senator of Rome made war against it. Here we have nothing but untruth upon untruth, fit grounds for such a rotten building: for sixteen years after that of the first Consuls, which was by Dionysius the first of the 68 Olympiad, in the end whereof Brutus was slain, reach not to the fourth of the 71. but to the second of the 72. Olympiad: wherein the same Dionysius in plain words placeth that war. As for that of Coriolanus against Rome, it happened in deed in the first of the 73. Olympiad, only three years after the other. And therefore Cicero in his Brutus affirming, not that this of Coriolanus was at the same time, with that other of the Persians, but almost at that time, speaketh a truth, dissenting nothing at all from Dionysius.  
It followeth in Beroaldus: the same Dionysius in his ninth book, Diodorus Siculus agreeing unto him saith, that Xerxes went to war against Greece in the 75. Olympiad, when Callias governed Athens: that is twelve years after the Marathon fight being past, to that of Xerxes at Salamis: Glossa corrumpit textum, the gloss here marreth the text with a manifest untruth: for neither Dionysius nor Diodorus maketh above eleven years distance betwixt those battles, the one placed in the second of the 72. Olympiad, the other in the first of the 75, almost in the beginning thereof. Now let any man count the distance between, on his finger's ends, and see if he can find twelve years. But to omit this and come to the purpose: Gelo was at the time of Xerxes his war by Pausanias and Herodotus tyrant of Syracuse. And Gelo tyrant of Syracuse, by Plutarch in the life of Lysias the Orator, in the second of the 82. Olympiad. So the war of Xerxes must by this reckoning come back near 30. years after the 75. Olympic sport. Plutarch's words are these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is in English thus much, Lysias an exceeding rich man, was the son of Cephales', grand child of Lysanias, the son of Cephales': his father Cephales' was a Syracusian borne, and flitted to Athens for love, partly of the city, and partly of Pericles the son of Xanthippus, who persuaded him thereto being his friend and host: or as some say, for that he was driven from Syracuse, at such time as it was subject to the tyranny of Gelo. 
He meaneth that Lysias was borne.  Being borne at Athens under Philocles, the next ruler after Phrasicles, he was first brought up with the noblest children of the Athenians, about the second year of the 83. Olympiad. Afterward being fifteen years old, he went to Thuriae, a city of Italy, Praxiteles then being Mayor of Athens, as followeth there in Plutarch. Philocles was Mayor at Athens in the second year of the 80. Olympiad, as Diodorus declareth. Then was Lysias borne, and being about eight years old in the second year of the 82. Olympiad, he was brought up with other noble men's children in Athens: and therein continued till the year of Praxiteles his government, which was the first of the 84. Olympiad, as we read in the same Diodorus, and the fifteenth of Lysias his birth. Where can Beroaldus now find in this place of Plutarch, that Gelo was tyrant of Syracuse, in the second year of the 82. Olympiad? What meant he so confidently to burst forth into this complaint? Tam incerta sunt apud aut hores rerum istarum tempora: So uncertain are the times of these matters: what reason had he for it? For he that understandeth Greek, and compareth Plutarch's own words, with that which Beroaldus gathereth by them, will be ashamed (I believe) of such an interpreter, being so blinded with conceited affection that he seethe not what is written, and careth not what he saith. Plutarch doth notably in this place confirm the received ancient Chronologie of the Greeks': so far he is by any disagreement from weakening their credit.  
Let us now examine one or two other places of Beroaldus concerning the time of Xerxes fight in Greece. In the eight chapter of his third book, Pausanias, saith Beroaldus, telleth in his Arcadikes, that Xerxes then passed into Greece when Gelo governed at Syracuse, which is likewise witnessed by Herodotus in his seventh book. But that same Pausanias in his Eliaca affirmeth, that Gelo held the government of that city in the second year of the 72. Olympiad. Except it be a strange thing that one king should continue his reign by the space of twelve years. This argument of Beroaldus is not worth a rush to prove disagreement between ancient writers, referring Gelo his tryanny some to the second of the 72. Olympiad, other to the first of the 75. when Xerxes passed into Europe, for the beginning of his dominion was about the second of the 72. Olympiad, as Dionysius Halicarnassaeus declareth in the seventh book of his Roman Antiquities. And the end thereof in the 75. Olympiad the third year thereof, as Diodorus witnesseth in the eleventh book of his Historical library: So both might stand together well enough.   

Beroaldus hath yet more matter from Pausanias in his Eliaca, who referreth the overthrow of Mardonius at Plateae, the next year after Xerxes invaded Greece, to the 75. Olympiad: whereas Diodorus Siculus saith, that Xerxes in that Olympiad invaded Greece, both can not be true. The word Olympias pertaineth sometime to the game itself celebrated every first year of the four, as where Solinus telleth that the 207. Olympias was in the public acts recorded to be in the 801. year of Rome, wherein Pompeius Gallus & Q. Veranius were Consuls, and Eratosthenes in Clemens Alexandrinus accounteth from the first Olympiad to the passage of Xerxes into Greece 297. years. Xenophon also in his History of the Greek affairs writeth, that the next year after Dionysius had got the kingdom of Syracuse, happened that Olympias wherein Pythodorus was Mayor at Athens. In all these places Olympias is taken for one year only, and that the first of the four: in which sense Diodorus used it, where he saith that Xerxes invaded Greece in the 75. Olympiad. Now, because that from one Olympias to another were four years complete; the word is also usually taken for that whole space of four years, betwixt one and another, not much unlike that which we read in blessed Luke's gospel of the proud Pharisie, boasting of his fasting twice in a sabbath, taking one day of the week for all the week, from the beginning to the end. So it is used of Solinus, writing that Rome was builded in the first year of the seventh Olympiad, and when the seventh Olympiad began, and josephus in the last chapter of his fourteenth book of Antiquities, saith that Herode took jerusalem in the 185. Olympiad, he meaneth the whole four years space of that Olympiad, for that was done in the last year thereof. In this sense that saying of Pausanias is true concerning Mardonius his overthrow at Plateae in the 75 Olympiad, and so no discord proved.  
As for Polybius, from whom he gathereth the war of Xerxes to have been in the third year of the 74. Olympiad; there is no such matter. Beroaldus was deceived in his reckoning, I have brought the place of Polybius before, and declared his meaning.  
Oebotas, a man of Achaea won the race in the sixth Olympiad, who for so glorious a victory receiving not that honour of his countrymen which he looked for at their hands, and in his own judgement had deserved; conceived such discontentment thereat, that he even cursed them, praying that never any of the Achaeans more might win any Olympic game again: which so fell out for a long time, till at the length by the council of Apollo his Oracle, they had in honour of Oebotas erected a pillar for an eternal monument of his virtue, with an inscription testifying the same; which was performed unto him in the 80. Olympiad, as Pausanias telleth in his Achaica and Eliaca: who for that cause marveleth at the report of some Grecians, who said that Oebotas fought against Mardonius in the 75. Olympiad, and thinketh it uncredible, as he might well enough, that a man having won the race in the sixth Olympiad, should be a fight Soldier near two hundred and fourscore years after. What is here now in Pausanias to be seen, which in his own persuasion doth not confirm the truth of the Olympic Chronologie, rather than make against it any way? For the great credit which he put therein, nothing doubting of the true reckoning of so many years between, bred that marveling in him, and made him think that Oebotas which fought against Mardonius in the 75. Olympiad, to have been some other of that name, rather than the ancient race winner in the sixth Olympiad. It was true, that by some they were supposed one and the same, but by such as Pausanias judged fools for their labour. Their folly stirred him never a whit from the true received account of Olympic years. Of the certainty whereof, what a settled and grounded persuasion he had may appear by this, that in divers places he maketh mention of Olympic records and registers which himself see and read, wherein he testifieth the memory of the Olympiads to have been preserved by the Eleans, in whose country those games were kept, and that with such care and diligence, that from the first in Iphitus his time, to the Emperor Nero, not one of them all was missing: this he witnesseth in his Phocica, much availing to the credit of that account.  
Another objection in Beroaldus is concerning the time of the Peloponnesian war, of which saith he, both beginning and end is uncertain, by the dissension of authors between themselves. Pliny referreth the time of it to the fourth of the 81. Olympiad, and A. Gellius to the first of the 89. and Diodorus Siculus to the third of the 87. So saith Beroaldus. If truly, there is great odds between them. Pliny's words in the thirty book and first chapter are these: Plenumque miraculi & hoc, pariter utrasque artes effloruisse, medicinam dico magicenque: eadem aetate illam Hipocrate, hanc Democrito illustrantibus circa Peloponnesiacum Graeciae bellum, quod gestum est a 300. urbis nostrae anno. This also saith Pliny is much to be marveled at, that both the arts flourished together; I mean Physic and Magic, in the same age Hypocrates teaching the one, and Democritus the other about the Peloponnesian war in Greece, which was made since the 300. year of the City. That war began about the 32. year of Rome, and therefore Pliny saying that it was after the 300. saith, that which is true, not purposing there to set down by a strait and exact account, the very just year wherein it began: but to guess much about the time by an even & ready number keeping within the compass of truth.  
In A. Gellius the 21. chapter of his seventeenth book we read. Bellum inde in terra Graeciae maximum Peloponnensiacum, quod Thucidides memoriae mandavit, caeptum est circa annum fere post conditam Romans trecentesimum vigesimum nonum. That is, afterward the great war of the Peloponnesians, in the land of Greece, which Thucydides committed to memory, began here about the 329. years after the building of Rome. What is the cause of this difference betwixt Gellius and other? Surely not any fault of the author's judgement, but only a slip of the writer's pen, putting vigesimum nonum in stead of decimum nonum. 29. for 19 as may be proved by two reasons: First because immediately after those words, Gellius together with the beginning of that war yoketh the year wherein A. Posthumius was Dictator of Rome, who killed his own son, for that with great courage he went somewhat further in fight against the enemy than his father had appointed. This year of A. Posthumius his Dictatorship, by Livy is the 323. of Rome: but by A. Gellius & some other setting the building of that City in the second year of the seventh Olympiad, and the first Consuls in the 242. of Rome, it is the 320. running together with the first year of the Peloponnesian war for the greatest part of it, though not wholly, because the war began somewhat before in the 319. Another reason may be taken from that which followeth a little after in the same chapter, concerning the time of the new government of the Athenian common wealth by 30. tyrants, being as we are taught by Xenophon the 28. year of the Peloponnesian war, which A. Gellius referreth to the 347. of Rome, from which sum 28. according to Xenophons' reckoning, being taken away there remaineth the 319. of the City for the beginning of that war. As for Diodorus Siculus, it is untrue that he referred the beginning of that war to the third of the 87. Olympiad: for in flat words he acknowledgeth Thucydides the chief of all other authors for it, to refer it to the first of that Olympiad: neither is there against it in Diodorus any thing to be found.  
As the beginning of that war is uncertain, so the end hath as much controversy. I think even so, that is just none at all, if Authors may be suffered to speak for themselves, to open their meaning, and declare their mind: but let us see this great controversy. The greatest part of authors, saith Beroaldus, taught that war to have continued 27. years. Yet Aemilius Probus saith, it lasted but 26. And Xenophon giveth it 28. and a half, here is great odds. The words of Aemilius probus are these in the life of Lysander: Lysander Lacedaemonius magnam reliquit sui famam, magis felicitate quàm virtutem partam. Athenienses enim in Peloponnesios' sexto & vicessimo anno bellum gerentes confecisse apparet. Id qua ratione consecutus sit latet. Non enim virtute sui exercitus, sed immodestia factum est adversariorum. Quid quod dicto audientes suis imperatoribus non erant, dispalati in agris relictis navibus in hostium pervenerunt potestatem? Quo facto Athenienses se Lacedaemoniis dediderunt. Lysander the Lacedaemonian (saith he) left a great fame of himself, which he got rather by good luck than prowess: for it is well known that he subdued the Athenians, having made war against the Peloponnesians six and twenty years, but how he obtained, this is not so apparent: for this happened not by the manhood of his own army: but the disorder of the Athenians, who not ruled by their captains, but scattered abroad from their ships, came into their enemy's power; which being done the Athenians yielded themselves. There are three several times set down by good Authors for the end of this war. One was Lysander's victory by sea against the Athenians at a town in Hellespont called Aegos Potamoi, that is, Goats' flood, where Lysander espying his opportunity, when the Athenians leaving their ships had gone to the towns there about for provision of victuals, suddenly set upon them, and took to the number of a hundred and four score, every one except eight or nine, which by flight escaped away. He took also 3000. men with their Captains, besides a great number slain, which thing being done & the spoil taken, he returned with minstrelsy and great mirth; having as Plutarch saith, achieved a great matter with a little labour, and in an hour space made an end of a long war. From the beginning of the war to this overthrow, whereby the Athenians power was now so weakened, that they could not hold out any longer, and so an end made of that war as Plutarch writeth: where about 26. years, and therefore Aemilius Probus respecting that time, as by his own words manifestly appeareth, his account is true.  
Thucydides with the greatest part of writers for the end of that war go about a year further, to the peace concluded with the Athenians, and the pulling down of their walls: so making the continuance 27. as before is proved. So there is as much disagreement between these two times set for the Peloponnesian war, the one by Thucydides, the other by Aemilius Probus: as there is difference betwixt these two ways, the one from London to Ware, the other from London to Hodsdon, and thence to Ware.  
If meaning may be taken without cavilling at words, the like may be said of Xenophon: not withstanding what soever Beroaldus bringeth against the credit of his history before spoken of, in regard of some coruption, which in his pinion hath happened in the notes and numbers of Olympiads and years. Xenophon (saith he) referreth the 93. Olympiad to that year wherein Enarchippus was Ephorus at Sparta. After whom in the same history the next is named Pantaeles, ordained Ephorus in the 22. year of the Peloponnesian war: which being so the year of Enarchippus, that is Pantacles, Pyteas, Archytas, Endicus: in whose year Lysander, the war being ended, and the walls of Athens thrown down, returned home; by this means it must expire at the 25. years end. Contrary whereunto Xenophon affirmeth in plain words, that Lysander went home after 28. years and six months, an end being made of that war in the 29. year thereof: for which cause he also numbereth 29. Spartan Magistrates under whom the war continued.  
Thus far Beroaldus, for answer whereunto I will first set down the words of Xenophon as they lie: whereby it may appear what Xenophons' meaning was. In the first place speaking of Enarchippus his year, he useth these words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. And this year saith Xenophon expired, wherein the Medes also rebelling against Darius' king of the Persians became his subjects again. In the year following the temple of Minerva in Phocaea by the fall of a thunderbolt was set on fire. After winter was ended Pantacles being Ephorus, and Antigenes bearing rule at Athens. In the beginning of the spring, when 22. years of the war were passed, the Athenians sailed to Proconesus with all their Army. Thence moving to Chalcedon and Byzantium, etc. In their words are contained the acts of three divers years. One of the Medes rebellion against Darius, which was the 24. Another of Minerva's temple burning when Pantacles was Ephorus; being the year following, that is the 25. The third of the Athenians sailing to Proconnesus after 22. years passed of the Peloponnesian war, which was the 23. and therefore before these words. In the beginning of the spring, etc. I have set a full point to distinguish them from the former, as pertaining to a divers year: for here Xenophon goeth back again to that which had happened two years before. A thing usual enough in writers, when they will make their history with more consequence & coherence the better hang together, to go back from one matter to another before omitted, and so to prosecute it on an end without interruption. I need not go far for examples in Xenophon himself, if it were a thing to be stood upon.  
This for Xenophons' meaning after some diligent reading and perusing the place was my judgement, wherein afterward I was more confirmed by Diodorus Siculus and Codoman. For Codoman in the fourth book of his Chronologie, very flatly affirmeth that these words in Xenophon; In the beginning of the spring, etc. begin the 23. years of the Peloponnesian war: yea he is so far from thinking with Beroaldus the year of Pantacles governing, though immediately before mentioned to be all one with this: that he removeth it two years off, placing one whole year betwixt them as I do: yet differing herein that he placeth Pantacles in the 21. year, which was his error, as more plainly by God his assistance shall appear hereafter. But the testimony of Diodorus Siculus an ancient Historiographer, is much more notable, who in his thirteenth book referreth these acts which here in Xenophon begin after the 22. year of the war, to the 23. of the same two years before the Magistracy of Pantacles, which by Diodorus is set down in the 25. year thereof, which without all question is most undoubtedly true; and showed by Xenophons' table of the Spartan governors evidently and plainly, as every one whose sight is not dim with a cavilling affection and wilful wrangling may very clearly see it.  
If any thing in the writing of Xenophons' history by corruption of numbers be amiss, as for my part, I think there is none at all, if he be well understood: yet for one thing amiss, another which is true must not be forsaken. Let that which is right be so still, and not cast away for that which is wrong. Xenophons' table is sure, and hath the consent of excellent Authors to approve it.  
Thucydides from the Marathon war, which by the learned is set in the second summer of the 72. Olympiad, to the end of the Peloponnesian war, maketh account of 87. years, that is to say, 10. to Xerxes' invading Greece, and 50. thence to the Peloponnesian war, with 27. more to the end thereof, which from the second of 72. fill up Xenophons' number of 93. Olympiads. In the last whereof by Xenophon were governors of Athens; first, Enctemo, then Antigones, next Callias, the fourth and last Alexias.  
Let us here a little examine how Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, in the seventh book of his Roman Antiquities agreeth to these, there he writeth that Callias ruled at Athens, in the third year of that 93. Olympiad, which is so by Xenophon. Moreover that the next before Callias for the second year of that Olympiad, was Antigenes, found true in the like manner by Xenophon, and lastly from the second year of the 72 Olympiad, wherein the Marathon battle was fought, to that year of Callias he gathereth 85. years: which with that year of Callias, & the other following of Alexias, make up exactly the just reckoning of Thucydides his 87.  
Diodorus Siculus for Xenophons' meaning may take all doubt away, & end the controversy, who agreeing with Xenophon in the number as well of Olympiads, as years of the Peloponnesian war, referreth the 24. of that war to the first of the 93. Olympiad, as Xenophon doth, and in all the other years thereof writeth accordingly: wherefore the opinion of Beroaldus concerning the corruption of Xenophons' numbers, I hold as true as his interpretation of 22. years for the next after 22. being past.  
Now touching the second place of Xenophon, making the war of longer continuance than Thucydides doth: it no way hindereth the agreement of the Chronologie of those times, if his words be well weighed in the second book of his Greek History: where after he had declared in the last year of that war, the glorious victory of Lysander against the Athenians at Goats' flood, and the besiege of that City by sea and by land, whereby they were driven to yield and give up their ships to the Lacedæmonians, and to throw down their long walls in the haven Pyreus; he addeth that the next year after happened that Olympiad, wherein Crocinas' the Thessalian won the race, and Endius in Sparta, Pythodorus in Athens were chief officers: In which the fame of the Athenian common wealth was changed, and the government of the City committed to thirty, who by their cruel tyranny in the space of eight months, killed more than before by war had died in ten years. This being done saith Xenophon, Lysander sailed to Samus, and took it, and restored the old inhabitants and drive out the new, & after returned home to Lacedemonia with a great booty in the end of summer, 28. years and six months of that war being then expired: In which time were 29. Magistrates called Ephori: The first of them being Aenesias, under whom the war began, & the last Endius, in whose time Lysander sailed home. Here Xenophon fetcheth the beginning of that war further than Thucydides, even from the beginning of the first Ephorus, and for the end most apparently goeth likewise beyond him to Lysander's winning of Samus, & setting order in it in the year of the 29. Ephorus: yea further yet he stretcheth it, even to Lysander's coming home; unto which time reckoning from the beginning of Aenesias we find 28. years and a half.  
Again Beroaldus objecteth dissension of Authors touching the beginning of Dionysius his tyranny; some referring it to the third of the 93. Olympiad, some to the fourth. A weighty reason sure for a little difference of one year in Xenophon from other in one thing to overthrow the credit of all ancient writers in an other by universal consent established & agreed upon, and yet this little difference may be rather in show then indeed; seeing it is a thing well known and confessed, that divers writers begin their years diversly: some half a year, some very near three quarters before other; as Gerardus Mercator proveth in his Chronologie: but howsoever it were granted that here in one year, there were flat contradiction between them: yet it is a ridiculous toy by one years difference to cut off a hundred from the Persian Monarchy.  
I but A. Gellius hath yet a contrary opinion to both the former, laying the government of Dionysius on the 346. year of Rome, which was the second of that Olympiad. In Gellius we read not 346. but 347. so that if the 346. of Rome be the second of the 93. Olympiad, than the 347. is the third thereof, and therefore good agreement between the Story writer of Halicarnassus and him. The Attic nights were belike too dark for Beroaldus his eyes, to see what the enditer laid up in that place, whereunto I have given light before to perceive his mind.  
It followeth in Beroaldus. It is reported of Euripides and Sophocles, that they both died in one year, that is the fourth of the 92. Olympiad: whereof may be gathered, the 30. tyrants set over Athens by Lysander, and the end of the Peloponnesian war to have been in the first of the 93. because the death of Sophocles is known to have happened about that time. By whom is this reported? It were to be wished that he had been named. Many I am sure they cannot be, and I think no one ancient Author at all can be found, who plainly hath said it: so as it may appear to have proceeded of judgement in him, and again if any can be found, who of judgement set them both together so high: yet that might be well enough without misplacing the thirty tyrants, from the first of the 94. Olympiad, to the first of the 93. Let us go on to the rest.  
Solinus telleth that Pythagoras came into Italy in the time of the first Consuls. Gellius in the time of Tarqvinius superbus, which might be the year before. Dionysius saith that he taught in Italy after the 50. Olympiad, which dissenteth neither from that former saying of Solinus, nor the other of Gellius, because the times by them named, were both after the 50. Olympiad. Diogenes Laertius writeth, that he flourished in the 60. Olympiad. All this touching the time of Pythagoras wherein he lived & taught, may stand well enough without disagreement. Pliny putteth him back from the time named by Solinus an hundred years and more. And Beroaldus bringeth him as many or more forward even to the Peloponnesian war, by his opinion begun about the 94. Olympiad: which being so, needs must Cyrus also be pulled forward in some proportion from the 55. Olympiad to the 80.  
Between these two extremities of opinion concerning the age of Pythagoras, the one of Pliny, the other of Beroaldus; in my judgement medium tenuêre beati, the merry mean is best as we see, especially being approved by a far greater number of the learned.  
But let us examine his proof that Pythagoras was so late. His first reason is brought from the authority of Eusebius, who in his tenth book De praeparatione evangelica, writeth that Xenophons' and Pythagoras were in the same times with Anaxagoras, who came within the compass of the Peloponnesian war. If an old man may live at the same time with a young man, this is no good proof to bring Pythagoras to the Peloponnesian war, because Eusebius said that Anaxagoras, in whose time Pythagoras lived was in it. Let Eusebius be his own interpreter in his Chronicles, where he putteth the matter out of doubt, setting the death of Pythagoras threescore and four years at the least before the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, & yet withal, making Anaxagorus who saw that war to flourish in his days. Another reason of his much like to the former is this. Pythagoras with divers of his acquaintance being in the house of Milo: certain enemies in desire of revenge upon some conceived grief, burned it over their heads, where Lysis & Archytas, two of Pythagoras his scholars at that time escaped. This Lysis after became teacher of Epaminondas the valiant Theban Captain, who fight at Mantine in the second year of the 104. Olympiad above 40. years after the Peloponnesian war was slain.  
And what of all this? I know his conclusion, that this being so late an age wherein Epaminondas died, whose master was Lysis one of Pythagoras his scholars: It must needs be that Pythagoras himself reached to the time of the Peloponnesian war somewhat near to Epaminondas, and when was that war? the end of it, if we may believe Beroaldus, was about the 100 Olympiad, and by that means Pythagoras must be brought to the 94. at the least wherein it began, not much above 40. years before the reign of king Philip of Macedonia, the Father of Alexander the great.  
If I should stand to number all the absurdities which would follow of this position (according to that which Aristotle saith, that one absurd thing granted, many other follow upon it) it were a tedious thing to write or read; except peradventure that being so ridiculous in themselves, the moving of laughter might some way ease the reader's toil.  
But leaving this I will declare that the distance of time made by ancient writers, between Pythagoras his teaching, and Epaminondas his learning of Lysis; can no way hinder, but that Pythagoras may stand well enough still in that place, where they have set him. His death by Eusebius is put in the last year of the 70. Olympiad. At which time Lysis his scholar might be 16. years of age, and live fourscore and eight years after, till he was 104. years old in the beginning of the 93. Olympiad. When Epaminondas might be of the age of sixteen years, instructed before of Lysis in his old age. What one thing is there here incredible, or not usual in those times? Gorgias Leontinus much about the same times with Lysis, lived a hundred and nine years, which before hath been showed with divers other like examples, and Aemilius Probus in the life of Epaminondas testifieth of him, that being a young man, he was instructed in Philosophy by Lysis in the time of his grave and severe old age. Philosophiae praeceptorem habuit Lysim Tarentinum, Pythagoreum: cui quidem sic fuit deditus, ut adolescens tristem & severum senem omnibus aequalibus suis in familiaritate anteposuerit, saith Aemilius. Thus Beroaldus his sharp assault against the Chronological fort of the Grecians account, hath not so prevailed to batter it, but that it can defend itself against the enemy.  
Let us now see with what success he hath oppugned the Latin Story, against this he fighteth with two weapons, one taken from the Roman Decemuirs, the other borrowed of the Frenchmen at their sacking of Rome, in the 302. year of Rome, wherein L. Menenius, & P. Sestius were Consuls, towards the end of their COnsulship, certain Commissioners called Decemuiri, were chosen by the people to the government of the City and the making of Laws, against the next year now approaching, being the 303. of the City. Hereof is that difference and dissension of some Authors between themselves alleged by Beroaldus: some referring the Decemuirs to the 302. year of Rome, respecting the time wherein they were elected, as Solinus and Livy, some to the 303. because that was the year wherein they first executed that new authority, being appointed and chosen unto it in the end of the former year. As Dionysius Halicarnassaeus in his eleventh book declareth. Besides Varro & Onuphrius As for A. Gellius and some other, naming the 300. year of Rome for the Decemuirs, the cause thereof is manifest; that some make the time of the kings of Rome not 244. but only 241. years, and those began from the second of the seventh Olympiad, not the first, that is from the end of the building of Rome, when Romulus took upon him to be king. By their opinion there are two years fewer than other account of; so that their 300. is the 302. of other, whereof I have spoken before, by reason of some like examples in Gellius, who followed that reckoning: so there is no difference between these indeed, but only in show and divers respects. These ten Commissioners held that authority by the space of two whole years. In the latter whereof being the 304. of the City, Virginia a beautiful maid of Rome was slain by her own Father, with a butcher's knife taken from his stall in the open street, rather than that she should satisfy the filthy lust of Appius Claudius one of the ten, who by great violence and open wrong went about it. Cicero in his second book de finibus, writeth that this happened in the threescore year after the beginning of the first Consuls, which was not the 301. of Rome as Beroaldus saith, making dissension between Authors where there is none at all, but the 304. for adding threescore to the 244. wherein the last king was expelled, the sum is 304.  
But what shall we say then to Dionysius Haelicarnassaeus, who is contrary to himself in his second book, affirming those ten Commissioners to have been in the 300. year of Rome? Even this, that it is an increase of Beroaldus his untruths: for there speaking of the Laws which Romulus the first king ordained, and namely of that whereby it was made lawful for a father to sell his own child: that this Law saith he, was not made by the Decemuirs, who three hundred years after were appointed to that business, it is gathered by this ordinance of Numa. Patri post hac nullum ius esto vendendi filium; let it not be lawful hereafter for the father to sell his son. It is manifest in this place that the 300. year is accounted, not from the building of the City: but from the time wherein Romulus established the common wealth with laws, which was after the foundation of the City laid. Otherwise this historiographer most undoubtedly, perfectly, and exactly declareth the year of their authority to be the 303 of the City.  
Thus there is no cause at all for Beroaldus so earnestly, & with such heat, to complain of great ignorance, and disagreement in these Authors one from an other, being in truth at great concord between themselves, and dissenting only in show, and yet all the dissension which he nameth, if it were so indeed, consisteth within the space of three or four years betwixt 300. and 303.  
But that all these are wide from the true time of the Decemuirs, in his opinion above threescore years: he can prove both by profane story, and holy scripture.  
If Beroaldus can do this, I will say he is a cunning juggler, let us see how. Hermodorus the Ephesian, the interpreter of the Decemuirs laws, was acquainted with Heraclitus, and flourished in his days, and Heraclitus citing the writings of Pythagoras, must needs be after Pythagoras. Again Pythagoras reached to the times of the Peloponnesian war, as may be proved by this, that Lysis one of his familiar friends, instructed Epaminondas in Philosophy, who died long after that war. Hereof we may conclude that Heraclitus, and Hermodorus his friend with him flourished in the time of the Peloponnesian war, and that the Decemuirs laws are there to be placed.  
The fingering of this feat is too grosie to deceive any man's eyesight, who is but careful to mark somewhat nerelie. First this is an unproving proof, that Heraclitus was later than Pythagoras, because he allegeth some sentence out of his works, for it is an usual thing for those which are of one standing, as we say, and equal in time, to read the books one of another. Cicero lived in the same age with Varro, yet notwithstanding he had recourse to his writings, and alleged upon occasion the contents thereof.  
The other argument touching Pythagoras his reaching to the Peloponnesian war, by Lysis and Epaminondas, being the main reason of all, is as vain as that; which a little before I have made plain.  
lastly though it were granted, that Heraclitus and Hermodorus were in the time of the Peloponnesian war: yet for all that the Decemuirs laws might be before that time interpreted by the same Hermodorus; as well as Master Beza his first interpretation of the new Testament, was many years before the late taking of Calis by the Spaniards; and yet the same light of God his Church at those days still shining therein. This is such a sorry Sorites, as maketh me marvel what conceit came in Beroaldus his head to bring it. As likewise that cold conjecture out of Livy which followeth concerning the twelve tables of the Decemuirs laws, to be in the 370. year of Rome, is as far and further from Livies mind, in plain words otherwhere declared, as threescore is from three.  
The second weapon wherewith Beroaldus fighteth against the Latin history, is some doubt concerning the time of the French men's taking Rome, in the 365. year from the building of that city, and the first of the 98. Olympiad. For Plutarch in the life of Camillus, having declared the received opinion concerning the time thereof, that it happened a few more than 360. years after Rome was builded, addeth this doubting speech: If it seem credible, that an exact account of these times had been so long preserved; seeing that even the confusion of that time, hath brought some doubt and controversy to other later.  
Plutarch lest he should seem without cause to have made that doubt, bringeth this reason: that the fame and rumour of that war wherein Rome by the French was taken, presently was spread abroad in Greece, and came to the ears of Heraclides Ponticus, and Aristotle: whereby may be gathered that it happened in the time of king Philip of Macedonia, in whose days those authors lived saith Beroaldus. The reign of this king began about the 105. Olympiad, seven and twenty years after the common received time of that taking of Rome set by other, and endured full four and twenty years.  
For answer to this doubt, I am to let the reader understand, that the French men discontented, and unquiet in mind for their ill success at their taking of Rome, being driven out again, and all their prey taken from them by Marcus Furius Camillus, came divers times after into Italy, and namely in the 406. year of Rome, being the fourteenth of Philip the Macedonian King; when Aristotle was about four and thirty years old. In this year Lucius Furius Camillus being Consul, and he alone Consul after his fellows death: the French invaded Italy with a mighty power. Amongst them one at that time for stature of body passing other, challenging any one of the Roman host whosoever durst fight with him, was with the Consuls leave set upon by M. Valerius, a valiant Captain. In this combat a raven came suddenly to the Roman champion, and sat upon his Helmet, and flew upon the French man, against his face with bill and talents fight, till at the length being greatly amazed thereat, he was slain by Valerius. Who thereof took name to be called corvinus, in memory of the ravens fight for him; which was interpreted to have come from God. The French men after the death of their champion so miraculously slain, were discomfited and fled, and durst not of a long time after come against the Romans. And this was the battle by all likeliehoode, which Aristotle and Heraclides Ponticus spoke of. For it is confessed by Plutarch himself, that the conqueror of the French at that time was called Lucius in Aristotle; which agreeth to this time wherein Lucius Camillus was Consul alone, and conqueror: not to the taking of Rome, when Marcus Camillus, father to this man had given them the overthrow.  
As for the taking of Rome then mentioned by Heraclides and Aristotle, which was by a rumour and uncertain report noised abroad: the cause thereof might be, that they were the same people then vanquished, who before had taken it. So it is true in regard of the men.  
One argument more is yet behind, reserved as may seem to the last place, as of all the rest most forcible to disturb the set bounds of the Peloponnesian war, and thereby those of the Persian Empire. The force of this argument in the conceit of Beroaldus is so strong and pithy, as that it cannot possibly suffer the ancient account of those times to stand. Let us (saith Beroaldus) first set down, that which is reported by Polybius a grave author in his first book: that the Lacedæmonians having gotten the sovereign Empire of Greece, by their victory against the Athenians, in the end of the Peloponnesian war, scarce held it by the space of twelve years after. In the next place this we are to know, that the same Lacedæmonians were spoiled of that their Empire by the Thebans, in the famous battle fought between them at Leanctra, in the second year of the 102. Olympiad: whereof this for a certainty followeth; that the Peloponnesian war ended about the time of the 100 Olympiad. For it is manifest by Xenophon, that the end of it was in an Olympic year.  
This is the reason of all other so sure, undoubted, and strong, in the opinion of Beroaldus: but in very deed as frivolous, ridiculous, and childish, as ever any was framed. To make good my saying, let the author himself speak with his own words: which be these, not far from the beginning of his first book. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Lacedæmonians (saith Polybius) striving many years for the sovereignty of Greece, after they had once gotten it, kept it scarcely twelve years entire without trouble and loss. Indeed if Polybius had said, that the Lacedæmonians had quite and clean lost their whole dominion, within twelve years after they had obtained it, as Beroaldus maketh him say, the reason which he useth had been good, to bring the end of the Peloponnesian war within three years of his reckoning: (so much he is wide after his wont manner) for they were wholly spoiled of that cheeftie, by Epaminondas, general of the Theban army, in the second of the 102. Olympiad. From which the twelfth year backward, is the third before the 100 Olympiad, and the second of the 99  
But there is as much difference betwixt the author's word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the interpretation of Beroaldus: as between breaking a man's head and killing him out right. It is true, and that which Polybius meant, that the Lacedæmonians, about twelve years after Lysander's victory against the Athenians at Aegos Potamoi, whereby they became Lords of Greece, lost much of their dominion by the valour of Conon an Athenian Captain, who overcame the Lacedæmonians in a battle by sea, & took fifty of their ships, and 500 of their men, whereby divers Cities fell from the Lacedæmonians unto him as Diodorus Siculus declareth in his fourteenth book, yet for all this they stood still, & recovered much again afterward, till at the length they were utterly dispossessed of all by the Thebans, who gave them a deadly blow. Hereby it appeareth that it was no part of Polybius his meaning, to make only twelve years from the end of the Peloponnesian war, to the Lacedæmonians utter overthrow: but to that conquest of Conon over them by sea fight before spoken of.  
And if this be not enough to make that appear sufficiently, Polybius himself yet once again shall make it manifest, and all gainsayer as dumb as a fish, which would gather by his testimony, that the field at Leuctra was fought within 12. years after the Peloponnesian war: for within one leaf after the former sentence, he declareth that the battle at Leuctra was nor twelve, but 34. years after that other at Aegos Potamoi, whereby they won the sovereignty of Greece that is to say, 18. to the Frenchmens taking of Rome, and sixteen more afterward to the fight at Leuctra, and that not obscurely or in a riddle: but very flatly in plain words, though not understood by the Bishop of Sipontum, who for these words of Polybius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is after the battle by sea at Aegos Potamoi, translated Post Xerxem a Cymone superatum. After Xerxes was overcome by Cymon, which was long before the time spoken of by Polybius, and no part of his meaning at all.  
By this one place may be seen what intolerable shifting hath been used of Beroaldus to make his matter good, affirming Authors to say that which they never meaned, yea which they are as flat and plain in manifest words against, as may be. But every vain colour, & deceivable show is good enough for such as are disposed to wrangle out new devices by cavilling Sophistry.  
As for that which followeth out of Xenophon to prove that assertion of Beroaldus, it hath neither head nor foot, and is unworthy of an answer, and therefore I purpose not to trouble the reader with my confuting such paltry stuff, except peradventure some will profess to frame it into an argument of some show or colour at the least, then will I also profess my skill to answer it, and to turn all against him for the truth; as knowing Xenophon to have nothing for his conceited opinion, but much against it.  
Hitherto I have particularly answered all the Sophistical elcnches, and reasonless reasons, & unprooving proofs of Beroaldus out of profane Histories, one by one, wherewith to the trouble of God his Church, and the darkening of his word, he hath stuffed so many papers, without leaving any one to my knowledge unanswered, except the last out of Xenophon for the cause before declared. Touching his scripture proof so often urged against the ancient Chronologers of the Persian times, it shall by God his assistance appear hereafter how vain it is. And thus much touching the first part concerning the chronology of the Persian Monarchy.  
Now followeth the second, containing 328. years and a half, not much under or over from the death of the last king of Persia, to our Saviour jesus Christ, the proof hereof is good: for that Christ our blessed Redeemer was borne in the third year of the 194. Olympiad, Eusebius, to omit the testimonies of other Fathers, declareth in his Chronicles, at this year and Olympiad writing thus. jesus Christ the son of God was borne in Bethleem of juda, in which year the salvation of Christians began: which therefore is also counted the first year of the Christians salvation. Darius' the last king of the Persians was slain, near the beginning of the third year of the 112. Olympiad. The distance is the number before declared. The same is proved by the Chronological History of the years of Rome; the building whereof by Solinus, Dionysius, Eratost hens, and other learned Authors, is set in the first year of the seventh Olympiad, the truth whereof is testified by old marble monuments digged out of the ground, and as Solinus writeth, was confirmed even by the public acts & registers of Rome: wherein the 207. Olympiad was recorded to be in the 801. year of Rome, when Pompeius Gallus, and Q. Veranius were Cousuls: this Beroaldus himself acknowledgeth, and bringeth reason for it. By this account then the third of the 194. Olympiad, wherein the birth of Christ is put, should be the 751. of Rome, let us now examaine whether this be so or no.  
The year after Caesar's death, wherein Hersius and Pansa were Consuls, & Augustus began his reign, as Eusebius in his Chronicles, & joseph Scaliger in his fift book De emendatione temporum declare, was the 710. of Rome, so witnessed, not only by Solinus in his Polyhistor, but even the very ancient Marble monuments also, wherein was engraven his record, at the 710 year of the City. In Pansae occisi locum factus est C. julius. C.F.C.N. Caesar. Qui posteà imperator Caesar Augustus appellatus est. That is, in the place of Pansa being slain, Caius julius Caesar, the son of Caius, the grandchild of Caius, was made Consul, who after was called the Emperor Caesar Augustus. In the 42. year of Augustus his reign, the first thereof being that 710. of Rome, was our Saviour borne. This we are taught by Eusebius, not only in his Chronicles, but also very plainly in the second chapter of the first book of his Ecclesiastical history. It is verified also by Epiphanius, and Onuphrius, 
51. Haeresi.  setting the time of Christ his birth, in the thirteenth Consulship of Augustus with M. Plantius Silanus, which was just the 42. year from the beginning of that, wherein Hersius and Pansa were Consuls, and Augustus began his reign; as the Roman histories with great agreement declare, adding then these 42. of Augustus, to 709. more passed before to the building of Rome: we have that which by examination we sought, that is, the birth of Christ in the 751. year of Rome, agreeably to the Olympic reckoning, from which 423. before Darius his death, being deducted, there remains 328. years from the Persian Monarchy to jesus Christ, with some five or six months more, betwixt the summer season wherein Darius died, and the time of winter wherein Christ was borne.  
another proof we have from learned writers in Clemens Alexandrinus, 1. Strom. accounting 294. years from the death of Alexander, to the victory of Augustus Caesar against Antonius; when he slew himself, and Augustus now the fourth time was Consul: which words by them are there added for distinctions sake, to make it known what victory they spoke of: For when as now a long time Augustus and Antonius had together governed the Roman Empire: at the length falling at variance, they made open war one against another, and fought between them by sea, that famous battle at Actium a promontory of Epirus near Greece, the second day of September from five of the clock in the morning to seven at night; wherein Antonius with his glorious wife Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, was discomfited and fled. This was done in the 722 year of Rome, and the second of the 187. Olympiad, and the time of Augustus Caesar's third Consulship with Valerius Messala corvinus. The next year after, Caesar now the fourth time being Consul with M. Licinius Crassus, went against Antonius and Cleopatra into Egypt: where with happy success he won from him a City of Egypt near Lybia, called Paraetonium, and again a little after, overcame him at Pharus, and once again even in that fight, wherein he put great confidence of his goodly horses he was put to a shameful foil. His only refuge now left, whereby he hoped to stand, was his navy, which when Antonius the first day of August betimes in the morning was now preparing to battle, all fell away from him to Caesar: whereat Antonius' conceiving deadly grief, hasted to his Palace, and a little after seeing Caesar coming flat against him, & the city troubled, slew himself. Cleopatra also not obtaining so much favour of Augustus, as she either looked for, or desired; opened her left arm to the biting of a poisonful Serpent, and so ended her life.  
Augustus (his enemies now being slain) got Alexandria and the rest of Egypt with no great ado, and thenceforth had the whole government of all the Roman Sovereignty, before the end of the same month, which thereof was named Augustus, being before that time called Sextilis of the number, being the sixth from March. Augustus Caesar, (saith Xiphilinus) called the month Sextilis by the new name of Augustus, because he was first made Consul, & got many victories therein: But in Macrobius more plainly, and especially amongst other causes of that month so to be termed in the honour of Augustus, this is one set down, that therein Egypt was first subdued to the Romans. These be the victories then, which those ancient Chronologists in Clemens Alexandrinus, make the end of 294. years, from the death of Alexander, respecting their beginning with the month of August, and somewhat before: For Alexander died towards the end of julie, in the very entry of the 114. Olympiad: So that to and fro the same season of the year, the distance being reckoned, was just so much, that is to say 294. years, which is likewise verified by an eye witness of those times, whereof he writeth, and flourishing in them, that is, Dionysius Halicarnassaeus, who in the Preface to his Roman antiquities, telleth not by hearsay, but of knowledge, that he came into Italy when Augustus Caesar had made an end of civil wars, about the midst of the 187. Olympiad. The time which he meaneth, was that before declared of Augustus Caesar's conquest over Antonius in Egypt, in the month of August, not far from the beginning of the third year of that Olimpiad which he nameth: being indeed (as he saith) near the midst of that four years Olympic space, unto which accounting from the first year of the 114. wherein Alexander died, we find that number of the former Authors in Clemens even 294. years.  
The truth hereof is yet further confirmed by Ptolemy, for exact account of times exceeding skilful, who in the third book of his Almagest, maketh the distance between the death of Alexander and the Monarchy of Augustus 294. Egyptian years. The account whereof began with the beginning of their first month called Tooth, as Censorinus declareth in his book de die natali, and joseph Scaliger in divers places, which at that time fell about the twelfth day of our November. So long after the summer season wherein Alexander died, the Egyptians began their account of years after his death. These 294. Egyptian years from the twelfth of November, expire not in the twelfth of November again, but in the 29. day of August before, and reach just as far as the same number of Roman years doth, being begun from the 29. day of August before going. The cause whereof is this, that the Egyptian year is shorter than the Roman by six hours, or one fourth part of a day, which in so many years breedeth the loss and difference of threescore and thirty days and a half.  
So there is no disagreement between the old writers in Clemens reckoning after the Roman manner, and Dionysius following the Greek account, and Ptolemy numbering by the usual custom of the Egyptians: except this, that Ptolemy respected the very end of that war, in the taking of Alexandria & Egypt in theende of that month after Antonius was slain, the other go somewhat hire to the beginning of it, wherein Antonius by the falling away of his navy was quite undone, and not able to stand out any longer. Unto these 294. years between the Monarchies of Alexander and Augustus, six more being added, which had passed before Alexander's death, to the end of Darius, the number is made 300. years.  
For the truth's sake I may not here omit one error of joseph Scaliger, notwithstanding the reverence and love which I bear him, in regard of his fruitful pains employed to the benefit of learning, and advancement of knowledge, whereby he hath well deserved of God his Church; in his fift book de emendatione temporum, speaking of that victory of Augustus Caesar at Actium, which as (he saith) happened in the third Consulship of Augustus Caesar, with Valerius Messala corvinus, he affirmeth that Ptolemy counteth unto it from Nabonasars' coronation 718. years fully complete, which cometh short of my reckoning by a year: Ptolemy indeed counteth from Nabonasars' coronation to the death of Alexander 424. years, and thence to Augustus his Monarchy 294, which in all make 718. yet not naming the conquest at Actium for the end of those years; for that was obtained in September, as Dio testifieth, beyond the compass of Ptolemy's precise reckoning, by four or five days in regard of the month. But to let that pass, it is plain even by his own testimony a little before in the same book, in the chapter where he treateth of the first Thoth of the years of Alexander's death, that he was deceived here in his reckoning. His words there be these, Alexander decessit anno 424. diebus aestivis. Thoth vero sequens est initium annorum à morte eius Novemb. 12. feria prima, anno periodi julianae 4389. anno primo Olymp. 114. that is, Alexander departed in the 424. year, meaning of Nabonasar, in the summer time. But the Thoth following, is the beginning of the years from his death, in the twelft of November, the first day of the week, in the 4389. year of the julian period, in the first year of the 114. Olympiad. Let any now make the reckoning of 294. Egyptian years, from the twelft of November, in the first year of the 114. Olympiad, and he shall stay and make his rest toward the end of August, in the third year of the 187. Olympiad: which was the year of Augustus Caesar's fourth Consulship, wherein he got the sole Empire of Rome into his hands, by the death of Antonius, as before is showed, and not of his third Consulship wherein he got the victory against Antonius at Actium, as Scaliger would have it. Ptolemy therefore counteth from Alexander's death, not to the victory at Actium, as Scaliger saith, but to Augustus his Monarchy, or to use Ptolemy's own word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, his kingdom; which he had not entire till such time as Antonius was dispossessed of all.  
Likewise whereas Scaliger saith, that the Egyptian navy was overcome at Actium by Augustus, in the time of his third Consulship with corvinus, and that in the sixteenth julian year: it cannot possibly be so, because the sixteenth julian year began together with the fourth Consulship of Augustus. The first julian year was the very next before Caesar's death, beginning at januarie, in the 708. of Rome, and the third year of the 183. Olympiad, as Censorinus teacheth. Four Olympiads, that is, sixteen years thence continued, bring us to the third of the 187. Olympiad: wherein Augustus was Consul the fourth time, and his fellow Consul with him was Licinius Crassus, so as no part of it could fall to that battle at Actium, except we will make it twice fought, once in the third Consulship of Augustus, and again in his fourth the year after.  
The ground of this error of Scaliger, was misunderstanding of Censorinus, as may be evidently seen in his third book, in the chapter of the Egyptian Actiac year, where his words are these: Censorinus ait annum Augustorum Actiacum 267. esse 1014. Iphiti & 986. Nabonosari: that is, Censorinus saith, that the 267 Actiac year of the Augusts', was the 1014. of Iphitus, and the 986. of Nabonasar. Censorinus neither said it nor thought it: he maketh no mention of any Actiac year at all, but only affirmeth that the 986. of Nabonasar was the 265. of the years called Augusts': the beginning whereof was taken from Augustus his seventh, and Vipsanius his third Consulship accounted of the Egyptians the 267. Quia biennio ante in potestatem ditionemque populi Romani venerunt, because they became subject to the power & dominion of the people of Rome two years before (saith Censorinus) speaking not of the victory at Actium, but of the subduing of Egypt: which after the death of Antonius, was conquered to the Roman Empire, and made a province a year after that overthrow of Antonius at Actium.  
Therefore I see no cause why my former reckoning ought not to be received as undoubtedly true (whatsoever Scaliger may seem to have to the contrary or any other:) that is to say, that from the death of Alexander to the Monarchy of Augustus, in the year of his fourth Consulship, were 294. years: and from the slaughter of the last king of Persia, in the third year of the 112. Olympiad, which made Alexander an undoubted Monarch, to the third of the 187, wherein the death of Antonius did the like to Augustus, were 300. years.  
Now that jesus Christ was borne in the 28. year of the Monarchy of Augustus, wherein after Antonius his death, he ruled alone without the part taking or fellowship of any other with him therein, we have the testimony of Clemens Alexandrinus. 1. Stromat. Eusebius in the first book of his Ecclesiastical History, in plain words confirming it., In the 42. year saith he, of the reign of Augustus, and the 28. after the subduing of Egypt, and the death of Antonius and Cleopatra, in whom the reign of the Egyptian kings, called Ptolemy's was extinct; our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ was borne in Bethleem of juda, Cyreneus being governor of Syria, and so forth.  
The 42. year of Augustus his parted reign was all one with the 28. of his lone reign. That began in the 710. of Rome: these 14. years after in the 724. of Rome; being the fifteenth of Augustus from his first beginning. For though the civil wars were ended by the death of Antonius, and the subduing of Egypt, in the fourteenth year of Augustus, in the month of August: yet the years of his Monarchy after the manner of the Romans, began to be reckoned from januarie following, in the beginning of the next year, being his fifteenth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Augustus' the king of the Romans attaining the fifteenth year of his reign, got Egypt and the rest of the world, saith Eusebius in his eight book, de demonstratione evangelii. And in his Chronicles likewise he beginneth the Monarchy of Augustus from the same his fifteenth year. For fourteen years then past, being added to 28. following, the number is 42.  
The same beginning of Augustus his Monarchy from that year, is confirmed by Paulus Orosius in the sixth book of his History against the Gentiles. Where having declared in the nineteenth chapter of that book, that Antonius and Cleopatra now forsaken of their navy, which in the beginning of August, had turned to Caesar, for grief slew themselves: And that Caesar after passed from thence into Syria by land, and then into Asia, and at length by Greece into Italy: in the next chapter immediately he addeth that Augustus Caesar in the year following, wherein himself now the fift time and L. Apuleius were Consuls, the sixth day of januarie, entered into Rome with three triumphs. Atque ex eo die summa rerum ac potestatem penes unum caepit esse & mansit, quod Graeci Monarchiam vocant. And from that day saith Orosius, the sovereignty and chief power called of the Grecians, a Monarchy begun to be in one man's hand, and so remained.  
joseph Scaliger I can but marvel at, in his sixth book de emendatione temporum, affirming that Christ our Lord was borne in the seven and twenty year after the victory at Actium, which is short of the time by me set for his birth in the 42. of Augustus, by two years and more. For the year of Christ's birth was the 30. at the least after the Actiac victory 29. full years being past and almost four months.  
Now touching the month and day of our saviours birth: I see no cause why we ought to refer that constant opinion of ancient Fathers, that it was the 25. of December, received of Augustine, Orosius, Chrysostom, and other, from them continued now by many ages to this day, except direct proof can be brought to the contrary. Which Beroaldus after his wont manner goeth about, in the second chapter of his fourth book of Chronicles affirming in plain words, that our Lord jesus Christ was borne in the midst of the month September, when the day and night is of one length.  
His reason to prove that assertion of his, is in this manner. Christ preached three years and a half before his death, this is proved by the words of Daniel in his ninth chapter. He shall confirm the covenant to many one week, and half that week shall abolish sacrifice and offering: which saith Beroaldus, is to be understood of Christ, preaching three years and a half from his baptizing to his death. Now that his baptism begun together with the 30. year of his age, is testified by Luke in his third chapter the 23. verse where Christ is said to have entered the 30. year of his age when he was baptised. The end of the last half year wherein Christ died, being the 14. day of the jews Nisan and of our March: Leave as well the beginning thereof, as consequently the birth of Christ, to the 14. of September.  
In deed if those his interpretations of Daniel and Luke in these places, were both of them certain and clear, as he sayeth they are, his proof were good: but if either of them fail, his reason is not worth a straw. And so far they are from being both certain, that neither of them both is sure: Scaliger maketh it an undoubted thing, that they are otherwise to be understood, referring the words of Daniel to the besieging and war against jerusalem by the Romans, and making the time of Christ's preaching, not three years and a half but full four. Beda and Ignatius made it only three years after his baptism. And Apollinaris with divers other either on or two at the most. And as for the words of Luke, a precise & exact beginning of the thirty year of Christ's age can not be gathered of them. Seeing he useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, importing a doubtful and imperfect number, whereunto somewhat, more or less, may be added or taken away, and signifying that Christ begun to be about thirty years of age at the time of his baptism: As in our English bible it is well translated, and so understood by Epiphanius, and justinus Martyr, and Augustine, with some other of the ancient fathers.  
Wherefore this his best reason is too weak to pull back the received time of Christ's birth, from the 25. day of December, to the 14. of September.  
another argument of his is taken from the custom of the Greek and the Egyptian churches, beginning their year from September. Whence also the indictions have their beginning. This (saith Beroaldus) they did because they knew that Christ was borne in the midst of September. And how proveth he that? Beroaldus for sooth saith so. The man's bare yea was enough belike to persuade the simple and unskilful. Other reason he bringeth none at all, either from authority or otherwise. Neither in deed do I see how he could possibly bring any. For it is a thing held without controversy, that the cause of the years beginning in the midst of September, was the memory not of Christ's birth, but of the glorious conquest of Alexander against Darius at Gaugamela, retained long after even in the Greek church. Which Scaliger out of Epiphanius declareth in his second book, De emendatione temporum; the chapter of Calippus his period beginning in Autumn; and also in his fift book, the chapter of the council of Nice which by Socrates was set down to have been in the 636. year of Alexander.  
But what shall we need go further than to Beroaldus himself for confirmation hereof, who even in the very next Chapter before going, had proved by the Greek Canons, & the first Tome of counsels printed at Paris, that the Greek church counted their years from Alexander. If the Greek church counted from Alexander, and that account of Alexander's years begun in the Equinoctium of Autumn, as Scaliger teacheth, about mid September; how can the cause and custom of this reckoning be referred to Christ's nativity? as for the Egyptians, the first month of their year called Thoth, before they were subdued by Augustus, went through all the months and seasons of the year some times in February, after in januarie, and so in order to February again. But after Antonius and Cleopatra were overthrown, and Egypt made one of the Roman provinces, won by Augustus Caesar in the month of August; the first of their Thoth was not the 14. of September, nor any part of it, but the 29. of August; and that in memory not of Christ his birth being yet unborn, but of Augustus his victory therein against the Egyptians. Whereof also as before hath been showed the month Sextilis, took a new name to be called August.  
Now follow the indictions, which begun about the 24. of September, and therefore by Beroaldus made likewise an argument of Christ's birth in that month. Constantine after the death of his father Constantius, who died here in England at York, obtained the empire of Rome in the year of Christ 312. The time of his coronation being the 24. of September, was celebrated with much joy, and great solemnity, and many sports and games against that time proclaimed: thereof called an Indiction, that is, a proclaiming. And from that day in memory thereof, a new account of years begun by that term of Indiction. This account the church also observed. Yet beginning it later with the month januarie following, to make it agree with the years of Christ. Therefore this argument of all other is most forcible against that, which Beroaldus being blinded with a new fangled conceit brought it for; as every one may see which will open but indifferent eyes. For the 24. of September, was 11. or 12. days after the aequinoctium: wherein he setteth Christ his birth; and the cause thereof Constantine crowned, not Christ borne. And because the time of Christ his birth was in those days celebrated and kept in winter and the beginning of the yerae of Christ in the first of januarie, as now at this day it is with us: the holy and zealous Christian fathers of that age in honour of Christ, changed the time of that Indiction from the 24. of September to the first of januarie. Thus it pleaseth the God of truth to blind the adversaries thereof, that they may fight against themselves which strive against it.  
His last proof is fetched from the course of Abiah, whereof Zacharie john Baptists father was, as the Evangelist Luke testifieth in the fift verse of his first chapter. There were 24. courses of the Priests, serving in the Temple at jerusalem, two families or courses appointed for every month, in the first of Chronicles the 24 Chapter, (saith Beroaldus) the first of these courses began most like in March, as other holy things pertaining to the temple did: so the course of Abiah being the eight, falleth to june. In that month unto Zacharie serving in the Temple, was foretold the birth of john Baptist by an Angel. About that time than his wife Elizabeth conceived, and six months after the blessed virgin Marie, as is gathered by the 26. & the 36. verses of the first chapter of Luke: So the time of Christ conceived falleth to December, and the ninth month after for his birth is September. All these links hang together but upon bare likelihoods. One that the Priests courses of service began in March: the other, that two courses were appointed for every month, neither of them both is certain, Beroaldus himself in that chapter witness. Zacharias quidem ad Abiae familiam pertinebat, cui forte octavo loco ministerium obeundum erat in sacrario: Sed quando aut quamdiu non intelligitur a nobis. Zacharias (saith he) pertained to the course of Abiah, to whose lot the eight course of serving in the Temple fell, but when and how long we know not. That which he saith of the uncertainty of these things is most true: for it may be that the courses began presently at that time, wherein they were first appointed, which is unknown to us. And if they did begin at the first with March, yet the next beginning must needs be changed if the times of their service were equal, because twelve months of the sun are not even all alike in days. It may be also, that every course had his wecke of service, which in my judgement is most like to be true.   

But to take all doubt away concerning the beginning of the first course of jehoiarib, and his posterity: we have a plain testimony in the Hebrews ancient Chronicle called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seder olam rabba, in the last chapter thereof, against that conjectural likelihood of Beroaldus, for the beginning of those courses in March, in this manner: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: That is, when the first temple was destroyed. That day was the next after the sabbaoth, and the next after the weeks end, & the course of jehoiarib, & the ninth of Ab, and in like manner was it at the destruction of the second temple. If jehoiaribs' course as there it is witnessed, being the first of all the 24. fell about the ninth day of the jews fifth month called Ab, which in some part is answerable to our julie: then by no means could the eight course of Abiah, in that order fall to june, being the fourth month.  
Thus all Beroaldus his coursing of Abiahs course, yieldeth him no more help, nor maketh any whit more for his purpose, than the rest of his wise reasons, as children say, and therefore by them no let, but that the received opinion of ancient fathers so long continued in God his Church, touching the birth of Christ in the 25. day of December, may be still retained for any thing that yet is proved to the contrary.  
Wherefore I conclude that our glorious Lord and Redeemer Christ jesus, blessed be his name and his memory for ever, was borne in the third year of the 194. Olympiad, and the 751. of Rome, now within six days or there about expired, wherein Augustus Caesar the 13 time was Consul, & M. Plautius Silanus with him, 328. years & almost a half after the Persian Monarchy, and so end the second part of the compass and bounds which have been set for daniel's weeks.  
The third and last part thereof only remaineth from Christ his birth, to the destruction of jerusalem by the Romans: which some of the ancient Fathers, 
1. Stroae.  as Clemens Alexandrinus, and Eusebius in his Chronicles, and P. Eberus in his history of the jews refer to the 73. year of Christ, and the third year of the 212. Olympiad, going further than the true account permitteth almost by two years: As Functius in the fift book of his commentaries upon his chronology declareth, and joseph Scaliger in his fift book de emendatione temporum, where they show the cause of this error, to be the confused reigning of divers Emperors together at one time, Galba with Nero, Otho with Galba, Vitellius with Otho, and Vespasian with Vitellius: So that whereas Vitellius is said to have reigned in all seven months, two of them and more were spent in the Sovereignty of Otho, and four at the least in the reign of Vespasian. Hence came that overshooting by sundering those times, which were confounded in themselves, and so reckoning the same years twice or thrice over in the several reigns of divers Emperors.  
Functius himself came somewhat nearer the mark, in placing that overthrow of the holy City, in the second year of that Olympiad, which is true: yet making it the 72. of Christ's birth; he therein erreth, and is at strife with himself; for how can this possibly stand, that the second summer of the 212. Olympiad, should be the 72. year from the third winter of the 194 Olympiad wherein Christ was borne.  
H. Bunting in his Chronologie did hit the mark right, affirming that jerusalem was destroyed in the 71. year of Christ, the 822. of Rome, Vespasian the second time, and his Son Titus being Consul the second year of the 212 Olympiad. The day wherein the Temple was set on fire by josephus is observed even the 10. of August. Conflagrante novissimo templo numerabantur a navitate Christi 70. anni cum diebus 221. From the nativity of Christ to the burning of the last Temple were 70. years and 200. and one and twenty days, saith Laurence Codoman in his Chronicles of holy scripture, which is most certainly true, and confirmed of him again in the fourth book of his chronology toward the end of the 29. chapter: where notwithstanding he also hath his error, in numbering 105. years to that time from the beginning of Herod's reign at his taking of jerusalem, being at the least 106. full years, with three weeks over: For jerusalem was taken of him about the beginning of the fourth year of the 185. Olympiad. Wherein M. Agrippa and Canidius Gallus were Consuls, the seventeenth day of the jews fourth month called Tamuz, answering in part to our june and partly to julie, as appeareth by josephus in the end of his fourteenth book of antiquities, compared with Ben Gorion his fourth book the 23. chapter. The Temple by Titus his soldiers was fired the ninth day of their next month called Ab, as we read in the end of his seder olam rabba, and the eight day of the next month following, the City itself was set on fire by them. Unto which time josephus from Herod's beginning before mentioned, counteth 107. years in his 20. book of Antiquities the eight chapter, being no more but 106. years with seven weeks more: Therefore according to the usual custom of Historiographers, he reckoneth a part of the last year for the whole, and his meaning is, that the burning of the city happened in the 107. year after Herod's beginning to reign, and that the distance betwixt the one and the other was 107. years running on, so as the last of them was not yet complete.  
By that which hitherto hath been proved, it appeareth that from the beginning of the Persian Monarchy, and the first year of Cyrus, to the end of the jews common wealth in the second of Vespasian; were 628. years, & so much time more as had past, partly before the second year of the 55. Olympiad to the beginning of Cyrus, and partly after the end of the first year of the 112. Olympiad, to the eight of September following: wherein the holy City of God (jerusalem) was set on fire, & that if account be made from the entry of that 55. Olympiad to the time wherein the City was burned, the whole space is even 629. years with some two months more or there about.  
Thus I end my reckoning of the times within the compass, whereof daniel's weeks have run out their course, which is the first help requisite to the understanding of daniel's meaning.  
The second now followeth, that is a true interpretation of his words: for though the fulfilling of those weeks, is contained within the reach of those 629. years and odd months before spoken of: yet in what time thereof they began or ended, that is a controversy, to the discussing whereof this second help may happily bring some light.  

THE NINTH CHAPTER OF DANIEL, THE 24. verse.  
Vers. 24. seventy weeks are determined upon thy people, and upon thy holy City, to sinish wickedness and to end sin, and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring righteousness everlasting, and to seal up vision and Prophet, and to anoint the holy of holies.  
Vers. 25. Know then and understand from the going forth of the word, to build again jerusalem unto Messiah the Governor, shall be seven weeks: and threescore and two weeks it shall be builded again street and wall, and in troublesome times.  
Vers. 26. And after those threescore and two weeks, shall Messiah be cut off and he shall have no being: and the city & sanctuary shall the people of the come governor destroy, & the end thereof shall be with a flood, and unto the end of the war shall be a precise judgement of desolations.  
Vers. 27. And he shall make a sure covenant to many one week, & half that week he shall cause sacrifice, and offering to cease, and for the overspreading of abominations shall be desolation, which to utter and precise destruction shall be powered upon the desolate.   
FOr the plainer understanding and proof of this interpretation I have thought good to set down cerraine annotations thereon where need shall require.  
In the 24. verse. weeks.] The Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a week, or as we also term it a sennet or sevenet, which better fitteth the Hebrew, having that force, as likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek, and septimana in Latin, all so called of the number of seven: but it is to be observed that the Hebrew word here used, signifieth sometime the space of seven days; as here in this prophesy the tenth chapter, and second verse: where Daniel saith that he mourned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 three weeks or sevenets of days, and in the sixteenth of Deuteronomie the ninth verse: where commandment is given from Easter to Whitsuntide to number seven weeks or sevenets, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: And sometime it containeth seven years, as in the 29. chapter the 27 verse of Genesis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fulfil her sevenet, and then she also shall be given unto thee for the service which thou shalt serve me yet seven years more. The Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in approved Authors is in like manner used not only for seven days, but also even for seven years space, and namely in the end of the seventh book of Aristotle's politics, where mention is made of such as divided ages by sevenets of years. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. M. Varro also in his first book of Images writing, se iam duodecimam annorum hebdomadam ingressum esse. That he had now entered into the 12. sennet of years, expresseth it more plainly and fully. In this signification I take the word in this place, understanding by 70. sevenets 490. years, having proof thereof from holy Scripture and profane writer. As for those which stretch the word further to a sevenet of tents or jubilees or hundreds of years as some have done: their opinion hath neither warrant from God his word nor any likelihood of truth.  
Are determined,] The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth properly to cut, and by a metaphor from thence borrowed to determine as hereafter I shall have occasion to declare.  
The Reader is here to know that in the Hebrew we have word for word. seventy weeks is determened: A verb singular being joined with a noun plural, by an usual custom of the holy tongue, when a thing spoken in general is to be applied to every part. As in the twelft chapter of job the seventh verse: Ask the beasts and it shall teach thee, that is, every one of them shall teach thee. And in the proverbs of Solomon the third chapter, the 18. verse, in their original tongue. They which hold wisdom, is made blessed, that is to say, they are made blessed every one of them. So here the same kind of speech being used, 70. weeks is determined, importeth thus much, that every one of those weeks particularly from the first to the last shall be precisely and absolutely complete. Which force contained in these words I might not omit. In English thus it may be expressed. seventy weeks every one are determined upon thy people.  
Thy people] that is thy countrymen the jews for this is a common speech often used in the hebrew tongue, to call that people mine of which I am one. As in the first chapter of Ruth the 15. verse. the Moabites are called the people of Orpha a woman of Moab: Thy sister is gone back to her people. So in the 10. verse of that chapter the jews are called Naomies' people. We will return to thy people with thee. And the same jeremies' people in the lamentations the 3. chapter and 14. verse where he complaineth, that he was a laughing stock to all his people. Here then in like manner by daniel's people are understood the jews whereof he was.  
And upon thy holy city] The holy city is jerusalem mentioned in the next verse so called, because it was the place consecrate to the holy worship of God. Esa the 52. chapter & 1. verse put on thy beautiful garments O jerusalem holy city. And in the 4. chapter of Math. the 5. verse, the devil carried him to the holy city, and set him upon a pinnacle of the temple. But why is it called daniel's city? was it because God had forsaken it, as though it were now to be called any others rather then God's city? So the learned father Hierom thought, but herein deceived. For being a holy city it must needs be also God's city. It was rather called daniel's city, either of his birth or bringing up therein. As in the ninth chapter of Matthew Capernaum is called Christ's city because he dwelled in it. And Rama in the first book of Samuel the first chapter is called the city of Elcana and the city of Samuel in the 28. chap. of that book. And Rogelim the city of Barzillai, in the second of Samuel the 19 the 38. verse. Let me die (sayeth he) in my own city.  
By this which I have said of daniel's people and daniel's city, it may appear how wide Hierom shot from the mark, with some other of the ancient father's interpreting it as though God had forsaken both: and given them over as well the jews as jerusalem.  
To end sin] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being as the Masorites term it the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, keri, of these words that is the true reading thereof; signifieth properly to consume finish or end sin. And therefore Hieroms interpretation,  finem accipiat peccatum that sin may have an end, is good. Neither do I see how that other of sealing up sins can here be warranted.  
This abolishing and finishing of sin, was wrought and fulfilled by our blessed Lord and redeemer Christ jesus. He was that unspotted lamb of God which took away the sins of the world, the first of john, the 29. verse. In the end of the world he once appeared to put away sin, by the sacrifice of himself. He was once offered to take away the sins of many. Heb. 9.26.28. He washed us from our sins in his blood. In the first of the Revelation the 3. ver. He delivered us from sin. By him the body of sin is destroyed, we are dead to sin, that it should not have dominion over us. See the 6. chapter. to the Romans 6.11.14.18. verses. He condemned sin in the flesh. Whosoever is borne of God can not sin. Christ therefore fulfilled this here spoken of by Daniel, that is to say, 
Rom 8.3. 1. joh. 3.9.  made an end of sin two ways, first in justifying us from sins past, and quitting us from the guilt thereof. And secondly in sanctifying us from sins to come, so as though we afterward sin: yet we cannot be servants unto it. Neither of them was or could be performed by the law. For the law causeth wrath. 
Rom. 4. Heb. 10.1. Heb. 10.4.11.  It could never sanctify the comers thereunto. The sacrifices thereof could not take away sins. jesus Christ only was the fulfiller hereof according to the saying of Ezechiel the prophet in his 36. chapter the 35. verse: I will power clean water upon you and cleanse you from all your filthiness. A new heart also will I give you, and a new spirit will I put within you: and I will take away the stony heart out of your body, and I will give you a heart of flesh. And I will cause you to walk in my statutes, and ye shall keep my judgements and do them  
And to make reconciliation for iniquity] by appeasing and pacifiing God his wrath against sin. Which was the effect of Christ his death offering up himself an acceptable sacrifice to God for the sins of the world. 
●om. 5.10. ●om. 5.1.  By his death we are reconciled to God. We have peace toward God through Christ.  
To bring everlasting righteousness.] The declaration hereof we have in the epistle to the Hebrews from the 12. ver. of the 10. chap. unto the end of the 18. verse of the same. There we are taught that by the sacrifice of Christ jesus once offered, remission of sins is obtained for ever: so as after there can be no other propitiatory oblation for them.  
Here therefore the everlasting righteousness of Christ, is opposed to the righteousness of the law, to the obtaining whereof daily sacrifices were offered. But Christ having once made reconciliation for our sins by his blood: thereby purchased unto us everlasting salvation and righteousness, which in the 9 chapter and 12. ver. of that Epistle is called everlasting redemption. The priesthood of christ is everlasting. 
Heb. 7.24. Heb. 9.11. Heb. 8.2. & 9.11.12.  And of good things to come everlasting. His sacrifice once for all everlasting. And the sanctuary into which he entered everlasting. And lastly the salvation, redemption, and righteousness, which he purchased for us is everlasting. So there is great difference between the Levitical priests and Christ, and between their oblations and his sacrifice. Of this effect in bringing righteousness, he hath this name to be called the Lord our righteousness in the 23. chapter of the prophet jeremy: the reason whereof is given by the blessed Apostle in the first epistle to the Corinthians the first chapter and 30. verse; where he saith, that Christ was made righteousness unto us.  
To seal up vision and prophet.] A testament or covenant in writing is never sure before the seal be set unto it. That maketh all good. That confirmeth and giveth strength. And therefore by a metaphor or borrowed speech; to seal up vision and prophecy, is as much as to confirm the same. So the word is taken in the 3. chapter of john's gospel and 33. verse. He which receiveth his testimony hath sealed up, that God is true, that is confirmed.  
Whatsoever in the old testament had been foretold and promised by the holy prophets of God concerning Christ his birth, his redeeming the elect from thrall, and saving from sin, his forerunner, his preaching, his miracles, his humility, betraying for money, death, resurrection, ascnceon, and glorious kingdom, were all most certainly performed by him in their due time. The verifying and fulfilling whereof, was as it were a seal for sure confirmation of the undoubted truth thereof. And for this cause the time of vision and prophet, is limited to the coming of Christ and the clear preaching of the gospel in his kingdom, whereby he was to verify, confirm and fulfil the same. This we are taught in the beginning of the epistle to the Hebrews in these words. God in times past spoke often and many ways to the fathers by the prophets. But in these last days he hath spoken to us by his son.  
And to anoint] This interpretation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I dare commend upon my knowledge to the Church of GOD for good: if ever any hath been good. It is sure as heaven and earth, no syllable amiss. Which I speak to this end that no man doubt to receive and hold fast this for the undoubted truth of God in this place concerning the anointing of Christ being an excellent point of divinity, whereof he even took his name to be called Messiah or Christ that is anointed. 
joh. 1.42.   
For the better understanding whereof we are to know that in time of the law the holy priests, prophets and kings, when they first took their offices upon them, were anointed with holy oil. And this was the ceremony of consecrating them to the service of God in those callings. For the anointing of priests we have the commandment of God in the last chapter of Exodus the 13. verse where speaking to Moses of Aaron. Thou shalt (sayeth God) anoint him and sanctify him, that he may minister unto me in the priests office. For the prophets anointing; we have the example of Elizeus anointed by Elias to be a prophet his stead. And for kings many testimonies. in Whereof I will bring only 2. one of David anointed king over the house of juda. The other of Solomon anointed king by Tsadoc the priest and Nathan the prophet. 
2. Sam. 2.4.   
Now Christ was the true high priest enduring for ever, 
1. Reg. 45.  much more excellent than the priests of the law. 
Heb. 7.24. and 8.6. Act. 3.22.  He was also that excellent prophet commanded to be heard in all things. Lastly he is the eternal king to whom God gave the throne of his father David, 
Luk. 1.32.33.  to reign over the house of jacob for ever, of whose kingdom shall be no end.  
Christ then having in himself alone all those dignities of King, Priest, and Prophet at once together, to the which other were anointed, severally, someone, some another, was therefore by a certain kind of excellency called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is the anointed. The Law, Priests, Prophets, and Kings were anointed with material holy oil, but Christ with the spiritual oil of the holy Ghost, which in the 45. Psalm, is called the oil of gladness. God hath anointed thee with the oil of gladness above thy fellows: that is with the holy Ghost: which therefore in the first Epistle of john the second chapter, the 20. and 22. verses, is called an ointment, by a translation taken from the anointings of the Law. Ye have an ointment from him that is holy.  
This spiritual anointing of Christ is spoken of by Esay in his 61. chapter the first verse. The spirit of the Lord is upon me, therefore hath he anointed me: He hath sent me to preach good tidings unto the poor. Clemens Alexandrinus hereof touching Christ his anointing hath this saying. 
1. Strom.  Our Lord Christ the holy of holies, who came and fulfilled Vision and Prophet, was anointed in the flesh with the spirit of his father. Therefore those material anointings of the law, were nothing else but types and figures of this spiritual anointing of Christ.  
The holy of holies]. That is, the most holy; Christ was endued with the holy Ghost without measure. john. 3.34. Even a very fountain of holiness, of whose fullness we are all made holy. Christ jesus saith Paul, is made unto us sanctification. Hereof in the first of Luke, 
1. Cor. 1 30.  the 35. verse, he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that holy one. 
Ch. 7. v. 26.  He is in the Epistle to the Hebrews said to be an high Priest, holy, innocent, undefiled, separate from sinners, and made higher than the heavens, and therefore not without cause in this place called most holy. The Pope's holiness striveth with Christ about this tittle, at least to be equal with him, challenging to himself the name not to be called holy, which were enough for a spotted man; but that is not enough for him, he will be as good as Christ, even most holy, yea holiness itself, or nothing at all. Well if he can say so much for himself to have that title, as God's word sayeth for Christ, let him take it: otherwise let him see how he can avoid Antichristian pride.  
Thus the generality of daniel's weeks is declared, so plainly pointing out the coming of Christ & the effects thereof, as though he had read the writings of the Evangelists & the Apostles, or had been an eye-witness in the time of Christ to the verifying and fulfilling of these things.  
Now followeth a more special and particular handling of them, divided into three parts in the other three verses.  
The 25. verse. The going forth of the word.] Moses in Deut. the fourth chapter, & thirteenth verse saith, That God declared unto Israel his covenant, even the ten words, and wrote them upon two Tables of stone, meaning thereby the ten commandments. Assuerus commanded his servants to bring Vashti the Queen before him, 
Hest. 1.12.  but she would not come at his word, that is at his commandment. When the same king had decreed that all the jews in his dominion should be destroyed: For publishing thereof the Posts went out in all haste by the kings word, which was nothing else but his commandment: So here by the word going forth, is to be understood a commandment which then is said to go forth when it is first sent to be published and proclaimed, as in the first of Ester the nineteenth verse. If it seem good to the king, let a royal word go forth from him: that is; Let a commandment by the king's authority be published. In the second chapter of this Prophet the twelfth verse. The decree went forth, & the wise men were slain. In the second book of the Machabies the sixth chapter, and eight verse. Through the counsel of Ptolemy there went out a commandment into the next cities of the heathen against the jews, to put such to death as were not conformable to the manners of the Gentiles. In the second chapter of Luke the first verse, there went out a decree from Augustus Caesar, that all the world should be taxed.  
To build again jerusalem.] In Hebrew to return & build jerusalem. Of this a little after toward the end of this verse.  
Unto Messiah the Governor.] The word Messiah in Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek, and with us anointed: So these three in signification are all one, Messiah, Christ, Anointed. The Hebrew word in the holy Scripture, attributed sometime specially to the person of Christ jesus our Lord, as in the first of john the 42. ver. we have found the Messiah. And in the second Psalm the second verse. The Rulers took counsel together against the Lord, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and against his Messiah or Christ, that is, against Christ jesus our Lord, as the place is expounded in the fourth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles. Sometime more generally to any anointed Priest, as in the fourth chapter and fift verse of Leuit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the Anointed Priest shall take off the bullocks blood, or to the anointed Prophets. Touch not mine anointed & do my Prophets no harm. 
Psa. 105.15  Or lastly to the kings and chief governors of the people. Thus Saul in the first of Samuel the 24. chapter and 7. verse, and David in the 2. of Samuel the 19 chapter and 22. verse, is called the anointed of the Lord.  
The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying any Ruler or Governor, is used sometime of kings, as in the first of Samuel the tenth chapter, the second verse, where Saul is called the Governor of the Lords inheritance, and in the second of Samuel the seventh chapter, David is called the ruler of God's people, and Ezechias in the second book of the Kings the 20. chapter and fifth verse. In all those places this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used: Sometime it is given to other inferior rulers, or governors: as in the 2. of Chronicles the 11. chapter and 11. verse. He repaired the strong holds, and set 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Governors therein, and in the 19 chapter and last verse of the same book. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Zebadias' the Ruler of the house of juda, shall be for the king's affairs, and in the 11. chapter of this Prophet Daniel the 22 verse, the Prince and chief governor of the Jews is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So there is no let by the force and signification of the word, but that it may be well referred to the chief ruler of the jews common wealth in jerusalem after the building thereof.  
Seven weeks:] It is great pity that this message of the holy Angel containing a most excellent prophesy from Gods own mouth, should be so perverted and depraved, as it hath been by those which pick out this sense, as though he said, there should be from the outgoing of the commandment to Messiah 69. weeks in all. A strange interpretation & such (I dare boldly say it) as by the Hebrew text can never be upheld. That interpretation which I have made leaving a stay or rest at seven weeks: as the half sentence being past, and continuing the 62. weeks with the other part of the sentence following to the end of the verse, and not referred to the former, as part of one whole number with them, by the Hebrew text is most sure and undoubted and justifiable against all the world: containing that which God himself in his own words hath uttered, neither more nor less, but the very same which God's Angel delivered to Daniel by word, and Daniel to the Church by writing in the holy tongue, and this once again it is; From the going forth of the word, to build again jerusalem unto Messiah the governor shall be seven weeks, and threescore and two weeks it shall be builded again street and wall, and in trouble some times. Mark the words, consider their order, and weigh well the rests. As I find in the Hebrew so I have Englished, that is, the truth of interpretation, be it understood as it may.  
It shall be builded again.] Word for word in the original tongue is written. It shall return and be builded: which learned Hierome very learned lie translated thus. Iterum aedificabitur. It shall be builded again. This is a familiar phrase in the Hebrew people's mouth: For proof whereof take a view of these places.  
First of that in Malachi the first chapter and fourth verse. We will return & build the desolate places. It is as much to say, as we will build them again, also in the 26. chapter 18. verse of Genesis. Isaak returned and digged the wells of water: which being digged in the days of Abraham, the Philistians after his death had stopped.  
The meaning is therefore that he digged them again, rightly understood by the Greek interpreters called the 70. thus translating it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He digged again, Hierome agreeing thereunto, rursus fodit. In the sixth chapter of Zacharie the first verse. I returned and lifted up my eyes and saw, which Tremellius very well translated thus. Rursus attollens occulos meos vidi. Again lifting up my eyes I saw: That therefore which some interpreters here have imagined, concerning the return of the people from the captivity of Babylon, is to use the old proverb nothing to Bacchus; an interpretation far from daniel's purpose.  
The like reason is of that before written in this verse to return and build jerusalem, being in sense the same which there I have translated, and Hierome long before me: to build again jerusalem. Moreover it shall be builded, importeth as much as if he had said it shall continue builded, or being once builded it shall so remain by the space of 434. years before the desolation thereof come, as Saadias' and Gershoms son expounded the meaning of the word.  
The 26. verse, Shall Messiah be cut off.] The signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is much more large then to slay, as by the most part of interpreters it is here taken, and reacheth to any cutting off, either by death, or banishment, or any other kind of abolishing, whereby a thing before in use, afterward ceaseth. joel. 1.8. The new wine is cut off from your mouth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Amos. 1.5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I will cut off the inhabitant of Bikeathaven, & him that holdeth the Sceptre out of Betheden, and the people of Aram shall go into captivity unto Kir, saith the Lord.  
And he shall have no being.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And there shall not be unto him: that is, he shall not be: He shall have no being: he shall be extinct and gone. Much like hereunto is that in the 42. of Genesis the 36. verse. Simeon is not: joseph is not: where the meaning is, that neither of them was remaining alive or had any being. jeremy 31. Rachel mourned for her children because they were not. Genesis 5.24. Enoch was not because the Lord took him away. That is he had no longer being among the living, a speech used in profane authors. Homer. 2. Iliad. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is,  For the sons of valiant Oeneus were not any longer, neither was he himself yet. And more plainly in the Tragedy of Euripides called Hecuba: where she bewailing the death of her son Polydorus. I understand now (saith she) the dream, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  which I saw touching thee my child, not being any longer in the light of heaven: Therefore the Hebrew scholiast Solomon jarchi, thinking 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here to be alone with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in other places, of all other interpreters judged best, and the same which myself approved before ever I read it in him or any other: As likewise master Fox in a sermon of his, entitled De Oliva evangelica understandeth it so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he, is an Hebrew phrase, whereby is signified man's life taken away, and therefore he giveth this interpretation thereof. Et vita privabitur. He shall be deprived of life. His judgement touching the force of the word to be all one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he shall not be, is all one with mine and that of Rabbi Solomon: yet as I understand the word of cutting off somewhat more largely of things abolished otherwise then by death: So this not being may be referred to the government ceasing and extinguished of the governor taken away, though not dead.  
Of the come Governor.] A come governor, I call Presidem advenam a deputy stranger, called here in the original 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ruler which is come: for in the times before the destruction of jerusalem by the Romans, there were two rulers of the City, one of their own people, a jew by profession or birth, after their manner anointed to the government of the common wealth amongst them, here named in the verse afore going 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the anointed Prince, the other a stranger appointed Deputy by the Roman Emperor called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a ruler not borne in the country, or one of the same Nation, but a stranger come from another place. In which sense the same word seemeth sometime otherwhere to be used. In the 42. of Genesis the fift verse. The sons of Israel came to buy food 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the comers, meaning other strangers which were come to Egypt. In the second book of Chronicles the 30. chapter and 25. verse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strangers which were come from the Isralites are opposed to the inhabitants of judea. Also in the fift of Nehemias the 17. verse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comers of the gentiles are set against such as were Iewes borne.  
With a flood.] Vespasians host, the mighty power of the Roman enemies with great force invaded and went through the whole land of Israel and juda, and as it were overflowing waters overwhelmed all. A metaphor taken from floods, as in the 11. of this prophesy the 40 verse. The king of the north shall come against him with Chariots and Horsemen, & overflow, and pass through.  
Unto the end of the war shall be a precise judgement of desolations.] In the time and continuance of that war, partly by the foreign enemies, partly by the civil dissensions within the city, a great desolation of jerusalem & juda was made: many of the jews for the intolerable misery of those times, leaving their City and flying as far as their legs could bear them, from their own native country into strange lands: which likewise happened in the former destruction of that land and City by Nabugodonosor and the Chaldeans. jerem. 42.14. We will go into Egypt that we may see no more war, nor hear the sound of the Trumpet, nor have hunger of bread and there will we dwell. This is it which the same Prophet bewaileth in his Lamentations the first chapter, and third verse. judah went away because of affliction and great servitude. Besides these which fled, many were slain, a great number perished by famine. All the places about the Temple were burnt up, and the City was made a Wilderness, and a solitary floor, as josephus writeth, who knew it so well as no man living better.  
The same Author testifieth, that the land which before had been beautified with goodly trees, and pleasant gardens and orchards, became so desolate, that none which had seen judea before with the fair buildings therein, at the sight of such a woeful change thereof could have contained himself from weeping and lamenting: For all the beautiful ornaments had been destroyed by war: so that if any which had known the place before, coming then again unto it on a sudden, could not have known it, but would have asked where jerusalem was though present in it. This we read in josephus his seventh book of the jews war, the first chapter: and the sixth book the first chapter, & some other places: therefore the speaking of desolations in the plural number, here wanteth not his force to note the multitude thereof. They were manifold, coming fast one upon an other: first in one place, then in another, till all was wasted.  
The 27. verse. One week.] This seemeth to pertain not only to the covenant confirming next before in this verse mentioned, but also to all the things spoken of in the former verse touching Messiah to be cut off, and the enemies wasting of the City by continual war to the utter desolation and ruin thereof: All these things came to pass in the last week of the 70.  
Half of that week.] That is, of that last week mentioned in the next words afore going, and not a new half of an other week besides the 70. For this cause the demonstrative Article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ha is set before the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signify no other but the same week spoken of before, according to the Hebrews custom, and manner of speaking, observed also and retained in the Greek tongue as the learned knowe. A like example we had in the beginning of the next verse afore going in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having the same Article, and referring us to those same 62. weeks before spoken of and no other. Touching this covenant & sacrifices abolished, I will by God his help in that which followeth declare what I think.  
Shall be desolation.] So I interpret the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 substantivelie as the Greek and Latin interpreters here, and the 31. verse of the 11. chapter, have taken it, though otherwise it seemeth to have the form of a Participle. We have like examples in the fift chapter of this book and twelft verse where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth an exposition, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a losing or dissolving: so that this need not seem strange.  
Utter and precise destruction.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. There is in propriety of signification some difference between these two words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth a perfect desolation of that which is utterly & wholly destroyed, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is referred to the resolute and precise determination of that utter destruction to come. When it is precisely and certainly decreed, all hope of recalling the same being quite cut off. One respecteth the greatness, the other the certainty of God his vengeance to come. Esa. 10.22. The Lord in the midst of the land shall make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 utter desolation and precise waste past all calling back.  
Having thus made first a true account and reckoning of the times wherein the fulfilling of daniel's prophecy is contained, by the help of profane writers testifying the certain truth thereof, and secondly a true interpretation of daniel's words, according to the original tongue: It now remaineth by applying the one to the other, to search and examine, where the beginning and end of those 70. weeks may be found.  
The greatest part of those who have laboured for the understanding of this prophesy: have understood the Messiah here spoken of to be jesus Christ, and first seven weeks, than 62. that is 69. in all to be the distance betwixt the commandment and him, referring the end of those years either to his birth, or his baptism, or his death, and the beginning either to Cyrus, who first gave leave for the return of the people and the building of the temple, or to Darius Hystaspis, who confirmed the same by a new decree, in the second year of his reign, as they take it, mentioned in the sixth of Esdras: or lastly to Artaxerxes the long handed, supposing him to be the Artaxerxes mentioned in the seventh of Esdras, and the second of Nehemias; who in the twenty year of his reign gave a new commandment for the building of the walls of the City, and sent Nehemias about it. Though some reckon from his seventh year, wherein Esdras was sent to jerusalem by the kings authority with great privileges granted.  
Touching their opinion which bring the time of their years from Cyrus to Christ: it is with good reason confuted by julius Affricanus in the fift book of his Chronicles, because that from Cyrus to Christ are many years above that time, that the compass of daniel's weeks can reach to, which may be likewise objected against Darius Histaspis his second year: from which to Christ's birth are above 500 years.  
But all this reasoning of Africanus toucheth Beroaldus no whit at all, bringing Cyrus down from the 55. Olympiad to the 80. within the reach of these weeks, and so Darius Hystaspis in proportion; if ever there were any such Dariuses among the Persian kings: For Beroaldus reckoning them all by their names, hath no one of this name amongst them to be found; but other in his stead I know not who, such as were never heard of before.  
If these fancies had been broached before the days of Africanus: his answer I believe would have been, as is used amongst the learned contra negantes principia, against such as deny principles and grounds, not with words, but either with silence or hissing: as Aristo & Pyrrho were served for making no difference betwixt riches and poverty. Either of these answers is good enough for him, who going against the stream of all antiquity & learning, neither acknowledgeth any Cyrus before the 80. Olympiad, nor any king of Persia by the name of Xerxes in proper person as king to have invaded Greece, & so for me it shall rest. The true time of Cyrus his age and the Persian Monarchy, which the Reader may safely lean to, is already declared.  
The last opinion is of such as refer the beginning of the 490. years of daniel's prophesy to Artaxerxes the longhanded, some reckoning them from his seaunenth year, to the death and passion of Christ jesus; as Functius and some other. The seventh of that Artaxerxes was the second year of the 80. Olympiad, and our Saviour suffered in the last of the 202. The distance between is 490. years; so that in regard of the time and space of years, this opinion would in some sort agree: if other things were answerable: but this is certain that Esdras was in that seventh year of Artaxerxes sent to jerusalem by the king's authority, with letters and many privileges granted unto him, and great sums of money for offerings and uses of the Temple: yet no decree made for the building of the City, either Temple, which had been finished before, or walls which were made up after by Nehemias, by special commandment.  
Moreover if the decree to build the City had been then published in the seventh year of Artaxerxes, we must from thence to Messiah only account seven years, and sixty two as the Angel in plain words declareth, which expire seven years, before the death of Christ.  
lastly this opinion disagreeth from the History of Ezra, where we read of an other Artaxerxes before this, under whom Ezra came to jerusalem, which had forbidden the jews to proceed in the building of God his Temple, & therefore this could not be the long handed Artaxerxes, before whom there was no king of Persia called by that name. Which reason likewise serveth to improve the next opinion here following: for many go somewhat lower to the 20. year of the same Artaxerxes, wherein a new decree went out for the building of the walls of jerusalem, as we read in the second chapter of Nehemias. This twentieth year of Artaxerxes, was for the most part of it answerable to the 4. of the 83. Olympiad, and the commandment given in the first month in the beginning of the spring: as we read in the second of Nehemias. From which time to the death and passion of our Saviour in the spring time of the last year of the 202. Olympiad, were 477. years full and no more. So there wants of daniel's number thirteen years.  
To supply this want, two ways have been devised. One by julius Africanus, Beda, Rupertus, Comestor, Pererius, and other, who thought the years of the Moon to be understood in this place. Which opinion, as of all other most fitly agreeing to the true interpretation of this place, Pererius on the 9 of Daniel embraceth, and bringeth reason for it; because it is said in the Latin translation 70. Hebdomadae abbreviatae sunt: that is, 70. weeks are shortened; Quo significatur annos earum hebdomadarum non esse ad longitudinem annorum solarium exigendos, sed ad brevitatem lunarium coarctandos. Whereby is signified that the years of those weeks are not to be driven out to the length of the Sun years: but to be drawn into the shortness of the Moon years, saith Pererius.  
I would it were the worst that might be said of this reason, to call it absurd, frivolous, foolish. It is all that and more: even derogatory from God and his word: which by this means is defaced and thrust out of doors, and caused to give place to the folly and error of a silly man. For the ground of it is a decree from the Council of Trent, establishing the authority of the old Latin vulgar translation, as the very authentical word of God, not to be rejected or refused of any, upon any pretence whatsoever. Hereof the Papists in their expositions allege that translation, preferring it before the original text itself received from heaven. And hereof it is that Pererius in his exposition on this place, standeth so much upon the word abbreviatae shortened: urging it greatly for proof of his short Moon years. It is a proof indeed from the bad interpretation of a man: not warrantable from the mouth of GOD: whose word in this place is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which in the holy tongue signifieth properly to cut. In that sense it is often used by the Hebrew writers thereof, calling a piece of a thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Camius in the second part of his Miclol, and Elias in his Tishbi testify: where he declareth the true signification thereof by the Dutch and Italian tongues. Wherein the words to those Hebrew answerable, are in Dutch, ein schint, or ein stuck: in Italian Pez, or talio, signifying any piece of a thing cut off. It is so also expounded by the Greek interpreter: who here to express the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying to cut.  
The meaning is, that so many years were determined and decreed, by a speech borrowed from things cut out: because that in determining and decreeing things, the reason of man's mind, sundering truth from falsehood, & good from bad, doth by judgement as it were cut out that which is convenient and fit to be done. Whereunto a like example in the same word is read in the Chaldie paraphrasis of Ester the 4. chapter & 5. verse, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which in English is thus much: And Ester called for Daniel, whose name was Hathac, by the word of whose mouth the matters pertaining to the kingdom were cut out: that is, determined and appointed. And in other words of the same signification we have like examples. In the second chapter of Ester the first verse, King Assuerus remembered Vashti, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that which was cut out upon her: that is decreed and by judgement determined to come upon her. Also in the first book of the Kings, the 20. chapter and 40. verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So is thy judgement, thyself hath cut it out: that is, thou hast by thy own sentence determined it. A phrase in Latin Authors usual enough, as when Cicero in his 4. plea against Verres saith, Res ad eum defertur istiúsque mere deciditur. The matter is referred to him and cut off after his manner: that is, determined. Theodoretus in his exposition of this place, taketh the Greek word in the same sense, they are cut: that is, appointed and decreed.  
Hereby it is clear that Pererius his reason being taken from man's interpretation, and not God's word, can be no good ground for the Moon years to stand upon. Let the Pope and twice so many Bishops more, in their Council set it up as sure as they can, God his word is more powerful than they, to pull it down.  
Furthermore, though this were granted unto him, that the Latin edition by the Counsels decree hath divine authority, and therefore force sufficient to prove the years of the moon to be understood in this place by the word abbreviatae shortened: yet for all that, such was the man's blindness, even those his short years are yet too short to fill up the want before spoken of, and to reach to the passion of Christ. For 490. years of the Moon make but 475. of the Sun: which expire two full years at the least before Christ died.  
I am not ignorant that Pererius would help out this matter by a distinction of inclusiuè, and exclusiuè computation. Jnclusiuè he termeth when the first and last are included in the number. Exclusiuè when they are left out; and thinketh that the whole number in all should be 490. Moon years or 477. of the Sun, with the first and last included: and without them two only 488. of the Moon and 475. of the Sun between to be reckoned.  
This is a ridiculous shift. For the Prophet doth not namely speak of 490. years or 477. (that is, gathered by interpreters, and not without some controversy among them) but of 70. weeks. So that if the extremes, first and last, were to be excluded, they should be weeks, rather than years. Indeed if the Prophet had said that there were 490. or 477. years, from the year of the commandment to the year of Christ's death: it might peradventure have made some cause of wrangling about this, whether the first and last years should be excluded or no. But here is no such matter. The extremes here expressed, are the commandment to build jerusalem for one: and the other, as it is understood, the death of Christ. Now then, if the Prophet say, that from one of these extremes to the other, are 490. or 477. years exclusively: two days only must be excluded, rather than two years. For the commandment was given in a day, and the death of Christ happened in a day. It were strange to make each of them of one whole years continuance: and far from that exact reckoning which Daniel maketh of his 70. weeks: first seven: then sixty and two: and last of all one.  
Therefore Julius Africanus, who as the chief author of these Moon years, is alleged by Pererius, never once dreamt of any such exclusive computation. I must acknowledge that he taketh indeed this place to be understood of 490. Moon years: which kind of years the Hebrews used, as he saith. But he could not stretch them any further than to the 16. year of Tiberius the Emperor of Rome: which is short by two whole years of the time set by Pererius for the passion of our Lord, in the 18. year of Tiberius. And as they are short of his passion: so they go further than his baptism. For which cause that opinion of Africanus can no way stand, making an end of daniel's weeks, neither in the birth, nor the baptism, nor the death of jesus Christ.  
Neither can that conceit of Africanus touching the Moon years hereto be understood, by that reason which he bringeth for it, that is, by the custom of the Hebrews, be approved. Their months, I grant, were in some sort taken by the course of the Moon. But the continuance of their years was ever directed by the Sun: and that as well before the captivity of Babylon, as after: as may by good arguments out of holy Scripture be proved.  
They were commanded to celebrate their feast of unleavened bread, yearly from the 14. day of the first month to the 21. thereof, answerable to our April in part (This was according to the course of the Moon.) And withal, to keep it yearly in that season of the year, wherein their barley harvest begun: as is evidently to be seen in the 23. chapter of Leuit. the 10. verse. When ye be come into the land which I give unto you, and reap the harvest thereof: than ye shall bring a sheaf of the first fruits of your harvest unto the Priest. Which could not be but by the course of the Sun. Likewise seven weeks after that feast ended, was appointed the celebration of Whitsuntide, at the end of their harvest: which for that cause is named the Harvest feast, and the feast of first fruits, whereof an offering was brought to the Lord, Exod. 23.16. Lastly, their feast of Tabernacles every year was kept in the 15. day of the 7. month: and withal in the end of the year, after their vintage in Autumn, when all their grapes and other fruits of that season were gathered, Exod. 23.16. Deut. 16. vers. 13. It could not possibly be, that the end of their harvest should be every year 7. weeks after Easter: and the end of their vintage, called the end of the year, always from time to time in the 15. day of the 7. month, but by the year of the Sun: whose course being finished brought it to pass.  
Now that it seem not strange which I have brought concerning the jews harvest beginning in April, and ending seven weeks after toward the end of may, or not long after the beginning of june, because in our countries it is much latter about August: we are to know that jewrie being a hotter country, as nearer to the equinoctial line, and the summer tropic than ours by 20. degrees, hath the harvest by reason thereof much sooner than with us is accustomed, even in their first month and the spring of the year. The Isralites went over Iorden the 10. day of the first month, being the time of harvest, & four days before their passover. The disciples of Christ in the 6. of Luke the first verse, 
Ios. 3.15. and 4.19. and 5.10.  a little after Easter walking through the corn plucked the ears of corn, and rubbed them in their hands and did eat them. Which argued the ripeness of corn at that season. Pliny in his 18. book and 18. chapter, speaking of the Egyptians, which are near unto judea; telleth that they go into their fields with the sickle a little before April, and finish their harvest in May.  
These feasts than every year falling to the time of harvest, bring manifest proof for the year of the Hebrews, that it was ordained by the course of the Sun. The time of the children of Israel's eating Manna, in scripture is accounted 40. years: in the end of the 16. chapter of Exodus, reckoned from their departure out of Egypt, Numbers the 33. chapter the 38. vers. Which number from the same season of the year to the same, by the years of the sun is most exact. For they came forth of Egypt the 15. day of the first month, in the beginning of barley harvest. And the very same day of the same month, in barley harvest their Manna ceased. Ios. 5.12. In the 25. chapter of Leviticus, the Isralites are commanded to sow their field, and cut their vineyards, and gather the fruits thereof 6. years: and to let the 7. rest as a sabbath year to the Lord. And 7. of those sabbaths are accounted 49. years, at the end whereof in the 10. day of the 7. month began the jubilee. These years most manifestly were years of the sun. Otherwise all the fruits of those years could not have been gathered in harvest and vintage, as God appointed. For 49. years of the moon would very near have cut off one and a half, the last expiring in winter before any corn or other fruit were ready to be gathered therein.  
Daniel himself toward the beginning of this chapter, made mention of the 70. years of captivity. Where no one, that ever I heard of, understood other years then of the sun. It were a strange thing, if in one chapter first speaking of 70. years, and after of 70. weeks of years, he should understand divers sorts of years one of the sun, and an other of the moon. Augustine in his 15. book de civitate Dei the 14. chapter, disputing against the opinion of some, who were persuaded that the years of the ancient fathers, which lived in the first age, were not of the Sun: useth these words: Tantus tunc dies fuit, quantus & nunc est. Tantus tunc mensis, quantus & nunc est: quem luna caepta & finita conclusit. Tantus annus, quantus & nunc est, quem 12. menses lunares, additis propter cursum solis 5. diebus & quadrante, consummant. The day was as great then (saith Augustine) as it is now. The month as great then as now, contained within the compass of the moons course from the beginning to the end. The year was then as great as now, perfected by twelve months of the Moon, with five days and a quarter added. Twelve months of the Moon with five days and a quatter more, make up the suns year, the same which we now use at this day. For every month in old time, by Augustine's judgement, contained just thirty days: as is to be seen in his fourth book De Trinitate the fourth chapter, where he writeth thus: Si 12. menses integri considerentur, quos triceni dies complent, talem quip mensem veteres obseruaverunt quem circuitus lunaris ostendit. That is, if the twelve months whole be considered which contain thirty days a piece. Such was the month by men of old time observed, even that which the course of the moon showed. This is manifest by the history of noah's flood in the seven and eight chapters of Genesis, where we are taught that the flood begun the seventeenth day of the second month: and the Ark rested on a mountain of Ararat in the seventeenth day of the seventh month. Which space there by God's holy spirit is counted 150. days: which reckoning giveth to every month thirty days a piece, neither more nor less.  
I might bring other testimonies to confirm this custom of the Hebrews year, ordered by the compass of the suns moving, if it were needful: but I hope that which hath been said already, is sufficient to improve the first shift of Africanus and other, devised by 490. short Moon years to cut short the time of daniel's prophesy by 13. years: that is, two whole weeks of the 70. within a year. Seeing that they can neither serve to fill up the distance from Artaxerxes his 20. year, to the suffering of Christ, for which they are brought, nor yet the custom of the Hebrews reckoning in holy Scripture will bear them.  
The other shift is as bad and silly as that, if not more. For some who could not abide that forced wresting of Moon years, where there is no likelihood of such to be meant, went another way to work, making two beginnings, and thence two twentieth years of Artaxerxes his reign. One beginning was immediately after the death of his father Xerxes in the 4. year of the 78. Olympiad. The other nine years before in the 4. of the 76. Olympiad: wherein he was appointed king by his father yet living, nine years before his death: from which the 20. is the 3. of the 81. Olympiad for the beginning of daniel's weeks, saith Gerardus Mercator. Wherein notwithstanding he was greatly deceived, by what error I know not. For reckoning from the third of the 81. Olympiad, to the last of the 202. wherein Christ died: we shall find no more but 486. years at the most. And therefore I see not by what reason he saith, that the 70. weeks containing 490. years, beginning at that twentieth of Artaxerxes, expired in the death of Christ.  
Temporarius therefore making two beginnings, and two 20. years of Artaxerxes, as he doth, accounteth from the first twentieth 483. years to Christ his baptism; which was above three years before his passion, and so endeth the death of Christ, three years and more before the end of daniel's weeks. But what reason had Mercator and Temporarius to think, that Artaxerxes begun to reign whilst his father was yet alive, so long before his death? This is a matter worth the examination, being the ground of a great error. The reason which they bring is in this manner. Themistocles the Athenian in the second year of the 77. Olympiad, being expelled out of Athens by his unthankful country men and citizens, notwithstanding the great and wonderful deliverance of all Greece from the power of Xerxes' king of Persia, by his wisdom and prowess especially wrought: fled to the same Xerxes; as Ephorus, Deino, Cleitarchus, Heraclides, Diodorus Siculus, and other story writers declare.  
Again, that Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes reigned in Persia, at such time as Themistocles fled to the king thereof for succour, it is testified by an ancient author of credit, even Thucydides himself in his first book of the Peloponnesian war, writing that Themistocles flying by sea to Ephesus, & after going higher into Asia with a certain Persian, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, sent letters to king Artaxerxes the son of Xerxes, who a little before begun to reign. If Themistocles flying, came to Xerxes' king of Persia, and sent letters to Artaxerxes his son then reigning also in Persia: it must needs be that Artaxerxes had been made king a good while before his father's death: for that happened about six or seven years after the banishment of Themistocles. This is the force of their argument. I have heard it reported of one Doctor Medcalfe, who sometime was master of Saint john's College in Cambridge, a man of no great learning himself: but for care and earnest endeavour every way to advance learning, giving place to none. Whereby it may be thought that that famous College hath by his means the better prospered and flourished ever since, with so great a company of excellent Divines and skilful men in other knowledge. I have (I say) heard it reported of him, that having on a certain day at supper with him some of the chief Seniors of the College, he sent for two Sophisters to dispute before them. The one took upon him to prove that his fellows black gown was green; requiring this only first to be granted unto him, that if there were any green gown in that chamber, it was on his back. Which was not thought unreasonable: because it was evident, that there was none else had any. This then being once granted, he framed the rest of his proof in this manner. That (saith he) pointing to a green carpet on the table, there is a green in this chamber all our eyes witness: and that there is gown in it, your own upper garment on your backs proveth: whereof it followeth, that here amongst us in this chamber there is a green gown. Doctor Medcalfe hearing this was greatly delighted, and affirmed in good sadness that it was a good reason: & withal asked the judgement of the Seniors there present: who smiling, commended the scholars wit.  
Such a sophistication is here brought, by joining things together which ought to be sundered. For neither they which tell of Themistocles flying to Xerxes, once ever dreamt of Artaxerxes reigning at the same time: nor Thucydides speaking of his coming to Artaxerxes, had this in his mind to think that Xerxes should be then alive: which I will prove by good witness. For Plutarch in the life of Themistocles writeth thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thucydides, saith Plutarch, and Charon Lampsacenus tell that after Xerxes was dead, Themistocles came to his son. Aemilius Probus confirmeth it in these words: Scio plaerósque ita scripsisse, Themistoclem Xerxe regnant in Asiam transiisse: sed ego potissimum Thucididi credo, quòd aetate proximus crat. I know, saith Probus, that many writer's report, Themistocles to have passed into Asia whilst Xerxes was yet alive: but I rather believe Thucydides, who was near those times. Lastly, Laurence Codoman in the second book of his Chronologie, is as plain for it as may be. That (saith he) which Thucydides testifieth in his first book, that Themistocles fled to Artaxerxes, of late having begun to reign: must be understood of the Monarchy of Artaxerxes, begun after his father's death.  
There was some difference between them I grant, in regard of the persons to whom, and the time when Themistocles came: some thinking it to be done when Xerxes was king, before the reign of his son. Other, when Artaxerxes reigned after the death of his father. But all agreed in this, that at such time as Themistocles fled out of Greece, there was not two, but only one king of Persia: which is most certainly true.  
Let the record of all histories be sought, for the whole time of the Persian Monarchy from the beginning to the end: it shall never be found that the father and his son reigned together. Herodotus indeed in Polymnia, not far from the beginning, telleth of a custom and law of the Persians, that their king going to war, first appointed an heir who was to succeed him in the Empire. And that Xerxes was so appointed by his father Darius, having prepared all things ready for his voyage against Egypt, to be next king after him. Yet he never reigned till his father was dead. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: when Darius was dead, saith Herodotus, the kingdom came to his son Xerxes. So that if Artaxerxes, as they say, were appointed king by his father Xerxes in his life time, it was but for the next place after his father's death, to be an heir apparent and successor. far from that imperial majesty which Thucydides giveth to him, calling him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a king newly come to his kingdom.  
But for my part, weighing all circumstances, I see not any colour that Artaxerxes should be chosen so much as heir apparent by his father yet living: much less king. He had three sons by his chief wife Queen Amestris: first of all Darius: then two years after another called Hystaspes: and last of all this Artaxerxes: besides two daughters, as Ctesias declareth. By the custom of the Persians it must needs be, that he named his next heir and successor to the crown, before his famous voyage into Greece. And who was then to be named before his eldest son Darius? For Gerardus Mercator in his Chronology maketh it a thing past doubt, that Artaxerxes was at that time unborn. Whereunto agreeth that which we read in justin, in the beginning of his third book concerning the age of Artaxerxes at his father's death: which happened about 16. years after his going forth against Greece. For there by justin he is termed admodum puer, a very child. If he had then been borne: yet there is no likelihood that he should have been preferred either before Darius the eldest of all; or the next, that is Hystaspes, being elder than he. This devise therefore of two beginnings and two 20. years of Artaxerxes, to help out the want of so many years betwixt the twentieth year of Artaxerxes and the death of Christ, is a very poor shift and altogether frivolous.   

If plain proof had been brought by the testimony of ancient writers, that the kingdom and monarchy of Artaxerxes begun whilst his father lived, and that they reigned both at once many years together; they had said somewhat to the purpose. But that is not done: It is fetched about I know not how, by vain conjectures, and guessing, and childish wrangling and sophistry. The reasons to work it are deceitful, and have nothing at all in them but a colourable show without substance.  
That therefore which julius Africanus writeth in his Chronologie the 5. book, that if we begin to number daniel's 70. weeks from any other beginning then the 20. of Artaxerxes: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: neither the time will accord, and many absurdities follow; is true as well in that year which he excepteth, as any of the rest. Neither do I see, how by just chronology of the times, either the year of Christ his birth, or his baptism, or his death, may serve for the 490. years of daniel's 70. weeks to be accounted unto, from any commandment and decree given out by the Persian kings to build jerusalem; or how the word Messiah in this place can be applied to our Saviour jesus, even by their own exposition, for if the 70. weeks expire in the death of Christ, as Beroaldus with the most part and best learned think, why doth Daniel reckon only threescore and nine to Messiah, except they will say that Messiah is here taken for the seventh year before the death of Messiah, which were a strange kind of interpretation. And as Chronologie here fitteth not for Messiah to be understood of Christ our Lord: so the very text itself is against it, which maketh only seven weeks, that is 49. years distance from the commandment to Messiah in plain speech; so that it cannot be applied to our blessed Saviour without straining and wresting, which they who so understand it of Christ jesus are driven unto. They are feign to use chopping and changing, adding and taking away, contrary to the express commandment of God: For first, whereas the original text after these words seven weeks hath a rest, yea that rest which is usual in the midst of a sentence, to signify a pause after half the verse now already ended: this pause by them is taken away, and the words without any rest at all continued with the next following, and the pause or stay made at 62. weeks in this manner: From the out going of the word to build again jerusalem unto Messiah the governor, shallbe seven weeks, & 62. weeks. Again because in that interpretation of theirs, the words, and 62. weeks are severed from the other following, wherewith they should be joined, as in my interpretation before delivered may appear, & by that means the sense so darkened, that of itself in any plain construction of sense it cannot stand: To make somewhat of it they are feign to thrust in words of their own invention, as for that which God sayeth, it shall be builded again, they say, & it shall be builded again, thrusting in the conjunction more than aught to be. Some put in other words, some change verbs into Participles, and all to make 483. years distance betwixt the decree and the Messiah here spoken of, in steed of only 49.  
Here is great odds, what is this else but to make God's word a wax nose to turn which way a man list at his pleasure? How is it possible that by such kind of dealing divine scripture should be rightly understood? How shall the jews by such wresting of texts, be made Christians and brought to believe that Christ is come? Here it may be, some will say unto me, you make more a do about distinctions & pauses and points than is need: those are small matters and not so straightly and precisely to be looked into. I may give men leave to think as they list: but the truth is, that even these small matters of distinctions and rests, are of great weight & importance to the true understanding of God his holy word: yet be it granted, that as small matters they may be neglected. Is that also a small matter to put in words of their own, which the custom of the original tongue will not bear? Well let that be yielded to, be it a trifle not to be stood upon.  
Though all this were granted, and though there were no vowels nor points at all, yet even the very manner of the speech itself were enough to reprove their interpretation: for who ever read in the Hebrew Bible this kind of speech; Seven and threescore, and two for threescore and nine? It is not the custom of the holy Ghost to speak after that manner. If all the Hebrew scripture from the beginning of Genesis, to the end of Malachi be sought throughout, no one clear example of the like can be found.  
As for that which Pererius bringeth from the twelfth verse of the 45. chapter of Ezechiell: Tremellius will soon teach him, that it is in another kind.  
If therefore neither agreement of time, nor text of holy scripture permit the name Messiah in this place to be referred to jesus Christ: we are to examine what other signification of this word is more agreeable to both. It is used sometimes of our Saviour Christ, and sometimes more generally taken, as before is showed, for any anointed Priest, Prophet, Prince, or chief Governor of the common wealth, and this is the signification, which in my judgement best fitteth this place. And of Christian interpreters Eusebius is the man, which hath either taught me it, or guided me to it, or confirmed me in it: who in his eight book de demonstratione evangelica having brought the exposition of Africanus, understanding here Christ jesus by the name of Messiah or Christ, addeth these words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That is; I say that the Governor Christ here spoken of in this text of scripture, by an other signification or acception is no other but a succession of high Priests, which after this prophesy, and the jews return from Babylon governed the people, which the scripture usually calleth Christ's or annoynteds.  
In this number he reckoneth judas Machabaeus and his brethren, and their posterity, who exercised a kingly government over the jews, and a little after expounding these words in the 26. verse. Christ shall be cut off: who (saith he) is this Christ, but the governor which by succession of the Priest's kindred ruled the people? This Christ therefore endured all the time wherein these weeks were to be fulfilled: but so soon as they once were ended according to this prophesy, the chief ruler of the people of that succeeding kindred was cut off, saith Eusebius.  
This is a notable saying of Eusebius to declare the true meaning of the word Messiah; which may direct us to understand this most excellent prophesy aright, Theodoretus herein agreeth unto him.  
I take it somewhat more largely than Eusebius and Theodoretus doth, not of the Machabies only, but of other chief rulers and kings of the jews common wealth, within the compass of these weeks, as the Hebrew scholiasts Saadias', Aben, Ezra, jarchi, and some other expound it. Not one Hebrew writer that ever I read, understood their Messiah by this word, but a succession of anointed, either Priests, or Governors.  
The decree to build jerusalem, I take to be that which was made by Darius for the building of the temple, which was the chiefest part of the city. In the second year of that Darius, and the 6. month the first day toward the end of our August, they were commanded in the lords name by his prophet Aggie, to build the holy temple of jerusalem: as we read in the first chapter and first verse of the prophet. After they had begun to build, the governors of the countries beyond Euphrates came unto them to know by whose authority they took that work upon them, 
Ezra chap. 5. and 6.  who answered that Cyrus had given them leave to do it long before in the first year of his reign. Of this answer they certified king Darius. By whose commandment search was made: first in the records at Babylon: after at Ecbatava the chief city of Medes, where a record touching that matter was found. Hereupon Darius made a new decree for building thereof; and sent it to the governors of his countries beyond Euphrates, charging them to permit and help forward the building thereof.  
All these things were not done in a little time, from the prophets sending by God about that matter, to the time wherein Darius sent his decree. It asked some time to begin the work after the prophet's warning. And then for the governors in other provinces to be certified. And after themselves to come and examine the matter. At what time it is said that they found the work in good forwardness, the beams being laid in the walls. Ezra the 5 chapter 8. verse: and after to certify Darius: and then to search the records, and that in those far places of Babylon and Ecbatava. And lastly to send forth the new decree.  
So far as we may guess, this time might be about some 8. or 9 months, and bring us to the month of April or May in the 3. year of Darius. And who was this Darius? In my judgement no other but the surnamed Nothus, who was son to Artaxerxes Longimanus. This Artaxerxes (as Thucydides then living testifieth) died in the 7. year of the Peloponnesian war in winter which was the 4. of the 88 Olympiad. After him Xerxes and Sogdianus reigned 1. year. And after them this Darius whose 3. year at that season wherein the decree to build the temple went out, falleth toward the end of the 3. year of the 89. Olymp.  
For the publishing of that decree to Messiah, that is the first governor of the new builded city, are accounted here by Daniel 7. weeks, containing 49. years. Whereof 17. pertained to Darius after the decree: for he reigned 19 in all. The other 32. were of Artaxerxes Mnemon his successor. In whose 20. year Nehemias was sent to build the walls of jerusalem, and 12. years after, the building of the walls being finished and the Messiah or governor appointed, and the common wealth every way set in order: he returned to Artaxerxes in the 32. year of his reign.  
The proof hereof is clear by scripture. In the 5. chapter of Nehemias the 14. verse. From the time saith Nehemias, that the king commanded me to be governor in the land of judea, from the 20. to the 32. year of king Artaxerxes, that is 12. years: I and my brethren have not eaten the bread of the governor. For the governors before me had been chargeable to the people, and so forth. Also in the 13. chapter of the same book the sixth verse. All this while (saith he) was not I at jerusalem, for in the 32. year of Artaxerxes king of Babel I returned to the king.  
joseph Scaliger in his sixth book de emendatione temporum, giveth his voice with this exposition, affirming that Darius Nothus was the king under whom the decree was made to build the City, and that from it to the streets and walls of jerusalem finished, were nine & forty years. After which time, Nehemias directis platais urbis & vicis exaedificatis, atque omnibus rebus compositis reversus est in Persidem anno Artaxerxis altero & tricesimo. Nehemias (saith Scaliger) so soon as the streets of the city were directed, and the lanes builded, & all things set in order, returned into Persia in the two and thirtieth year of Artaxerxes.  
It is here to be observed that the Prophet speaketh of the Messiah, and the building up of the City, as beginning both at one time: For having foretold that there should be to Messiah seven weeks: it followeth immediately after how long the City was to continue. The reason whereof is this, that there could not be conveniently any Princely government of the common wealth before the building of the City, wherein the Prince's Court and Palace should be: which Palace for the Prince was builded by Nehemias also, as appeareth in the second of Nehemias, verse eight. Hereof it is that Sanballat in a letter to Nehemias, joineth these two together: the building of the walls, and a king set over the jews. It is reported (saith Sanballat) among the heathen, that thou & the jews think to rebel: for which cause thou buildest the wall that thou mayest be their king according to their words. Thou hast also ordained Prophets to preach of thee in jerusalem, saying there is a king in juda.  
These two things then begun together, the City builded, and the anointed Governor thereof, as also the end of both was at one time, declared in the 26. verse. After those 62. weeks shall Messiah be cut off, and the City and Temple shall the people of the come Governor destroy.  
Thus whereas Daniel hath divided his 70. weeks into three parts: The first of them hath his true meaning by text and time approved, from the decree to build jerusalem, to the same building finished, and the established government in it, being the space of 49. years: The second part containeth 62. weeks, wherein jerusalem so builded with the common wealth, and state, and princely government thereof was to continue, that is to say, from the building of the City finished, and the Prince or ruler appointed in the 32. of Artaxerxes Mnemon: unto such time as the ruin and fall of the same City began, which was about the nine year of Nero: For about that time Albinus the Roman Governor of judea & jerusalem, by his great covetousness and cruelty in most woeful manner oppressed the jews, for bribes, even selling them to be spoiled and rob of their goods, at the will and pleasure of most lewd ruffians and bad persons. As Josephus declareth in his second book of the jews war the thirteenth Chapter, inferring thereof that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the seeds of jerusalems' captivity approaching, was from that time sown, meaning that those troubles under Albinus were the beginnings of the jews thraldom and undoing, as indeed they were, which in the twentieth book of antiquities the eight chapter, he declareth more plainly: where having spoken of the great misery of the jews, which they suffered by the merciless cruelty of Albinus, he useth these words. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From that time forward saith josphus, especially our City began to be sick, and all things going then more and more to decay. The woeful calamities of jerusalem every day falling more and more to wrack after the government of Albinus, by a borrowed speech he termeth sickness.  
In the beginning of that year, at the feast of the Tabernacle it was, that a certain man of the common sort brought up in the country, called jesus the son of Anani, as a messenger by divine motion from God, to foreshow the utter ruin and desolation of jerusalem to come in that last week of the 70. which was yet behind, in the streets of the City cried day and night; a voice from the East, a voice from the West, a voice from the four winds, a voice against jerusalem and the Temple, a voice against Bridegrooms and Brides, a voice against all the people. The Magistrates and Nobles of the City not abiding his outcries brought him before Albinus: who caused him with scourges to be torn to the bones, when the silly wretch neither wept nor craved any mercy, but at every stroke answered woe, woe, to jerusalem. In this manner crying he continued seven years & more without any hoarseness or weariness: neither cursing them that hurt him, nor thanking them that relieved him. At the length going on the walls with this cry woe, woe, to the City, and the Temple, & the people, he added these words, woe also to myself, and was presently slain with a stone hurled by an Engine at him from the enemy besieging the City.  
Thus the second part of this prophesy, foreshowing how long the jews common wealth after the ordering thereof should continue before it began to decay, contained 62. weeks, that is, 434. years: for the 32. of Artaxerxes Mnemon was the fourth year of the 101. Olympiad, towards the end whereof the building of jerusalem was finished, and the jews common wealth appointed, and the first year of the last week, was the second year of the 210. Olympiad, beginning toward the end of it in the spring time of the year. The space included containeth the full number before declared.  
The third & last part is one week, even the last of all the 70. wherein after the former 62. weeks expired, Messiah, that is the last Ruler was cut off, and the government of the City quite extinct, for when their last king Agrippa in the twelfth year of Nero, four years before the destruction of the City, went about to persuade the people to obey Florus the Roman deputy, by whose tyranny they had been incomparably more vexed and oppressed, then in the time of Albinus his predecessor: The people were so stirred against him, that they could not contain themselves any longer, but threw stones at him, and drove him out of the City, as josephus declareth in the sixteen chapter of the second book of the jews war.  
If any here object, that Caius Caesar the Emperor of Rome after the death of this Agrippa's father, made judea a province to be governed by a Roman Deputy, and bestowed on this Agrippa the kingdom of Chalcis, which pertained to his uncle Herod; I answer that this Herod had his kingly Palace in jerusalem, and obtained of C. Caesar for himself & his successors, not only the rule and power over the Temple, and whole treasury: but also authority of choosing the high Priests, and deposing them at his pleasure, and the calling of the judges together, and other matters pertaining to the service of the Levites and Priests in God's Temple; All which his Sovereignty died in this last week about four years before the destruction of the City, yea before in the time of Albinus, in the beginning of this last week: anarchy and unruly disorder begun to rise, and good government to fall: which josephus immediately before the word concerning the seeds of jerusalems' thraldom sown, in the second book of the jews war the thirteenth chapter before by me cited, seemeth in this short speech to signify 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tyranny or usurped government was exercised by many. This beginning of misrule by little and little grew to further increase, till at the length the king was driven out, and not long after all other magistracy of jerusalem was likewise abolished, all good government ceased, as josephus in plain words declareth in the fourth book and fift chapter of the jews war, that the city was without a ruler to guide it. And in the second chapter of the fift book: that all law of man was trodden under foot, and the law of God made a scorn, and the laws of nature itself disturbed. All things were ordered by the will of lawless ruffians, their pleasure stood for law. A most pitiful disorder and tumultuous anarchy reigned amongst them by the wilful malice of graceless rebels, appointing judges of their own choice for their turn, and creating high priests whom they list, vile and unworthy men: and those of such tribes, as by God's commandment were forbidden that holy service.  
Thus was it fulfilled and verified which Daniel here foretold of Messiah, to be cut off after 62. weeks in the last of the 70. Whereunto he also addeth this more; that in the same week the city and Temple should be destroyed by the come governors people: meaning the Roman army which wasted jerusalem and judea by the space of four years together continually, from the 12. year of Nero to the end of the war. First, Florus the Roman deputy begun by his intolerable covetousness and merciless oppression, turning the people's hearts against him to complain of their wrongs by him sustained. Which so stirred him, that forthwith he sought a new quarrel of greater revenge, and sent unto jerusalem for 17. talents of silver to be given him forth of the holy treasury. Which being denied, he made no more ado, but came against jerusalem with an host of horsemen and footmen, by force and arms to obtain his will, and revenge himself of such as had spoken against him. Being entered within the city into the Deputies palace, he cried to his soldiers, commanding them to spoil the city and slay whomsoever they met.  
Thus jerusalem was given for a prey, and the inhabitants slain, man, woman and child, to the number of 630. and many of the Nobles whipped and torn with scourges and crucified. And not herewith content, a little after he sent for new soldiers, who once again killed the poor jews in peaceable manner, going forth of their city to meet and receive them with a friendly welcome. Some were beaten down with clubs, some trodden under the horses feet, some choked in the great press at the gates, many slain with the sword. And after that, by the same Florus, was a new slaughter made of the jews in Caesarea. After all these troubles, Florus not yet contented, made a great complaint of the jews to Cestius the governor of Syria: who for that cause brought a great army against judea, and destroyed many towns and villages therein, giving the spoil thereof to his soldiers. At the last he brought his army in battle array into jerusalem, and burned divers streets thereof, and made havoc of the jews.  
Thus was the Lord's inheritance consumed and destroyed by the cruel Romans, till at the length Vespasian and Titus, sent by the Emperor Nero, wasted all the whole land, and brought utter desolation upon the Temple and city, both burnt with fire: thereby fulfilling daniel's prophesy, and making an end of his 70. weeks, being years 490. From the third of Darius Nothus, wherein the decree went out to build jerusalem, to the overthrow thereof, that was the third of the 89. Olympiad, this the first of the 112. both almost expired: the space between is 490. years.  
Yet for all this cruelty and hot war of the Romans against the jews, divers of the deputies and generals in most friendly manner were content to make covenants of peace with many of the jews: who being quietly minded in favour to the Romans, and detesting the disorder and lewd doings of the seditious rebels, sought their friendship. Cestius Gallus in the beginning of that war, offered a league of friendship to the citizens of jerusalem: which many (leaving that rebellious rout) embraced, and fled out of the city unto him. Likewise, Vespasian and Titus divers and sundry times received many into their friendship coming unto them, and most lovingly offered a faithful league of sure peace to any whosoever were desirous of it, in love and good meaning to the Roman government, and hatred of the rebels. Of which sort desiring peace, and parties of that league, was a great number not only in jerusalem, but divers other places.  
All this is faithfully recorded by Josephus an eye-witness of those times: Davisons history also confirming the same. And this it is which the Prophet Daniel seemeth to mean, where he speaketh of a covenant to be established to many one week: as some expositors have understood it, and namely R. Solomon, surnamed jarchi, Rabbi Levi the son of Gershom, Aben Ezra, and R. Abraham in his Cabbala. But for my own part, I think rather that it is to be referred to the new covenant of the Gospel of Christ, by the preaching whereof in this last week, the believing jews were especially at that time above all other, when so great misery of woeful destruction was now at hand, to be confirmed more and more in the true faith. And many also thereby then called and won anew unto it, whom it pleased the Lord of life by offering that gracious league of salvation unto them, not only to rid from those (horrible indeed, yet temporal) troubles approaching; but also to save everlastingly. For there was (no doubt) at that time a great company of holy Saints in jerusalem and jewrie which believed in Christ: of whose deliverance at that time the Lord had especial care.  
Although this is a thing not to be doubted of: yet by the providence of God, that thereby his providence over his church may be known; we have a notable record thereof in Eusebius the third book of his Ecclesiastical history the fift chapter. The Church (saith Eusebius) which was gathered together at jerusalem, was commanded by an oracle from God to flit out of it to a certain town beyond Iorden called Pella: to the intent that those good and holy men being taken out of the city, place thereby might be given to the vengeance of GOD against it and the wicked jews, by the destruction and overthrow thereof.  
If any here ask who there is before mentioned to whom these words, he shall make a sure covenant, may be referred but the Roman general. I answer, that it is no new thing in the Hebrew tongue for the person of the doer to be understood, though not expressly spoken of before: when the transitive verb hath an impersonal notion. A hundred such examples might be brought, some out of the old Testament, some out of the new, some out of profane authors, which I will not stand upon, being a thing well known and taught, even in the Grammar rules of the holy tongue. The meaning is, that before the utter destruction of jerusalem, a holy and sure covenant should be made unto the faithful number of the jews, chosen to salvation by such ministers and instruments as it should please God to use for that work in that last week of jerusalem: in the one half or midst whereof the sacrifices appointed in the law of God and accustomed, begun to be neglected and cease.  
First they rejected all sacrifices and oblations for any stranger which was not a jew, being before usually from time to time wont to be offered. And a little after in the 13. year of Nero, when Vespasian was come into judea and wasted the country: then the unruly rebels in jerusalem abolished the lawful custom of sacrificing, appointing priests of the common people and country clowns, a thing forbidden by God's law. They held the Temple and holy places, keeping themselves therein as a castle of defence: and at the length partly by the sedition within, and partly sharp war without, it came to pass that the priests in time of their sacrificing were slain by darts and stones hurled from the rebels: and in the end for want of men there was no daily oblation any more offered. This josephus declareth in the 2. book the 17. chapter, the 4. book the 5. chapter, the 5. book the 9 chapter, the 6. book the first and fourth chapters, the seventh book the fourth chapter of the jews war. Wherefore not without cause in my judgement may those words of Daniel, touching the sacrifices ceasing in the midst of the last week, be referred unto these times of this war: wherein by means thereof the sacrifices of the Lords house were hindered so many ways: some were quite abolished, and others done either not by those to whom they pertained: or not so safely and freely as they ought. Yea I see not how any at all many days could be offered, by reason of the seditious hurly-burlies in the city, and the war without, the sacrificers themselves oftentimes being slain or wounded in the midst of their offering.  
Master junius though he think Christ jesus to be the agent and worker of these abolished sacrifices: yet for all that partly he referreth the working thereof to the time of jerusalems' besieging. Impijs sacrificium & munus abolebit ex facto, quia prement obsidione urbis destituentur commoditatibus sacrificiorum. He shall abolish (saith junius, speaking of Christ) sacrifice and offering in regard of the wicked by deed, because that the besieging of the city pressing them, they shall be bereaved of the profits of sacrifices.  
This exposition is not strained, it is plain, without any wresting, turning, adding, or taking away: the course of Heaven, and holy Scripture, and profane story, all make one account, they all agree in the same reckoning: if it be not new, all is well. For this is well said of an Hebrew writer, and worth the bearing in mind. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Better is the grape gleaning of the ancient, than the gathering of the later. Neither is it lightly to be regarded, which josephus in his second book against Apion affirmeth: that length of time is a most sure proof.  
For my own part, I reverence antiquities grey hears as much as any other, who beareth but this indifferency to think that good reason is above all. For without it I would not have her contradicted.  
Wherefore lest this opinion of newness discredit my judgement: I am to let the reader understand, that though it be not so rife as other: yet it is more ancient than peradventure may be thought. Tertullian was one of the Latin Fathers most ancient, and very near the Apostles, flourishing in the reign of Severus the Emperor, about 200. years after Christ's birth, and not past one hundred after the death of john the Evangelist. Who in a book of his, written against the jews, expounding this prophecy of daniel's weeks, beginneth the reckoning thereof from a Darius, which reigned nineteen years, after whom these four succeeded one after another to the end of the Persian Monarchy. First Artaxerxes, than Ochus, after him Arses, and last of all another Darius, who was overcome by Alexander. Whereby it is manifest that he meaneth the same Darius that I do: for the beginning of this 490. years. Only herein he was deceived, that he supposed this Darius to be the same which is mentioned in the ninth of Daniel, and reigned over the Medes, when this message was brought unto him by the Angel Gabriel. And for the end thereof he bringeth it to the first year of Vespasian making this conclusion of all his account: Ita in diem expugnationis suae judaei impleverunt hebdomadas 70. praedictas in Daniel. So the jews (saith Tertullian) at the day of their subduing fulfilled the 70. weeks foretold by Daniel.  
Thus for the Persian king, under whom daniel's weeks begun, there is no great difference between Tertullian and me: and for the time wherein they ended none at all.  
After Tertullian Severus Sulpitius, of the same standing with Augustine, Epiphanius, & Chrysostome, a writer for skill in the Persian story deserving great commendation, and to the true understanding of Ezra, and Nehemias, & daniel's weeks bringeth such light, as is not in any ancient writer that ever I read to be found the like.  
This Father in the second book of his holy history speaking of Cyrus, saith that he gave the jews leave in the beginning of his reign to build the Temple, wherein they went a little forward, till such time as they were hindered by their enemies near a hundred years after, in the reign of Artaxerxes, who forbade them to meddle any more in that work, which by that means ceased till the second year of Darius. The same Author after Cyrus having spoken of Cambyses, Darius Hystaspis, and Xerxes, placeth next him that Artaxerxes; Qui templi aedificationem inhibuit, which forbade the building of the Temple, and then having set another Xerxes with his brother Sogdianus between, cometh to that Darius under whom the temple was restored, and the building thereof perfected in the sixth year of his reign: From which time to the destruction of the City by Vespasian, he numbereth 483. years. His words be these, Caeterum â restitutione templi usque in eversionem quae sub Vespasiano Consul Augusto per Titum Caesarem consummata est, anni 483. Praedictum id olim est a Daniel, qui ab instauratione templi ad eversionem eius 69. hebdomadas futuras pronunciaverat: But from the restoring of the Temple, (saith Severus) to the overthrow of it, which by Titus Caesar was finished under Vespasian then being imperial Consul, were 483. years.  
That was by Daniel long ago foretold, who had before declared that from the restoring of the Temple, to the overthrow of it should be 69. weeks, whereas he saith that Daniel foretold 69. weeks to be from the restoring of the Temple to the destruction thereof: it is true being understood from the commandment going out concerning that restoring, to the time wherein the desolation of the City, & the overthrow of the jews common wealth begun: for Daniel in plain words foreshowed that after 69. weeks counted from that commandment, Messiah should be cut off, & the City and Temple destroyed, leaving the last week of the seventy, for the accomplishing thereof: wherein by certain degrees by little and little it was wrought by the Romans.  
The ruin begun under Albinus his government straight after the 69. weeks, as before hath been proved by one or two evident testimonies of josephus. It continued and increased more and more under Florus, till at the length Titus under his father Vespasian made a final end and utter undoing of all.  
Thus Severus Sulpitius, most manifestly declareth his judgement for the beginning of daniel's weeks, to be referred to the reign of Darius Nothus, & the end of them to be made in the destruction of jerusalem by Titus, not seeing how the prophesy of Daniel might otherwise be understood or applied, beginning and end to any other kings.  
joseph Scaliger in his 6 book de emendatione temporum, acknowledgeth Darius Nothus to be the Persian king, by whose decree the building of the temple was restored. And that from that time the account of daniel's weeks beginneth. The end he referreth to the destruction of jerusalem. Ab instaurandis Hierosolymis incipiunt hebdomades, in Hierosolymorum excidium terminantur. Neque enim frustrà caput hebdomadum ad Herosolymorium incolumitatem pertinet, cum earum finis ad eiusdem urbis casum et deletionem pertineat. The weeks begin, saith Scaliger, at the restoring of jerusalem, and end in the overthrow of it. Neither is it without cause that their beginning pertaineth to the safety of jerusalem, seeing that the end thereof belongeth to the fall and destruction of the same city. Understanding the time wherein the war against the jews begun their desolation.  
Lastly junius in the last edition of his bible, in his notes upon the 9 of Daniel numbereth these 70. weeks, from the second of Darius Nothus, to the second of Vespasian wherein Titus destroyed jerusalem.  
Moreover for the end of these weeks Clemens Alexandrinus was of the same judgement, a man for great knowledge rare, and as ancient, if not more than Tertullian, whose near age to the apostles I have spoken of before. He thought them to expire in the destruction of the city by Titus.  
Also Origen in his 29. treatise upon Matthew was of the same opinion, and Chrysostom in his 2. oration against the jews: To say nothing of the Hebrew writers holding the same, Aben Ezra, jarchi and R. Levi Gershoms son in their commentaries and R. Abraham in his historical cabbala.  
And surely whosoever readeth the place of Daniel with an even mind, not prevented with prejudice, or blinded with affection: shall hardly find any other end wherein those sevenets of years can settle their feet to rest, for having divided the whole 70. into 3. parts: first he showeth what was to be done in seven weeks, and then in 62. and lastly in that one which was left after the 62. before the end whereof, he maketh mention of Messiah to be cut off, and the city destroyed. If Daniel having propounded to himself an exact and strait order of weeks, should first tell of Messiah his cutting off in one week, and then of the destruction and desolation of jerusalem about 37 years after it, and then presently come back again to the sacrifices abolished in the same week which he had spoken of before, and immediately after go yet once again to that desolation which happened 40. years after very near: it were a strange kind of riddling, and far more confuse then the vain oracles of Delphos; especially seeing that these clauses and parts, are joined and knit together by no other but copulative conjunctions. And therefore it is no marvel that those excellent and worthy fathers, as well as the Hebrew scholiastes could find no place by daniel's text for his weeks to stay in, but the overthrow of the jews common wealth by the Romans.  
The end thus appearing by their testimony, the beginning cannot be hid. It must needs fall to the reign of Darius Nothus where I set it.  
Hereby it appeareth, that this exposition of daniel's weeks by me brought, is neither new nor any singular devise of my own. I have Eusebius, and Theodoretus and Aben Ezra, and, R. Abraham in his cabbala, with other hebrew writers befornamed with me for the Messiah cut off, to be understood of the govenor of jerusalem, R. Levi also very near agreeing thereunto: and differing only in this, that in stead of the anointed princes understood of them by the name of Messiah, he rather taketh the anointed priests to be meant. Yea and that which is of far greater force than all their authorities, the plain testimony of God his word which numbereth 7. weeks only to Messiah and no more: as before I have already proved by the original text which if Eusebius and Theodoretus had thoroughly known, as the Hebrews their partners in that judgement did, they would have stoutly stood for it against all the world.  
For the end of the weeks in the desolation of the city, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, Origen, Crysostom, Sulpitius, Scaliger, junius, testify with me. And 4. of them for both beginning and end agreeing or very little differing.  
I am not ignorant that though joseph Scaliger refer the end of these weeks to the desolation of the temple: yet he understandeth by the name of Messiah in the 26 verse, Christ jesus our redeemer to be killed after 62. weeks, containing years 434. And that these 434. years ended in the death of Christ, and begun in the 5. year of Artaxerxes Mnemon, wherein by a new decree, leave was given to Esdras the priest to return with such of his countrymen as would go with him to jerusalem.  
I am loath to speak any thing without reverence and love of so excellent a man, who hath brought much light to the true understanding of this prophecy. This is all which I will say, that his opinion for this matter, wandereth far astray out of reason's path. For how can this be proved that Artaxerxes Mnemon gave out any decree for Esdras in the 5. of his reign, either by profane learning or divine scripture? It is said in Esdras, that he went to jerusalem in the 7. year of that king. And therefore by the authority of that place skilful men have laid the foundation of daniel's sevenets in the 7. year of Artaxerxes. How then is his fift year brought in for a new decree? Ab eo edicto ad perfectionem Esdrae annus solidus interest. There was one whole year, saith Scaliger, between the decree and Esdras his going. And what reason hath he for this? Surely none at all but this bare conjecture. Eo interuallo opus fuit Esdrae ad reliquias judaeorum per Babiloniam, Mediam, ac Persidem sparsas colligendas. That space, saith he, was needful for Esdras to gather together such jews as were left scattered abroad, through Babylonia, Media, and Persia.  
This is nothing else but a proofles conceit: a fancy unfit to build any credit or faith upon. If such kind of guessing might stand for reason, it were a hundred fold more prone to be gathered that the decree was made presently upon his going in the very same year, as Functius and other of the learned by view of that scripture have judged. For what matter was it for so great a man of that estimation and honour that Esdras was in, to gather 1500. speedily together. Can it possibly take a years preparation in such a willing people of themselves so ready to go? Or if it were so great a matter and a work of so long time, could so Godly and so zealous a priest be so negligent in the lords business, that having a years warning to gather a little company together, he should forget the Levites, which of all other were most necessary in regard of God's service in the temple of jerusalem? For when all were come together, no Levit was found among them: the chiefest of all, in a whole years space, were never thought upon, till he was in some forwardness on his way: then on a sudden he sent to seek for them. Read the 8. chapter of Esdras the 15. verse, and see how that which is there told can bear any such conjecture.  
But to let that pass, it is not a years matter that can serve joseph Scaligers turn, to help out his devise, and to bring this gear about. For by the judgement almost of all the best writers, by the space of this twelve hundred years, our blessed Saviour suffered toward the end of the last year of the 202. Olympiad: at which time was observed, even by profane Authors, the strange eclipse of the Sun, which happened at the passion of Christ. Phlegon, by the judgement of Eusebius, an excellent accounter of Olympiads, in his fourteenth book writeth thus. In the fourth year of the 202. Olympiad was an exceeding great eclipse of the Sun, above all other that ever happened before. The day at the 6. hour, that is, high noon, was so turned into dark night, that the stars were seen in heaven: and an Earthquake overthrew many houses in Nice, a city of Bythinia.  
This Eusebius testifieth of Phlegon: and it agreeth notably to the testimony of the Evangelists, touching the suns darkening from the 6. hour to the 9 when Christ was crucified. Thence therefore numbering backward 434. years, from the 202. Olympiad almost at an end, we come to the second year of the 94 Olympiad drawing to an end: at which time, even by Scaligers own opinion, the third year of Artaxerxes Memor begun. By this means not one, as Scaliger saith, but four full years at the least: that is, the third, fourth, fift, and sixth years of Artaxerxes should have been between the decree and the going of Esdras to jerusalem.  
I know that Scaliger putteth off the time of Christ's passion a year further than other. But if that were granted him, yet should the decree go full three years before Esdras his coming to jerusalem. A thing uncredible and beyond all sense of reason, that leave should be given Esdras to go to the house of God, and a solemn decree by the king's authority published for it, and he linger and protract the time of his going three years after.  
Besides, even the Prophets own words are altogether against this interpretation of Scaliger, and will no ways suffer it. For first having expounded the general sum of 70. weeks for the state of jerusalem, he divideth them so into three parts, as that the first should be to the building of the walls and city finished, and then 62. for the continuing thereof so builded, and after all them one more.  
Who having the reason of a man in him, can gather any other thing by daniel's words, but that those 62. weeks spoken of, should immediately follow after the first seven, and go next before the last one? Which being so, needs must they begin after the 32. of Artaxerxes, and end seven years before the utter ruin of jerusalem, brought upon it by Titus.  
Moreover, it is to be observed, that after the first seven, set for the restoring and building of the city, he saith, that the city should be builded 62. weeks street and wall, and that after, not some other, but even these very same 62. weeks before spoken of, should Messiah be cut off and the city made desolate. For the demonstrative article in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hath this force, to refer us to a known thing spoken of: which is likewise usual in the Greek tongue. What then can Scaliger make of this, that Christ should be killed after those 62. weeks, wherein the city of jerusalem continued builded street and wall? For it is well known that jerusalem continued so builded street and wall above thirty years after the passion of Christ, before it begun to be made desolate, and in all that time greatly flourished. This interpretation therefore of Scaliger hath no success for probability.  
Another thing in Scaliger troubled me more than this: by reason of the excellency of the man, not making any doubt of his account: Hebdomades incipientes ab edicto instaurandi templi desinunt in initio abominationis, hoc est, circa initia belli judaici, quo primum caedes in urbe patrari coeptae ac templum pollui: quod tempus incurrit in finem undecimi & initium duodecimi anni Neronis. The weeks (saith Scaliger) beginning from the decree to restore the temple, do end in the beginning of the abomination: that is, about the beginnings of the jews war, when slaughters first begun to be committed in the city, and the Temple to be polluted: which time met with the end of the eleventh and beginning of the twelfth year of Nero.  
This saying of Scaliger made me marvel, till such time as I made some doubt of his reckoning, and called it into question. For if the 70. weeks of Daniel were (as he saith) ended in the beginning of Nero his twelfth year; my account cannot possibly stand, drawing them on further to the utter destruction of the holy city by Titus, which happened four years after. This therefore is to be examined. Darius' Nothus died a little before the end of the 93. Olympiad. This is agreed between us, that from the decree to his death, had passed seventeen years, it is likewise agreed. For Scaliger numbering the first seven weeks, saith, that after the second year of Darius, seventeen years are left to the beginning of Artaxerxes Memor: whereunto 32. being added, the sum is 49. years, being the distance from the decree to the streets ordered.  
By this means the decree being made 17. years before the death of Darius, and that by his own judgement, must needs fall toward the end of the third year of the 89. Olympiad: from which time to the first year of the 212. Olympiad almost expired, when Titus destroyed the suburbs of the city, and battered the walls with his iron rams about the 22. day of April, as Paulus Eberus writeth in his jewish story: about a fortnight after which time in the beginning of May, one of their walls was broken, and part of the city entered and won, were full 490. years, and not 494. as Scaligers deceitful account would make it. Scaliger therefore rather prepared a way for others to come to the truth, than came himself unto it: and gave some light to other to see the right meaning of daniel's prophesy, which himself never perfectly saw. By his help Junius saw somewhat more, and came nearer unto it then he: yet so as he hath likewise done that for other which Scaliger did for him: that is, left somewhat behind to be understood of other, which himself never attained. Especially in the 26. verse, where it is said, that after those 62. weeks Messiah shall be cut off. Where Master junius useth some wresting by turning the future tense into the preterperfect, and leaving out some conjunctions, and changing other: thereby making the accusative case of the nominative, rejecting the ancient interpretations Greeke and Latin, without any cause.  
These inconveniences they are of force driven unto, who by the word Messiah, do not with Eusebius and the Hebrew expositors understand the anointed governors. Some may here say unto me: Is it not plain by the 24. verse, that Daniel in this prophesy speaketh of jesus Christ the redeemer of the world, of whose death so many singular and notable effects are declared therein: of abolishing sin, of reconciling sinners unto the favour of God, and bringing everlasting righteousness, and fulfilling whatsoever had been foretold by the former Prophets of him? I answer to this, that of all other places in the old Testament touching the coming of Christ, whereof there is great store, that verse of Daniel is most excellent and clear: yet withal I deny that by the name of Messiah in the verses following, Christ our Saviour is understood. For neither the true account of years will suffer it, nor the text of holy Scripture bear it.  
But how then is it here said, that 70. weeks were decreed for abolishing sin and making atonement, if Christ came not in the end of those 70. weeks? The meaning is, that within the space of those 70. weeks, Christ by his passion should work that redemption and salvation from sin and wrath to the world. As Tertullian speaketh in his book against the jews: where writing of the passion of our Saviour jesus Christ, he saith that it was perfected in the time of Tiberius Caesar, Intra tempora septuaginta hebdomadarum, within the times of the seventy weeks.  
I am not ignorant that by the Hebrew writers, it is a thing acknowledged and granted, that Christ came in the very end of those weeks. For they held that their Messiah should begin to reign at the destruction of jerusalem. And therefore Rabbi Levi been Gershom expounding those words of this text, to bring everlasting righteousness, and to seal up vision and prophet, referreth the fulfilling thereof to the kingdom of Christ, which he calleth the fift kingdom, because it was to succeed the other four spoken of before in the second and seventh chapters of this prophesy.  
It was an old tradition amongst the Hebrews of ancient time, received from the school of Elias, declared in their Talmud, in the treatise Sanhedrim the eleventh chapter, and divers other places, that the world should endure six thousand years: whereof two thousand should be void without the law, two thousand under the law, and two thousand the time of Christ. Whereby the judgement appeareth concerning the coming of Christ, that it should be at the desolation of the holy city immediately after the ceasing of the law. For the law then ceased, and all the ceremonies thereof ended, when jerusalem, the seat of God his worship, according to that law, was destroyed by Titus, and neither place nor people there left any longer for the law-seruice of God. divers such testimonies of the ancient Hebrews are recorded by Philip of Morney Lord of Plessie in his book of the truth of Christian Religion, the 29. and 30. chapters: whereby he gathereth that it was a common opinion among them, that the Messiah should come about the destruction of the Temple. R. Hama the son of Havina in the same chapter of the talmudical treatise before alleged, said, that the son of David should not come, so long as any sovereign authority (were it never so small) remained in Israel. Also R. Mili alleging Rabbi Eliezer the son of Simeon, said, that Christ should not come until there were a clean riddance of all judges & Magistrates in Israel. And R. Moses Haddarsan upon the 49. of Genesis, gave this judgement of the jews Senate, consisting of seventy Elders or judges called Sanhedrim; that they were not to cease before the coming of the Messiah. Let us then examine when the authority of those judges and all government ceased in jerusalem, that thereby we may know the time of Christ his coming by the Hebrew writers opinion. That honourable Lord of Plessie in his book before mentioned, having cited the testimony of Philo in his book of Times, to prove that Herod slew all the Sanhedrim about the 30. year of his reign, affirmeth that to be the time wherein the sovereignty and jurisdiction of juda did cease: not for a few days or years, but for a continual time. How this may stand for truth I cannot perceive. For to say nothing of that feigned Philo, an author forged in the shop of Annius his toying brain: it is well known that the commonwealth of jerusalem and jewrie flourished with princely rule and other government of Magistrates, yea of the very Sanhedrim themselves, above three score and ten years after that time, even to jerusalems' desolation. Christ in the 30. year of Herod was yet unborn: who about the 33. year of his age, in the sixteenth of Matthew, foretold to his Disciples, what he was to suffer of the Elders and chief Priests and Scribes. All these were governors and rulers of the city; and by the name of Elders, the best interpreters have especially understood those Sanhedrim, having great reason for it. For these Sanhedrim were nothing else but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, 70. Elders of the great Consistory or iudgemeat place in jerusalem. As by Elias Levita they are described in his Tishbi. The old Rabbins in their Talmud have borrowed from the Greek tongue many words: whereof this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanhedrim is one, signifying a sitting of judges or Senators together in council or judgement. So it is taken in the 107. Psalm the 32. verse, by the Chaldie interpreter: where for these Hebrew words there used, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let them praise him in the sitting, that is, the assembly of the Elders. The Targum hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Let them praise him in the sitting together of the wise: expressing the word of sitting by Sanhedrim, as Synedrion in Greek is taken. Christ therefore in the fift of Matthew, saying, Whosoever calleth his brother Raca, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, shall be bound over to a sessions or sitting: meaneth the sitting in judgement of the Sanhedrim; applying his speech to the manner of the civil judgements in jerusalem. josephus in his 20. book of Antiquities the eight chapter, telleth, that when Festus the Roman governor was dead, Ananus the high priest, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, made the assembly of the judges to sit, by whom james the brother of Christ, was adjudged to be stoned. This happened under the governor Albinus, not long before the destruction of the city. Whereby may be gathered, that magistracy, judgement, and government, yea the authority of the 70. judges called Sanhedrim; continued long after Herod's 30. year, and was not cut off, till the desolation of jerusalem brought it to an end. For when the wars begun to work the desolation thereof then king Agrippa, by seditious rakehells, was driven out of it: then were the Sanhedrim deposed at the rebels will, and other base men set up in their stead: as Josephus telleth in the fift book of the jews war the first chapter. Then was the Priesthood and all good order made a mockery. The rebellious cutters did what they list, no laws to restrain them, no magistracy to punish them, no authority to bridle them. They ruled all at their own pleasures themselves as they would: good government was turned into anarchy and disorder, and jerusalem became, as josephus termeth it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a city without a guide.  
And this it is that Daniel saith touching Messiah to be cut off in the last week of the seventy: meaning the rule and authority of the anointed governor, as before I have expounded the place. Thus by the judgement of the Hebrew writers in their ancient monuments, the coming of Christ falleth to the fall of the jews commonwealth, in the overthrow of jerusalem, when government and authority ceased therein: which long before had been foretold by the Patriarch jacob in the 49. of Genesis, in that old prophesy of his concerning the coming of Christ: The sceptre shall not departed from juda, nor a law giver from between his feet till Shiloh come: and him shall the people gather themselves unto. For together with this divine oracle of Daniel, that other most ancient and excellent prophesy of jacob, hitherto not perfectly and clearly, according to the true meaning thereof, declared of any that I know of, may receive light.  
Many have sought the fulfilling of that prophesy in the first coming of Christ at his birth: but without straying it could never yet be there found. For the meaning of it was, that in the tribe of juda should be royal supremacy and government of Magistrates, for the good of the jews, & upholding of their Commonwealth, till the coming of Christ: whose new spiritual reign, by the preaching of the Gospel, should abolish their old earthly kingdom and outward policy. So was the place understood by the Hebrew Doctors aforenamed, R. Hama, R. Mili, R. Eliezer.  
The Chaldie paraphrasts both of them most excellently expound the place, which themselves understood not: being like therein unto Virgil's Bees, which make honey for other, and not themselves. First Oncheloes interpreteth it in this manner; A Magistrate exercising authority of the house of juda shall not departed, nor a Scribe of his posterity for ever, till Christ come, to whom the kingdom pertaineth, and him shall the people obey. The other called the interpreter of jerusalem, thus: Kings of the house of juda shall not fail, neither skilful law-teachers of his posterity, unto the time wherein the king Christ shall come: unto whom the kingdom pertaineth, and all the kingdoms of the earth shall be subdued unto him. If Christ came when authority was gone, and authority went away at jerusalems' fall: needs must one coming of Christ be referred to the overthrow of that city.  
R. Moses of Tyroll & Bioces looked for the coming of Christ towards the end of the second Temple: being led thereunto partly by their own reckoning upon Daniel, and partly by a text in the last chapter of the prophet Esay the seventh verse: where it is said, Before her throws came upon her she was delivered of a man-child. Some of the Rabbins said, Messiah was borne the very same day that the second temple was destroyed in: supposing that scripture of Esay to be therein fulfilled. In their book called Bereshith Rabath, is read this parable: As a certain jew was at plough, an Arabian passing by hearing one of his oxen low, bade him unyoke, because the destruction of the Temple was at hand. And by and by hearing also the other low, bade him unyoke out of hand, because the Messiah was already come. R. Abon in another place telling the same: What need we (saith he) to learn it of the Arabians, seeing the text itself declareth it?  
josephus in the seventh book of the jews war, the twelfth chapter, writeth, that in the holy Scripture was found an old prophesy, that at the time of the overthrow of jerusalem, a king should come out of jewrie, who should reign over all the world: which he by flattering falsehood, interpreted of Vespasian. This prophesy in those days was bruited abroad in many men's mouths every where: yea, some writ that it was engraven in an open place of the castle at jerusalem: which (as josephus writeth) made the jews at that time so ready to rebel. And this was the cause that so many feigned themselves to be the Messiah about that time of the destruction of the Temple. Under Cuspius Fadus, one Theudas a juggler made the people believe that he was a prophet, & would divide the waters of jordan that they should go over dry, as they had done long before miraculously, in the time of joshua by the power of God. And when Felix was the Roman governor of judea, one coming out of Egypt, feigning himself to be a prophet, persuaded the people if they would follow him to mount Olivet, they should see the walls of jerusalem fall down. And afterward one Barcozba, so called of his lying, took upon him to be the Messiah, and seduced many: but in the end performing not the deliverance looked for at his hands, he was knocked on the head for his lying and slain.  
All these took advantage of the time, being answerable to their intent, and of the people's disposition, then looking for their promised Christ. Moreover, there was yet another prophesy bruited amongst them, that Doctor Hillels scholars should never fail till Christ were come. The youngest of them was R. jochaman the son of Zacheus, who lived to see the destruction of the Temple: and also the miracle of a great gate thereof, a little before opening of itself: which josephus speaketh of in his seventh book and twelfth chapter of the jews war: Whereat this R. jochaman being amazed, remembered this saying of the Prophet Zacharie in the beginning of his 11. chapter: Open thy gates O Libanus, and let fire consume thy cedars: applying the place to the coming of Christ.  
Furthermore they had amongst them these old traditions touching the tokens of Christ's coming. When Christ the son of David cometh, saith R. judas, there shall be few wise men in Israel, and the wisdom of the scribes shall stink, and the schools of divinity shall become brothelhouses. R. Nehorai said that good men in Israel should be abhorred, and men's countenances past shame at Christ's coming. And R. Nehemias said, that wickkednesse should be multiplied without measure, and nothing but unto wardness and Epicurism amongst them. What is this else but that overspreading of abominations which Daniel foretelleth should be in those times of the desolation of jerusalem? which is declared as large by josephus, pointing out the abominable doings of the jews at that time committed against nature, and all law of God and man. The religious and holy places (saith josephus) were defiled by the unclean feet of wicked men: The temple of God was held and kept as a tower of defence against the people by the seditious rebels: the holy ground was sprinkled with the blood of wounded men, contrary to God's law entering thereunto: strangers and towne-borne, profane and holy were mingled together: and the blood of divers men being slain, made a pool in the courts of the Lords house. They abused the divine vessels, anointed themselves with the holy oil, drunk of the consecrate wine. In every place of the city was spoiling and robbery. Burning with lust they forced women in most filthy and abominable manner for their pleasure, living in jerusalem as a stews or brothelhouse. At this their extreme wickedness God was offended: and abhorred his city, and detested his temple.  
All this Josephus testifieth in divers places. And in the 2. chapter of his 5. book of the jews war. All law of God and man (saith he) was trodden under foot and derided. The holy oracles of the prophets were counted no better than common fables and tales. And contemning of the decrees their forefathers touching vice and virtue, by the event they verified those things which long before had been foretold of their country. For an old prophecy, as josephus witnesseth, went abroad, that then the city should be taken, and the temple burned: when sedition should arise amongst them, and their own hands first defile God his sanctuary.  
Thus do josephus & Daniel refer the reigning and overflowing abominations of the jews, to the destruction of jerusalem, which the Hebrew Rabbins applied to the coming of Christ: So that is proved true which the Lord of Plessie in his book aforenamed affirmeth, that it was a common opinion among the jews for their Messiah to come about the destruction of the Temple, which for any thing that I can see to the contrary, may in some sort not without reason be yielded unto: For two come of Christ are declared in holy scripture. The first in humility spoken of by Zacharie in his ninth Chapter. Rejoice greatly Oh daughter of Zion, be glad O daughter of jerusalem, for lo thy king cometh unto thee, even the righteous and Saviour, lowly and simple riding upon an Ass and a colt the fool of an Ass. The other in glory wherein Christ came in his kingdom: whereof we read in the sixteen chapter of Matthew the last verse. Verily I say unto you, there be some of them that stand here, which shall not taste of death till they have seen the son of man come in his kingdom, and before in the tenth chapter of the some Evangelist. You shall not finish all the Cities of Israel till the son of man be come. And in the twenty one chapter of john. If I will that he tarry till I come, what is that to thee? whereof this word went abroad that this Disciple should not die.  
All these speeches our Saviour Christ uttered being once come already, & after his first coming: wherefore that an other second coming of his therein is to be understood, is so clear & manifest, that it need not be stood upon: which in my judgement can not to any time more fitly agree, then that wherein the city of jerusalem with the holy Temple of God therein was destroyed, according to the opinion of the Hebrews before declared. Then Christ our Lord first begun to appear a revenging judge against the wicked and stubborn jews, in punishing them for their malice against him at his death, and cruel persecution of his Church afterward, as Eusebius declareth in the third book of his ecclesiastical history, the fift chapter.  
Master junius, in his annotations on this ninth Chapter of Daniel expounding those words: From the going forth of the commandment to restore and build jerusalem unto Christ, shall be seven weeks, and threescore & two weeks; referreth them to the coming of Christ, and that coming of Christ, to the last of daniel's weeks, wherein the desolation of jerusalem began, yielding this reason: because than Christ declared himself a Lord by a most severe judgement against jerusalem and the jews, and by the benefit of the Gospel a Prince and head of the Church, which reigneth in the house of David for ever.  
Master Caluin in his harmony acknowledgeth that by the judgement of some expositors, that place in the tenth of Matthew, was referred to the desolation of the holy City made by the Romans. In the 24. chapter of Matthew, when Christ upon the Disciples praising of the glorious building of the Temple, had spoken of the destruction thereof to come, wherein one stone should not be left upon another. They asked him when those things should be, and what sign should be of his coming, and of the end of the world, joining these three things together, the desolation of the Temple, the coming of Christ, and the end of the world, as it were all pertaining to one time, and therefore for that which is asked in Matthew touching the sign of Christ's coming, and the end of the world: in the other two Evangelists Mark and Luke, this only is demanded, what sign should be of the destruction of God's holy Temple in jerusalem: whereby may be gathered that the Apostles of Christ held the opinion of the old Hebrews concerning the coming of Christ at the desolation of the Temple, and therein a change of the world: for after that the state of the old Church should be once overthrown, the ancient Hebrews looked for a new world, as it were by the new reign of their Messiah, which in their writings they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the world to come, understanding thereby the time of Christ's kingdom.  
This appeareth in the Chaldie paraphrasis of jonathas the son of Vzziell in the first of kings the fourth chapter and 32. verse, where he calleth the days of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world to come of Messiah: for the Authors of the jews law called Talmud, treating of sacrifices in the chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is, the bullock of the sin offering contained the whole time of this life, from Adam the first man to the last that ever shall be borne, in two worlds, which in Hebrew they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The first from the beginning of things created to the coming of Christ. The second from that time to the resurrection of the dead. This tradition of the Hebrews made an end of the old world in the coming of Christ. The Disciples then ask what should be the sign of Christ's coming and the end of the world, may seem to have thought the very same, and understood the same world which ended at the coming of Messiah to reign in a new world by the Gospel, and for this cause those times between the preaching of Christ and jerusalem destroyed, were called the last days in the second chapter of the Acts of the Apostles the 17. verse. In the last days saith God, I will power of my spirit upon all flesh, and in the beginning of the Epistle to the Hebrews. In these last days God hath spoken unto us by his son. These last days are all one with the end of the world, spoken of by the blessed Apostle Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, the tenth Chapter, eleventh verse, calling that time the ends of the world. These things (saith he) were written to admonish us, upon whom the ends of the world are come, and in the Epistle to the Hebrews the ninth chapter, and twenty six verse. Now in the end of the world hath Christ appeared once to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself. That which R. Nehemias said of wickedness to be multiplied against the coming of Christ, is it not in plain words verified by Christ himself in the very same twenty four Chapter of Matthew the twelft verse, giving this for one token of his coming and the desolation of jerusalem to be at hand, that iniquity should abound and charity wax cold? If any here demand, how the second coming of Christ can be with any reason referred to the destruction of jerusalem, seeing that it is evident by that very same twenty four chapter of Matthew, that the coming of Christ to judgement at the latter day is there described, by the suddenness thereof, by his appearing in the clouds, the gathering of the elect with the sound of a trumpet, by the doom of the judge declared in the next chapter, where the same argument is continued. Come ye blessed of my father, inherit ye the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world: depart ye cursed into everlasting fire, which is prepared for the devil & his angels. I answer that the second coming of Christ containeth his whole reign, jurisdiction, and judgement, in the City of God the heavenly jerusalem by the gospel preached, from the desolation of the outward & earthly jerusalem when it begun, to the end of the world at the resurrection of all flesh: so that the destruction of jerusalem, and the latter doom, being both included within the time of Christ's second coming: there is no let but that the coming of Christ may be referred to both: to one in regard of the beginning, to the other in regard of the end and consummation thereof. And this is the cause that Christ there speaking of his second coming, blendeth these two together, the desolation of jerusalem and his last judgement, because both pertained to one and the same kingdom of Christ. And hereof it is that respecting the beginning of that kingdom, in the destruction of jerusalem, wherein he first appeared a ravenging judge, he saith, that that generation should not pass till all those things were fulfilled. All one with that in the end of the sixteen chapter of the same Gospel. Verily I say unto you, some of them that stand here shall not taste of death, till they have seen the son of man come in his kingdom. What time was there more fit for an other coming of Christ to fall unto within one generation from those words by him uttered a little before his death then this? what time more agreeable to that, which after his resurrection he spoke of john's tarrying till he came, than the downfall of the jews estate and the utter desolation of their City, & common wealth, which that Evangelist lived to see? It is not unlike or disagreeing to reason, that then should begin the spiritual reign of Christ over all Nations by the preaching of the Gospel; when the doctrine of the law with all the ceremonies thereof were utterly abolished. That then should begin the heavenly kingdom of Christ, when the earthly kingdom of the jews, and all their law government was first extinct. That then should begin the inward subjection of God's new people the elect amongst the Gentiles, and the spiritual service of GOD, when the jews outward worship had ceased. That then should begin the spiritual Zion and new jerusalem from heaven, when the earthly Zion and old jerusalem had no more being. According to the saying of Esay the Prophet in his second chapter: It shall come to pass in the last days, that the mountain of the Lords house shall be prepared in the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills, and all nations shall flow unto it. And many people shall go, and say, Come, let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of jacob, and he will teach us his ways, and we will walk in his paths: for the Law shall go forth of Zion, and the word of the Lord from jerusalem. Where, by the high mountain of the Lords house, and the names of Zion and jerusalem, is understood not any certain earthly place, or material city: but the Church of Christ ruled and guided by the preaching of the Gospel. Which the Apostle in the fourth chapter of the epistle to the Galathians, calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: that is, high jerusalem, or jerusalem which is above. Alluding to the former prophesy of Esay, and opposing the high jerusalem to the earthly and material jerusalem, which begot children of bondage by the law like Agar, and mount Sinai there called the new jerusalem, or jerusalem that now is. For as there were two kinds of jews, spoken of by Paul in his Epistle to the Romans the second chapter, one visible, the other secret: so there were two jerusalems', one outward by the visible ceremonies of the Law: the other in ward by the spiritual graces of the Gospel, which is Christ his Church termed the heavenly jerusalem in the Epistle to the Hebrews the twelfth chapter and 22. verse. This heavenly jerusalem then begun when the earthly jerusalem was brought to an end, being destroyed by the Roman army and consumed by fire, and the jews led captive and dispersed abroad.  
The preaching of the gospel begun long before the destruction of jerusalem I confess, even by Christ himself while he lived: and continued after by the apostles for the space of 40. years. All this is true. Yet so as withal the outward and civil government of the jews common wealth with their ceremonial service and law worship remained still all that while in the holy city and temple of God. And therefore that preaching of Christ and his apostles so long before, seemed rather a preparation to this kingdom of Christ, than any perfect beginning thereof. According to that manner of preaching used by Christ and followed of his apostles: 
Mat. 4.17. Mat. 10.7.  repent for the kingdom of God is at hand. Meaning that Christ in his kingdom was shortly to come, even before they should have gone preaching throughout all the cities of Israel: as he telleth them after in the same chapter. Then was the full and clear beginning of the new spiritual reign of Christ over God his people: when the old government and outward service had wholly given place unto it: when Christ reigned alone in God his church by his gospel without any fellowship or part taking with the law therein. For those 2. at one time could not stand together to be both of force. In this respect that which was said touching Christ in the 24. ver. of ending sin and making atonement, may be applied to this time: because that although those things were performed before: yet then especially, and by a kind of excellency Christ sanctified his church from sin, and reconciled sinners into God his favour: when he did it alone, all the parts of the law therein being ended. When Christ by his gospel without any more law-purifyings & oblations was himself all in all. When the shadow was gone and the body come into the place of it. That also of the coming of everlasting righteousness, which may be understood of Christ jesus himself, being called our righteousness in the prophecy of jeremy the 23. chapter, and the first epistle to the Corinth. the first chap. doth well agree to the beginning of his reign, whereunto his coming by the Hebrew writers especially it is referred. And the sealing of vision and prophet so agreeable likewise unto it, as I see not how it could be fulfilled before. For amongst many other things foretold of Christ by the prophets in former ages: his glorious kingdom was one. The time whereof even by Christ himself in many speeches is set within one generation after his death: and therefore vision and prophecy was not fully & absolutely before that time performed. Lastly the anointing of the holy of holies being a ceremony of consecrating kings to their reign of all other for the beginning of Christ's kingdom is most fit. Thus we see that opinion of the Hebrews, concerning the fulfilling of this prophecy in the coming of Christ to reign, referred to the end of daniel's weeks in the desolation of jerusalem not to be altogether strange or absurd, having some motives from holy scripture to persuade us thereto. But it is not my mind to urge or press any man further for the receiving or holding thereof then it shall seem good in his own judgement to approve. If any think rather that other coming of Christ in this place to be understood: that is, some part of the time wherein he was conversant with men upon earth, from his birth to his death, it may stand well enough in that sense which before I have declared.  
Thus by God his mercy I have, according to my poor talon, declared my judgement for the true understanding of daniel's weeks by interpretation of his words, and account of the times. The beginning of the 55. Olympiad and the eight day of September, in the second year of Vespasian, wherein the City of jerusalem was fired, by the learned have been made the extreme years for the fulfilling of that prophesy. The space between contained, is 629. years and two months. Within this compass some have gone hire, some lower, for the beginning and end thereof. Of that space 230. were of the Persian Monarchies, & from the end of that    

The Olympiads. A Cronologicall Table of the Greek Olympiads from the first restoring of them by Iphitus, to the destruction of jerusalem by the Romans': with the years of the city of Rome, of the Persian Monarchy, of Christ his birth, so many as fell within that space, referred thereunto for the better understanding of the account of daniel's weeks. The years of Rom. 1 The first Olympiad renewed by Iphitus king of Elis began in the 775 year before the birth of Christ, in the summer season about the first of july.  2 The second Olympiad containing four years as all the rest of these spaces.  3   4   5   6   7 About the beginning of this Olympiad was the city of Rome builded, as Eratosthenes, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Solinus, & some other in their writings have testified. 4 8 In the first year of the 8. Olympiad was Nabonassar crowned king of the Chaldeans the 26. day of February. 8 9  12 10  16 11  20 12  24 13  28  
Olymp. 1 2 3 4 Years of R. 14     32 15     36 16 Romulus the first king of Rome died in the 37. year of his reign. In this year Rome had no king. Numa the second king of Rome begun in the 39 year thereof. The 2. year of Numa. 40 17 3 4 5 6 44 18 7 8 9 10 48 19 11 12 13 14 52 20 15 16 17 18 56 21 19 20 21 22 60 22 23 24 25 26 64 23 27 28 29 30 68 24 31 32 33 34 72 25 35 36 37 38 76 26 39 40 41 42 80 27 Numa died in the 43. year of his reign. Tullus Hostilius succeeding reigned 32. years. 2 3 84 28 4 5 6 7 88 29 8 9 10 11 92 30 12 13 14 15 96 31 16 17 18 19 100 32 The 20. year of Tullus Hostilius. 21 22 23 104 33 24 25 26 27 108 34 28 29 30 31 112 35 32 Ancus Martius begun: who reigned 24. years. 2 3 116 36 4 5 6 7 120 37 8 9 10 11 124 38 12 13 14 15 128 39 16 17 18 19 132 40 20 21 22 23 136 41 24 Tarqvinius Priscus reigned 38. y. 1 2 3 140 42 4 5 6 7 144 43 8 9 10 11 148 44 12 13 14 15 152 45 16 17 18 19 156 46 20 21 22 23 160 47 24 25 26 27 164 48 28 29 30 31 168 49 32 33 34 35 172 50 36 37 38 Servius Tullius reigned 42. years. 1 176 51 2 3 4 5 180 52 6 7 8 9 184 53 10 11 12 13 188 54 14 15 16 17 192  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Kings of Rome. Years of Rome. 55 1 This year Cyrus began his reign over the Persians, about the Spring time, toward the end of the year. The 18. year of Servius Tullius. 193 2 2 19 194 3 3 20 195 4 4 21 196 56 1 5 22 197 2 6 23 198 3 7 24 199 4 8 25 200  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Kings of Rome. Years of Rome. 57 1 The 9 year of Cyrus. The 26. of Servius Tullius. 201 2 10 27 202 3 11 28 203 4 12 29 204 58 1 13 30 205 2 14 31 206 3 15 32 207 4 16 33 208  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Kings of Rome. Years of Rome. 59 1 The 17. year of Cyrus. The 34. of Servius Tullius. 209 2 18 35 210 3 19 36 211 4 20 37 212 60 1 21 38 213 2 22 39 214 3 23 40 215 4 24 41 216  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Kings of Rome. Years of Rome. 61 1 The 25. year of Cyrus. The 42. year of Servius Tullius. 217 2 26 43 218 3 27 44 219 4 28 Tarqvinius Superbus reigned 1 in Rome. 220 62 1 29 2 221 2 30 3 222 3 Cyrus slain by Tomyris in the end of his 30. year, which expired in the spring time of this Olympic year. 4 223 4 Combyses succeeded Cyrus in the end of the former year, so that this was his first for the most part of it. 5 224  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Kings of Rome. Years of Rome. 63 In this Olym. Parmenides of Camarina won the race, as Diod. writes. 1 The 3. of Cambyses began toward the end of this year. The 6. year of Tarqvinius. 225 2 4 7 226 3 5 Cambyses subdued Egypt: Diodorus Sic. 8 227 4 6 9 228 64 1 7 The 7. of Cambyses began about the end of this Olymp. year. 10 229 2 8 The 16. day of julie, about the beginning of this Olymp. year, happened the Eclipse of the Moon, recorded by Ptolemy in the 7. year of Cambyses 11 230 3 1 Cambyses wounded by the fall of his sword out of his sheath, died thereon, and Smerdis his his' counterfeit brother usurped the kingdom seven months. After whom Darius Hystaspis was chosen king. 12 231 4 2 Dariuses began with the spring of the year before going: by which means his first ran out for the most part of it together with this year. 13 232  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Kings of Rome. Years of Rome. 65 1 3 The second year of Darius for the most part: yet so as his 3. begins toward the end of it. The 14. year of Tarqvinius 233 2 4 15 234 3 5 16 355 4 6 17 236 66 1 7 18 237 2 8 19 338 3 9 20 239 4 10 21 240  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. years of Rome. 69 1 19 M. Valerius. P. Posthumius Tubertus. 249 2 20 The 20. of Darius began toward the end of this year, and ran out most of it with the next. P. Valerius. T. Lucretius. 250 3 In the 20. day of November happened 21 the eclipse of the Moon, recorded by Ptolemy to have been the 20. year of Darius Hyst. P. Posthumius. Agrippa Mevenius. 251 4 22 Opiter Virginius. Spurius Cassius. 252 70 1 23 Posthumus Cominus. T. Lartius. 253 2 24 Ser. Sulpitius. Marcus Tullius. 254 3 25 P. Veturius. T. Ebutius. 255 4 26 T. Lartius. Q. Cloelius. 256  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. years of Rome. 71 1 The 27. year of Darius Hyst. A. Sempronius Atratinus. M. Minutius Augurinus. 257 2 28 A. Posthumius. T. Virginius. 258 3 29 M. Claudius. P. Servilius. 259 4 30 A. Virginius. T. Veturius. 260 72 1 31 Toward the end of this Olympic year was the eclipse of the moon, spoken of by Ptol. for the 31. year of Darius His. a little after the beginning of his year. Sp. Cassius. Posthumius Cominus. 261 2 32 The Marathon Battle, wherein the Persians had a great overthrow by the Athenians. T. Gegavius Macerinus. P. Minutius Auguriws. 262 3 33 A. Sempronius. M. Minutius. 263 4 34 Q. Sulpitius. Sp. Lartius. 264  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. Years of Rome. 73 1 The 35. year of Darius. C. julius. P. Pinarius. 265 2 This 36. of Darius began near with April, toward the end of this year, and expired about the same month of the next year following. Sp. Nautius. Sex. Furius. 266 3 1 Darius died, and Xerxes his son succeeded about the end of this year. C. Aquilius. T. Sicinius. 267 4 2 Sp. Cassius. Proculus Virginius. 268 74 1 3 Q. Fabius. Ser. Cornelius. 269 2 4 L. Aemilius. Caeso Fabius. 270 3 5 M. Fabius. L. Valerius. 271 4 6 Q. Fabius. C. julius. 272  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. Years of Rome. 75 1 7 Xerxes in the 6. year of his reign invaded Greece with his huge army, and was put to flight. Caeso Fabius. Sp. Furius. 273 2 8 Mardonius, whom Xerxes left general of his forces in Greece, was slain at Plataeae. M. Fabius. Cn. Manlius. 274 3 9 Caeso Fabius. T. Virginius. 275 4 10 L. Aemilius. C. Servilius. 276 76 1 11 Q. Horatius. T. Menenius. The Fabian kindred of Noble Romans' slain. 277 2 12 A. Virginius. Sp. Servilius. 278 3 13 P. Valerius. C. Nantius. 279 4 14 L. Furius. C. Manilius. 280  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. Years of Rome. 77 1 The 15. year of Xerxes. L. Aemilius. julius Tullius. 281 2 16 P. Furius. L. Pinarius. 282 3 17 T. Quintius. Ap. Claudius. 283 4 18 L. Valerius. T. Aemilius. 284 78 1 19 A. Virginius. T. Numicius. 285 2 20 T. Quintius. Q. Servilius. 286 3 21 This 21. of Xerxes he reigned not full out: it began about the end of this year. T. Aemilius. Q. Fabius. 287 4 1 Xerxes slain by Artabanus, one of his chief Lords: whom Artaxerxes the long handed succeeded. Q. Servilius. Sp. Posthumius. 288  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. Years of Rome. 79 1 The second year of Artaxerxes, under whom the building of the temple was inhibited. T. Quintius. Q. Fabius. 289 2 3 A. Posthumius. Sp. Furius. 290 3 4 P. Servilius. L. Ebutius. 291 4 5 L. Lucretius. T. Veturius. 292 80 1 6 P. Volumnius. Ser. Sulpitius. 293 2 7 P. Valerius. C. Claudius. 294 3 8 Q. Fabius. L. Cornelius. 295 4 9 Q. Nautius. L. Minutius. 296  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Roman Governors. Years of Rome. 81 1 The 10. of longhanded Artaxerxes. C. Horatius. Q. Minutius. 297 2 11 M. Valerius. Sp. Virginius. 298 3 12 T. Romilius. C. Veturius. 299 4 13 Sp. Tarpeius. A. Aterius. 300 82 1 14 Sex. Quintilius. P. Horatius. 301 2 15 P. Sextius. L. Menenius. 302 3 16 In stead of Consuls this year 10. magistrates called Decemuiri ruled the City. 303 4 17 The Decemuirs governed again. 304  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Roman Governors. Years of Rome. 83 1 The 18. of longhanded Artaxerxes. L. Valerius. M. Horatius. 305 2 19 Lar. Herminius. T. Virginius. 306 3 20 Euboea taken by Pericles. The 30. years league begin. M. Geganius. C. julius. 307 4 21 T. Quintius. Agrippa Furius. 308 84 1 22 M. Genutius. C. Curtius. 309 2 23 L. Sempronius. L. Papirius. 310 3 24 M. Geganius. T. Quintius. 311 4 25 M. Fabius. Posthumius Albutius. 312  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Governors of Rome. years of Rome. 87 1 34 The Peloponnesian war began toward the end of this year. Three Tribunes governed Rome. 321 2 35 T. Quintius. C. julius. 322 3 36 L. Papirius. L. julius. 323 4 37 L. Sergius. Hostius Lucretius. 324 88 1 38 T. Quintius. A. Cornelius. 325 2 39 C. Servilius. L. Papirius. 326 3 40 Tribunes. 327 4 Artaxerxes having reigned 40. years, died in winter in the 7. year of the Peloponnesian war. Another Xerxes succeeded. Tribunes. 328  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Magistrates of Rome. Years of Rome. 89 1 1 Sogdianus after Xerxes held the Persiam Empire the rest of the year. After whom Darius Nothus was Monarch toward the end of the year. Tribunes. 329 2 2 The first of Darius Nothus for the most part of it ran with this year. C. Sempronius. Q. Fabius. 330 3 3 The jews went forward with the building of the Temple by the commandment of Darius. Here daniel's weeks begin. Tribunes. 331 4 1 The 4. of Darius begun in the end of this year. Tribunes. 332 90 1 2 5 T. Quintius. N. Fabius. 333 2 3 6 Tribunes. 334 3 4 7 Tribunes. 335 4 5 8 Tribunes. 336  
Olymp. we Persian Kings. Magistrates of Rome. Years of Rome. 91 1 6 The 9 of Darius. Tribunes. 337 2 7 10 Tribunes. 338 3 The 2. we●. 1 11 Tribunes. 339 4 2 12 Tribunes. 340 92 1 3 13 Cornelius Cossus. L. Furius. 341 2 4 14 Q. Fabius. C. Furius. 342 3 5 15 M. Papirius. C. Nautius. 343 4 6 16 M. Aemilius. C. Valerius. 344  
Olymp. we. Persian Kings. Governors of Rome. Years of Rome. 95 1 The 4. we. 1 The 6. of Artaxerxes. Tribunes. 353 2 2 7 Tribunes. 354 3 3 8 Tribunes. 355 4 4 9 Tribunes. 356 96 1 5 10 Tribunes. 357 2 6 11 Tribunes. 358 3 7 12 Tribunes. 359 4 The 5. we. 1 13 Tribunes. 360  
Olymp. we. Persian Kings. Roman Magistrates. Years of Rome. 97 1 2 The 14. of Artaxerxes. L. Lucretius. Ser. Sulpitius. 361 2 3 15 L. Valerius Potitus. M. Manlius Capitolinus 362 3 4 16 Tribunes. 363 4 5 17 Tribunes. 364 98 1 6 18 Camillus Dictator of Rome, delivered it, being taken by the French men and Swissers. 365 2 7 19 Tribunes. 366 3 The 6. we. 1 20 Tribunes. 367 4 2 21 Toward the end of this year, Nehemias by the king's leave went to jerusalem to build the walls of it. Tribunes. 368  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Roman Magistrates. Years of Rome. 99 1 3 22 Tribunes. 369 2 4 23 An eclipse of the moon recorded by Ptolemy the 18. day of june, Phanostratus being Mayor of Athens. Tribunes. 370 3 5 24 Tribunes. 371 4 6 25 Tribunes. 372 100 1 7 26 Tribunes. 373 2 The 7 we. 1 26 Tribunes. 374 3 2 27 Tribunes. 375 4 3 29 Tribunes. 376  
Olymp. Persian Kings. Magistrates of Rome. years of Rome. 101 1 4 30 Tribunes. 377 2 5 31 Tribunes. 378 3 6 32 2 Five years was Rome governed by two chief Officers of the common people, without Consuls or Tribunes authority. 379 4 7 33 Nehemias finished the walls of jerusalem. Here endeth the first part of daniel's weeks, containing 49. years. 2 380 102 1 The 8 we. 1 34 3 381 2 2 35 4 382 3 3 36 5 383 4 4 37 Tribunes. 384  
Olymp. we. Persian Kings. Magistrates of Rome. years of Rome. 103 1 5 38 Tribunes. 385 2 6 39 Tribunes. 386 3 7 40 Tribunes. 387 4 The 9 we. 1 41 L. Aemilius. L. Sextius. 388 104 1 2 42 L. Genutius. Q. Servilius. 389 2 3 43 Spanimondas slain. C. Sulpitius. C. Licinius. 390 3 4 1 Artaxerxes Memor died, his son Artaxerxes Ochus succeeded L Aemilius. Cn. Genutius. 391 4 5 2 Q. Servilius. L. Genutius. 392  
Olymp. we. Persian Kings. Magistrates of Rome. Years of Rome. 105 1 6 The 3. of Artax. Ochus. C. Licinius. C. Sulpitius. 393 2 7 4 M. Fabius. C. Petaelius. 394 3 The 10. we. 1 5 M. Popilius. Cn. Manlius. 395 4 2 6 C. Fabius. C. Plautius. 396 106 1 3 7 C. Martius. Cn. Maulius. 397 2 4 8 M. Fabius. M. Popilius. 398 3 5 9 C. Sulpitius. M. Valerius. 399 4 6 10 M. Fabius. T. Quintius. 400  
Olymp. we Persian Kings. Magistrates of Rome. Years of Rome. 107 1 7 The 11. of Artax. Othus. C. Sulpitius. M. Valerius. 401 2 The 11. we. 1 12 P. Valerius. C. Martius. 402 3 2 13 C. Sulpitius. T. Quintius. 403 4 3 14 M. Popilius. L. Cornelius. 404 108 1 4 15 L. Furius. P. Claudius. 405 2 5 16 M. Valerius. M. Popilius. 406 3 6 17 T. Manlius. C. Plautius. 407 4 7 18 M. Valerius. C. Petaelius. 408  
Olymp. we Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. Years of Rome. 109 1 The 12. w●e. 1 The 19 of Artax. Ochus. M. Fabius. Ser. Sulpitius. 409 2 2 20 C. Martius. T. Manlius. 410 3 3 21 M. Valerius. A. Cornelius. 411 4 4 22 C. Martius. Q. Servilius. 412 110 1 5 23 L. Aemilius. C. Plautius. 413 2 6 1 Artaxerxes Ochus died, and his son Arses succeeded. T. Manlius. P. Decius. 414 3 7 2 T. Aemilius. Q. Publilius. 415 4 The 13. we. 1 3 L. Furius. C. Maenius. 416  
Olymp. we. Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. Years of Rome. 111 1 2 1 Arses died, and the last Darius called Codoman was made king in his stead. About that time was Philip king of Macedonia slain, and Alexander began his reign. C. Sulpitius. P. Aelius. 417 2 3 2 L. Papirius. C. Duilius. 418 3 4 3 M. Valerius. M. Atilius. 419 4 5 4 T. Veturius. Sp. Posthumius. 420 112 1 6 5 A. Cornelius. Cn. Domitius. 421 2 7 6 Dariuses the second time overcome by Alexander at Gangamela. M. Claudius. C. Valerius. 422 3 The 14. we. 1 Darius slain in the beginning of this year by one of his Nobles called Bessus, whereby Alexander had the Monarchy. L. Papirius. L. Plautius. 423 4 2  L. Aemilius. C. Plautius. 424  
Olymp. we. Persian Kings. Consuls of Rome. Years of R. 113 1 3  P. Cornelius. P. Plautius. 425 2 4  L. Cornelius. Q. Publilius. 426 3 5  L. Papirius. C. Paetelius. 427 4 6  L. Furius. junius Brutus. 428 114 1 7 About the beginning of the Olympic year Alexander diee. L. Papirius, was this year Dictator without Consuls. 429 2 The 15. we. 1  C. Sulpitius. Q. Aelius. 430 3 2  Q. Fabius. L. Fuluius. 431 4 3  T. Veturius. Sp. Posthumius. 432  
Olymp. we. Consuls of Rome. Years of R. 115 1 4 L. Papirius. Q. Publilius. 433 2 5 L. Papirius. Q. Aelius 434 3 6 L. Plautius. M. Flossius. 435 4 7 Q. Aemilius. C. junius. 436 116 1 The 16 we. 1 S. Nautius. M. Popilius. 437 2 2 L. Papirius. Q. Publilius. 438 3 3 M. Petaelius. C. Sulpitius. 439 4 4 L. Papirius. C. junius. 440 117 1 5 M. Valerius. P. Decius. 441 2 6 C. junius. Q. Aemilius. 442 3 7 Q. Fabius. C. Martius. 443 4 The 17. we. 1 L. Papirius, Dictator without Consuls. 444 118 1 2 P. Decius. Q. Fabius. 445 2 3 Ap. Claudius. L. Volumnius. 446 3 4 Q. Martius. P. Cornelius. 447 4 5 L. Posthumius. T. Minutius. 448 119 1 6 P. Sempronius. P. Sulpitius. 449 2 7 Ser. Cornelius. L. Genutius. 450 3 The 18 we. 1 M. Livius. M. Aemilius. 451 4 2 A Dictator without Consuls. 452 120 1 3 Q. Apuleius. Marcus Valerius. 453 2 4 M. Fuluius. T. Manlius. 454 3 5 L. Cornelius. Cn. Fuluius. 455 4 6 Q. Fabius P. Decius. 456 121 1 7 Ap. Claudius. L. Volumnius. 457 2 The 19 wee 1 Q. Fabius. P. Decius. 458 3 2 L. Posthumius. M. Atilius. 459 4 3 L. Papirius. Sp. Caruilius. 460 122 1 4 Q. Fabius. D. junius. 461 2 5 L. Posthumius. C. junius. 462 3 6 Pub. Cornelius. M. Curius. 463 4 7 M. Valerius. Q. Caeditius. 464 127 1 3 L. Papirius. S. Caruilius. 481 2 4 C. Quintius. L. Genutius. 482 3 5 C. Genutius. Cn. Cornelius. 483 4 6 C. Fabius. Q. Ogulnius. 484 128 1 7 P. Sempronius. Ap. Claudius. 485 2 The 23. we. 1 M. Atilius. L. julius. 486 3 2 N. Fabius. D. junius. 487 4 3 Q. Fabius. L. Mamilius. 488 129 1 4 Ap. Claudius. M. Fuluius. 489 2 5 M. Valerius. M. Otacilius. 490 3 6 L. Posthumius. Q. Mamilius. 491 4 7 L. Valerius. T. Otacilius. 492 130 1 The 24. we. 1 Cn. Cornelius. C. Duilius. 493 2 2 L. Cornelius. C. Aquilius. 494 3 3 M. Atilius. C. Sulpitius. 495 4 4 C. Atilius. Cn. Cornelius. 496 131 1 5 L. Manilius. Q. Caeditius. 497 2 6 Ser. Nobilior. M. Aemilius. 498 3 7 Cn. Cornelius. A. Atilius. 499 4 The 25. we. 1 Cn. Servilius. C. Sempronius. 500 132 1 2 C. Aurelius. P. Servilius. 501 2 3 L. Caecilius. C. Furius. 502 3 4 C. Atilius. L. Manlius. 503 4 5 P. Claudius. L. junius. 504 133 1 6 C. Aurelius. P. Servilius. 505 2 7 L. Caecilius. Num. Fabius. 506 3 The 26. we. 1 M. Otacilius. M. Fabius. 507 4 2 M. Fabius. C. Atilius. 508 134 1 3 A. Manlius. C. Sempronius. 509 2 4 C. Fundanius. C. Sulpitius. 510 3 5 C. Lutatius. A. Posthumius. 511 4 6 A. Manlius. Q. Lutatius. 512 135 1 7 C. Claudius. M. Sempronius. 513 2 The 27. we. 1 C. Manilius. Q. Valerius. 514 3 2 T. Sempronius. P. Valerius. 515 4 3 L. Cornelius. Q. Fuluius. 516 136 1 4 P. Cornelius. C. Licinius. 517 2 5 T. Manlius. C. Atilius. 518 3 6 L. Posthumius. Sp. Caruilius. 519 4 7 Q. Fabius. M. Pomponius. 520 137 1 The 28. we. 1 M. Aemilius. M. Publicius. 521 2 2 M. Pomponius. C. Papirius. 522 3 3 M. Aemilius. M. junius. 523 4 4 L. Posthumius. Cn. Fuluius. 524 138 1 5 Sp. Caruilius. Q. Fabius. 525 2 6 P. Valerius. M. Atilius. 526 3 7 M. Valerius. L. Apustius. 527 4 The 29. we. 1 L. Aemilius. C. Atilius. 528 143 1 4 M. Marcellus. T. Quintius. 545 2 5 C. Claudius. M. Livius. 546 3 6 Q. Cacilius. L. Veturius. 547 4 7 P. Cornelius. P. Licinius. 548 144 1 The 32. we. 1 M. Cornelius. P. Sempronius. 549 2 2 Cn. Servilius. C. Servilius. 550 3 3 T. Claudius. M. Servilius. 551 4 4 Cn. Cornelius. P. Aelius. 552 145 1 5 C. Sulpitius. C. Aurelius. 553 2 6 L. Cornelius. P. vilius. 554 3 7 T. Quinctius. Sex. Aelius. 555 4 The 33. we. 1 C. Cornelius. Q. Minutius. 556 146 1 2 L. Furius. M. Marcellus. 557 2 3 Porcius Cato. Valerius Flaccus. 558 3 4 P. Cornelius. T. Sempronius. 559 4 5 L. Cornelius. Q. Minutiur. 560 147 1 6 L. Quintius. Cn. Domitius. 561 2 7 M. Acilius. P. Cornelius. 562 3 The 34 wee 1 L. Cornelius. C. Lalius. 563 4 2 Cn. Manlius. M. Fuluius. 564 148 1 3 C. Livius. M. Valerius. 565 2 4 M. Aemilius. C. Flaminius. 566 3 5 Sp. Posthumius. Q. Martius. 567 4 6 Ap. Claudius. M. Sempronius. 568 149 1 7 P. Claudius. L. Porcius. 569 2 The 35. we. 1 Q. Fabius. M. Claudius. 570 3 2 L. Aemilius. Cn. Babius. 571 4 3 P. Cornelius. M. Baebius. 572 150 1 4 Posthumius. Calphurnius. 573 2 5 Q. Fuluius. L. Manlius. 574 3 6 M. junius. A. Manlius. 575 4 7 C. Claudius. T. Sempronius. 576 151 1 The 36 we. 1 Cor. Scipio. Q. Petilius. 577 2 2 P. Mutius. M. Aemilius. 578 3 3 Sp. Posthumius. M. Mutius. 579 4 4 L. Posthumius. M. Popilius. 580 152 1 5 C. Popilius. P. Aelius. 581 2 6 P. Licinius. C. Cassius. 582 3 7 A. Hostilius. A. Aulius. 583 4 The 37 we. 1 Q. Martius. Cn. Servilius. 584 153 1 2 L. Aemilius. C. Licinius. 585 2 3 Q. Aelius. M. junius. 586 3 4 C Sulpitius. M. Claudius 587 4 5 T. Manlius. Cn. Octavius. 588 154 1 6 A. Manlius. C. Cassius. 589 2 7 T. Sempronius. M. Iwentius. 590 3 The 38 we. 1 Pub. Cornelius. C. Martius. 591 4 2 M. Valerius. C. Faunius. 592 155 1 3 L. Anicius. M. Cornelius. 593 2 4 Cn. Cornelius. M. Fuluius. 594 3 5 M. Aemilius. C. Popilius. 595 4 6 Sex. julius. L. Aurelius. 596 156 1 7 L. Cornelius. C. Martius. 597 2 The 39 we 1 Scipio Nasica Claudius Marcellus. 598 3 2 Q. Opimius. L. Posthumius. These two ended their Consulships the first of january. Q. Fulius. T. Annius. Begun with januarie in the same Olympic year. 599 4 3 Q. Fulius. T. Annius. From julie to januarie. M. Marcellius. L. Valerius. From januarie to julie. 600  
Olymp. we. Consuls in the Olympic years. Years of R. 157 1 4 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 601 M. Marcellius. L. Valerius L. Licinius. A. Posthumius. 2 5 L. Licinius. A. Posthumius. T. Quintius. M. Acilius. 602 3 6 T. Quintius. M. Acilius. L. Marcius. M. Manilius. 603 4 7 L. Marcius. M. Manilius. Sp. Posthumius. L. Calphurnius. 604 158 1 The 40. we. 1 Sp. Posthumius. L. Calphurnius. P. Cornelius. C. Livius. 605 2 2 P. Cornelius. C. Livius. Cn. Cornelius. L. Mummius. 606 3 3 Cn. Cornelius. L. Mummius. Q. Fabius L. Hostilius. 607 4 4 Q. Fabius. L. Hostilius. Ser. Sulpitius. L. Aurelius. 608  
Olymp. we. Consuls in the Olympic years. Years of R. 159 1 5 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 609 Ser. Sulpitius. L. Aurelius. Ap. Claudius. Q. Caecilius. 2 6 Ap. Claudius. Q. Caecilius. L. Caecilius. Q. Fabius. 610 3 7 L. Caecilius. Q. Fabius. Cn. Servilius. Q. Pompeius. 611 4 The 41. we. 1 Cn. Servilius. Q. Pompeius. C. Laelius. Q. Servilius. 612 160 1 2 C. Laelius. Q. Servilius. Cn. Calphurnius. M. Popilius. 613 2 3 Cn. Calphurnius. M. Popilius. P. Cornelius. D. junius. 614 3 4 P. Cornelius. D. junius. M. Aemilius. C. Hostilius. 615 4 5 M. Aemilius. C. Hostilius. P. Furius. Sex. Atilius. 616  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 161 1 6 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 617 P. Furius. Sex. Atilius. Fuluius. Calphurnius. 2 7 Fuluius. Calphurnius. Cornelius. Fuluius. 618 3 The 42. we. 1 Cornelius. Fuluius. Mutius Scaevola. Calphurnius Piso. 619 4 2 Mutius Scaevola. Calph. Piso. Popilius. Rupilius. 620 162 1 3 Popilius. Rupilius. Crassus. Flaccus. 621 2 4 Crassus. Flaccus. Perperua. Lentulus. 622 3 5 Perperua. Lentulus. C. Sempronius. M. Aquilius. 623 4 6 C. Sempronius. M. Aquilius. Cn. Octavius. T. Annius. 624  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 163 1 7 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 625 C. Octavius. T. Annius. L. Cassius. Cornelius Cinna. 2 The 43. we. 1 L. Cassius. Corn Cina. Aemilius Lepidus. L. Aurelius. 626 3 2 Aemilius Lepidus. L. Aurelius. M. Plautius. M. Fuluius. 627 4 3 M. Plantius. M. Fuluius. C. Cassius. C. Sextius. 628 164 1 4 C. Cassius. C. Sextius. Q. Caecilius. T. Quinctius. 629 2 5 Q. Caecilius. T. Quintius. Cn. Domitius. C. Fannius. 630 3 6 Cn. Domitius. C. Fannius. Q. Fabius. L. Opimius. 631 4 7 Q. Fabius. L. Opimius. P. Manilius. C. Papirius. 632  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls of R. Years of R  From januarie to julie. 633 165 1 The 44. we. 1 P. Manilius. C. Papirius. Caeclius. Aurelius. 2 2 Caecilius. Aurelius. M. Cato. Q. Martius. 634 3 3 M. Cato. Q. Martius. Caecilius. Mutius. 635 4 4 Caecilius. Mutius. C. Licinius. Q. Fabius. 636 166 1 5 C. Licinius. Q. Fabius. M. Aemilius. M. Caecilius. 637 2 6 M. Aemilius. M. Caecilius. M. Balbus. C. Cato. 638 3 7 M. Balbus. C. Cato. C. Caecilius. Cn. Papirius. 639 4 The 45. we. 1 C. Caecilius. Cn. Papirius. Livius Drusus. Calphur. Piso. 640  
Olymp. we. Consuls of Rome. Consuls of R. Years of R. 167 1 2 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 641 Liu. Drusus. Calph. Piso. P. Cornelius. L. Calphurnius. 2 3 P. Cornelius. L. Calphurnius. M. Minutius. Sp. Posthumius. 642 3 4 M. Minutius. Sp. Posthumius. Q. Caecilius. M. junius. 643 4 5 Q. Caecilius. M. junius. Sulpitius Galba. M. Scaurus. 644 168 1 6 Sulp. Galba. M. Scaurus. L. Cassius. C. Marius. 645 2 7 L. Cassius. C. Marius. C. Atilius. Q. Servilius. 646 3 The 46 wee 1 C. Atilius. Q. Servilius. P. Rutilius Cn. Mallius. 647 4 2 P. Rutilius. Cn. Mallius. C. Marius. C. Flavius. 648  
Olymp. we. Consuls of Rome. Consuls. years of R. 169 1 3 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 649 C. Marius. Cn. Flavius. C. Marius. L. Aurelius. 2 4 C. Marius. L. Aurelius. C. Marius. Q. Lutatius. 650 3 5 C. Marius. Q. Lutatius. C. Marius. M. Aquilius. 651 4 6 C. Marius. M. Aquilius. C. Marius. L. Valerius. 652 170 1 7 C. Marius. L. Valerius. M. Antonius. A. Posthumius. 653 2 The 47 wee 1 M. Antonius. A. Posthumius. Q. Caecilius. L. Didius. 654 3 2 Q. Caecilius. T. Didius. Corn. Lentulus. Licin. Crassus. 655 4 3 Cor. Lentulus. Licin. Crassus. Cn. Domitius. C. Cassius. 656  
Olymp. we. Consuls. years of R. Consuls. yea●s of R. 171 1 4 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 657 Cn. Domitius. C. Cassius. Licinius Crassus. Mutius Scaevola. 2 5 L. Crassus. M. Scaevola. C. Caelius. L. Domitius. 658 3 6 C. Caelius. L. Domitius. Flaccus. Herennius. 659 4 7 Flaccus. Herennius. Claud. Plucher. M. Perperna. 560 172 1 The 48. we. 1 Claudius Pulcher. M. Perperna. L. Martius. Sex. julius. 661 2 2 L. Martius. Sex. julius. L. julius. P. Rutilius. 662 3 3 L. julius. P. Rutilius. C. Pompeius. L. Porcius. 663 4 4 Cn. Pompeius. L. Porcius. Cornel. Sylla. Q. Pompeius. 664  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. Years of R. 173 1 5 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 665 Corn. Sylla. Q. Pompeius. Octavius. Cinna. 2 6 Octavius. Cinna Cinna. Marius. 666 3 7 Cinna. Marius. Cinna. Carbo. 667 4 The 49. we 1 Cinna. Carbo. Cinna. Carbo. 668 174 1 2 Cinna. Carbo. Scipio. Norbanus. 669 2 3 Scipio. Norbanus. Marius. Carbo. 670 3 4 Marius. Carbo. Tul. Decula. Corn. Dolabella. 671 4 5 Tul. Decula. Corn. Dolabella. L. Cornel. Sylla. Metellus Pius. 672  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 177 1 7 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. ●81 L. Gellius. Cor. Lentulus. Aufidius. Lentulus. 2 The 51. we. 1 Aufidius. Lentulus. Cn. Pompeius. M. Crassus. 682 3 2 Cn. Pompeius. M. Crassus. Hortensius. Metellus. 683 4 3 Hortensius. Metellus. Metellus. Martius. 684 178 1 4 Metellus. Martius. Piso. Glabrio. 685 2 5 Piso. Glabrio. Lepidus. Volcatius. 686 3 6 Lepidus. Volcatius. Sylla. Antronius. 687 4 7 Sylla. Antronius. L. Caesar. C. Martius. 688  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 179 1 The 52. we. 1 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 689 L. Caesar. C. Martius. M. Tullius Cicero. Antonius. 2 2 M. Tullius Cicero. Antonius. Silanus. Murena. 690 3 3 Silanus. Murena. Pupius. Messala. 691 4 4 Pupius. Messala. Afranius. Metellus. 692 180 1 5 Afranius. Metellus. C. julius Caesar. M. Calphurnius Bibulus. 693 2 6 Caesar. Bibulus. Piso. Gabinius. 694 3 7 Piso. Gabinius. Cor. Lentulus. Metellus. 695 4 The 53. we. 1 Lentulus. Metellus. Cor. Lentulus. L. Martius. 696  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. Years of R. 181 1 2 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 697 Cor. Lentulus. L. Martius. Cn. Pompeius. M. Crassus 2 3 Cn. Pompeius. M. Crassus. Ap. Claudius. L. Domitius. 698 3 4 Ap. Claudius. L. Domitius. Cn. Domitius Valerius Messala. 699 4 5 Cn. Domitius. Val. Messala. Pompeius. Metellus. These began in March by reason of great contention in the common wealth. 700 182 1 6 Pompeius. Matellus. Ser. Sulpitius. Mar. Marcellus. 701 2 7 S. Sulpitius. M. Marcellus. Aemilius Paulus. C. Marcellus. 702 3 The 54. we. 1 Aem. Paulus. C. Marcellus. C. Marcellus. Cor. Lentulus. 703 4 2 C. Marcellus. Cor. Lentulus. C. julius Caesar. P. Servilius. Caesar this year got the lone sovereignty of Rome. 704  
Olymp. we. Consul's Consuls Years of R. 183 1 3 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 705 C. I. Caesar. P. Servilius. Calenus. Vatinius. 2 4 Calenus. Vatinius. jul. Caesar. Lepidus. 706 3 5 I. Caesar. Lepidus. julius Caesar made Dictator ordered the year anew. This was the first julian year. 707 4 6 I. Caesar Dictator without any fellow Consul. The first julian year. Caesar the 5. time Consul with Antonius. Caesar being slain the 15. of March, Dolabelia succeeded. 708 184 1 7 Antonius. Dolabella. Hirtius. Pansa. 709 2 The 55 we 1 Hirtius. Pansa. He being slain, Augustus succeeded. Lepidus. Plancus. 710 3 2 Lepidus. Plancus. Servilius. L. Antonius. 711 4 3 Servilius. Antonius. Cn. Domitius Calvinus. C. Asinius. 712  
Olymp. we. Consul's Consuls. years of R. 185 1 4 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 713 Domitius Calu. Asinius. Martius. Caluisius. 2 5 Martius' Caluisius. Ap. Claudius. C. Norbanus. 714 3 6 Ap. Claudius. C. Norbanus. M. Agrippa. L. Canidius. 715 4 7 M. Agrippa. L. Canidius. L. Gellius. M. Cocceius. 716 186 1 The 56. wee 1 L. Gellius. M. Cocceius. L. Cornificius. Sex. Pompeius. 717 2 2 L. Cornificius. Sex. Pompeius. Libo. Sempronius. 718 3 3 Libo. Sempronius. Augustus Caesar the second time Consul with Cicero. 719 4 4 Caesars second Consulship Domitius. Sossius. 720  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R 187 1 5 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 721 Domitius. Sossius. Caesar the 3. time. M. Val. Messala. 2 6 Caesar the third time. M. Valerius Messala. Antonius' overcome at Actium in Septem. Caesar the 4. time. M. Li. Crassus. 722 3 7 Caesar the 4. time. Crassus. This year in August Antonius and Cleopatra by many battles overcome, slew themselves. August. Caesar the 5. time. Sex. Apulcius. This year with januarie began the account of Augustus his love reign. 723 4 The 57 we 1 Caesar the 5. time. Apuleius. Caesar the 6. time. M. Vipsanius Agrippa 724 188 1 2 Caesar the 6. time. Vipsanius. Caesar the 7. time. Vipsanius again. 725 2 3 Caesar the 7. time. Vipsanius. Caesar the 8. time. T. Statilius Taurus. 726 3 4 Caesar the 8. time. Statilius. Caesar the 9 time. M. junius Syllanus. 727 4 5 Caesar the 9 time. Syllanus. Caesar the 10. time. Norbanus. 728  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. Years of R. 189 1 6 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 729 Caesar the 10. time. Norbanus. Caesar the 11. time. Cn. Calph. Piso. 2 7 Caesar the 11 time. Piso. M. Marcellus. L. Aruntius. 730 3 The 57 we. 1 Marcellus. Aruntius. M. Lollius. Q. Lepidus. 731 4 2 Lollius. Lepidus. M. Apuleius. P. Silius Nerua. 732 190 1 3 Apuleius. Nerua. Saturninus. Cinna. 733 2 4 Saturnius Cinna. Cn. Lentulus. P. Lentulus. 734 3 5 Cn. Lentulus. P. Lentulus. T. Furnius. C. junius. 735 4 6 T. Furnius. C. junius. L. Domitius. P. Scipio. 736  
Olymp. we. Consul's Consuls. Years of R. 191 1 7 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 737 Domitius. Scipio. Livius. Piso. 2 The 59 we 1 Livius. Piso. M. Crassus. Cn. Lentulus. 738 3 2 Crassus. Lentulus. Tiberius' Nero. Quintilius Varus. 739 4 3 Tiberius. Quintilius. M. Messala. P. Sulpitius. 740 192 1 4 Messala. Sulpitius. Q. Aelius. Paulus Fabius. 741 2 5 Aelius. Fabius. julius Antonius. Q. Max. Fabius. 742 3 6 Antonius. Fabius. Drusus Nero. L. Quinctius Crispinus. 743 4 7 Drusus. Quinctius. C. Martius. C. Asinius. 744  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 195 1 2 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 753 julius. Paulus. Asinius. Vinicius. 2 3 Asinius. Vinicius. L. Aelius. M. Servilius. 754 3 4 Aelius. Servilius. Sex. Aelius. M. Sentius. 755 4 5 Sex. Aelius. C. Sentius. Corn. Cinna. L. Valerius. 756 196 1 6 Cor. Cinna. L. Valerius. L. Aruntius. M. Lepidus. 757 2 7 L. Aruntius. M. Lepidus. A. Licinius. Q. Caecilius. 758 3 The 62. we. 1 Licinius. Caecilius. M. Furius. Sex. Nonius. 759 4 2 Furius. Nonius. Q. Sulpitius. C. Poppaeus. 760  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 197 1 3 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 761 Sulpitius. Poppaeus. Dolabella. Syllanus. 2 4 Dolabella. Syllanus. T. Satilius. M. Lepidus. 762 3 5 Statilius. Lepidus. Germanicus. Fonteius. 763 4 6 Germanicus. Fonteius. C. Silius. Munatius Plancus. 764 198 1 7 Silius. Plancus. Sex. Pompeius. Sex. Apuleius. 765 2 The 63. we. 1 Pompeius. Apuleius. Augustus' died in August. Drusus. Norbanus. 766 3 2 Drusus. Norbanus. Statilius. Scribonius. 767 4 3 Statilius. Scribonius. C. Caecilius. L. Pomponius. 768  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 199 1 4 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 769 Caecilius. Pomponius. Tib. Caesar. Germanicus. 2 5 Tib. Caesar. Germanicus. M. junius. L. Norbanus. 770 3 6 M. junius. L. Norbanus. M. Messala. Aurelius Cotta. 771 4 7 Messala. Cotta. Tiberius Caesar. Drusus. 772 1 The 64. wee 1 Tib. Caesar. Drusus. D. Haterius. C. Sulpitius. 773 200 2 2 Haterius. Sulpitius. C. Asinius. C. Antistius. 774 3 3 Asinius. Antistius. Ser. Cornelius. Varro. 775 4 4 Cornelius, Varro. Asinius. Lentulus. 776  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 201 1 5 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 777 Asinius. Lentulus. Corn. Lentulus. C. Caluisius. 2 6 Lentulus. Caluisius. M. Crassus. C. Piso. 778 3 7 Crassus. Piso. Ap. junius. Pub. Silius. 779 4 The 65. we. 1 junius. Silius. C. Rubellius Geminus. C. Fusius Geminus. Christ baptised. 780 202 1 2 Rubellius. Fusius. Gemini. M. Vinicius. L. Cassius. 781 2 3 Vincius. Cassius. Tib. Caesar. Aelius. 782 3 4 Tib. Caesar. Aelius. Cn. Domitius. M. Furius. 783 4 5 Cn. Domitius. M. Furius. Ser. Sulpitius Galba. Corn. Sylla. In this part of their year Christ suffered. 784  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 203 1 6 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 785 Galba. Sylla. P. Fabius. L. Vitellius. 2 7 Fabius. Vitellius. C. Sestius. M. Servilius. 786 3 The 66. we 1 Sestius. Servilius. Plantius. Papienus. 787 4 2 Plautius. Papienus. Acerronius. Portius. Tiberius' died. 788 204 1 3 Acerronius. Portius. Germanicus Caesar. Apronius. 789 2 4 Germanicus Caesar. Apronius. M. Aquilius. P. Nonius. 790 3 5 Aquilius. Nonius. C. julius Caligula Germanicus. Augustus' the thtrd time. 791 4 6 C. Caesar Caligula the third time. C. Caesar Caligula the fourth time. Saturninus. Caligula slain. 792  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 205 1 7 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 793 Claudius Caesar. Saturninus. Tib. Claudius Caesar the second time. C. Licinius. 2 The 67. we 1 Claudius Caesar the second time. Licinius. Claudius' Caesar the third time. L. Vittellius. 794 3 2 Claudius Caesar the third time. L. Vitellius. C. Quinctius. T. Statilius. 795 4 3 Quinctius. Statilius. M. Vinicius. M. Statilius. 796 206 1 4 Vinicius. Statilius. C. Valerius. M. Messala. 797 2 5 Valerius. Messala. Claudius' Caesar the fourth time. L. Vitellius. 798 3 6 Claud. Caesar. Vitellius. A. Vitellius. L. Vipsanius. 799 4 7 A. Vitellius. L. Vipsanius. Q. Veranius. C. Pompeius Gallus. 800  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 207 1 The 68 we 1 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 801 Qu. Veranius. Pompeius Gallus. C. Antistius. M. Suilius. 2 2 Antistius. Suilius. Claudius' Caesar the fift time. Cor. Scipio. 802 3 3 Caesar. Scipio. Cor. Sylla. L. Otho. 803 4 4 Sylla. Otho. D. Junius. Q. Haterius. 804 208 1 5 D. junius. Q. Haterius. Marcellus. Auiola. 805 2 6 Marcellus. Auiola. Nero Caesar. Antistius. 806 3 7 Claud. Caesar poisoned by his wife. Nero. Antistius. Saturninus. Caepio. 807 4 The 69. wee 1 Saturninus. Caepio. Nero again. Piso. 808  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 209 1 2 From julie to ●anuarie. From januarie to julie. 809 Nero. Piso. Nero the third time. Messala. 2 3 Nero. Messala. C. Vipsanius. L. Fonteius. 810 3 4 Vipsanius. Fonteius. Nero the fourth time. Cor. Lentulus. 811 4 5 Nero. Lentulus. C. Caesonius. C. Petronius. 812 210 1 6 Caesonius. Petronius. P. Marius. L. Asinius. 813 2 7 Marius. Asinius. L. Memmius. P. Virginius. In this part of their year endeth the second part of daniel's weeks. 814 3 The 70. and last we 1 L. Memmius. P. Virginius. C. Laecanius. M. Crassus. 815 4 2 Laecanius. Crassus. P. Silius. C. julius. 816  
Olymp. we. Consuls. Consuls. years of R. 211 1 3 From julie to januarie. From januarie to julie. 817 P. Silius. C. julius. C. Suetonius. L. Pontius. 2 4 Suetonius. Pontius. Fonteius Capito. julius Rufus. 818 3 5 Capito. Rufus. C. Silius. M. Galerius. 819 4 6 Silius. Galerius. Sir. Galba. T. junius. And other after them in their places. 820 212 1 7 A. Vitellius Emperor. Vespasian Emperor. Titus. 821   

To the gentle Reader.  
Gentle Reader, I am to desire thee to amend with thy pen these escapes, which in my absence, and through the Printers haste have happened, which I have here under set down, being such as do pervert the sense: as for other of less moment in the letters omitted, or changed in proper names, or otherwise, I remit to thy favourable correction.   

Pag. 21. lin. 1. read, by. p. 24. l. 18. after. p. 45. l. 14. throne. p. 48. l. 8. hundred and fifteenth. p. 64. l. 3. of the 88 Olympiad. p. 65. l. 26. read, 93. p. 69. l. 28. read, 26. p. 79. l. 26. read, 18. day. p. 81. l. 26. to this, Astronomical cunning p. 83. l. 10, and l. 14. read 74. p. 89. l. 19 read 1559. p. 93. l. 27. third year. p. 104. l. 18. read 321. p. 109. l. 5. after Euarchippus, read, going before must needs be the 21. the war continued only under 4. Ephori more, etc. pag. 117. l. 16. Xenophanes. p. 144. l. 11. refuse. In the Chronological table, p. 1. l. 15. read, about the month.