An Argument, wherein the apparel of women is both reproved and defended. ❀  
ANNO MDLI   decorative border 
1534   

The printer to the reder.  
THe gentlewoman, which hath caused this matter to be printed, happened a little before Shroftetide, to be at a bidden feast in London, in company of divers gentle men and gentle women: where amongst other talk, first of the baseness of our coin, and afterwards of excess in apparel (which are the common talks of these days:) One of the company began to make much ado against women, for laying out their hear, for wearing of verdingales, for bonne graces, for silks, and twenty other things. Wherein it seemed to this gentle woman, he used not that temperance, that his profession and learning required. And therefore she mildly answered: that seus God hath created the things of this world for the service of man, and not man for them: she thought, that women as well as men, might use the same fair things of this world in their apparel, which without some fashion would be unseemly. And like as their hear, or such other, was a beauty, which being coupled with honesty, maketh the person the more acceptable: so being coupled with the contrary, it disgraceth and maketh them the more loathsome. Wherefore the thing being so indifferent, if it should not be lawful for them that be honest, to be cleanly and fair, it might follow, that the other sort should be more set by than they: and so should honesty decay. In deed (said she) if you could bring men as well to reform their hearts, as ye would have women do their apparel, ye should never need thus to brawl with us. Whereupon the man waxed somewhat warm in agravating the matter, and (by a manner of railing) after many sentences of scripture alleged, he fell into an oration, that Cato made against the insolence of women, and so handled the matter, that it seemed he had put all men to silence: in such wise as for a good space, no man spoke a word. At last master William Thomas, being in the company, began to say. This is much like the nun's lesson, that when she had found Omnia probate, till she was great with child, could not find, Quod bonum est tenete. For (under correction, quoth he) though ye have eloquently rehearsed Cato's tale, yet have you not told the occasion of the matter, nor the end that it came to: which if ye had done, should rather make against you, than with you. For when Cato had sated, as ye have rehearsed, Lucius Valerius, one of the Tribunes, arose and made answer. And so began he the oration, that Valerius in that case had made. Adding further, that the law Oppia was thereupon abrogate. Which was a plain proof (said he) that the Senate allowed not Cato's opinion.  
Thus they argued to and fro, till at length they agreed, that all cleanly ornaments were lawful unto wommen, so long as they provoked neither concupiscence, nor vain glory: wherein they ended the matter for that time. Now this gentle woman resting, not fully satisfied with the once hearing of those orations, desired master Thomas of friendship, to send them translated unto her. Which he promised to do. And all be it, that he willed her, to keep it to herself: yet she thinking it such a matter for the honest defence of women, as aught not to be hidden, hath entreated me, thus to set it forth, trusting to pacify him well enough, though he would take it unkindly. Willing me besides on her behalf, to beseech you all (gentle readers) not to think she hath done it of any purpose, to maintain excess (which she herself naturally abhorreth) but even simply for the pleasant and well handling of the matter: to stop their mouths, that with railing on women's manners, seem to procure themselves a credit.   

The letter sent by master Thomas to the gentle woman, with the translations that she desired.  
According to your request, I have done my best in translating as well Cato his oration, alleged (by the man ye wot of) in dispraise of women, as also the other oration, made by Lucius Valerius: which I recited for answer to the same. And because the law Oppia, mentioned in both those orations, is not plainly set forth in Livy, at the time of the making thereof: I therefore have gathered such private contributions, as the Roman people charged themselves withal about that time, to the intent, that besides the argument of your matter, ye may also understand the great kindness, that the people at those days used towards their common wealth. When almost every man had rather perish privately, than through his default the common wealth should sustain any prejudice. O, if we had no more but such women now, as were than, I would think our world happy. But like as they than had golden hearts, what so ever their apparel was, so now (if I durst speak) I would say, there be many in golden apparel, that have rusty hearts. And what of that? Should I therefore condemn you all? Not no. If I had been so much your adversary, I would neither in such a matt●er have taken this pain, nor yet (when it was) have spoken as I did in maintaining your quarrel.  
But because I saw you matched with one as rough as Cato, who not contented with natural reasons, burdeined you so far with scripture, that ye should not be allowed to wear any pleasant apparel: me thought I could no less in conscience, but take your part. And though he mounted in choler against you (as these men do, that may not be contraried) yet I trust, in a matter of such weight, ye will be well advised ere ye follow his hasty persuasion. God forbid I should pretend to maintain you in pomp. For I know there is so little need thereof, that I would be sorry ye should not do as ye list. But be it, or be it not, or be as it may be: Sens ye required me so earnestly to do this for you, now I have performed my promise, I shall as hertily desire you to take it for a witness of my good will and friendship: and in no wise to let it pass your hands, jest men should think, with flattering you, I should go about to maintain a thing most necessary to be restrained. Thus with my hearty commendations. etc.  
Your own to command William Thomas.   

The notes of the people's benevolence promised in my letter.  
THE wars, that about. MM. years ago happened between the Romans and Carthaginenses, were so notable, as lightly the greater have not been heard of, as well for the puissance or greatness of both those common wealths, as for the long time of their obstinate contention. The circumstances whereof are to be red in Livy, and other good authors, that have written it at length. But to my purpose now, ye must understand, that Annibal (the notablest enemy that ever the Romans had) not long before these matters, had divers times overthrown the Romans in plain battle: and had so beaten them, that after their fall at Cannas, where a wondered number as well of Senators as others, were slain, it was reasosoned in Rome: whether it were better for them to abandon the city, and every man to shift for himself: or else to abide the adventure that the Gods would send them. For undoubtedly if Annibal after his victory had go straight to Rome, the roman estate had than finished his glory. But whether his slackness gave them courage: or their valiantness made them desperate: or that the stars had predestinate a greater felicity unto them: or what so ever the occasion was, the Romans persevered, and by little and little so recovered, that at length they chased Annibal out of Italy, and sending Scipio into Africa, did unto Carthage that, which Annibal might have done to Rome, sacked it, spoiled it, burned it, and rooted up the very foundations. Nevertheless eat they could bring this to pass, they were many times in so great extremities, that if the private persons of Rome had not with their own maintained the public charges, their things could never have prospered as they did.  
¶ For first when Titus Sempronius, and Quintus Fabius Maximus, were consuls, the Scipios, that than had the governance of the armies in Spain, wrote unto Rome specially for garments and victuals: without the which they could not maintain the wars. And because the tributes of Sicilia and Sardinia were scarce able to furnish the armies continuing in those countries, and that there were so many Romans slain at Tras●menus and Cannas, that few were left to pay any tribute at home. Therefore Fuluius the Praetor, persuaded the people, that for as much as the customers and farmers of the revenues of the common wealth, were become very rich, as well of possessions as of goods, through the use of public things: Therefore it was now necessary they should be constrained, with their substance to secure the common wealths necessity, in furnishing the army of Spain: to be paid again of the first money, that should come to the Treasury. For the which the Praetor appointed a day, that the people should assemble to determine. At which day XIX. of those customers and farmers offered themselves, to discharge the whole provision. So that the army, for that time, was no less furnished, by private men, than the common wealth would have done, in time of their most prosperity.  
¶ Afterwards, in the consulate of Quintus Fabius Maximus, and Marcus Marcellus, upon the news, that the Sicilians rebelled, and were in arms, when Titus Octacilius should be sent with an army thither: there wanted a number of mariners and other things to furnish the navy.  
Wherefore a general order was taken, that the Romans, after certain rates of their substance should provide mariners at their own charges, some one, some iii some .v. and some seven. paid for an whole year. Which was the first time, that ever any Roman army was set forth at the charges of the private citizens.  
¶ An other time, when the Treasoury was clean without money, so that the Censoures' had not, wherewith to repair the temples: nor to give the Curules their horses, nor to do such other things as appertained to their offices. The calamity thereof moved a number of those, that aught to have had money of them, contrary wise to come with money unto them, exhorting them to do all things as liberally, as if the common wealth flourished, promising, not to demand repayment before the wars were finished: like as the masters, of whom the slaves were bought, refused to take their money before the end of the wars. Which good disposition being also found in the people, moved the officers to take up the goods of the widows and orphans upon credit, to be answered of the common wealth: and so far this good will increased, that the fame thereof engendered so great a liberality amongst the soldiers in the camp, that no private horse man, nor Centurion, would receive his pays, calling them Mercenarij that otherwise did.  
¶ But the last and most notable was, after the severe sentence given against the Capuans, persuaded by the oration of Marcus Attilius Regulus, the ambassadors, as well of Sicilia, as of Capua being than dispatched, the consuls tended to the appointment of the army, and that performed, began to treat of the furniture of their navy. To the which, because they wanted as well mariners as money, they commanded every private man, after his rate, to provide mariners and galley men: and to victual and pay them for . XXX. days, as it had been seen tofore. This proclamation so much stirred men's hearts, that they wanted rather captains, than matter of rebellion, saying, that the consuls, after the ruin of the Sicilians and Capuans, had determined also to destroy the roman people, which was already consumed by the tributes of so many years: having nothing left than but the bore land spoiled by the wars: their slaves were all taken from them, some to the field, and some to the sea: And between the finding of mariners, and paying of tributes, that little silver and money that they had, was clean spent. So that it was impossible to constrain them, to give that they had not. Wherefore if they would cell their goods, they might: and than could they use no more cruelty but against their bodies, that only rested: which if they should be compelled to redeem, they could not, wanting wherewith.  
¶ These things were not spoken privately, or secretly, but openly, and to the consuls faces: the people assembling by heaps together, whom they pacified as well as they could. Nevertheless the next day, the Senate being assembled, it was after long disputation concluded, that whether it were right or wrong, this burdeine must needs be sustained by private persons, the Treasourie being utterly without money. And every man resting as it were amazed at the matter, the Consul Levinus spoke on this wise.  
LIke as our office is above the Senate, and the Senators superiors to the people in honour: so aught we to be the chief and first of all other, to enterprise any great or weighty matter. For he that will charge his inferiors with any grievous imposition, and first practise it in himself, shall find them the better disposed to obey, esteeming their charge the less, when they see their betters freely take the greater part of the burden upon them. Wherefore to the end that the Roman people be not disappointed of this navy, that we intend to make, and that private men refuse not to find the mariners: let us command as well ourselves as all you that be Senators, that to morrow next we put all our gold and silver, and out coined brass in common, i● such wise as no man retain more to himself than his own ●ynges, his wives, and childernes: and to his son his table 'tis: and he that hath wife or daughters, one ounce of gold. And they that have fitten, as magistrates, in the feat Curule, may reserve their horses fornimentes, and two pounds of silver, to use in a salt and goblette for the divine service. The rest of the Senators to have but one pound of silver, and all other householders to reserve only in mass money, 5000. asses a piece. All our other gold and silver, and brass money, let us immediately bring unto the iii magistrates of the bank, without other determination of the Senate, to the end that our voluntary contribution and vehement desire to the maintenance of our common wealth, may first allure the minds of the chivalry, and consequently of the people, to do the like. This only way we the consuls have found after much disputation, which with god's help let us take in hand. For as long as we preserve the estate of our common wealth: so long we do maintain the surety of our own private things. Where as habandoning the public, we can keep nothing our own. Whereunto universally all their voices were so agreeable, that the consuls being highly thanked, and the Senate dissolved, every man applied himself with so much haste, to bring in their gold, silver, and money, that well was he, which in the registers might be written amongst the first, in such wise, that neither the officers sufficed to receive, nor the clerks to writ: which conformity of the Senate, was generally followed by the knights, and consequently by the people. So that without other commandment or persuasion of the magistrates, the common Treasourie was furnished with money to make the pays, and the navy sufficiently equipped to the sea. And so all things necessary for the wars being provided, the consuls departed towards their provinces.   


T. L. Decad. 4. lib. 4.  
among the cares of the great wars, either yet scarcely finished, or like to continued, there happened a small thing to be spoken of, though nevertheless it increased by partakings to great contention. Marcus Fundanius, and Lucius Valerius tribunes, proponed unto the people the abrogation of the law called Oppia. This law was set forth by Caius Opius, one of the tribunes, when Quintus Fabius, and Titus Sempronius were consuls, as the greatest heat of the punic war●… that no woman should have above half an ounce of gold in his apparel, nor wear garments wrought of divers colours, nor should ride in chariots in Rouse or other town, or within a mile of any of them, unless it were to the open sacrifices. Marcus and Publius Junii Brutij like wise being tribunes of the people, defended the law Oppia, saying: They would not suffer it to be annulled. And many noble men drew together some to persuade, and some to dissuade the matter. In so much that the Capitol was replenished with a multitude of men, advancing and repugning this law. The matrons, neither for fear of authority, nor for shame, nor yet for the commandment of their husbands could be kept in: but fitted all the streets of the city, and kept the ways entering in to the high street, entreating all men as they passed: that seeing their common wealth flourished, and every man's private good fortune daily increased, they would be contented, that the matrons might also be restored unto their ancient ornaments. This frequensie of women daily increased. For the women of the towns and villages near there about resorted to the city, and took on them so much courage, that they went to the consuls, the Praetors, and the other magistrates, beseeching them to favour their cause. But Marcus Porcius Cato was so extreme an adversary against their desires, that for the maintenance of the law, which they sought to abrogate, he made this oration.   

The oration of Cato against women's liberty.  
IF every one of you, O Romans, had determined to have preserved the right and majesty of a husband over his own wife, we should now have had less business with all these women together. But as our liberty, by our own weakness is overcome of the women in our own houses: even so here in the open streets it is overthrown and trodden underfoot. And because we would not every man particularly resist his own: therefore now we are abashed to resist them all together. In deed I thought it had been but a fable feigned, that in a certain Island all the mankind, by conspiracy of the women, was utterly destroyed: but now I see, there is no kind so small, in whom consisteth not extreme peril, it they be suffered to assemble, to devise, and to have secret consultations. And I can scarcely in my mind discern, whether be the worse, the thing itself, or the example, by which it is attempted. The one whereof appertaineth unto us consuls and magistrates: and the other unto you Romans. For whether the thing proponed be convenient, or not for the common wealth, it toucheth you, by whose voices it must be determined. This stir of the women, whether it be grown of itself, or raised by you Marcus Fundanius and Lucius Valerius, since undoubtedly the blame thereof appertaineth unto the magistrates, I wot not, unto whom it is more reproachable, unto you the Tribunes, or unto us the consuls. To you, if ye have alured the women to move Tribunicial seditions: And to us, if we shallbe now constrained to accept laws by the compulsion of women, as we have done here tofore by the common people. truly I came even now through the midst of the women, not without blushing. And if the respect of the majesty and shame fastness of every of them apart, had not retained me more than the regard of them all together (that they should not seem rebuked of the Consul) I would have said: what new trick is this? to run abroad to stop the ways, and to entreat strange men? Could not every one of you have desired this of it own at home? what, are you more pleasant abroad, than within the doors? and more of other men's, than of your husbands. For in deed if men can not of their own right keep their wives within their due terms, it shall little avail what laws be made or unmade here. Our ancestors would not consent, that women should dispose any thing though well it were their own, without the authority of their superiors: And therefore they were always directed by their fathers, their brethren, and their husbands. And we nevertheless (by god's leave) will suffer them to meddle with the rule of the common wealth, to myngell themselves with us in the open street, in the parliament, and in the Squittines. For what else do they now in the streets, and at the corners, but comfort, some to further the Tribunes purpose, and some other, that the law may be abrogate. Bridle (I say) this arrogant sex, and these untameable beasts. For if ye do not bridle them now, never look to bridle them. This is the lest thing, that offendeth the women of all the things, that by the customs or laws they are burdened, but they desire a liberty of all things, or rather to say the troth, a lasciviousness.  
For if they prevail in this, what will they not attempt? Consider all the laws that concern women, by the which our ancestors restrained their liberty, making them obedient to their husbands: and when you have all gathered, it is evident, ye can yet scarcely rule them. Wherefore if ye now suffer your wives to reprove laws, and thus by one and one to wrist them out of your hands, and at length to make themselves equal unto their husbands: think you than, ye shallbe able to support them? For when they are become your fellows: forthwith they will be your betters. By god, they not only refuse to be burdened with any new matter, but also requiring not the right they offer a wrong: that a law, which by due order hath been decreed, and with the use and experience of so many years allowed, should now be annulled: Meaning, with the abrogating of one law to weaken the rest. There is no law, that serveth to every man's profit: but this aught to be regarged, whether it be commodious for the greater part and generally. For if every man might repeal or condemn that part of the law, that privately annoyeth himself: what should it avail the number to make laws? when incontinently they, against whom it were made, might annul them. I would fain hear nevertheless, for what cause the matrons should roil forth so amazed, that scarcely they can forbear the high street, or the counsel house. Is it for the redemption of their fathers, their husbands, their children, or their brethren out of the hands of Annibal? There is no such cause why. And god defend our common wealth should be in any such necessity. And yet when it was so in deed, their piteous prayers were rejected. Perchance they will say: neither pity nor care for their own, but religion only hath drawn them together to receive the mother Idea of Pesinunte, coming out of Phrygia. O, what pretence or surmise may be devised to cloak the seditious assemble of these women? They may say, it is because we would glister in gold and purple, that we may ride in chariots through the city both worke-days and holidays, triumphing over the law now overcome and abrogate: and over your suffrages taken and wrested out of your hands: to the end our sumptuousness and excess be not restrained. You have heard me often complain of women's superfluous expenses, and many times of men's, not only of the private, but also of magistrates: and that this city is pestered with two sundry vices, Avarice and prodigality: which two pestilences have been the subversion of all great empires. For now the more that the good fortune of our common wealth daily increaseth, and that our Empire is enlarged, we being entered into Greece and Asia, countries replenished with all delicious things: and that also we begin to draw unto us the treasures of kings: the more do I fear, lest those things have rather taken us, than we them. These pictures and images brought hither from Siracusa, are dangerous unto this town. Yea I here divers men overmuch praise the ornaments of Corinth, and of Athens, making them as wonders, and laughing these earthen gods of the Romans to scorn. But I had rather we should stick to these our favourable gods, as I trust they will be, if we conserve them in their places. In our father's time king Pyrrhus, by his ambassador tempted not only the minds of men, but also of women, with presents, e● ever the law Oppia was made to prohibit their excess: and yet was there none that would receive them. And for what cause trow you? Even for the same cause that our ancestors had, not to think that ever any such law should need to be made. For there was than none excess that required it. Yea like as it is necessary, diseases be first known ere ever the remedies be had: So evil desires are syredde ere ever laws be made to reform them. What was the cause that the law Licinia for five hundred acres of land was made? 
Law Licinia.  Was it any other, but the unsatiable desire of men to join land unto land? And wherefore was the law Cincia, 
Law Cincia,  of gifts and presents ordained? but because the people than were become tributaries and vassals unto the Senators. It was no marvel, that neither the law Oppia, nor any other like was than made for the bridling of women's pomp, when gold and purple being freely given and offered, could not be received. Marry if Cineas, with those presents, should now go about the town, he should find them, that openly would receive them. And truly I can not imagen either the cause or the reason of some men's greediness. For like as the prohibiting of somewhat unto one, which to an other is permitted, seemeth to be grounded on some natural shamefastness, or uncomeliness: Even so, if all the apparel of you women were of one sort, whereof should any of you fear to be noted? Truly the shame either of avarice or of poverty is very great: but the law cleareth you of both, when you have not that, which is not lawful for you to wear. O, (saith the rich woman) I cannot away with this equality. Why should not I be decked with gold and purple? And why should other folks poverty be hid under the colour of this law? that wanting the things they can not have, it should seem they might have them, if it were not prohibited. But will you Romans put this in strife amongst your wives? that the rich shall have that, which other may not? And that the poor (because they would not therefore be contemned) shall strain themselves above their powers? For seus they begin to be ashamed of that that needeth not: at length they shall not be ashamed when they need. She that can provide of herself, may do it, but she that can not, must crave of her husband. And happy shall that husband be, that whether he be prayed or not prayed (if he give not) shall see that given by an other, that he hath not given himself. Even now ye see, they openly entreat other women's husbands, and more than that, they require the law and the voices: and through their importance do of some opteine grant, against himself, his goods and children. For as soon as the law quaileth from bridling thy wife's excess, look thou no longer to bridle her. Nor believe not (O, Romans) that ever the matter will return unto the estate it was in before the making of this law. For it were better, not to accuse an evil man, than to leave him unpunished. And this excess should have been more tolerable, if it had never been spoken of, than it will be now, if ye break these bands. Like unto the provoking of a fierce wild beast, being left go after he hath been chafed in hold. Wherefore mine opinion is, ye should in no wise abrogate the law Oppia. Not withstanding I beseech all the gods to prosper your determinations, what so ever they shallbe.  
After this, when the Tribunes of the people, that had professed also to interrupt this matter, had spoken somewhat to the same purpose, At the last Lucius Valerius, for the obtaining of the contrary (by him set forth before) spoke on this wise.   

The oration of Lucius Valerius against Catoes.  
IF private men only had taken in hand to persuade or dissuade that that we desire, I for my part, thinking there had been enough said on both sides, would with silence have abidden your judgements. But now that so grave a man, as the Consul Marcus Portius, not only with his authority (which though he had not spoken, had yet been of great importance) but also with a long exact and well handled oration hath impugned our request. I am constrained, with a few words to answer him, though he hath consumed more words in women's correction, than in dissuading our purpose, and all to the end, that he would bring in doubt, whether the thing by him reproved, proceeded of the women voluntarily, or by our procurement. Wherefore I shall defend the matter, but not ourselves: whom the Consul hath burdeyned more in words than in deed. He calleth this company of women, sometime a sedition, and sometime a rebellion: that the wives, in the time of a peaceable flourishing and fortunate common wealth, should openly desire the abrogation of a law, made against them in the terrible sharp time of wars. I know, that to aggravate the matter, both these and other such words are gathered. And we all know Marcus Cato to be, not only a grave orator, but also sometime very bitter: not withstanding that he is gentle of nature. But for all that, what novelty have these wives attempted in coming by companies abroad to pursue their own cause? Came they never abroad before? I will turn over thine own books of originals against thee, and see there, how often times they have done this, and all to the profit of the common wealth. And to begin, First when Romulus reigned, the Capitol being already taken by the Sabines, and they fighting with banners displayed in the midst of the high street: was not the battle stayed by the women's running between both armies? And after the expulsion of kings, when the army of the Volsci were encamped within five miles of this town, under the leading of Marcus Coriolanus, did not the women turn back that army, that else had destroyed this city? And when this town was taken by the french men, did not the matroves of their own free will, openly give the gold, wherewith the city was redeemed? Yea and (to pass over these antiquities) even in the last wars, when most need of money was, did not the widows relieve the Treasoury with their own money? And when the new gods were fet home to help us in our great need, went not the matrons to the sea side, to receive the mother of the gods? He will perchance say, the causes are not like. In deed I mean not to compare the causes together.  
For it sufficeth me to prove this no new thing. And where in things indifferently belonging as well to men as to women, no man hath wondered at their coming abroad: why do we now marvel, they should so do in a matter of their own? And what (I pray you) have they done? Helas we are very heard of hearing: if when masters disdain not to hear the requests of their slaves, we shall refuse to here our honest wives. But now to come to the matter, wherein the consuls oration tendeth unto two points. First, it shall be against his will, that any law should be abrogate: and specially, that a law, which concerneth the restreinct of women's excess, should be annulled. So that the first part of the consuls oration seemeth a common defence of all laws: and the other against superfluity, seemeth agreeable to his severe customs. Wherefore it I allege not the vanity that is in both these points, it were to be feared, jest some of you might be persuaded to an error. For like as I confess, that none of those laws, which were made, not of the necessity of a certain time, but for the perpetual profit to endure for ever, aught in no wise to be annihilate: unless it be such, as either experience condemneth, or some state of the common wealth declareth to be unprofitable. Even so do I see those laws that special time hath been the occasion of, to be mortal (if I may so call them) and mutable as times are. For those that are made in peace, the war many times doth break: and the peace likewise them that are made in war. As in guiding of a ship, the calm requireth one thing, and the storm an other. So that these things being of diverse natures, I would know, of whether kind think you this law to be, that we do abrogate? Is it one of those ancient kingly laws, made at the foundation of this town? Or (in the second degree) is it any of them, written in the . XII. tables by the . X. men, created to prescribe laws? without the which (because our ancestors thought the honour of women not possible to be conserved) we also should fear, that with the breaking hereof the shamefastness and holiness of our wives should perish? Who knoweth not this to be a new law, made . XX. year ago, in the time of Quintus Fabius and Titus Sempronius consuls, without the which the matrons, having lived so many years with excellent customs: why should it be feared, upon the taking away of this law, that they should fall to so disordinate expenses? In deed, if this law had been made to bridle the excess of women, it might be suspected, that the breach of it might revoke their lasciviousenesse. But why it was made, the time itself doth well declare. Annibal in Italy had won the battle at Cannas, and having gotten Tarentum, Arpos, and Capua, it seemed he was coming with his army to Rome, Our subjects rebelled. There were no soldiers to furnish the army. None to defend the navy. No money in the Treasoury. The slaves were bought to arm the galeis, on condition their masters should be paid for them after the war. At the self same time, corn, and all other things, that the war required, being lacking, the publicans undertook the provision. We paid out galley slaves of our own purses, every man after the rate of his taxyn● we gave all our gold and silver to the public, the Senators being the first that began so to do. The widows and orphans brought their money to the Treasoury, and a certain proportion was prescribed: above the rate whereof, no person might keep in his house, gold or silver, or any coined money of silver or brass. It is much like, that the matrons should be than so decked with ornaments and excess, that the law Oppia was necessary to bridle them. When (the sacrifice of Ceres being deferred, and the matrons all occupied in mourning) the Senators commanded them to cease their doule, within XXX. days. Who knoweth not, that because it was requisite, all the private money should be converted to the public use, that the very poverty and misery of the city hath written this law to continued so long as the cause, wherefore it was made, should endure? For it those things should be observed for ever, that by the Senate was decreed, are by the people commanded through the necessity of that time: why do we repay money to private men? why do we pledge our public revenues for present money? why do we not buy slaves to send into the wars? why do not we that be private, find galley men, as we did then? All other degrees, and all men do feel the amendment of our estate: our wives only shall not attain the fruit of our public peace and prosperity? we men wear purple embroidered, being magistrates and priests: and our sons like wise wear gowns of purple guarded: the like whereof is permitted unto the magistrates of our Colonies, and to our burgesses enfraunchesed: as here in Rome the basest sort of magistrates, even the street masters, have their gowns guarded. and not the quick only have this pre-eminence, but the dead also may be burnt in purple: and shall we keep the use thereof only from our wives? And being lawful for the that art a man, to have purple in the covering of thy bed: wilt thou not suffer the mother of thy house to wear a garment thereof? Shall thy horse be better appareled than thy wife? Marry in purple, which weareth and will consume, (though not rightful) yet I see some cause of sparing: but in gold, wherein beside the workmanship, can be no loss, what evil can there be? But rather a store beneficial, as well to the public as to the private behoof, proved by experience? He saith, that when the women have it not, there can be no private envy between them. But truly they are all in sorrow and displeasure, to see those ornaments permitted unto the wives of our subjects the latins, which are prohibited unto our own: and seeing those decked with gold and purple, ride about the town, and themselves follow a foot, as though the empire were in their cities, and not in ours. Such things are enough to star men's hearts: and what trow you than it will do unto simple women, which will be moved with a little? They have no part, neither in magistrates, nor in priesthood, nor in triumphs, nor in arms, nor in gifts, nor in the spoils of war. The only glory of women is their cleanliness, their ornaments and apparel: wherein they rejoice and triumph. Which things our ancestors called the women's world. And what other thing can they leave of when they mourn, but purple and gold? Or when they leave mourning▪ what else can they take again? In the time of rejoicing, or of supplications, what can they add but their better apparel? what though the law Oppia were abrogate, should it no more be in your powers, to forbid your daughters, your wives, your sisters, and as many as be under your rule, the things that the law now forbiddeth? The women will never think themselves rid out of servitude, as long as ye keep their dearest things from them. And they abhor that liberty, that is like unto widowhood, or the death of their parents or children. They had rather the rule of their apparel were in your power, than in the laws. And you aught to have them in your protection and defence, and not in servitude▪ that ye might rather be called fathers or husbands, than masters. The Consul even now used grievous terms, calling this the women's sedition and rebellion: as though it were to be feared, they should take the holy hill or the Aventine upon them, as the obstinate people sometime did. Nevertheless, what so ever ye shall determine: they simple souls must abide it. Wherefore the greater your power is, so much the more temperately aught ye to use it. ¶ These things being spoken both with and against the law: the next day the numbers of women increased abroad, and all in a flock beset the doors of the Brutij, which were the Tribunes, that resisted the purpose of their Colleagues: and would not departed thence, till these Tribunes relented unto them. Whereupon there rested no more doubt, but that all the Tribes would abrogate the law. So that . XX. years after it was made, it was annulled.    

A table of such words as the reder smally skilled, shall not well perceive.  
Asses', cometh of as, assis, a small coin among the Romans ten of them did countrevayle our sterling groat. five thousand amounteth to viii. li. vi. s. viii. d. sterling.  
Aventinus, an hill at Rome.  
Bank, is the place of exchange, or taking of money upon interest.  
Capitol, was the fortress and chief place of Rome, where the Senate assembled in council.  
consuls, were two chief officers of the city of Rome, which were chosen every year, and bore highest authority in the common wealth.  
Censor, a judge of men's manners. Also such one as was appointed to value men's goods.  
Colonies were certain numbers of people sent out of Rome to inhabit the countries conquered by them.  
Curules, were little carts or dreys, having in them chairs of ivory, wherein there sat certain officers, which had the charge and oversight of the buildyndynges in Rome: sometime it is used for the same officers.  
Holy hill, when the people rebelled against their rulers, they took those places for their strength: and kept them till they had their wills.  
Idea, the mother of the gods.  
Mercenarii, hired soldiers.  
Matrons, were the citizens wives of Rome.  
Martius Coriolanus, a noble Roman, who being unkindly exiled out of his country, provoked a people called Volsci to war against them: and would by no mean be pacified: but by the only entreaty of his mother, that made him retire from his enterprise.  
Praetor, in the old time was every officer, that had the rule of any army. Afterwards he that had judicial authority, as it were the chief judge, and had other judges sitting under him.  
Phrygia, a realm in Asia the less.  
Pyrrhus, a king of Epire, that made war to the Romans.  
Publicans, were certain farmers that took the customs and other public revenues in fee firm.  
Public, is as much to say, as the common.  
Punic wars, were the wars between the Carthaginenses and the Romans.  
Siracusa, a notable city in Sicilia, called at this day Sarragose.  
Sabines were a people dwelling near Rom● 〈…〉 ●ynes (hauys● 〈…〉) ravished, for enci● 〈…〉 ition.  
Suffrages, the 〈…〉 ●●sembled, in giving their ●sent.  
Tribunes, were certain officers ordained as proctors for the common people to maintain the people's liberty.  
Tribunicial sedition, sedition stirred up by the Tribunes in the behalf of the people.  
Tribe, a ward, a part of the people, sometime divided in three parts.  
Volsci, were a people of Italy, enemies to the Romans.  
FINIS TABULAE.   

IMPRINTED AT London in Fleetstreet, in the house of Thomas Birthelet.  
Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum.   


 
〈…〉 ●●●●erunt omia verba oris tui·  
Et cantent in viis dni; qmm magna est gła dni·  
Qm excelsus dns & humilia respicit; & alta a long cognoscit.  
Si ambulavero in medio tribulationis vivificabis me; & super iram inimicorum meorum extendisti manum tuam· & saluum me fecit dextera tua.  
Dns ibuet ret ꝓ me; dne miscd̔ia tua in s●●m opera manuum tuarum ne despicias.   

Dne ꝓbasti me & cognovisti me; tu cognovisti sessionem meam & resurrectionem 〈◊〉  
Intellexisti cogitationes meas de long; semitam meam & funiculum meum investigasti▪  
Et omes vias meas previdesti▪ quia non est sermo 〈…〉  
〈…〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex me; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & non potero ad eam.  
Quo ibo a spntu tuo? & quo a facie tuo fug●●●  
Si ascendero in celum tu illic es; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●fernum ades·  
Si sumpsero pennas meas dilucolo; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in extremis maris·